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The Development of Community
Engagement from Infancy to
Adulthood
Typeset in Bembo
by Taylor & Francis Books
This book is dedicated to our five boys – two for Susan and
three for Justin – who have shaped us and made us keenly aware
of how important it is to be actively involved in making the
world a better place for them and for all people.
This page intentionally left blank
Contents
Foreword viii
Index 117
Foreword
how we can raise children who are inherently concerned about the well-
being of others. Finally, and critically for our approach with this book, we
address the moral factors that influence a volunteer mindset promoting
sustained volunteerism over the lifespan.
Chapter 5 encourages the reader to see adolescents as capable, willing, and
active contributors to the world – ones who want to make a difference and who
desire the opportunity to do so. Seeing adolescents as volunteering assets changes
one’s perspective. Adolescents are popular recipients of volunteer efforts; adult
volunteers derive great satisfaction from mentoring adolescents, working with
them to improve academics, coaching them in sports, and much more. However,
how can we inspire people to see adolescents as providers of volunteer assistance,
rather than only as receivers? One answer lies with the Non-Profit Organizations
(NPOs) that house the vast majority of volunteer opportunities in this country.
NPOs must be encouraged to see the opportunities for these volunteers to make a
difference, but also to see the benefits to their own mission of providing a space for
these volunteers to contribute. They must also have the will and knowledge about
how to structure volunteer opportunities to make them useful, accessible, and
appealing for adolescents. This requires the knowledge base provided in this
chapter about why adolescents volunteer, how they volunteer, and the many
benefits of adolescent volunteerism. Another answer to the challenge of seeing
adolescents as active volunteers lies in changing society’s attitude and awareness
about adolescent volunteering. Adolescents and emerging adults are more
involved in volunteerism than most people suspect; they are in a time of life when
community involvement is both valued and valuable. We explore the antecedents
of volunteering, such as personality, motivational, and circumstantial characteristics
that impact one’s likelihood of engaging in volunteering, and also the contexts,
such as school, that can structure teens’ volunteer involvements. In sum, in order
to truly tap the power of adolescents for societal and civic good, we have to
change the way we view this time of life and also design programs and opportu-
nities specifically for adolescents’ interests and modes of engagement.
Chapter 6 provides an overview of the role of social institutions, such as
religious institutions, schools, voluntary organizations, and government
organizations, in providing opportunity and support for volunteerism. It is
often difficult, particularly for children and adolescents, to find appropriate
volunteer opportunities. These opportunities typically must “come to” the
children and adolescents, rather than being sought out or pursued. Thus,
social institutions can provide an entrée into specific volunteer opportunities
in their neighborhoods and communities. This chapter discusses how reli-
gious organizations, schools, and youth organizations provide opportunities
for child and youth engagement; in fact, youth volunteerism is over-
whelmingly linked to these specific organizations. One of the strengths of
these institutions is that they provide attitudinal and behavioral contexts and
even motivation for involvement in service. For example, faith-based orga-
nizations provide a structure to guide youth toward volunteerism, but the
xii Foreword
youth are also offered motivations and a moral imperative to serve. In the secular
realm, schools provide both a learning environment wherein social problems can
be defined and discussed and also a point of entry where solutions to the problems
can be accessed in their own communities. It becomes clear to the reader that
children and youth are an underutilized volunteer resource, and they must be able
to access appropriate organizations that provide them with the programs, activities,
and events through which they can be engaged in pursuits that fit their interests
and schedules. Capacity-building in this area requires attention to building positive
adult–youth relationships, programming for meaningful and appealing activities,
and providing opportunities for personal growth, skill attainment, and reflection.
We conclude our investigation by examining the possibilities of modern
citizenship in Chapter 7. Incredible advances in technology and the continued
growth of globalization are connecting people, economic markets, political
systems, and companies in important ways. Coupled with shrinking budgets
and attenuating governmental services, community life has changed dramati-
cally in the last few decades. Active citizens, engaged and committed to social
betterment, have a myriad of ways to be involved. While traditional engage-
ment, such as voting and volunteering for candidates, are still viable options,
other activities directly relevant to and available for youth involvement have
increased. As evidenced by the activism of the Parkland students, social media
platforms are providing unprecedented means for connecting with others,
organizing rallies, and bringing greater awareness to political issues. These
young activists, some even too young to vote themselves, have found a
meaningful route to influence the political process and to remind elected offi-
cials they will be voting, and holding them accountable, very soon. These early
experiences have the ability to increase engagement and volunteerism into
adulthood. With technological advances, new “modern forms” of non-tradi-
tional engagement are available. More specifically, computer-based volunteer-
ing, crowdsourcing projects, sharing information through social media, and
promoting a greater awareness of social issues online are routes to engagement
that do not require one be in a specific location to volunteer their time and
expertise. Through volunteerism we are able to create social change. These
behaviors address issues important to us, allow us to draw awareness to pressing
problems, and attempt to make the world a better place.
