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 ELEVENTH
EDITION

DEVIANT BEHAVIOR

Deviant Behavior provides a comprehensive study of the behavior, beliefs, conditions, and reactions to
deviance, giving students a better understanding of this phenomenon. Deviance is discussed from the
sociological perspectives of positivism and constructionism. Readers will grasp the reason behind
deviant behavior through the positivist perspective and why certain actions, beliefs, and physical char-
acteristics are condemned through the constructionist perspective.

New to this edition:

• Two chapters on crime make clearer distinctions between criminalization of behavior versus crim-
inal behavior itself.
• More discussion of the relativity of deviance, including how murder is socially and legally constructed.
• The notion that conspiracy theory is a form of cognitive deviance is expanded.
• Discussion that furthers the difference between labeling theory and constructionism.
• Section on environmental pollution with reference to “green criminology.”
• Section added on deviance and harm.
• An extensive, author-created instructor’s manual offering lesson plans, teaching tips, student
activities, film suggestions, web links, study questions, and more. Instructors may access this by
clicking the “Instructor Resources” tab on the book’s Routledge page at https://www.routledge.com/
products/9781138191907.

Erich Goode is Sociology Professor Emeritus at Stony Brook University; he has taught at half-dozen
universities and is the author of eleven books. During his career, he received a Guggenheim Fellowship,
the Lady Davis Teaching Fellowship, the President’s Award for Excellence in Teaching, and the SUNY-
wide Chancellor’s Award for Excellence in Teaching. Goode is married and lives in New York City.
This page intentionally left bank
 ELEVENTH
EDITION

DEVIANT BEHAVIOR

ERICH GOODE
Eleventh edition published 2016
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2016 Taylor & Francis
The right of Erich Goode to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
First edition published 1978 by Prentice-Hall
Tenth edition published 2015 by Pearson
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Goode, Erich, author.
Title: Deviant behavior / Erich Goode, Stony Brook University.
Description: Eleventh Edition. | New York: Routledge-Taylor and
Francis, 2016. | Revised edition of the author’s Deviant behavior,
2014. | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015043569 | ISBN 9781138656024 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781138191907 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781315643632 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Deviant behavior. | Criminal behavior.
Classification: LCC HM811 .G66 2016 | DDC 302.5/42—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015043569

ISBN: 978-1-138-65602-4 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-19190-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-64363-2 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

by Florence Production Ltd, Stoodleigh, Devon, UK
 To Barbara,
my lovely and loving wife,
without whom
This page intentionally left bank
 Brief Contents
PREFACE xv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xvii

CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE 1

CHAPTER 2 EXPLAINING DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 27
CHAPTER 3 CONSTRUCTING DEVIANCE 57
CHAPTER 4 POVERTY AND DISREPUTE 84
CHAPTER 5 CRIME AND CRIMINALIZATION 111
CHAPTER 6 CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR 138
CHAPTER 7 WHITE COLLAR AND CORPORATE CRIME 168
CHAPTER 8 SUBSTANCE ABUSE 195
CHAPTER 9 SEXUAL DEVIANCE 227
CHAPTER 10 UNCONVENTIONAL BELIEFS 253
CHAPTER 11 MENTAL DISORDER 282
CHAPTER 12 DEVIANT PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 313
CHAPTER 13 TRIBAL STIGMA: RACE, RELIGION, AND
ETHNICITY 341
CHAPTER 14 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS 366

REFERENCES 378
AUTHOR INDEX 394
SUBJECT INDEX 401
This page intentionally left bank
 Contents
PREFACE xv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xvii

CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE 1

Deviance: What Is It? 2
Deviance in Everyday Life 4
Deviance as Non-Pejorative 5
Societal and Situational Deviance 6
The Relativity of Deviance 8
TABLE 1.1: Changes in Public Opinion over Time, United States 11
TABLE 1.2: Cross-National Designations of Deviance 11
The ABCs of Deviance 12
Deviant Attitudes and Beliefs 12
Physical Characteristics 14
Tribal Stigma: Race, Religion, and Ethnicity 15
Deviance: Positivism versus Constructionism 16
What about Deviance and Harm? 18
Summary 19
ACCOUNT: My Life’s Ups and Downs 22

CHAPTER 2 EXPLAINING DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 27

Positivism 29
Deviant Behavior: Why Do They Do It? 32
Biological Theories of Crime and Deviance 33
Free Will, Rational Choice, and Routine Activity Theory 35
Social Disorganization: The Chicago School 37
Anomie and Strain Theory 38
Differential Association and Learning Theory 43
Social Control Theory 45
Self-Control Theory 46
Summary 49
ACCOUNT: A Former Homeless Man Speaks Out 51
x CONTENTS

CHAPTER 3 CONSTRUCTING DEVIANCE 57

Deviance and Social Control 60
Formal and Informal Social Control 62
Perspectives that Focus on Defining Deviance 63
Labeling or Interactionist Theory 64
Conflict Theory 70
Feminism 73
Controlology 75
Summary 78
ACCOUNT: Victimization and Abuse 79

CHAPTER 4 POVERTY AND DISREPUTE 84

Poverty: A Form of Deviance or a Cause? 86
Perspectives on Poverty and Stigma 90
Poverty in the United States 94
Unemployment 98
Welfare 99
The Indignity of Begging 100
Homelessness 101
What about Disease? 103
Race and Poverty 106
Summary 108
ACCOUNT: Being Poor in Appalachia 109

CHAPTER 5 CRIME AND CRIMINALIZATION 111

The Social Construction of Murder 112
Crime and Deviance: A Conceptual Distinction 114
Common Law and Statutory Law 115
Positivism versus Constructionism 117
Mass Incarceration? 119
TABLE 5.1: Inmates in Jails and Prisons, 1940–2013 120
Race and the Criminal Justice System 121
TABLE 5.2: Stop-and-Frisk by Race, New York City, 2002–2015 124
The Arrest–Incarceration Gap 124
Missing Black Men? 125
Banishing the Deviant from Public Life 126
Disparities in Sentencing 130
 CONTENTS xi

Summary 132
ACCOUNT: My Life In and Out of Prison 134

CHAPTER 6 CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR 138

The Uniform Crime Reports 139
TABLE 6.1: The FBI’s Index Crimes (UCR), 1992–2014 142
The National Crime Victimization Survey 142
TABLE 6.2: Crime Victimization Rates, NCVS, 1992, 2002,
and 2013 (per 1,000) for Population Age 12 and Older 144
The End of the Crime Decline? 144
The Criminologist Looks at Murder 145
Forcible Rape 153
Property Crime 158
Shoplifting and Employee Theft 160
Summary 162
ACCOUNT: A Murder Victim’s Brother Speaks 164

