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Spatial Planning in
Service Delivery

Towards Distributive Justice

in South Africa

Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha

Lovemore Chipungu
Spatial Planning in Service Delivery
 Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha ·
Lovemore Chipungu

Spatial Planning
in Service Delivery
Towards Distributive Justice in South Africa
Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha Lovemore Chipungu
University of Kwazulu-Natal University of Kwazulu-Natal
Durban, South Africa Durban, South Africa

ISBN 978-3-030-19849-7 ISBN 978-3-030-19850-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19850-3

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Alex Linch shutterstock.com

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Foreword

Through our service we show our solidarity.

We enjoy the same quality of service.
We are connected through our caring.
The beating heart of our country is a community that has all the enablers
of modern life:
• We have water.
• We use a toilet.
• We have food on the table.
• We fall asleep without fear.
• We listen to the rain on the roof.
• We gather together in front of heat.1

This book is unique, relevant and timely. It engages with the future we
want as articulated in the quote above from the Vision Statement of
South Africa’s National Development Plan (NDP 2030).
Engaging critically with spatial planning in service delivery is essential in
a colonially marred society where people were literally, physically separated
from one another (apart-ness). The National Party government in particu-
lar constructed spaces in such a way that the white population occupied the

1National Development Plan 2030 Our Future—Make it Work (2030: 14). Chapter 8 of

the NDP deals with “Transforming human settlements and the national space economy”.
Many of the issues raised in this book contribute to thinking about what a future “space
economy” would look like.

v
vi    Foreword

most convenient spaces with easy access to basic services and public institu-
tions, and the majority black population was pushed to the less abundant
periphery. Spatial injustice was legislated by the architects of apartheid.
Integrated living spaces are what is needed; and in the South African
context the land question is believed to be part of the solution. But the
City of Johannesburg is an example of continued separation, where the
majority of people live in the South Western townships (Soweto and sur-
rounds), far from public institutions such as libraries, theatres, universi-
ties, museums, parks and retails stores, which are all situated in the inner
city, while money and resources are located in Sandton, where wealth is
over-concentrated. Poor or non-existent public transport systems con-
tinue to separate South Africans and entrench power relations as mobility
and influence remain unequal. It is clear that these disparities are about
both justice and economics: redressing the injustices of the past and
effecting economic emancipation.
Spatial justice brings together social justice and space. It has been
acknowledged by scholars that the organisation of space is a crucial
dimension of human societies, reflecting social facts and influencing
social relations. The social and economic facts are stark in South Africa—
where poor and vulnerable people literally living on the margins remain
black. Those who live on the margins in ever-growing townships and
poverty-stricken urban and rural settlements have turned to the govern-
ment most of them voted for to improve their living conditions through
the fulfilment of the justiciable socio-economic rights embedded in the
Constitution of South Africa, 1996.
Section 26 of the Constitution states that “everyone has the right
to have access to adequate housing” and asserts that this right should
be progressively realised by the state. The latter right has been inter-
preted by the Constitutional Court to include sanitation and electricity.
Section 27 provides for access to health care services; sufficient food and
water; and social security. A caveat is built into this section: government
should be given time (“progressive” realisation) if it does not have ade-
quate resources to fulfil these obligations. But progress must be demon-
strated; significantly, the limitation does not apply to children, whose
rights must be fulfilled immediately (section 28). In addition, section 24
of the Bill of Rights states that everyone in South Africa should be enti-
tled to an environment that is not harmful to their health or well-being.
Service delivery protests by the poor who live in intolerable condi-
tions could be classified into two types: those where communities have
 Foreword    vii

been waiting for too long to have their needs met and their voices heard;
and those where communities receive services but have not been con-
sulted about anything. This lack of participation in the planning process
leads to frustration as, contrary to popular belief, the poor do not want
to be perceived as passive; they have every right to have a say in where
their schools and clinics are built. This is not to condone violence and
the destruction and burning of property, which happens in extreme cases
such as the case of Vuwani. Often cases of poor or inadequate service
delivery are taken to the courts through Public Interest Litigation.
In terms of international law, the Covenant on Economic, Social, and
Cultural Rights (ICESCR) protects additional rights—“red” rights—
many of which have yet to be realised in highly unequal societies such as
South Africa. These include the right to work (art. 6); to just wages and
safe working conditions (art. 7); to social security and social insurance
(art. 9); to a decent standard of living and freedom from hunger (art.
11); to universal basic education (art. 13); and to an enjoyment of the
cultural life and scientific progress of the country. This Covenant applies
to both individuals and impoverished, vulnerable and marginalised com-
munities. Having ratified this Convention the South African government
now has a duty to report to the Committee on what progress has been
made, and what plans it has for further and faster implementation.
The growing gap between the rich and the poor across the globe
is a reflection of inequalities amongst states and within states. Achieving
equality therefore calls for putting these inequalities at the centre of
development efforts and investing resources in efforts that promote
non-discrimination, equity and the empowerment of vulnerable groups.
Development, to which space and land are central, should be both sus-
tainable and inclusive, as articulated in the Sustainable Development Goals
Vision 2030 (SDGs). Goal 11 deals with sustainable cities and commu-
nities; and any study of all the goals requires that the concept of leaving
no-one behind be kept in mind. This goal articulates that

[e]xtreme poverty is often concentrated in urban spaces, and national and

city governments struggle to accommodate the rising population in these
areas. Making cities safe and sustainable means ensuring access to safe
and affordable housing, and upgrading slum settlements. It also involves
investment in public transport, creating green public spaces, and improv-
ing urban planning and management in a way that is both participatory
and inclusive.
viii    Foreword

The targets related to this pressing issue of spatial justice are:

• By 2030, ensure access for all to adequate, safe and affordable hous-
ing and basic services, and upgrade slums
• By 2030, provide access to safe, affordable, accessible and sustain-
able transport systems for all, improving road safety, notably by
expanding public transport, with special attention to the needs of
those in vulnerable situations, women, children, persons with disa-
bilities and older persons; and
• By 2030, enhance inclusive and sustainable urbanisation and capac-
ity for participatory, integrated and sustainable human settlement
planning and management in all countries.