In sum, we believe that volunteerism is just plain good for you. Volun-
teerism makes one feel useful, happy, and carefree. It is positive. It is affirm-
ing. It is a way to express your best self. We argue that this is especially true
for children and adolescents – in a time when depression, anxiety, and stress
are at an all-time high across youthful age groups, positive and productive
pursuits are to be highly valued and supported. We can do no less for our
society and our children and teens than to provide them with access to such a
constructive and beneficial activity as volunteerism. It is our hope that the
policies and financial investment will be put in place to support these service
pursuits, not just for adults, but throughout the lifespan.
Chapter 1
So, then, what do children gain from these volunteering experiences that jus-
tifies the personal, familial, and social capital that we invest in such pursuits? First,
children gain a platform for the development of care and concern for other chil-
dren, the elderly, homeless people, the environment, animals, and many, many
other causes. This is closely aligned with the development of empathy, but parents
and other adults must provide an avenue to discuss the children’s experiences and
contextualize them. This is particularly important when the recipient of the service
is “invisible” to the child, and parents can connect the donated blankets to the
homeless people or the sandwich-making to hungry people. In other words,
making the connection clear between the action and the tangible benefits to
others helps young volunteers to understand the significance these volunteer
behaviors can have for others in need. Establishing early on a pattern of and affinity
for service sets the child up for what may continue to be, with proper nurture and
support, a lifelong commitment of service to others. If children start volunteering
early within their families, they also develop lifelong, positive, affirming memories
of their family members volunteering together. There is no price that can purchase
memories such as these, and volunteering provides the context in which family
members can grow, bond, and support each other in positive pursuits that have
great potential for bringing them closer as a family.
Children also learn how to work with others to complete specific tasks. The
ability to engage in productive teamwork is a valuable skill in today’s society,
and early experiences of working effectively with others provides a foundation
of such skills to build on. Volunteerism is typically both social and interactive,
and is a setting in which cooperation, collaboration, and communication can all
be practiced in a non-judgmental manner. This speaks to this setting as one
which may additionally foster the further development of social skills. The
development of social skills requires a social environment to hone these skills
and to consolidate gains. As children age, volunteerism becomes an increasingly
social venue. This is particularly true for older children and, later, adolescents,
The pathways of volunteerism 9
as they begin to value and thus to seek the social features of their voluntary
activities. Activities which allow them to be sociable and socially active are
preferred, and the participants will find them enjoyable and appealing.
In their volunteer experience, children are often given the opportunity to
learn how to do something new. For example, planting a tree may seem easy
and straightforward from our adult perspective, but not so much to a seven or
eight-year-old. Closely related to this is that volunteerism can scaffold chil-
dren’s problem-solving abilities, particularly if the efforts are contextualized by
adults. Even the planting of a tree has many steps, and each step may present
challenges to be solved. If adults engage children in the process they use to
address challenges – both how and why they choose the solutions that they do –
then children can use these skills on the next problem (or the next tree!). Seen
in this light, volunteerism can be compared to a “project-based learning”
experience – these activities allow the participants to apply new knowledge and
to test their learning with the aid of persons of advanced skill.
The aforementioned benefits of volunteerism additionally dovetail into the
development of a can-do attitude and a belief in the worth of their own efforts to
improve the world. Volunteerism can provide strong evidence for children of their
own worth and value, which are crucial components of self-esteem. Children learn
that both small and large contributions make a difference to the whole, and that
their efforts are meaningful not only to others, but to their own vision of themselves.
They learn how to be a part of solutions to problems in their neighborhoods and
community, which may also increase their interest in social justice and civic life.