CHAPTER 7 WHITE COLLAR AND CORPORATE CRIME 168

Individual versus Structural Deviance 172
The Discovery of White Collar Crime 175
White Collar and Corporate Crime 178
Corporate Crime: Correlative Features 181
Four Examples of Corporate Deviance 185
Environmental Pollution 186
Summary 188
ACCOUNT: Conspiracy to Defraud the IRS 189

CHAPTER 8 SUBSTANCE ABUSE 195

Rates of Use: NSDUH and MTF 196
TABLE 8.1: Drug Use, Driving while Drinking, and Number of
Heroin Users, Persons Age 12 and Older, 2002 and 2014 197
TABLE 8.2: Drug Use, Past 30 Days, 1991, 2001, 2014 200
A Classification of Drugs and Drug Effects 200
Alcohol Consumption: An Introduction 202
Acute Effects of Alcohol 204
Alcohol Abuse and Risky, Deviant Behaviors 205
Alcohol Abuse and Sexual Victimization 208
xii CONTENTS

Accompaniments of Drug Abuse: ADAM and DAWN 210

TABLE 8.3: Arrestees Urine-Testing Positive for Drugs, Percentage,
Median City Figures, 2013, ADAM-II 211
TABLE 8.4: ADAM, Adult Male Arrestees, Median City Figures, 2010 211
TABLE 8.5: Drug-Related ED Visits, DAWN, 2011 212
TABLE 8.6: NSDUH and Drug-Related ED Visits Ratios, United States
Population, Age 12 and Older, 2011 212
Marijuana Use as Deviance and Crime 214
Summary 217
ACCOUNT: An Executive’s Substance Abuse 220

CHAPTER 9 SEXUAL DEVIANCE 227

Positivism versus Constructionism 229
Sex Surveys: An Introduction 231
The Kinsey Reports, 1940s–1950s 232
The Sex in America Survey, 1990s 234
The General Social Surveys, 1972–2012 236
Gay Sex: Departing from Deviance 238
Adultery 244
Gender: The Crucial Ingredient 246
Summary 247
ACCOUNT: Faculty–Student Sex 249

CHAPTER 10 UNCONVENTIONAL BELIEFS 253

The Social Functions of Belief Systems 258
Religious Sects and Cults 261
Creationism, Intelligent Design, and Evolution 264
Conspiracy Theories 269
Paranormal Beliefs as Deviant 272
Summary 275
ACCOUNTS: A Potpourri of Scientifically Deviant Beliefs 277

CHAPTER 11 MENTAL DISORDER 282

What Is Mental Disorder? 283
Essentialism Approaches Mental Disorder 285
Thought versus Mood Disorders 287
Constructionism 288
 CONTENTS xiii

Labeling Theory 290

The Modified Labeling Approach 292
On Being Sane in Insane Places 293
The Epidemiology of Mental Disorder 295
Chemical Treatment of Mental Disorder 299
Deinstitutionalization 301
Mental Disorder as Deviance: An Overview 302
Intellectual Developmental Disorder 303
Autism Spectrum Disorder 305
Summary 307
ACCOUNT: On Being a Paranoid Schizophrenic 309

CHAPTER 12 DEVIANT PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 313

Abominations of the Body 317
Physical Disability 319
Looksism: Violations of Aesthetic Standards 321
Extreme Body Modification 324
Obesity 326
Disability and Tertiary Deviance 332
Summary 333
ACCOUNT: A Tattoo Collector Gets Inked 335

CHAPTER 13 TRIBAL STIGMA: RACE, RELIGION, AND ETHNICITY 341

Racism and Stigma: An Overview 343
Racism and Discrimination 347
TABLE 13.1: Attitudes toward Intermarriage, 1958–2011 352
Islamophobia 352
Anti-Semitism 356
Summary 361
ACCOUNT: Growing Up Colored in the South 362

CHAPTER 14 CONCLUDING THOUGHTS 366

ACCOUNT: Reflections on Studying BDSM 375

REFERENCES 378
AUTHOR INDEX 394
SUBJECT INDEX 401
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 Preface
A NEW ERA? captured the distinction between criminalization
and crime by discussing, in Chapter 5, how murder
Racial polarization. Growing economic inequality. is conceptualized, and, in Chapter 6, how the crim-
Deeply entrenched poverty. New methods of com- inologist draws empirical conclusions about mur-
mitting corporate malfeasances. New and unique der. Is environmental pollution a form of deviance?
cutting-edge drugs that get the user higher faster. Is it a crime? Does it belong in a deviance textbook?
More homeless former mental patients roaming the The issue in turn connects with the newly emerging
streets. Internet sites that promise all manner of field of “green criminology.”
sexual services and thrills. A rise in the crime rate, Conceptually and theoretically, I’ve also distin-
previously down to record-low levels. Conspiracy guished more clearly labeling theory and construc-
theories about where an African American presi- tionism—two approaches that some observers
dent was born. have confused. All too often critics have inter-
Where is this society going? What are we doing? preted constructionism to imply that a particular
Are we entering a new age of deviance and crime? real-world problem, such as murder, is “only” a
Does the study of deviance demand a broader construction, which is completely false; murder is
scope, a more far-reaching vision? both, as I’ve emphasized. To illustrate that truth,
I have included in Chapter 6 the account, “A
Murder Victim’s Brother Speaks.” Moreover, along
NEW TO THIS EDITION these lines, I’ve added a section on whether and
to what extent deviance should be defined by the
I’ve enjoyed revising Deviant Behavior for Rout- harm that some actions inflict upon others, whose
ledge, the book’s new publisher, because many advocates use this position as a critique—in my
ongoing events have virtually cried out for an view, naïve and misguided—of the social construc-
update. In addition to updating this edition with tion of reality. Appropriately, I’ve added a section
contemporary facts and figures and discussions of on deviance and harm. Further, I’ve expanded the
recent publications and developments, here are a argument that believing in certain kinds of
few of the changes I’ve made and new issues I’ve conspiracy theory represents a form of cognitive
raised. deviance.
Several readers suggested that I devote more Some readers felt that in the previous edition I
discussion to the subject of race and the criminal devoted too much space to substance abuse, so I’ve
justice system, and so I have. These discussions trimmed the material in the previous edition’s
include sections on mass incarceration, stop and Chapters 7 and 8, merging them into the new
frisk, disparities in sentencing, the black versus Chapter 8 of this edition. Both researchers and
white arrest–incarceration ratio disparity, and the informed observers have suggested new approaches
question of missing black men—which itself raises to several of our topics—for instance, on schizo-
disturbing implications for the African American phrenia, on race, and on racism, and I have accom-
family. I’ve expanded my discussions of crime and modated their ideas in this edition. More than half
criminalization into two chapters; among other of the personal accounts following the chapters
crucial issues, I’ve made the distinction between are new. A few include “Faculty–Student Sex,”
the criminalization of behavior and specific forms “A Formerly Homeless Man Speaks out,” “Victim-
of criminal behavior, what criminologists have ization and Abuse,” “A Tattoo Collector Gets
referred to as “criminal behavior systems.” I’ve Inked,” “An Executive’s Substance Abuse,” and
xvi PREFACE