Although the focus is cities, there is also an important target that

requires states to “[s]upport positive economic, social and environmen-
tal links between urban, peri-urban and rural areas by strengthening
national and regional development planning”. This integrated planning
approach must not be pursued without “space” being made for mean-
ingful public participation and citizen engagement, as the results of such
a process affect the lived experiences of the poor the most.
Thinking about inequality in an ethical way—and recognising all the
complexities—could help us to determine how to distribute goods and
services across society in an equitable way, holding the state accountable
for action as provided for in the Constitution. This cannot be done with-
out embedding discussions of distributive justice into domestic political
and policy debates.
This book does that. Through a strong evidence base, the authors
sketch a landscape of both our history and our future and provide poli-
cy-makers with the knowledge required to do things in the right way. Let’s
hope they read and listen, and that the political will is there to implement.

Johannesburg, South Africa Professor Narnia Bohler-Muller

Executive Director of the Democracy
Governance and Service Delivery
Research Programme
Human Sciences Research Council
and Adjunct Professor of Law
University of Fort Hare
 Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge that compiling this book was not an easy fit. In
the entire duration from the time the study was undertaken to the time
this book was compiled, support was obtained from different sectors. The
first gratitude goes to the Human Science and Research Council where
the initial idea to write the book was conceived and supported strongly. It
is from this institution where access to existing datasets (such SASAS) was
officially granted. On the other hand, the University of KwaZulu-Natal,
provided the platform from which the data was collected and analysed.
Through the NRF financial support, the dream of compiling the book
became a reality as resources were availed for this project.

ix
 Contents

Part I Creating the Stage for Interrogation

1 Spatial Inequality: An Introduction 3

1.1 Introduction 3
1.2 Scope of the Book 6
1.2.1 Creating the Stage for Interrogation 6
1.2.2 The Masquerade of a Rainbow Nation 9
1.3 Concluding Remarks 13
References 14

2 South Africa in a Context 15

2.1 Introduction 15
2.2 General Physical Geography 16
2.3 The Background of Spatial and Socio-Economic
Distribution 18
2.4 The Economic Perspective of South Africa 19
2.5 Spatial and Socio-Economic Inequality in South Africa 20
2.6 Positioning South Africa, Regionally 23
References 25

xi
xii    Contents

3 Hegemonic Global Influences on Service Delivery:

A Theoretical Retreat 27
3.1 Introduction 27
3.2 The Conceptual Framework 27
3.2.1 Inequality and Deprivation 28
3.2.2 Public Goods and Services 30
3.2.3 Region 32
3.3 The Theoretical Framework 38
3.3.1 Regional Planning Theories 38
3.3.2 Theories of Public Service Provision 44
3.3.3 Theories of Deprivation 47
3.4 Summary 49
References 50

4 Methodological Consideration 53
4.1 Introduction 53
4.2 The Research Process 54
4.3 Research Strategies 57
4.4 Sources of Data 57
4.4.1 Secondary Data Sources 57
4.4.2 Primary Data Sources 60
4.4.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size 62
4.4.4 Data Analysis 64
4.5 Problems Encountered with Fieldwork 65
References 65

5 Resilience in Service Delivery 67

5.1 Introduction 67
5.2 Literature Review 68
5.2.1 Service Delivery in Developed Countries 68
5.2.2 Service Delivery in Developing Countries 70
5.3 Spatial Inequalities and Service Delivery in Brazil 75
5.4 Regional Development in Germany 78
5.5 Regional Planning in Zimbabwe 80
5.6 Lessons from International Precedents 83
5.7 Summary 84
References 85
 Contents    xiii

Part II The Masquerade of a ‘Rainbow Nation’

6 Exploring the Changing Context of Development

in South Africa 89
6.1 Introduction 89
6.2 Land 90
6.3 Capital 91
6.4 Labour 93
6.5 Key Strands that Emerge from This Colonial Discourse 95
6.6 Summary 96
References 96

7 The Development Ideology of South Africa as a

Rainbow Nation 99
7.1 Introduction 99
7.2 An Overview of South Africa’s Socio-Economic Profile 99
7.3 The Institutional Framework for Service Delivery 102
7.3.1 The Policy/Legislative Framework
for Service Delivery 103
7.3.2 The Administrative Framework for Service
Delivery 118
7.4 Summary 126
References 127

8 Re-living Socialism in a Neo-liberal Dispensation 131

8.1 Introduction 131
8.2 Mapping Dimensions of Service Inequality 131
8.3 Unequal Distribution of Services in South Africa
Provinces 133
8.4 Service Delivery and People’s Attitude 144
8.4.1 National Trend of Satisfaction with Services 144
8.4.2 Satisfaction with Democracy 148
8.4.3 Confidence in National and Local
Government 149
8.4.4 Service Perception and Political Behaviour 150
8.5 Challenges Affecting Service Delivery in South Africa 151
8.6 Summary 153
References 154
xiv    Contents