Importantly, these experiences provide basic components for the weaving of moral
fiber – belief in one’s agency, proof of one’s compassion and care for others, and the
acquisition of skills and abilities to do something with one’s moral beliefs. Providing
the situations and support for the acquisition of each of these developmental
achievements seems a worthy goal for both families and society.
It is not an overstatement to say that volunteerism and other prosocial
involvements are essential to the very fabric of our communities. We argue that
the connections built through an active and engaged citizenry provide a sort of
fabric that connects community members together. That is, volunteerism –
and community engagement more broadly defined – provides a means to
build connections between individuals within a neighborhood or community.
These connections build strong social networks characterized by norms of
togetherness, trust, and, solidarity.
A recognition of the advantages of an engaged citizenry encourages one to
consider the question of how to develop and grow social capital in American
communities. Putnam (2000) has highlighted the loss of social capital across the
United States. In comparing civic and uncivic regions, Putnam found democ-
racies and economies work better in areas with strong social capital. That is,
public affairs are successfully ordered in areas with an active and engaged citi-
zenry. Engaged citizens do not emerge overnight. In contrast, we assert that
adults who volunteer, are engaged in civic organizations, actively work to
10 The pathways of volunteerism
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VUMP-XCMF-FQYU-V0JH
Chapter 2
specific direction toward the external world. The need for this motivational
concept within Adler’s conceptualization cannot be underestimated; it provides
one avenue via which people could act at times against their own interests,
while still maintaining personality health and integrity.
In his later writings, Adler called social interest an “inborn potentiality, not an
innate ability” (Adler, 1964, p.34). Thus, Adler maintained that social interest is
not simply an inborn disposition but must be nurtured to develop fully. Our very
earliest interactions with the world instill social interest in our personalities, so
that the template of this style of relating is there for us to draw on across situa-
tions. Early maternal emotional availability and responsiveness is associated with
empathetic responding from the child (Farrant, Devine, Mayberry, & Fletcher,
2012; Kochanska, Forman & Coy, 1999). For example, a mother who responds
consistently and positively to her infant’s distress engenders a situation in which
emotional availability and relational positivity are common and reliable for the
child over time.
Those parenting behaviors that enhance this “other-focus” are presumed to
contribute to the development and maintenance of social interest. Adler maintained
that the development of social interest was well underway – even solidified – far
before a child had the ability to express the complexity of this concept in language.
Adler (1938) indicated that a person acts “as if” they realize that life has meaning via
our interest and investments in each other. From a developmental perspective, this
means that the behavior of parents must be central to the identification and nur-
turing of this construct. For example, parents who use a particular reasoning strat-
egy with their children called “other-oriented induction” systematically make
children aware of how their behavior impacts other people (Hoffman, 1970).
Hoffman suggests that other-oriented induction is successful in motivating positive
behaviors and enhancing children’s self-control because it arouses empathy in the
children, producing in them an awareness of and attunement to the needs of others.
To take this one step further, the relationship between other-oriented parenting
techniques and the expression of prosocial behavior has been shown to be mediated
by children’s advancements in empathy (Krevans & Gibbs, 1996). This type of
parent–child transaction exemplifies how what Adler terms Gemeinshaftsgeful or
“community feeling” develops as a way to put empathy into action via our cus-
tomary mindfulness of our impact of self on other (Ansbacher, 1992). Thus, it
becomes clear that what Adler espoused in terms of social interest can be promoted
by encouraging emotionally available and responsive parenting. This type of par-
enting includes the enactment of specific parenting techniques designed to activate
empathy and orientation toward others, such as induction.
The dynamics of how life stage impacts volunteerism is just beginning to gain
some clarity in the literature, but primarily for adults (e.g., Carr, King, & Matz-
Costa, 2015). In this section, we will start with an overview of the impact of
the first and foundational stage of Erikson’s Theory – Trust vs. Mistrust – on
pro-social behaviors. This section will end with a consideration of generativity
as a context for the development of prosocial behaviors in children.