“Reflections on Studying BDSM,” the last of these, another, as well as, quite often, clashing with one’s
an essay written by a sociologist studying sado- own point of view. How can we possibly empathize
masochistic sex. In the discussion on tribal stigma, with people who inflict serious harm on human-
or the deviance of race, ethnicity, and religion, I’ve kind? The task is daunting. Rule-violators are not
added a section on genocide. I’ve deleted several always offbeat, good-guy rebels, and mavericks;
sections throughout that were probably redundant sometimes, they are abusers, exploiters, murderers,
and excessive. and true villains—whether corporate, govern-
New to this edition is an extensive, author- mental, or individual. But empathy can help us
created instructor’s manual offering lesson plans, understand them, what they do, and perhaps the
teaching tips, student activities, film suggestions, harm they inflict, if they do. Usually they don’t,
web links, study questions, and more. Instruc- though empathy helps either way. At the same
tors may access this by clicking the “Instructor time, I try to avoid the eerily detached attitude of
Resources” tab on the book’s Routledge page at: superiority that some social scientists adopt; these
https://www.routledge.com/products/9781138 sociological observers shall remain nameless.
191907. It almost goes without saying that what I pre-
sent here is a sociological perspective on deviance.
I am not a psychologist, I am not a neurologist,
ONGOING POSITIONS and what happens in the brain is a domain that
stretches continents away from my geography of
The sociology of deviance demands empathy. Soci- competence. Other disciplines define the term I
ologists should live inside the skin of their subjects, use in entirely different ways and marshal different
informants, audiences, and interviewees, so that mechanisms to explain how the human organism
they can see the world through their eyes and engages in activities that fall under their definition.
emotionally experience life the way they live it. Theirs may be more fundamental, more primal,
This is difficult and gut-wrenching, involving, as it but my domain is more out in the open; it’s there,
does, taking the role of the other with a diversity it’s what I study and write about, and it’s what I
of actors whose perspectives often contradict one know.
 Acknowledgments
For earlier editions of this text, I discharged debts To Nachman Ben-Yehuda, whose companion-
of gratitude to multiple friends, relatives, col- ship and fruitful association, collaboration, and
leagues, students, collaborators on various projects, sage advice I have long treasured; to the memory
interviewees and respondents, and critics. I’d also of my dad, William J. Goode, who died too soon—
like to reiterate my gratitude to two Prentice- Si, I thought you’d live to celebrate your 100th
Hall editors, one, Ed Stanford, who got the orig- birthday! To Dean Birkenkamp, sociology editor at
inal book project rolling, and the second, Nancy Routledge, whose persistence, patience, and faith
Roberts, who kept it going. Naturally, I wish to in me and in this project kept me at my computer.
express my enormous thanks to the brave folks who And to Amanda Yee, Dean’s assistant, I likewise
contributed the accounts that appear after each express gratitude. I’ve mentioned numerous others
chapter, some from past editions, others for this in the acknowledgments of the previous editions of
one. These human-interest stories impart a veri- this book and so I stop, because a complete list
similitude to the book that perhaps the expository would become far too long and cumbersome far too
paragraphs and statistics lack. I am humbled by quickly.
the honesty of these authors and interviewees. In My wife, Barbara. I’m grateful to her. My tower,
previous editions, most of these account-givers my flywheel. My love. She’s the main influence in
were pleased to read their narratives in print, but a my life.
small handful recoiled when they encountered their I have borrowed several phrases, sentences,
supposed sins and drawbacks self-chronicled and paragraphs, and even pages from a couple of my
concentrated into a few pages. I apologize to the published articles, principally those that discuss the
latter category, but this is what this book is about fanciful “death of deviance” notion. I gratefully
—deeds, beliefs, and conditions that some of us acknowledge my use of this material.
regard as wrongful. There’s no getting around that
fact, except to be truthful and sagacious about such Erich Goode
matters; context and perspective are crucial here. Greenwich Village, New York
This page intentionally left bank
 C H A P T E R

1
An Introduction to Deviance

Source: © Tim Gerard Barker/Getty Images

E LIVE, it would appear, in troubled—and crouch in an alleyway, suck on and then pass
W troubling—times. Lots of people around the
world engage in behavior that doesn’t seem right.
around a glass pipe and stare dreamily into space.
Mental hospitals everywhere release disordered
In as many cities across the United States, police patients onto the street, unsupervised, unmedicated,
gun down a dozen unarmed African American and unhoused, where they sleep, or beg from,
suspects on the street in blatant violation of accept- jabber to, or scream at passers-by. The collapse of
able tactical protocol. In Baltimore, four teenagers the subprime housing market vaporizes billions