9 “We Have a Better Story to Tell” 155

9.1 Introduction 155
9.2 Service Delivery Progress in Perspective 157
9.3 Achievements to Celebrate in Service Delivery Front 158
9.3.1 The Consolidation of the Public Service 159
9.3.2 The Creation of a Democratic and
Representative Public Service Delivery 159
9.3.3 Legislation Transformation Along Service
Delivery 160
9.3.4 The Expansion of Access to Basic Services
for All South Africans 161
9.4 Improved Political Representation and Declining
Frequency of Service Delivery Protests 163
9.5 Accessibility to Basic Services 164
9.5.1 Water Service 165
9.5.2 Sanitation Services 165
9.5.3 Solid Waste Removal Services 166
9.5.4 Electricity Services 167
9.6 Summary 168
References 168

10 The Quantitative and Qualitative Manifestations

of Spatial Inequality in Vhembe District 171
10.1 Introduction 171
10.2 Background to Vhembe District Municipality (VDM) 172
10.3 The Socio-Economical Profile of VDM 173
10.4 Land Use Planning in VDM 175
10.5 An Overview of Case Studies in Vhembe District 177
10.5.1 Socio-Economic Profile of Case Studies
Within Vhembe District 179
10.5.2 Service Delivery in Vhembe District 185
10.6 Summary 201
References 201

11 Citizen Participation in Planning: Balancing

the Equation Between Equitable Involvement
and Equitable Service Distribution 203
11.1 Introduction 203
 Contents    xv

11.2 People’s Perceptions Towards Service Delivery

in Vhembe District 204
11.3 People’s Perceptions in Rural Areas
for the Past 5-Year Period 204
11.4 People’s Perceptions in Urban Areas
for the Past 5-Year Period 214
11.5 Summary 220

12 The Spatial Implication of Service Generation 221

12.1 Introduction 221
12.2 Inequality Within and Between Rural and Urban
Environments 221
12.3 Income Levels and Inequality in Service Provision 224
12.3.1 Income Disparity and Employment
Opportunities 224
12.3.2 Income Disparity and Service Delivery 225
12.4 Public Institutions and Service Delivery 226
12.4.1 Service Delivery and Rules and Regulations 226
12.4.2 Service Delivery and Funding 227
12.4.3 Service Delivery and Leadership Structures 228
12.5 Execution of Service Delivery Projects 230
12.6 Summary 232
References 233

13 Reflections on Interactive Planning Decisions 235

13.1 Introduction 235
13.2 “The Endowed Pole”—Is It a Missing Cog in
Addressing Spatial Inequality? 235
13.3 Is There a Silver Bullet That Can Redress Inequality? 236
13.4 The Sphere of Spatial Equality 238
13.4.1 Drivers of Spatial Equity 239
13.4.2 Cogs of Spatial Equity 240
13.4.3 Sphere of Equity 243
13.5 Summary 244
References 244

Index 245
 Abbreviations

ANC African National Congress

BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa
COGTA Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs
DOE Department of Education
DWAF Department of Water Affairs and Forestry
FBE Free Basic Electricity
FBW Free Basic Water
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution
HSRC Human Sciences Research Council
IDASA Institute for Democracy in Africa
IDP Integrated Development Plan
IEC Independent Electoral Commission
MDG Millennium Development Goals
MFMA Municipal Finance Management Act
NDP National Development Plan
NEP National Electrification Programme
NIMBY Not In My Back Yard
NWA National Water Act
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
PHP People’s Housing Process
RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme
SA South Africa
SAIMD South Africa Indices of Multiple Deprivations

xvii
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 An anatomy of deprivation (Source Author—adapted

from Pacione [2001: 291]) 29
Fig. 4.1 Research conceptualisation (Source Author 2014) 56
Fig. 7.1 A framework of service delivery in South Africa (Source
Republic of South Africa: Handbook for Batho Pele [2003]) 126
Fig. 8.1 Overall protests per province (Source http://mlgi.org.za/
barometers/service-delivery-protest-barometer/service-
delivery-protests-barometer-2-provincial-distribution-
of-protests-per-year [2013]) 133
Fig. 8.2 Income and employment deprivation in former
homelands (Source SAIMD 2007) 137
Fig. 8.3 Municipalities deprivation levels in 2001 and 2007
(Source SAIMD 2001 and 2007) 139
Fig. 8.4 Income Domain in the Municipalities in Limpopo
(SAIMD 2001 and 2007) 139
Fig. 8.5 Levels of satisfaction with service delivery
(Source Compiled by author from SASAS Data [2011]) 148
Fig. 8.6 Levels of satisfaction with democracy (Source Author
from SASAS Data [2011]) 149
Fig. 8.7 Trust in national government (Source Author
from SASAS Data [2011]) 150
Fig. 9.1 Trends in access to basic services, 1996–2010
(Sources Author, extrapolation model based on 1996
and 2001 Censuses and the 2007 Community Survey
[2014]) 162