The first stage of Erikson’s theory lasts from birth to approximately 18 months
of age and focuses on the processes leading to the development of trust. Trust is
developed when an infant, being dependent and vulnerable, has his or her needs
met by a consistent, reliable, and warm caregiver. When small children experience
responsive caregiving that meets their needs, they develop a worldview (called an
internal working model in attachment theory) that others they encounter will also
be trustworthy. As their experience with others who are kind, caring, and con-
cerned with their needs proceeds through early development, the child learns that
they are treated as a being of value and worth, and thus develops an expectation
that others will treat them in the same way. In this way, one can see that trust is an
assumption or expectation about the motivation and behavior of others. When the
trust assumptions of a developing child are consistently proven to be correct, then
there is really no reason not to expect the same from others. Thusly trust becomes
a psychological tool or resource that is used by individuals to make a priori
assumptions about social situations. If you assume you can trust someone, a cascade
of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors ensue. For example, if trust forms the basis for
warm and reliable relating with others, then this is one basis for the empathy and
altruism that children begin to display during and after this stage.
Does the trust engendered as a child relate to volunteerism as an adult?
Putnam (2000) opines that civic engagement promotes trust via socialization experi-
ences – the more you volunteer, the more trusting you become. However, another
pathway may also be in play wherein people who are more trusting may self-select
into volunteerism as an activity. Bekkers (2012) presented evidence that the selection
effect is responsible for the relationship between civic engagement and trust, meaning
that being a trusting person gives rise to civic engagement and not vice-versa.
Although the two pathways may not be mutually exclusive (i.e., volunteer experi-
ences may create trust in some people, particularly those low in trust to begin with [a
floor effect], whereas those already high in trust self-select into volunteerism), it is
certainly in keeping with Erikson’s conceptualization of trust that those with trust-
engendering experiences as young children may find themselves desiring to give back
later. Indeed, the developmental relationship between early growth of trust, and the
attending virtue of hope (confidence in a bright future), and the eventual display of
generativity – encapsulated in giving back to others – is an integral part of Erikson’s
theory. As one moves through infancy on the path of trust and hope, one avoids the
maldevelopment of withdrawal and detachment, and increases the propensity for
engagement with family and the outside world. This, in turn, is reinvented in middle
adulthood as an ethic of care and concern for others, behaviorally expressed as
engagement in civic life.
Theoretical foundations of volunteerism 15
and peers, but the observational field also includes societal models, ideas, and
influences, such as media and religious institutions. From very young ages,
children are exposed to models that may or may not present behaviors that are
building blocks to the suite of prosocial behaviors that lead to volunteerism and
community engagement. Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, & King (1979) studied
15 months to almost three-year-olds and their mothers, to evaluate the impact
of maternal parenting techniques on children’s behavior. Mothers who were
clear and intense in their expressions to their child about other people’s distress
have children who display more prosocial behaviors. The authors state, “It is
hypothesized that what is being taught by the mothers is a basic orientation
toward others” (p. 329). We argue that this basic learning by the child, pro-
vided in context by interaction with the mother, is a basic foundation upon
which helping behaviors must lie. Other-orientation (actually paying attention
to or even recognizing the plight of another) is a necessary first step before any
other system can be activated, whether behavioral, cognitive, or affective.
The salience of parents as models of socially engaged behaviors in young chil-
dren cannot be understated. Parents are rich sources of observable behaviors; they
are bold and estimable models in the children’s eyes, skilled at social behavior, and
provide vicarious reinforcement that is palpably relevant to children’s concerns. In
a cross-cultural study of parent to child transmission of pro-environmental beliefs,
Ando et al. (2015) found that 9–10 year-old children’s perceptions of their parent’s
expectations regarding environmentalism predicted their own pro-environmental
behaviors. Parents can both tell children their expectations (“We sort the recycling
every week because it is good for the environment”) and reliably show the
children their attitude-consistent behaviors (the recycling is sorted every week and
is out at the curb regularly).
Thus, it is apparent that it is not only the child’s observation of the parent
engaging in socially meaningful behaviors that is important to learning, but also
parents’ explanations and clarifications of their behaviors that is important. In
other words, parents both show and teach the behaviors that surround social
engagement. Parents who themselves volunteer and who clearly explain their
attitude about volunteering and community engagement will provide a distinct
context in which children learn to volunteer.