1
2 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE

of dollars and leaves hundreds of thousands of different norms? How large do such social circles
families deep in debt and troubled about their or audiences have to be? How many audiences
lives and their futures. Chemical company execu- need to disapprove of normative violations for them
tives bribe politicians to allow them to dump toxic to qualify as deviance? And likewise, how serious
waste in rivers, streams, and lakes. Somewhere are these deviations or violations? These intriguing
in cyberspace there’s a “dark net” where purveyors questions raise a host of conceptual, intellectual,
sell illicit goods and services to customers seeking and theoretical issues. All of the behaviors des-
them out—murder for hire, child pornography, cribed in the introductory paragraph of this chapter
drugs, forged passports, counterfeit drivers’ licen- would encounter disapproval from some members
ses, stolen credit cards, untraceable and unlicensed of the society, but not all. Disapproval comes, not
semiautomatic weapons, a forum for dissidents in from everyone in a society, but from members of
authoritarian regimes to voice their political griev- certain circles of collectivities—groups of people.
ances, and even computer viruses (Bartlett, 2014; Sociologists of deviance call these groups “audi-
Halpern, 2015). ences,” because they constitute collectivities that
“From there to here, from here to there, funny decide whether certain acts are wrongful and ex-
things are everywhere,” says Dr. Seuss in the press approval, disapproval, or neutrality about the
opening line of One Fish Two Fish Blue Fish Red actors’ moral character.
Fish—and we can only agree. Except that many of Here’s a telling example. In October 2015, the
these things are not very amusing; in fact, they are Democratic and Republican candidates for the 2016
tragic. election engaged in debates about America’s prob-
What I intend to do in this book, insofar as such lems as well as their solutions. In their one debate,
a thing is possible, is to put these and similar—and the Democratic candidates characterized climate
some very different—events and developments into change, police shootings of African Americans,
focus. How people—and, hence, sociologists— and a failing criminal justice system as the most
conceptualize deviance is a recurrent theme that important issues for society that were in need of
runs throughout this volume, and we may encounter repair. The Republicans held two debates; they
some surprises along the way. What we’re inter- featured abortion, illegal immigration, high taxes,
ested in is the what, who, how, where, and when— the regulation of business, and free-spending
that is, the structure and dynamics—of whatever is government social welfare programs as the central
likely to elicit condemnation. But what counts in problems of the day, all of which contribute to the
the deviance equation is not what each individual “rotting” of “America’s moral core” (Healy, 2015,
observer, including the student—and also including p. A1). In other words, the leaders of the two parties
the individual sociologist—feels is really, truly disagree about what’s wrong with American
right or wrong. It is something altogether different. society and what constitutes wrongful behavior;
each side defines deviance in very different ways.
All societies on Earth are comprised of social
DEVIANCE: WHAT IS IT? circles, groups of people, or scattered individuals,
whose members judge and evaluate what they see
Marshall Clinard’s classic textbook defined and hear about. When they encounter or hear about
deviance as “deviations from social norms which behavior, expressed beliefs, and even physical traits
encounter disapproval” (1957, p. vii)—a standard or characteristics that should be considered offen-
and widely adopted definition that seems entirely sive, improper, unseemly, or inappropriate, there’s
sensible, although limited. Still, I’d like to qualify, a likelihood that they will punish, denounce, or
shade, and complicate matters a bit. Who defines humiliate the violator. In a similar fashion, if the
or promulgates these social norms? How widely behavior in question is illegal, law enforcement
held are they? How much disapproval do these may step in and make an arrest. But does it always?
deviations elicit? Are they sanctioned by the society In other words, all societies exercise some forms of
at large—or do different, diverse, and scattered social control. If social control is never exercised,
audiences, different social circles, sanction societies almost inevitably collapse into chaos and
 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE 3

anarchy. But this formulation leaves some issues condemnatory or scornful reactions, no quality all
unresolved. When members of audiences observe deviancies possess—and, hence, no categorical or
something of which they disapprove, when and generic “cause” of deviance. The defining charac-
under what circumstances do they express disap- teristic of deviance for most sociologists is not
proval? Much of the time, people ignore untoward harm, injury, wrong, pathology, sin, or abusiveness;
behavior, the expression of wayward beliefs, and these qualities or attributes are socially constructed
unconventional physical characteristics. How does and attributed, and, however they are defined, what
all this behavior, this action and interaction—and is considered deviant varies independently of them.
inaction—come about? Even if we see something Under certain circumstances, powerful people
we regard as wrong, we sometimes intervene and can get away with doing things that others—less
sometimes ignore it. Why? What’s the pattern here? powerful people—find offensive. The less powerful
Under what circumstances do we do the one, or the parties may be afraid to react in a way that ex-
other? Here, I address these issues; they are central presses how they feel, so they may express these
to the sociology of deviance. feelings in different contexts, under other circum-
Sociologists define deviance as behavior, stances. Perhaps they’ll tell a friend, a teacher, or
beliefs, and characteristics that violate society’s, or a relative about it; perhaps they’ll wait for the
a collectivity’s, norms, the violation of which tends appropriate time and place to react. Or perhaps they
to attract negative reactions from audiences. Such simply sublimate their reactions and feel resentful
negative reactions include contempt, punishment, and lash out at someone else. All sociological
hostility, condemnation, criticism, denigration, generalizations apply other things being equal;
condescension, stigma, pity, and/or scorn. Perhaps power, like audiences, qualifies or contextualizes
the most common reaction to someone doing or sociological definitions of deviance.
saying something or looking a certain way is the What’s deviant is a definition, not a theory. It
withdrawal of sociability—walking away from the defines what the sociological conceptualization of
person in question. But how strong does the nega- deviance is; it does not formulate a cause-and-
tive reaction have to be to allow the sociologist effect explanation for why people behave the way
to view the action, attitude, or trait as “deviant”? they do, believe what they do, or are the way they
The short answer is: It doesn’t matter; deviance are—or react the way they do. These are separate
is a matter of degree. The stronger the negative matters. Why people do what they do, and why
reaction and the greater the number of audiences members of certain audiences react the way they
that react this way—and the more sizable and influ- do, and what conditions influence them to react one
ential the audiences are—the more likely it is that way rather than another, all demand an explanation.
the violator will attract negative reactions or The same behavior, beliefs, and conditions elicit
labeling, and the more certain sociologists feel that diverse reactions, depending on the audience.
they have an instance of deviance on their hands. But this diversity is not without boundaries. Social
Not all members of a given audience will react in and cultural constraints and conditions place limi-
the same way; usually—even within a specific tations on what’s considered deviant. Nowhere is
society or social circle—reactions to normative an unprovoked killing of the members of one’s
violations vary. own band, tribe, family, group, kin, or intimate unit
Sociologists don’t necessarily agree with a considered acceptable or praiseworthy; certain
given negative assessment, or react in such nega- physical conditions are considered so hideous
tive ways—they don’t always think that the violator that in no society are they beauty features. In other
ought to be chastised or punished—but, as sociol- words, there are limits to relativity, limits as to
ogists, it’s their obligation to notice that certain the ways in which cultures or subcultures con-
audiences do react negatively. Sociologists study struct notions of good and bad, beautiful and ugly,
such reactions, because these social exchanges acceptable and unacceptable, righteous and wrong-
define or constitute deviance. There is no essence ful, moral and immoral. But the limits are broad,
to deviance, no hard, concrete reality that we can and, for the most, relativity in these judgments
put our hands on that exists independent of such prevails.
4 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE

DEVIANCE IN EVERYDAY LIFE often, the whites sit together in their own area,
and African Americans in theirs. Jocks and drug-
Just about everyone has done something that gies, brains and preppies, Greeks, geeks, hippies—
someone else frowns upon; just about everyone the number of ways that what we believe, or do, or
believes something that certain others view as are, is judged negatively by some others is almost
immoral or wrongful, holds attitudes of which infinite.
somebody disapproves, or possesses physical or There are four necessary ingredients for devi-
ethnic characteristics that touch off disdain or ance to take place or exist: one, a rule or norm; two,
hostility or denigration in this, that, or some other, someone who violates (or is thought to violate) that
social circle, “audience,” or person. Perhaps at least norm; three, an “audience,” a person or collec-
once, we’ve stolen something, or told a lie, or tivity who judges behavior, beliefs, or traits to be
gossiped about another person in an especially wrongful; and four, the likelihood of a negative
unflattering manner. Maybe more than once we’ve reaction—criticism, condemnation, censure, stigma,
gotten drunk, or high, or driven too fast, or reck- disapproval, punishment, and the like—by the
lessly, or gone through a red light without bothering members of at least one of those audiences. To
to stop. Have we ever worn clothes someone else qualify as deviance, it isn’t even necessary to vio-
thought were out of style, offensive, or ugly? Have late a norm that’s serious, such as the Ten Com-
we ever belched at the dinner table, broken wind, mandments. Norms are everywhere, and they vary
or picked our nose in public? Have we ever cut in seriousness, and different social circles believe
class or failed to read an assignment? Do we like in and profess different norms. In other words,
a television program someone else finds stupid and “deviance” is a matter of degree, a continuum or a
boring? Didn’t we once date someone our parents spectrum, from trivial to extremely serious, and it
and friends didn’t like? Maybe our religious beliefs is relative as to audience. “I’ve never done anything
and practices don’t agree with those of the members seriously wrong,” we might tell ourselves. “There’s
of another theological group, organization, sect, or nothing deviant about me!” we add. But “wrong”
denomination. Perhaps politically we’re a liberal, according to whose standards? And “deviant” in
or a conservative, or somewhere in the middle— what sense? And to what degree? Chances are we
someone doesn’t approve of those views. At some think our political position is reasonable; many of
point, didn’t we put on a little too much weight? our fellow citizens will disagree, finding our poli-
All of us make judgments about the behavior, tics foolish and wrong-headed. Our friends are
beliefs, appearance, or characteristics of others. All probably in synch with us with respect to lifestyle
of us evaluate others, although in variable ways. and taste in clothing, but, unbeknownst to us,
Societies everywhere formulate and enforce rules behind our backs, there are others who make fun
or norms governing what we may and may not do, of us because of the way we dress and act. We prob-
how we should and shouldn’t think, believe, and ably feel our religious beliefs are sound, even right-
say, even how we should and shouldn’t look. Those eous, but we might be surprised by how many
norms are so detailed and complex, and so depen- others don’t. The point is, nearly everything about
dent on the views of different “audiences” or social every one of us—both the reader and the author of
circles of evaluators, that certain things that others this book included—is a potential source of criti-
do, believe, and are, are looked on negatively by cism, condemnation, or censure, in some social
someone—in all likelihood, by lots of other people. circles, from the point of view of some observers.
Believers in God look down on atheists; atheists Deviance is not a simple quality resting with a
think believers in God are misguided and mistaken. given action, belief, or trait inherent in, intrinsic to,
Fundamentalist Christians oppose the beliefs of or indwelling within them. Hardly any act, for
fundamentalist Muslims, and vice versa. Liberals example, is regarded as deviant everywhere and at
disapprove of and oppose the views of conserva- all times (though some acts are more widely
tives; to conservatives, the feeling is mutual. Many condemned than others are). What makes a given
college campuses are divided into mutually exclu- act deviant is the way it is seen, regarded, judged,
sive ethnic and racial enclaves; in student unions, evaluated, and the way that others—audiences—
 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE 5

treat the person who engages in that act. Deviance DEVIANCE AS NON-PEJORATIVE
is that which is considered wrongful by specific
audiences, within certain social settings, and is When sociologists say that something is deviant
reacted to negatively, in a socially rejecting or crit- within a certain social circle or society, does that
ical fashion. Acts, beliefs, and traits are deviant mean that they agree that it should be condemned?
to certain persons or audiences or in certain social Of course not! All of us have our own views of
circles. What defines deviance is the actual or what’s right and wrong, and those views may chime
potential reaction that actions, beliefs, and traits or clash with those of the audiences whose reac-
generate or are likely to generate in audiences. It tions we are looking at. Does this mean that, when
is this negative reaction that defines or constitutes we use the term “deviant” as a form of sociological
a given act, belief, or trait as deviant. Without that analysis, we seek to denigrate, put down, or humil-
reaction, actual or potential, we do not have a case iate anyone to whom the term applies? Absolutely
of deviance on our hands. When that reaction takes not! Again, we may agree or disagree with the
place, or is expressed in an interview or question- judgment, but, if we hear what people say or watch
naire, sociologists refer to whatever touches off that what they do, that judgment hits us like a pie in the
reaction as deviant—to the members of a particular face. We would be foolish and ignorant to pretend
collectivity who react to it in a negative fashion. that it doesn’t exist. When we say that they feel an
Humans are evaluative creatures: We create and act to be wrong, we are taking note of how mem-
enforce rules. But some of us also violate some bers of particular social collectivities regard or treat
rules; the tendency to do as we please, against the a certain behavior, belief, or characteristic. If we
norms, is inherently disobedient. There are those say that a president’s approval rating is high, or
who park in “No Parking” zones; smoke when and low, that does not mean that we approve, or dis-
where they aren’t supposed to; shoplift when they approve, of that president. What it means is that
don’t have enough money or don’t feel like waiting we take note of public opinion. When we say
in line; speed to get where they’re going. Some that many people in American society look down
among us even have sex with the wrong partner. upon prostitutes, criminals, drug dealers, alcohol-
Not one of us is passive, obeying all rules like a ics, this does not mean that we necessarily agree
robot, programmed to follow society’s commands. with that judgment. (Of course, we may.) Negative
The human animal is active, creative, and some- reactions, taken as a whole, constitute a social fact,
times irrepressible. All societies generate a multi- and we would be foolish to pretend that they don’t
tude of rules—and their violations, likewise, are exist. In other words, when sociologists use the
multitudinous. In fact, the more numerous and terms “deviance” and “deviant,” they are using
detailed the rules, the greater the likelihood of them in an absolutely non-pejorative fashion. This
normative violations. means that, sociologically, they are descriptive
Virtually no one abides by all rules all the time. terms that apply to what certain people think and
This is a literal impossibility, as some of these how they feel about certain actions and actors. You
rules contradict one another. None of these rules may hate a particular movie, but, if it is number one
is considered valid by everyone in any society. at the box office, you can still say it is a “popular”
Especially in a large, complex, urban, multicultural, movie—because it is. You could be an atheist and
multiethnic, multinational society such as the still say that atheism is deviant to many Americans.
United States, the variation in rules is consider- Even if you don’t agree with that judgment, it is
able—indeed, immense. This means that almost materially real in that it has consequences, and,
any action, belief, or characteristic we could think as sociologists, we are forced to acknowledge the
of is approved in some social circles and con- existence of those attitudes and their consequences.
demned in others. Almost inevitably, we deviate Some observers don’t like the sound of the word,
from someone’s rules simply by acting, believing, “deviant,” imagining that it has an automatic pejo-
or even being a certain way, as it is impossible to rative tone. But what’s a better term? No one has
conform to all the rules that prevail. come up with one that seems to satisfy everyone.
Every alternative is conceptually inappropriate.
6 AN INTRODUCTION TO DEVIANCE