xix
xx    List of Figures

Fig. 10.1 Limpopo province and district municipalities

(Source Prepared by Researcher [2014]) 172
Fig. 10.2 Population distribution per gender (Source VDM IDP 2012) 174
Fig. 10.3 Study areas in Vhembe District Municipality
(Source SAIMD 2009) 178
Fig. 10.4 Urban gender balance (Source Survey Results 2013) 179
Fig. 10.5 Gender balance in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 180
Fig. 10.6 Household heads (Source Survey Results 2013) 181
Fig. 10.7 Number of dependents per household in rural areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 182
Fig. 10.8 Number of dependents per household in urban areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 182
Fig. 10.9 Employment status of household heads (Source Survey
Results 2013) 183
Fig. 10.10 Level of education in urban areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 184
Fig. 10.11 Level of education in rural areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 185
Fig. 10.12 Type of housing in urban areas (Source Survey
Results 2013) 186
Fig. 10.13 Housing typology per urban area (Source Survey
Results 2013) 187
Fig. 10.14 Type of housing in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 187
Fig. 10.15 Housing typology by village (Source Survey Results 2013) 188
Fig. 10.16 Source of money for housing (Source Survey Results 2013) 188
Fig. 10.17 Sources of housing finance per urban area
(Source Survey Results 2013) 189
Fig. 10.18 Source of money for housing construction
(Source Survey Results 2013) 190
Fig. 10.19 Housing finance sources per village (Source Survey
Results 2013) 191
Fig. 10.20 Access to running water (Source Survey Results 2013) 192
Fig. 10.21 Sources of water in urban areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 192
Fig. 10.22 Water sources per urban area (Source Survey Results 2013) 193
Fig. 10.23 Quality of water in urban centres (Source Survey Results
2013) 194
Fig. 10.24 Sources of water in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 194
Fig. 10.25 Water sources by village (Source Survey Results 2013) 196
Fig. 10.26 Safety for consumption (Source Fieldwork 2013) 196
Fig. 10.27 Sanitation in urban areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 197
Fig. 10.28 Type of sanitation in urban areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 198
 List of Figures    xxi

Fig. 10.29 Sanitation in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 198
Fig. 10.30 Sanitation facilities at village level (Source Survey Results
2013) 199
Fig. 10.31 Perceptions on quality of services (Source Survey Results
2013) 200
Fig. 10.32 Perceptions on specific existing services (Source Survey
Results 2013) 201
Fig. 11.1 Level of satisfaction with housing (Source Survey Results
2013) 206
Fig. 11.2 Level of satisfaction as per village (Source Survey Results
2013) 206
Fig. 11.3 Level of housing satisfaction in urban areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 207
Fig. 11.4 Perceptions on service delivery for the past 5 years
(Source Survey Results 2013) 209
Fig. 11.5 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 210
Fig. 11.6 Households perceptions on service providers
(Source Survey Results 2013) 212
Fig. 11.7 Contact authorities in service delivery (Source Survey
Results 2013) 213
Fig. 11.8 A composite overview of people’s perception
in the four villages (Source Survey Results 2013) 214
Fig. 11.9 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 215
Fig. 11.10 Perceptions on service delivery in the past 5-year
(Source Survey Results 2013) 216
Fig. 11.11 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 217
Fig. 11.12 Perceptions on level of trust in the municipality
by households (Source Survey Results 2013) 218
Fig. 11.13 Authorities contacted for service delivery (Source Survey
Results 2013) 218
Fig. 11.14 Composite picture of people’s perceptions in the four
urban centres (Source Survey Results 2013) 220
Fig. 13.1 The spatial sphere of equality (Source Authors 2014) 239
Fig. 13.2 Recommended model of redressing spatial inequality
(Source Authors 2014) 240

Map 4.1 Map of South Africa showing levels of deprivation

represented by former Bantustans (Source SAIMD [2009]) 55
Map 4.2 Vhembe district municipality (Source Vhembe.govt.za
[2008]) 55
xxii    List of Figures

Map 4.3 Districts in Limpopo province (Source gis.limpopo.govt.za

[2008]) 63
Map 4.4 Areas where household interviews were conducted
(Source SAIMD [2009]) 64
Map 8.1 Living environment domain of South Africa
(Source SAIMD 2001) 136
Map 8.2 Multiple deprivation in former homelands (Source SAIMD
2007) 138
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Regional planning levels 38

Table 3.2 Theories of deprivation 48
Table 7.1 Population profile of South Africa 100
Table 7.2 An overview of housing policies in South Africa 108
Table 7.3 Key strategies for housing implementation in South Africa 109
Table 7.4 Legislations for water and sanitation 113
Table 7.5 Selected educational policies and legislations 116
Table 7.6 The Batho Pele principles 121
Table 7.7 Sources of funds for infrastructure provision 122
Table 7.8 Government departments involved in water
and sanitation provision 125
Table 8.1 Level of deprivation/ineqality for South Africa 134
Table 8.2 Household sources of energy per province 141
Table 8.3 Sources of water in different provinces 142
Table 8.4 Type of toilet facility 143
Table 8.5 Service delivery index on level on satisfaction 146
Table 10.1 Population figures in Vhembe District Municipalities 173
Table 10.2 Educational status in Vhembe District Municipality 174
Table 10.3 Level of employment in Vhembe District 175
Table 10.4 Growth poles in Vhembe District 176
Table 10.5 Major facilities in Vhembe District Municipality 177
Table 10.6 Number of household members 181
Table 10.7 Duration of staying in the area 183
Table 10.8 Income levels 184
Table 11.1 Level of satisfaction for service delivery in rural areas 204

xxiii
 List of Boxes

Box 7.1 Policy principles governing water and sanitation in South Africa 112
Box 7.2 The regulatory framework that empowers local authorities 123

xxv
 PART I

Creating the Stage for Interrogation

 CHAPTER 1

Spatial Inequality: An Introduction

1.1  Introduction
The creation and further sustenance of spatial inequality in most
developing countries has been labelled as a colonial creation
(Lester et al. 2000). This in its basic sense was a result of disinvest-
ment in African areas of interest which was explicitly aggravated by the
exploitation of indigenous resources. This exploitation saw the creation
of bare-minimum conditions for the local population while resources
were transported and invested elsewhere where comfortable conditions
for the minority were generously provided. The history of the develop-
ing world is rich in such discourse and as such, South Africa, though a
young democracy, also witnessed this aggravating level of marginalisation
which the country is still struggling to repair. It has been observed that
some young democracies tend to sustain such inconsistencies in devel-
opment since they fail to develop policies that respond positively to such
historical imbalances (Lester et al. 2000).
According to Lester et al. (2000) apartheid planning in South Africa
reinforced a scenario of underdevelopment in a country already marked
by regional disparities in terms of access to resources and land which
had emerged in the colonial period. The same views are echoed by May
(1998) who noted that apart from unsatisfactory access to clean water,
energy, health care and education among households, the distribution
of income and wealth in South Africa is among the most unequal in