These benefits accrued from volunteerism are all what one would call
“reinforcing” – hence, the role of traditional behavioral theory. For example,
Law, Siu, and Shek (2013) argue that both concrete benefits, such as subsidies,
and less quantifiable forms of recognition, such as support or praise, are
important to the development of volunteerism in Chinese youth. In other
words, positive and socially involved behavior is enhanced when the environ-
ment is affirming and rewarding for such behaviors. This and similar studies
Theoretical foundations of volunteerism 19
Motivations
Motivations reflect why an individual, in a particular situation, selects a specific
behavior over other alternative actions that could be initiated. Volunteer behaviors
can be the result of several different motivations. As proposed in the Volunteer
Functions Inventory, volunteering can serve both personal (e.g., Values,
20 Theoretical foundations of volunteerism
Understanding, and Enhancement) and social functions (e.g., Career, Social, and
Protective; Clary et al., 1998). As a result, for different people volunteer behaviors
can initiate from, and satisfy, a number of possible motivations. Volunteering
could express an important principle or value one holds dear. For instance,
volunteering may highlight one’s commitment to humanitarianism or concern for
others. Volunteering could emerge from a desire to understand and learn more
about the world. Volunteering with an enhancement motivation is reflected in the
desire to contribute one’s time and resources as a means to grow psychologically,
to gain self-knowledge, and self-development. Assisting and helping others may
increase the volunteer’s sense of self-worth and allow one to feel good. Volun-
teering can be motivated by a desire to further one’s career goals or academic
development, and certain volunteer opportunities may provide experiences and
skills that arevaluable for employment. Both career and academic factors are key
motivations for adolescents and young adults. Additionally, volunteering serves a
social motivation by providing individuals with an opportunity to interact with
and strengthen relationships with others. Finally, volunteering provides people
with an ego protective function by reducing negative feelings or addressing per-
sonal problems. The volunteer may be able to escape, at least temporarily, personal
problems and issues.
These various motivations can be viewed as external, other-oriented motiva-
tions, or internal, self-oriented egoistic motivations. While self-serving volunteer
behaviors may have some positive benefits (e.g., learning new skills or developing
a social network that increases the likelihood of obtaining a desired job), these self-
oriented motivations are associated with a decrease in intentions to volunteer in
the future and with a decrease in psychological and physical well-being (Gebauer,
Riketta, Broemer, & Maio, 2008; Stukas, Hoye, Nicholson, Brown, & Aisbett,
2016). In contrast, volunteerism initiated with other-oriented motivations is asso-
ciated with a decreased risk of mortality (Konrath, Fuhrel-Forbis, Lou, & Brown,
2012). Moreover, when pitted against other types of motivations, other-focused
motivations emerge as a key predictor for both domain specific activism (AIDS
activism) and more general civic engagement (Omoto, Snyder, & Hackett, 2010).
Clearly, a focus on the welfare of and a concern for others is a strong antecedent to
a variety of prosocial behaviors that then have a beneficial result for those who
participate in them.
A common issue addressed regarding volunteerism is how to initiate the
behavior. That is to say, how can we encourage interested individuals,
particularly children and teens, to take the step toward volunteering time
and resources? Constructing advertisements and promotional materials to
attract potential volunteers, focused on their particular age group, is one
method for recruitment. The matching hypothesis suggests messages should
be designed to appeal to the specific motivation one has for volunteering
(Clary & Snyder, 1999). In other words, the effectiveness of a message will
increase if it appeals directly to the target’s motives or interests. Research
participants found appeals matching their motivations as more persuasive
Theoretical foundations of volunteerism 21
than those appeals that did not so correspond (Clary et al., 1998). In a field
study examining recruitment for an AIDS service organization, more
potential recruits responded positively to ads that appealed to their motiva-
tions for volunteering (Snyder et al., 2009). Not only does this matching
have implications for recruiting volunteers, but it is also important for
satisfaction with volunteer experiences and commitment to continuing the
behavior. Volunteer satisfaction and retention is enhanced when experi-
ences, or volunteer behaviors, satisfy the motivations for engagement (Clary
et al., 1999; Omoto & Snyder, 1995; Stukas, Worth, Clary, & Snyder,
2009). For children, it is critically important to construct messages that
match their interests, their family situation, and their developmental level.