In short, deviance is an analytic category: It little power they have. In other words, according
applies to all spheres and areas of human life; it is to Kenneth Plummer (1979, pp. 97–99), we must
a trans-historical, cross-cultural concept. The make a distinction between societal and situational
dynamics of deviance have taken place throughout deviance.
recorded history and in every known society, “Societal” deviance is composed of those
anywhere humans interact with one another. Every- actions and conditions that are widely recognized,
where, people are evaluated on the basis of what in advance and in general, to be deviant. There is
they do, what they believe, and who they are—and a high degree of consensus on the identification of
they are thus reacted to accordingly. Deviance- certain categories of deviance. In this sense, rape,
defining processes take place everywhere and robbery, corporate theft, terrorism, and trans-
anywhere people engage in behavior, hold and vestism are deviant because they are regarded as
express beliefs, and possess traits that others regard reprehensible by a great many members of this
as unacceptable. Normative violations, and reac- society. These are examples of “high consensus”
tions to normative violations, occur everywhere. deviance, in that a substantial proportion of the
They exist and have existed in all societies every- population disapproves of them. In most social
where and throughout human history. They are a circles, if evidence is revealed that someone en-
central and foundational social process. Although gaged in one of them, such a revelation would
the term has been used derogatively in popular elicit negative reactions from most members of
parlance and in psychiatric evaluations, “deviance” these circles. Even though specific individuals
does not refer to immorality or psychopathology. enacting or representing specific instances of these
Sociologically, it means only one thing: the viola- general categories may not be punished in specific
tion of social norms that can result in punishment, situations, in general, the members of this society
condemnation, or ridicule. Thus, it is a descriptive, see them as serious normative violations. Certain
not a pejorative term. acts, beliefs, and traits are deviant society-wide
because they are condemned, both in practice and
in principle, by the majority, or by the most power-
SOCIETAL AND SITUATIONAL ful members of the society. “Societal” judgments
DEVIANCE of deviance represent the hierarchical side of
deviance.
So far, it seems as if I’ve been arguing that anything “Situational” deviance does not possess this
can be deviant. If a collectivity of people—a group, general or society-wide quality; instead, it mani-
a social circle, a segment of the population, any fests itself in actual, concrete social gatherings,
assemblage of people, really—regards something circles, or settings. We can locate two different
as offensive, by the sociological definition, it is types of “situational” deviance: one that violates the
deviant. This is technically true, but it’s only half norms dictating what one may and may not do
true. There’s a really big “but” attached to this within a certain social or physical setting; and one
generalization. There are two sides to judgments that violates the norms within certain social circles
of deviance. One is its vertical or hierarchical or groups. The type of situational deviance that is
side, the side that says people with more power (or dependent on setting is fairly simple to illustrate.
the majority of a society) get to say what’s deviant You may take off your clothes in your bedroom
because they influence the climate of opinion and but not in public; at a nudist camp or a nudist
exert more influence in the political and legisla- beach, but not elsewhere. You may shout and cheer
tive realms. This differential influence is a socio- at a basketball game, but not at a Quaker wake.
logical fact—not a matter of opinion or an expres- Boxers punch one another at will, but, outside the
sion of moral bias. The other side to judgments ring, trying to knock someone out is usually illegal,
of deviance is its horizontal or “grass-roots” or and could result in your being arrested. Killing the
“mosaic” side, the side that says deviance can be enemy within the context and rules of warfare is
anything that any collectivity says it is, no matter condoned, encouraged, and legal; under most
how small in numbers its members are or how other circumstances, civilians who willfully and
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would carry. He dangled his legs from the springboard and said the
red-headed fellow from Ohio didn’t stand a chance. His imagination
overcame the obstacle of non-membership and he became the voice
and spirit of the troop—his troop.
“Do you mean to tell me,” he demanded, “that they—we—I mean
they—can’t beat everybody because don’t we live in Bridgeboro
where there’s a river and we all have canoes—except a few that
haven’t?”
“They’re born with paddles in their mouths,” said a Virginia scout.
“And oars!” Pee-wee shouted.
It went to Brent Gaylong’s heart to see Pee-wee trudging down
from the Ravens’ cabin night to go to bed in the pavilion dormitory.
He might have stayed on cabin hill but only one full patrol could bunk
in a cabin. Pee-wee never questioned the camp rules or the rules of
the scout organization. “Gee whiz, they’re good rules all right,” he
said. And he never overstepped the privilege of a non-member. That
was the pathetic part of it. He watched them wistfully when they
voted, contented, happy, just to be among them.
Just in proportion as he made a pathetic picture, just in that same
proportion did Billy Simpson become more and more an object of
tolerant contempt. If he had made the little sacrifice in the matter of
the canoe it would not have been so bad, but now they were ready
enough to think ill of him, reasonably or not. And often their dislike
was without reason, for indeed he was as much a member of the
Raven Patrol as any other Raven was.
If there was any criticism in that matter Artie Van Arlen should
have borne it. It is only fair to Artie to say that from the day he
summoned Billy Simpson from Bridgeboro, he was friendly to him,
and fair to him, and seemed to believe in him. He did not study him,
as Brent might have done, because it was not given to him to do
that. But he treated him with a wholesome cheerfulness and with the
same fraternal air which characterized his demeanor toward all. If he
was disappointed he did not say so. If he had expected Billy to bring
honors, merit badges, to the patrol he renounced that hope amiably.
He was a pretty good all-around sort of a fellow, was Artie.
 The camp assistant, young Mr. Slade, spoke to him one day. “You
know, Van, this is an impossible situation,” said he; “Pee-wee’s a
Raven. You’re taking liberties with nature, you fellows are.”
“It can’t be helped now,” said Artie; “besides I’m not worrying and
I’ll tell you why. Do you want to know?”
“Go ahead, shoot.”
“Pee-wee doesn’t belong to the Boy Scouts of America. The Boy
Scouts of America belong to Pee-wee. Just wait till he gets back
home. You’re not afraid he’s going to drift away, are you?”
“Well, it knocks me clean to see him,” said Slade.
“You and old Doc. Gaylong ought to camp under a weeping willow,
you’re so tender-hearted. How about the race?”
“Nothing about it,” said Slade; “except everything’s ready, and
Connie Bennett is going to win it.”
“Sure thing?”
“That’s what Pee-wee says,” said Tom. “He says we’ve won it
already.”
“Well, to-morrow’s the day,” said Artie cheerily. “Pee-wee says if
the cup gets away from us, he’ll never look Mary Temple in the face
again. But he’ll accept an ice cream soda from her.”
 CHAPTER XXXI—THE SAND-BAG