© The Author(s) 2019 3

H. H. Magidimisha and L. Chipungu,
Spatial Planning in Service Delivery,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19850-3_1
4 H. H. MAGIDIMISHA AND L. CHIPUNGU

the world. He further argues that although the country has shifted the
regime to a more democratic government, racial inequality is still visible
in poverty as seen in, 61% of Africans and 38% of Coloureds as compared
to only 5% Indians and 1% Whites. The persisting unequal distribution
of resources, skills and opportunities between racial groups and between
geographical areas presents major policy challenges to the South African
government (The Presidency 2006). The National Planning Commission
(2011) substantiates these views by contending that spatial patterns
exclude the poor from the fruits of development since public services
are uneven and often of poor quality and the country remains a divided
society.
Apartheid planning consigned the majority of South Africans to places
far away from work, where services could not be sustained, and where it
was difficult to access the benefits of society and participate in the econ-
omy. For this reason, the Commission proposed a strategy to address
the apartheid geography and create the conditions for more humane
and environmentally sustainable living and working environments that
respond directly to the South African Constitution—especially to the
provisions in the Bill of Rights that affirm the right of all to a healthy
environment, access to adequate housing, and basic services (National
Development Plan 2011: 260).
During the apartheid era, inequality was based on race. Most of
the effort of the liberation movement (pre-1994), were devoted
towards eliminating racial exclusion. Lester et al. (2000) argue that the
post-apartheid government, in a bid to respond to deep-rooted ine-
quality has implemented a range of interventions that intend to redress
inequality by addressing development backlogs and creating opportuni-
ties for historically disadvantaged groups. Some of the key policy doc-
uments that intend to address spatial inequalities as noted by Nel and
Rogerson (2009) include the National Spatial Development Perspective
(NSDP) of 2006, Regional Industrial Development Strategy of 2006 and
a number of other policies ranging from Spatial Development Initiatives
to Cluster Development Support Programmes, Provincial Growth and
Development strategies and Local Economic Development. All these
policy interventions mark the commitment of the post-apartheid gov-
ernment to address the deep-rooted spatial inequalities of the country.
However, it should be noted that:
 1 SPATIAL INEQUALITY: AN INTRODUCTION 5

None of these interventions were designed explicitly to respond to

regional and national spatial inequalities, Indeed, most of the ‘spatial’
interventions undertaken during the first decade of democracy functioned
only on an ad hoc and often decentralized basis, with the (unintended)
consequence that ultimately the most well-resourced (mainly large urban)
areas benefited the most, whilst less well-off areas of South Africa experi-
enced little or no change in their status. (Nel and Rogerson 2009: 143)

Most former homelands such as Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and

Ciskei are still among the most deprived regions in the country. The
lack of any significant change in the country’s spatial inequalities was
confirmed by the NSDP which started that nearly 80% of the coun-
try’s economy is generated in four core areas namely Gauteng, City of
Cape Town, Durban and Port Elizabeth (The Presidency 2006). May
(1998) commenting on disparities in the country argues that high lev-
els of human development are reflected in the provinces of the Western
Cape and Gauteng and they are similar to those found in Venezuela or
Singapore. The Northern Province, on the other hand, has a low human
to that of Zimbabwe or Namibia. This is a pointer to the fact that the
level of disparities is not only at racial level but also in different geo-
graphical locations. Former president Thabo Mbeki (2017) shared the
same sentiments by noting that:

Material conditions …have divided our country into two nations, the one
black, and the other white. …[the latter] is relatively prosperous and has
ready access to a developed economic, physical, educational, communi-
cation and other infrastructure…The second, and larger, nation of South
Africa is black and poor, [and] lives under conditions of a grossly underde-
veloped infrastructure.

Noble et al. (2006) expound on these views in their study whose findings
reveal the degree to which former homelands are still more deprived as
compared to other areas. In their study of 2009, Noble et al. used the
indices of multiple deprivations for South Africa to demonstrate that many
former homeland areas, such as the former Transkei and former Ciskei
and Venda are characterised by almost uniformly high levels of poverty
and deprivation. The findings are contrasted with the much more varied
composition of urban areas, where affluent neighbourhoods and poor
Another random document with
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THE POSITION OF THE BRAIN WHEN THE HEAD IS VIEWED FROM THE
FRONT.
LOCATING THE BRAIN WITH THE SIDE OF THE HEAD TO THE
SPORTSMAN.
 THE ELEPHANT, AFTER THE BRAIN SHOT, DIES QUIETLY AND THE OTHERS DO NOT
TAKE ALARM.