Providing kids with the opportunity to engage in volunteer behaviors that
can be linked to specific desires and motivations may help to establish a
commitment to volunteerism. However, the parents must be involved and
even interested themselves, as they are the key to time, transportation, and
support for children and younger adolescents. For instance, parents can
focus on opportunities in early childhood that assist in instilling desired
values or religious commitments, aligning these volunteer activities with the
underlying values. Children may be encouraged to take part in church
fundraising, 4-H Club, or other community-based activities. However, even
if the child is interested in these activities and desires to participate, it is up
to parents and organizers to design the activity with children’s skills and
abilities in mind; there is a reason that most child-centered service organi-
zations have an achievement ladder in service that prioritizes less complex
activities for younger children with increasing complexity as children age.
This avoids one of the most important inhibitors of volunteer intentions in
children – experiences of failure that reduce children’s willingness to engage
in the activity going forward. In adolescence, when the desire to be with
peers is quite high, volunteer opportunities can also serve a social function.
Volunteerism may connect people in mentoring relationships or provide
opportunities to socialize with peers. Matching the motivations and desires
during specific developmental stages with volunteer activities may increase
the likelihood that volunteerism becomes a lifelong activity.
These five systems interact with environmental variables in ways that produce
cultural differences in moral thinking. In other words, these innate moral intui-
tions are modified and respond differently to cultural virtues and specific rituals
unique to societies. Our moral thinking develops, in part, by what our culture
views as correct behavior or “proper moral thinking.” This approach highlights
the importance family and community play in developing moral thinking in
children. What children see around them impacts the existing moral systems
creating cultural differences. Ultimately, the functional approach of morality, as
proposed in MFT, highlights how the coevolution of our moral thinking and
cultural practices has produced societal differences in views of morality. Through
this perspective, volunteerism serves as a functional activity to perhaps provide
specific services to needy group members, connect people with one another, or
better the conditions for the group at large. While cultural differences may
emerge in the specific types of volunteer behaviors common in cultural groups,
these actions benefit the group at large.
Values
Values are higher order beliefs that have the potential to impact both our
attitudes and behaviors. Early psychological theorists promulgated the idea
that the link between attitudes and behaviors may depend on personal values
(Rosenberg, 1960, 1968; Rokeach, 1973). Personal values, the cherished
principles that direct and guide peoples’ lives, highlight what individuals hold
dear and encourage particular actions that are likely to help achieve desired
goals and end states. Personal values are often the standards through which
behaviors are evaluated (Rohan, 2000; Schwartz, 1992). People prefer to
engage in behaviors likely to bring about or promote the values important to
them. Ultimately, personal values reflect a viewpoint of what people believe is
good and desirable and perhaps motivate one to live a life corresponding with
these values. Transmitting values to future generations is a key aspect of culture.
Passing on these guiding principles becomes essential for promoting social order
in families and within the broader society. In a large, cross-cultural study by
Doring and colleagues (2015), children between the ages of 7–11 have value
priorities and structures that resemble adults in their society. At this early age,
children have come to recognize and internalize the values important to older
community members.
According to Schwartz (1992), values (1) are concepts and beliefs linked to
affect, (2) pertain to desirable end-states that can initiate behaviors, (3) transcend
specific situations and behaviors, (4) guide selection or evaluation of behavior and
events, and (5) are ordered by relative importance placed on each value.
Schwartz (1992, 1994) has proposed ten value types, with each representing basic
human motivations and goals: self-direction (independent thought and action),
stimulation (excitement, novelty, and challenge in life), hedonism (pleasure and
sensuous gratification for oneself), achievement (personal success through
24 Theoretical foundations of volunteerism
other. People are most usefully understood by types rather than singular traits.
For example, “neurotic extroverts” (high in neuroticism and extroversion)
present themselves in a very different manner than do “neurotic introverts”
(high in neuroticism and low in extroversion); you may see the former in many
socially active roles, including volunteerism, more so than the latter. For our
current purposes, this lead us to wonder if there is a “volunteer’s personality
type”? Perhaps, but identifying it is beset with definitional and conceptual
issues. Like most complex social behaviors, if there is a “volunteer’s personality
type”, it is likely not defined by a single trait. Rather, the “volunteer’s personality”
is more likely a combination of traits or dispositions that reflect a tendency to
engage in helping behaviors. One way to understand the volunteer’s personality is
to see it as a behavioral manifestation of the “prosocial personality.” Although little
consensus exists as to a standard definition of the prosocial personality, Penner
(2002) suggests that other-oriented empathy, which includes empathetic feelings
and concern for others’ welfare, and helpfulness, which concerns useful acts
benefitting others, is foundational to the prosocial personality. Empathy for others
includes feelings, cognitions and behaviors, in that it induces feelings of concern and
compassion, an awareness of others’ situation and a willingness to engage with the plight of
the other. In terms of volunteering, Penner’s research finds that volunteers’ other-
oriented empathy and helpfulness are related to the number of volunteer sites, the
time spent volunteering at a primary charity, and how long volunteers have served
at the charity.