The regatta was always the big event of the season at Temple
Camp. Pee-wee always had to suck lemon drops for several days
succeeding it to ease the huskiness in his throat. Sometimes he
continued sucking them for several weeks, for a scout is nothing if
not thorough.
The institution of the regatta (and the lemon drops) dated from the
season when pretty Mary Temple, daughter of the camp’s founder,
had offered the silver cup. A Rhode Island troop had won it, then it
had passed to a Pennsylvania troop, and then to the Bridgeboro
Troop. The Bridgeboro scouts took a particular pride in keeping it
because Bridgeboro was the home town of the Temples.
Each troop chose its challenger or defender by its own process of
selection, paying a certain regard to the claims of its patrols.
Naturally the merit badge for Athletics, or for Physical Development,
or for Seamanship, would imply eligibility for the honor of challenger
or defender. And these things counted in the selection.
Particularly had they counted in the selection of Connie Bennett of
the Elk Patrol for defender. How much they really counted in a race
was another question. Also, as in the selection of a presidential
candidate the claims of the states have to be considered, so in this
business the patrols had to be considered, and it was now
considered to be the Elk Patrol’s turn. Thus Connie Bennett had
been put forward.
There was no complaint about this and no anxiety, but there was
just a little undercurrent of feeling (which Pee-wee could not
browbeat out of the troop’s mind) that the cup was not quite so
secure upon its little velvet box as they could wish it to be.
A course was marked around the lake by long poles driven in
about fifteen to eighteen feet from shore. Some of them had to be
pretty long to reach the bottom. They were saved from year to year.
A heavy cord was carried around the lake caught at each of these
poles and from this cord hung troop and patrol pennants at intervals
all the way round. The whole thing made a very festive and inspiring
sight. The cup race (always a canoe event because Mary Temple
thought that canoes were scoutish, being of Indian origin) consisted
of one complete round of the lake. There were other races of course;
comic events, tub races and the like.
I wish to tell you of this thing just as it occurred for it is talked of at
Temple Camp whenever scouts get around a camp-fire. And in a
sense it has never been fully explained.
Mary Temple, with her parents, came up from Bridgeboro by auto,
reaching camp early in the afternoon. They received an ovation as
usual. Mary was exceedingly pretty and looked the more so because
of the color which the breeze had blown into her cheeks. She
reached down out of the car and shook hands merrily with Connie
Bennett and handed Pee-wee an enormous box of peanut brittle,
which caused much laughter.
“Oh, I know you, too,” she said, reaching out her hand to Billy
Simpson who lingered in the background. “I often see you in
Bridgeboro.”
Billy Simpson seemed greatly embarrassed, and he never looked
quite so much alone as he did then, for all the clamor ceased as she
shook his hand, and the throng fell back silent. There was nothing
intentional in this; it just happened that way. But one or two scouts
noticed that Simpson was more perturbed and shy than the very
commonplace little incident seemed to warrant. He just stared at
Mary Temple and did not take his eyes from her. Brent Gaylong said
afterward that there was something in his eyes, he did not know
what, but that he seemed like one possessed....
He was not seen again until the time of his destiny. A tub race
took place, a graceful affair in which all the participants fell in the
water. This was followed by a swimming race, and a couple of boat
races. Next followed a race of several canoes. And then the event of
the day.
The scout who had wriggled his way to the position of challenger
was a red-headed fellow from the Middle West. Pee-wee loathed him
for no other reason than that he dared to try for the cup.
 He was lithe and slender, and had a rather attractive way of
holding his head. He looked the young athlete through and through
and there was a kind of aggressiveness about him such as to
disconcert an opponent. His troop seemed very proud of him. He did
not show off exactly, but his manner was such as to make one think
he took his victory for granted. A little deference to his opponents
would have been more becoming. Having seated himself in his
canoe and his companion being seated also, he waited at the float
with a blasé air of patience as if he were anxious to get the thing
over with.
This cut and dried assurance was in marked contrast with
Connie’s demeanor, which was modest and painfully nervous. The
throng, gathered about the float and alongshore for many yards on
either side, cheered as he stepped into his canoe and nervously
accepted the paddle that was handed him.
A silent, solitary figure in a black sweater stood upon the float
near Mr. Currie, the starter. He gazed out across the lake, seeming
very nervous. He seemed to be trying to concentrate his eyes and
thoughts on something quite removed from the scene about him.
One might have fancied something exalted, spiritual, in his aspect,
but the coarse, black sweater and rather hulking shoulders, spoiled
that.
“This your sand-bag?” Mr. Currie asked. He meant nothing
disrespectful. It was just the name used for the one going to steady
the canoe. But there was a tittering here and there in the crowd as
the figure in the black sweater stepped into the bow of Connie’s light,
bobbing little craft and sat hunched up there.
No one thought of him again. They were thinking of pleasanter
things....
 CHAPTER XXXII—SOMETHING BIG
The two canoes glided forward abreast. It was a good start. A
chorus of cheers went up from the crowd near the float and was
taken up by the groups which dotted the shore for the distance of
half way round the lake.
The inner side of the course was lined with canoes and rowboats,
and even Pee-wee’s ship, the Hop-toad, had been dislodged and
floated to the cord line and anchored. A group of scouts upon it
cheered themselves hoarse. Goldenrod Cove was filled with canoes.
But the preferable stand was at the float where the race began and
would end. Here a great throng waited, and on its outskirts scouts
sprawled upon the grass, perched upon the roofs of shacks, and
crowded on the diving-board till it almost broke with their weight.
Here the judges waited. Here the string was stretched low across the
course to be snapped asunder by the gliding bow of the victor.
Across the course, at intervals, scout officials rested on their oars
and waited, watchful for violations of the rules.
The green canoe of the red-headed scout crept ahead a yard—
two yards—three yards. Connie strained every muscle and, in his
apprehension as the distance between the canoes widened, he fell
to using shorter strokes. The shorter stroke seems to keep time with
the beating heart; it looks like speed and feels like speed; it is
hustling. It is hard for the amateur to believe that calmness and the
long, mechanically steady stroke, are the only things to depend on.
“Make your stroke longer, not shorter whatever you do,” said
Simpson.
“I’ll take care of it,” said Connie, breathing heavily.
Simpson caught the rebuke and sat silent, watching
apprehensively. Connie seemed to think that his speed would be
proportioned to his frantic exertion and he was surprised to see the
distance between the two canoes widening. His spectacular efforts
were received with applause for action is what the multitude likes,
and that strengthened Connie’s confidence in his method, which was
no method at all. He gained a little (for a spurt will always accomplish
that) but he lost in fatigue what he gained in distance.