The greatest disadvantage the brain shot has is the difficulty of locating the
comparatively small brain in the enormous head. The best way is, of course,
to kill an elephant by the heart shot and very carefully to dissect the head,
thereby finding out the position of the brain in relation to the prominent points
or marks on the head, such as the eyes and ear holes. Unfortunately for this
scheme, the head is never in the same position when the animal is dead as
when alive, as an elephant hardly ever dies kneeling when a body shot has
been given him.
The experienced elephant shot can reach the brain from almost any angle,
and with the head in almost any position. But the novice will be well advised to
try the broadside shot only. Having mastered this and studied the frontal shot,
he may then try it. When successful with the above two shots he may be able
to reach the zenith of the elephant hunter’s ambition, i.e., to kill
instantaneously any of these huge pachyderms with one tiny nickel pencil-like
bullet when moving or stationary and from any angle.
 From the point of view of danger to the hunter, should a miss occur, an
ineffective shot in the head does not appear to have the enraging effect a
body shot elsewhere than in the vitals sometimes has. Should the bullet miss
the brain, but still pass sufficiently close to it to stun the animal, he will drop to
every appearance dead. If no convulsive jerking of the limbs is noticed he is
only stunned, and should be given another shot, as otherwise he will soon get
up and make off as if nothing had touched him.
 III
THE BODY SHOT AT ELEPHANT

Although the brain shot is speedier in result and more humane if bungled
than the body shot, yet the latter is not to be despised. Many hunters employ
no other. These will generally be found to be adherents to the “Big Bore”
school. The heart and lungs of an elephant present, together with the huge
arteries immediately adjacent, a large enough target for anyone, provided his
or her nerves are sufficiently controlled to allow of the rifle being aimed at the
correct spot. If this is not the case, and the whole animal is treated as the
target, to be hit anywhere, then the result will be flight or a charge on the part
of the elephant. Should the latter occur in thick stuff or high grass—12 ft. or 14
ft.—the novice will have a very unpleasant time indeed. An angry bull elephant
is a magnificent sight, but an extremely difficult animal to deal with, even for
the practised shot. For one thing, he is generally end on and the head is at a
high angle and never still. If the novice comes through the encounter
undamaged he will either leave elephants severely alone for the rest of his life
or he will be extremely careful where he puts his bullet next time.
 THE ANGRY BULL.

A magnificent sight but extremely difficult to deal with.

1.—WHERE THE WINDPIPE ENTERS THE BODY IS THE SPOT TO HIT WHEN
THE ANIMAL IS IN THIS POSITION.
 2.—ELEPHANT IN THE COUNTRY MOST SUITED TO THE BODY SHOT.

Even here, on an open grassy plain, if the hunter can get within thirty or forty yards, the brain
shot is to be preferred.
 3.—WITH ONE EYE SHUT.

The shaded portion represents the hands holding the rifle.

4.—WITH BOTH EYES OPEN.

The whole of the head is visible through the hands and rifle.
THE DOTTED LINES SHOW THE POSITION OF THE HEART AND LUNGS.
 WITH THE HERD IN THE PAIRING SEASON.

The natural inclination of most men is to fire and fire quickly, straight at the
beast, anywhere. This must be resisted at all costs. If you can force yourself to
wait until you have counted ten slowly, the animal is yours. The mere act of
asserting your mentality gives such ascendency to your powers of judgment
and such confidence that you will be surprised to find yourself coolly waiting
for a better chance than the one you were quite prepared to take a few
seconds before. When you are in this state of mind, try and get to a range of
about thirty yards at right angles to the fore and aft line of the animal. Now see
if the fore leg is clearly visible for the greater part. If it is and is fairly upright
you may use its centre line as your direction. A third of the distance from the
brisket to the top of the back is the elevation. If struck there or thereabouts
either the top of the heart or the lungs or some of the arteries will be pierced
and the animal cannot live, even when the bullet used is as small as a ·256.
He may run fifteen or twenty yards, subside into a walk for another forty or fifty
yards, stand about for some time and then subside. This is a pierced artery.
He may rush away for thirty to sixty yards at a great pace and fall in his stride.
This is a heart shot. Or he may rush off spouting bright red blood from his
trunk in great quantities. This is a shot in the lungs.
If you have missed the deadly area and are high, you may have touched the
spinal column. But it is so massive at this spot in a large elephant that it will
rarely be broken, so that even when he comes down he will soon recover and
be up and off. Too far forward you may get the point of the shoulder and your
bullet may have so weakened the bone that when he starts off it may break.
An elephant can neither trot nor gallop, but can only pace, therefore one
broken leg anchors him. It is true that he may just stagger along for a few
yards by substituting his tusks as a support in place of the broken leg. In a
case of this sort you will naturally dispatch him as quickly as possible.
If your bullet has gone too far back and got into the stomach you may be in
for a lively time, as nothing seems to anger them more than a shot so placed.
If he comes for you meaning business, no instructions would help you, simply
because you wouldn’t have time to think of them. Hit him hard quickly and as
often as you can, about a line between the eyes, or in the throat when his
head is up, and see what happens. Never turn your back to him. While you
can see him you know where he is. And besides, you cannot run in thick stuff
without falling. Always stand still and shoot whichever animal threatens you
most is what I have found to be the best plan.
Should you come upon a good bull in a position such as is shown in Fig. 1,
you may kill him with a shot where the windpipe finally enters the chest as
indicated by the spear. For some reason or other this is not an easy shot. It
may be because the spot is nearly always in deep shadow. Personally I would
wait until he lowered his head and gave me a chance at his brain. A hunting
companion of mine once shot an elephant in the brain while in a position such
as shown in Fig. 1. The bullet had entered through the top of the palate,
showing that he must have been almost under the animal’s head when he
fired. In Fig. 2 we have elephant in country most suitable for the body shot,
that is, open, short grassy plains. The mature bull on the right is the first
choice. Observe his massive head, short but heavy tusks. He is not old, but
his teeth will weigh well. The second choice is the one on the left which is
swinging his ears. Our friend in the middle which is philandering with the
heavy-looking cow should be spared. Observe how his teeth taper away to
nothing. They would scarcely scale 30 lb. each.
In Fig. 3 I have tried to show what happens when you aim your rifle with one
eye closed at an elephant’s brain. Everything below the head is obliterated
with this form of backsight. This makes it much more difficult to judge correctly
the position of the brain, as the sight cuts out one or both of the “leading
marks,” i.e., the eye and the earhole. The shaded portion represents the
hands holding the rifle.
Fig. 4 is meant to show what happens when the same sight is being taken
at the same elephant but with both eyes open. Owing to the left eye seeing
the whole image—as its view of it is not obstructed by the hands—the whole
of the elephant’s head appears visible through the hands and rifle. The
advantage is obvious. Anyone can do it who will take the trouble to practise.
Finally, I would like to warn anyone who may be going out for his elephant
for the first time to beware that the native gun-bearer does not rush him into
firing too soon. They have not our medical knowledge which teaches us that
the brain, heart and lungs are the best places to hit. They would hit them
anywhere and trust to “medicine” to do the rest. I have been solemnly assured
by native elephant hunters that it is not the bullet which causes the animal’s
death, but the fire from the powder which enters the hole made by the bullet.
 IV
AFRICAN “MEDICINE” OR WITCHCRAFT AND ITS
BEARING ON SPORT