Habashi, Graziano, and Hoover (2016) point out that traditional definitions
of prosocial activities center on the benefits that accrue to others, whereas
definitions of altruism more clearly focus on the selfless intentions of the actor.
They correctly state, “The search for an altruistic personality will be more dif-
ficult in that it faces a higher hurdle if it requires knowledge of an actor’s
expectations for rewards and intent” (p. 1178). In their research, the Big-5
factor of agreeableness, characterized by interpersonal warmth, kind-heart-
edness, and cooperation, is most clearly related to helping behaviors. Their
research suggests that high agreeableness allows an almost seamless activation
of empathetic concern and a diminution of personal distress, initiating the
psychological conditions related to helping. Persons low in agreeableness may,
in fact, be able – even willing – to offer helping behaviors, but they only
initiate these behaviors in situations that specifically activate their empathetic
concern. This offers an interesting window into the development of helping
behaviors in children and adolescents. Some with the characteristics of highly
agreeable personalities may be dispositionally ready to help, and yet getting
those not of this disposition to help may require setting up situations or
interactions that make them notice the opportunity or necessity of offering
assistance. This is most usefully done via activating concern – via cognitive
(“There’s an elderly lady with a large shopping bag…does she need help?”) or
emotional (“That elderly lady is very much like your grandmother who you
adore…does she need help?”) routes.
28 Theoretical foundations of volunteerism
social relationship within which a trusting nature, empathy, and positive social
behaviors thrive. In other words, parenting matters in capitalizing on positive
personality traits, thereby producing children who are concerned for others and
who act out that concern in socially useful and positive ways.
This chapter highlights the importance of understanding the foundational
theories related to the development of volunteerism. Children develop the
capacity to think and act in ways that increase the probability of enacting
prosocial behaviors like volunteerism and greater civic engagement through
dispositions and childhood experiences. It is likely that no one theory has the
ability to solely, or even primarily, explain the development of volunteer
intentions and behaviors in people. Rather, we suggest these processes
operate together, in context, and at different developmental phases.
Subsequent chapters will address the contexts and developmental moments
and achievements critical to the development of volunteerism.
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Chapter 3
Grounding volunteerism in
empathy
Where are the seeds of concern for others and the propensity to act on that
concern to be found in human beings? What are the early experiences that
cause these seeds to germinate and take hold in a child’s repertoire of thoughts,
feelings, and behaviors? These are the questions that lead us to the study of
empathy, which is generally described as the ability to understand and identify
with the feelings and perspectives of another. Although this definition does not,
in itself, presuppose any specific behavior on the empathizer’s part, the link
between the development of empathy and volunteerism requires turning
empathy into action. In order to explore this linkage, this chapter will take the
reader through conceptualizations of empathy in early life, the activation of
empathy, and how empathy and behavior are linked.
Empathy
Modern conceptualizations of empathy describe it as having two primary facets,
a cognitive component and an affective component (e.g., Cassels, Chan,
Chung, & Birch, 2010). Although these facets work together, they can be
described and defined independently. The cognitive component of empathy
involves aspects such as perspective-taking, realizing that other people are
having feelings, and being able to identify the feelings of others. This not only
allows a child to rationally understand what another child is feeling, but also to
imagine the other’s emotional experience as if it was happening to themselves –
this is the true meaning of “walking in another’s shoes” or perspective-taking
(Hoffman, 1978). Further, when a child asks, “Why are you sad?” to another
child who is crying, this is a clear effort to understand the emotions of the
other child from a cognitive perspective. The child has identified the other’s
emotion, understood it enough to label it, and wants to understand it further
via asking the question. This expression of concern for another, in other words,
is a child’s attempt to understand another’s emotional state. This is a critical
understanding, as cognitive empathy can be the impetus for enacting prosocial
behaviors on behalf of the distressed other in an effort to mitigate one’s own
distress (Davidov, Zahn-Waxler, Roth-Hanania, & Knafo, 2013). It appears
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THE AMBITIOUS THRUSH
O
NCE there was a thrush who lived in a tree on the borders of a
field that a man sowed to cotton seed. The seed sprouted up
through the ground and grew into bushes, and after a time the
bushes had big, brown pods on them. Presently the pods burst open
and the fluffy white cotton bulged out of them. “How nice and soft
that cotton looks!” said the thrush.