“Don’t look at him,” Simpson pled anxiously. “It would be better if
you were rowing, then you couldn’t see him. Bend way forward,
reach out your lower hand—”
“Who’s doing this?” Connie panted. “Don’t—don’t—don’t—don’t
you—you—know what you’re—you’re here for?”
The look of hurt pride on Simpson’s face turned to one of grim
disgust and accusation. He saw the green canoe a couple of lengths
ahead, and saw flags waving, heard the deafening cheers all about
him. He was not shy or fearful now.
“Can’t you guess what I’m here for?” he said, between his teeth.
“It’s so that the kid’s troop will win. It’s because I knew you’d go to
pieces. Don’t look at the crowd, you fool! Bend forward—far—”
“I—I can’t,” Connie panted, releasing one hand long enough to
press his side. The fatal kink had come, as it is pretty sure to do in
erratic striving combined with frantic fear and excitement.
“Shall I take it?” he heard.
“You?” he said, surprised. “You can’t—anyway—it—it—wouldn’t
be a race—they’d—they’d—”
In a sudden, abandoned frenzy of striving, Connie brought his
canoe within a length of the other. In its way it was a feat, but it spent
his last ounce of energy and left his side hurting as if he had been
stabbed. Encouraged by the cheering he drove his paddle into the
water with a vertical force that eased his panic fears, but had no
effect upon his progress. The canoe seemed to halt and jerk like a
balky horse.
Now he heard the deafening cheers as in a kind of trance.
“Walk away from him, Red!”
“You’re losing him! Keep it up!”
“Step on it, Red!”
“Give her the gas!”
“Let her out, Red!”
“Oh boy, watch him step!”
 “All over but the shouting!”
Not quite, oh crowd. As Connie Bennett’s hand left the paddle to
press his agonized side, he felt another gently take it from him. What
next happened he felt rather than saw. He heard deafening cheers
interspersed with cries of “No fair!” And then derisive shouts and cat
calls. He felt the right side of the canoe dip until his trembling hand
which grasped the gunwale felt the cooling touch of the water.
He was conscious of a form crawling past him. He heard a voice,
hoarse and tense it seemed, urging him to move forward. It all
happened as in a vision. The shouting, the cries of surprise and
derision, sounded far away, like echoes.
He was better now, but his heart was thumping; he had almost
fainted. He saw a rowboat with an official pennant very near. He saw
canoes across the course line. He saw Billy Simpson in the stern of
the canoe; not sitting, not kneeling, but sort of crouching. He looked
strange, different....
“You can’t do that,” the man in the rowboat said.
“Let’s finish anyway,” said Simpson; “I’ll take a handicap that will
shut their mouths. After that if they want to call it off, let them do it.”
He had already grasped the paddle in a strange fashion; his left
arm seemed to be wound around it and his elbow acted as a sort of
brace. The other hand he held above his head, grasping his hat (the
ordinary scout hat) so that all might see. The shorter reach which
this one handed paddling enforced was made up by the lightning
movement of his body back and forth in the canoe. For a moment
the crowd laughed in derision. But as the white canoe of the
Bridgeboro Troop shot forward, those who hooted paused in gaping
amazement.
Now his bow was close upon his rival’s stern. Now it was abreast
of the red-headed figure. Now past it, and clear of the green bow.
The red-headed scout was too proud to complain of a one-armed
rival. And his troop comrades could not see him sheltered by any
rule or custom in the face of such a phenomenal display.
Steadily, steadily, the white canoe glided forward. The reach of the
red-headed paddler was extended. But he could not vie with that
human shuttle which worked with the monotonous steadiness of
machinery. He seemed disconcerted by the mere dull regularity of
that relentless engine just ahead of him.
BILLY SIMPSON WON THE RACE WHILE PADDLING WITH ONE HAND.
 They came in sight of the float two lengths apart. The distance
increased to three lengths. The crowd went wild with excitement.
Amid a perfect panic of yells including weird calls of every patrol in
camp, the white canoe swept abreast of the float, snapped the cord
and danced along to the curving shore beyond the finish.
It was in that moment of tumult and clamor, amid the waving of
flags and scarfs, and a medley of patrol calls which made the
neighborhood seem like a jungle, that Pee-wee Harris, forgetting
himself entirely, hurled piece after piece of peanut brittle after the
receding victor, which action he later regretted and dived here and
there to recover these tribute missiles. But alas, they were gone
forever.
 CHAPTER XXXIII—AND SOMETHING BIGGER
But the Mary Temple cup was safe upon its little velvet pedestal.
There was only one name upon the lips of all, now. But he heard
the shouts only in a sort of trance. He heard his name called, and it
sounded strange to him to hear his name—Billy Simpson—shrieked
by the multitude. It sounded like a different name, somehow. He
could not face them—no, he could not do that. And no one saw him.
No one saw him as he crept up through the bushes far from the
screaming, howling, clamorous, worshipping crowd. No one saw him
as he sped around the edge of camp and past Outpost Cabin where
his own name echoed against the dead, log walls. His own name! No
one saw him as he climbed up through the woods to Cabin Hill. Yes,
one person saw him. A tenderfoot scout who thought more of some
bobolink or other than of the race, saw him. He was gazing up into
the tree, a small lonely figure, when the victor, the hero, sped by. It
seemed to him that the fleeing figure spoke to him; anyway, it spoke.
“Tell her—tell her I couldn’t have done it if she hadn’t been
watching me.”
The tenderfoot scout did not know whom he was speaking of, so
no one was ever told anything. He thought the fleeing figure in the
black sweater might be a thief.
Reaching the Ravens’ cabin, the victor paused just a second, and
listened to the spent sound of the cheering down at the shore. Then
he fell to ransacking his suitcase for a writing tablet. He had no duffel
bag, for you see he was only a new scout. He had come hastily, with
heart beating high.
Upon his writing tablet he scrawled a few lines, and left the whole
tablet, with a stone for a weight, upon the stump outside. He had
stood by that stump when he had taken the scout oath. His one
frantic fear was that Brent Gaylong would amble along and show him
that what he was going to do was all wrong; call him a quitter.
 A sound! No—yes! No, it was only the breeze in the quiet trees.
He gathered together his few poor belongings, then paused for a
last glimpse at the note.

Tell Gaylong I don’t bother with little things. Tell Pee-wee

Harris the cup is safe till next summer anyway. Tell him his place
is open in the patrol because I’m through. He knows what fixing
means, because he’s a fixer. So tell him I fixed it. He’s the best
little scout that ever was—he’s my idea of a scout.

Then he was gone. He hurried up through the woods and waited

for the bus. He had to carry his suitcase continuously in his right
hand, because his left hand and arm were nearly numb. The driver
had to help him up into the bus, he was so stiff and lame.
As he sat in the seat, nursing his stinging hand, and saw the
beautiful Catskill country, the wide fields where the men were cutting
hay, the woods through which the scout trails ran, the distant smoke
arising from the cooking shack at Temple Camp, the whole episode
of his coming, of his triumph and of his going away seemed like
happenings in a wonderful dream....
THE END
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HARRIS IN CAMP ***

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