The ruling factor in the pagan African’s life is witchcraft, generally called
throughout the continent “medicine.” All his doings are ruled by it. No venture
can be undertaken without it. Should he be going into the bush on some trivial
project he will pick up a stone and deposit it on what has through years
become a huge pile. This is to propitiate some spirit. But this apparently does
not fully ensure the success of the expedition, for should a certain species of
bird call on the wrong side of the road the whole affair is off and he returns to
his village to wait until another day when the omens are good.
In illness he recognises no natural laws; all is ascribed to medicine on the
part of some enemy. Should his wife fail to produce the yearly baby, someone
is making medicine against him through her. Hunting or raiding ventures are
never launched without weeks of medicine making. The regular practitioners
of this medicine are called “medicine men” or witch doctors. Their power is
enormous and is hardly fully realised even by the European administrations,
although several African penal codes now contain legislative efforts to curtail
the practice of the evil eye and the black arts. These medicine men have
always appeared to me to be extremely shrewd and cunning men who yet
really believed in their powers. While all goes well their lot is an enviable one.
Gifts of food are showered upon them. I suspect that they secretly eat the
fowls and goats which are brought as sacrifices to propitiate the spirits: at any
rate, these seem to disappear in a mysterious manner. Beer and women are
theirs for the asking as long as all goes well. But, should the medicine man
have a run of ill luck in his practice and be not too firmly established, he
sometimes comes to grief. The most frequent cause of their downfall appears
to occur in the foretelling of rain. Supposing a dry year happens to come
along, as it so frequently does in Africa, everyone to save his crops resorts to
the medicine man. They take to him paltry presents to begin with. No rain.
They give him fowls, sheep and goats. Still no rain. They discuss it among
themselves and conclude that he is not yet satisfied. More presents are given
to him and, maybe, he is asked why he has not yet made the rain come.
Never at a loss, he explains that there is a strong combination up against him,
a very strong one, with which he is battling day and night. If he only had a
bullock to sacrifice to such and such a spirit he might be able to overcome the
opposition. And so it goes on. Cases are known among rich tribes where the
medicine man has enriched himself with dozens of head of cattle and women.
At this stage should rain appear all is well, and the medicine man is acclaimed
the best of fellows and the greatest of the fraternity. But should its appearance
be so tardy that the crops fail, then that medicine man has lost his job and has
to flee to some far tribe. If he be caught he will, most probably, be stoned or
clubbed to death.
To the elephant hunter the medicine man can sometimes be of great
assistance. I once consulted a medicine man about a plague of honey-guides.
These are African birds about the size of a yellowhammer, which have the
extraordinary habit of locating wild bees’ nests and leading man to them by
fluttering along in front of him, at the same time keeping up a continuous and
penetrating twittering until the particular tree in which the nest is situated is
reached. After the native has robbed the nest of its honey, by the aid of smoke
and fire, he throws on the ground a portion—sometimes very small—of the
grub-filled comb as a reward for the bird.
My experience occurred just after the big bush fires, when elephant are so
easily tracked, their spoor standing out grey on the blackened earth. At this
season, too, the bees’ nests contain honey and grubs. Hundreds of natives
roam the bush and the honey-guides are at their busiest. Elephants were
numerous, and for sixteen days I tracked them down and either saw or heard
them stampede, warned of our presence by honey-guides, without the chance
of a shot. Towards the end of this ghastly period my trackers were completely
discouraged. They urged me to consult the medicine man, and I agreed to do
so, thinking that at any rate my doing so would imbue the boys with fresh
hope. Arrived at the village, in due course I visited the great man. His first
remark was that he knew that I was coming to consult him, and that he also
knew the reason of my visit. By this he thought to impress me, I suppose, but,
of course, he had heard all about the honey-guides from my boys, although
they stoutly denied it when I asked them after the interview was over. Yes, I
said, I had come to see him about those infernal birds. And I told him he could
have all the meat of the first elephant I killed if he could bring about that
desirable end to my long hunt. He said he would fix it up. And so he did, and
the very next day, too.
In the evening of the day upon which I had my consultation I was strolling
about the village while my boys got food, prepared for another trip in the bush.
Besides these preparations I noticed a lot of basket mending and sharpening
of knives. One woman I questioned said she was coming with us on the
morrow to get some elephant meat. I spoke to two or three others. They were
all preparing to smoke and dry large quantities of meat, and they were all
going with us. Great optimism prevailed everywhere. Even I began to feel that
the turning in the lane was in sight. Late that night one of my trackers came to
say that the medicine man wished me to stay in camp in the morning and not
to proceed as I had intended. I asked the reason of this and he simply said
that the medicine man was finding elephant for me and that when the sun was
about so high (9 o’clock) I should hear some news.

ELEPHANT SLINKING AWAY, WARNED OF THE APPROACH OF MAN BY HONEY-GUIDES.

 MEDICINE INDEED!

Soon after daybreak natives from the village began to arrive in camp. All
seemed in great spirit, and everyone came with knives, hatchets, baskets and
skin bags of food. They sat about in groups laughing and joking among
themselves. Breakfast finished, the boys got everything ready for the march.
What beat me was that everyone—my people included—seemed certain they
were going somewhere. About 9.30 a native glistening with sweat arrived. He
had seen elephant. How many? Three! Big ones? Yes! Hurriedly telling the
chief to keep his people well in the rear, off we set at a terrific pace straight
through the bush until our guide stopped by a tree. There he had left his
companion watching the elephants. Two or three hundred yards further on we
came to their tracks. Everywhere were the welcome signs of their having fed
as they went. But, strangest thing of all, not a single honey-guide appeared.
Off again as hard as we could go, the tracks running on ahead clear and
distinct, light grey patches on a burnt ground with the little grey footmarks of
the native ahead of us. In an hour or so we spotted him in a tree, and as we
drew near we caught the grey glint of elephant. Still no honey-guides;
blessings on the medicine man! Wind right, bush fairly open, it only remained
to see if they were warrantable. That they were large bulls we already knew
from their tracks. Leaving the boys, I was soon close behind the big sterns as
they wandered gently along. In a few seconds I had seen their ivory
sufficiently to know that one was really good and the other two quite shootable
beasts. Now for the brain shot. Of all thrills in the world give me the standing
within 20 yds. of good elephant, waiting for a head to turn to send a tiny nickel
bullet straight to the brain. From toenail to top of back they were all a good 11
ft. Stepping a few yards to the left and keeping parallel with them I saw that
the way to bag the lot was to shoot the leader first, although he was not the
biggest. Letting pass one or two chances at the middle and rearmost beasts, I
finally got a bullet straight into the leader’s brain. The middle one turned
towards the shot and the nearest turned away from it, so that they both
presented chances at their brains: the former an easy broadside standing, the
latter a behind the ear shot and running. So hard did this one come down on
his tusks that one of them was loose in its socket and could be drawn straight
out. Almost immediately one could hear a kind of rush coming through the
bush. The chief and his people were arriving. There seemed to be hundreds
of them. And the noise and rejoicings! I put guards on the medicine man’s
beast. From first to last no honey-guide had appeared. The reader must judge
for himself whether there was any magic in the affair or not. What I think
happened was this: knowing that the medicine man was taking the affair in
hand and that he had promised elephant, the natives believed that elephant
would be killed. Believing that, they were willing to look industriously for them
in the bush. Great numbers of them scattered through the bush had the effect
of splitting up and scattering the honey-guides, besides increasing the
chances of finding elephant. The fact that we did not hear a single bird must
have been mere chance, I think. But you could not convince an African of that.
Natural causes and their effects have not a place in his mind. I remember
once an elephant I had hit in the heart shook his head violently in his death
throes. I was astounded to see one of his tusks fly out and land twelve paces
away. The boys were awe-stricken when they saw what had happened. After
ten minutes’ silence they started whispering to each other and then my gun-
bearer came to speak to me. He solemnly warned me with emotion in his
voice never to go near another elephant. If I did it would certainly kill me after
what had occurred. It was quite useless my pointing out that the discarded
tusk was badly diseased, and that it would have probably fallen out in a short
time anyhow. No! No! Bwana, it is medicine! said they.
HE SHOOK HIS HEAD SO VIOLENTLY IN THE DEATH THROES THAT A TUSK FLEW OUT
AND LANDED TWELVE PACES AWAY.
 A M’BONI VILLAGE.

Perhaps twenty grass shelters are dotted here and there under the trees.

Some few years ago I was hunting in the Wa Boni country in British East
Africa. The Wa Boni form an offshoot of the Sanya tribe and are purely
hunters, having no fixed abode and never undertaking cultivation of any kind.
They will not even own stock of any sort, holding that such ownership leads to
trouble in the form of—in the old days—raids, and now taxation. Living entirely
on the products of the chase, honey, bush fruits and vegetables, they are
perhaps the most independent people in the world. They are under no
necessity to combine for purposes of defence, having nothing to defend.
Owning no plantations, they are independent of droughts. The limitless bush
provides everything they want. Skins for wearing apparel, meat for eating,
fibres of great strength for making string and ropes for snares, sinew for
bowstrings, strong and tough wood for bows, clay for pottery, grass for shelter,
water-tubers for drinking when water is scarce, fruit foods of all sorts; and all
these for the gathering. No wonder they are reluctant to give up their roving
life. I was living in one of the M’Boni villages, if village it could be called. It
consisted of, perhaps, twenty grass shelters dotted here and there under the
trees. It was the season when honey is plentiful, and there was a great deal of