She picked some of it and used it to line her nest. Never before
had she slept with such ease as she did on that bed of cotton.
In her flights about the region she often passed the door of a man
who made a business of carding cotton so it could be spun into
thread. By carding it he disentangled the fibers, and then he formed
it into small rolls and sold it to the spinners. The thrush often
observed him at his work, and at length she concluded that she,
also, would make some use of the cotton besides simply lining her
nest with it. So again and again, every day, she would fly down
among the cotton bushes, pluck out a fluff of cotton in her beak and
fly away and hide it. She kept on doing this till she had quite a large
heap. Then she flew to the house of the cotton-carder, and alighted
in front of him. “Good day, man,” said she.
“Good day, little bird,” said the cotton-carder.
“Man,” said the thrush, “I have a heap of beautiful cotton; and you
shall have half of it if you will card the rest and make it into rolls for
me.”
“Very well,” said the man, “I will do as you desire. Where is your
cotton?”
“Come with me, and I will show you,” said the thrush.
So she flew along ahead of the man and guided him to the place
where she had hidden her hoard of cotton. The man took the cotton
home and carded it and made it into rolls. Half of it he took for doing
the work, and the rest he gave back to the thrush.
Not far from the carder lived a spinner, and the thrush went to him
and said: “Mr. Spinner, I have some rolls of cotton all ready to spin
into thread. If I give you half of them, will you spin the other half into
thread for me?”
“That I will,” said the spinner, and the thrush showed him the way
to where she had put the rolls.
In a few days the spinner had spun all the rolls into the finest
thread. Then he took a pair of scales and weighed the thread to
make two equal parts. Half he kept for himself, and the other half he
gave to the thrush.
The next thing the thrush did was to fly to the house of a weaver,
to whom she said: “Sir, I have some cotton thread all ready to weave
into cloth. If I give you half of the thread, will you weave the other
half into cloth for me?”
“Certainly,” said the weaver, and the thrush guided him to where
she had secreted the thread.
He carried it home and spun it into cloth, and half the cloth he
kept, and half he gave to the thrush. She was an ambitious bird,
eager to convey an impression of distinction, and she decided to
have some garments made for herself out of the cloth. So she went
to a tailor, and said, “I have a nice piece of cotton cloth, and I will
give you half of it if you will make the rest into clothes for me.”
The tailor was glad to do this, and the bird guided him to where
she had hidden the cloth. He took it home, and at once set to work.
Half of it sufficed to make a beautiful dress for the thrush. There was
a skirt, and there was a jacket with sleeves in the latest pattern. A
little of the cloth was left over, and the tailor used it to make a pretty
hat for the thrush to put on her head.
Then she was indeed delighted, and felt there was little more to
desire in the world. She put on her skirt, and her jacket with
fashionable sleeves, and the little hat, and looked at her image in a
woodland pool. What she saw pleased her greatly. In fact, she
became so vain that nothing would do but she must show herself to
the king.
So she flew and flew and flew until she came to the king’s palace.
Right into the great hall she winged her way and perched on a peg
that was high on the wall and began to sing. The king and the queen
and all the courtiers were sitting down below. “Oh, look!” exclaimed
the queen. “There is a thrush in a jacket and skirt and a pretty hat!”
Everybody looked at the thrush singing on her peg, and clapped
their hands.
“Come here, little bird,” said the king, “and show the queen your
pretty clothes.”
The thrush felt highly flattered, and flew down on the table, and
took off her jacket to show the queen. After the queen had looked at
it she folded it up and put it in her pocket.
“Give me my jacket,” twittered the thrush. “I shall catch cold, and
besides, it is not proper for a lady to go about without a jacket.”
All the company laughed, and the king said, “You shall have your
jacket, Mistress Thrush, if you will come nearer.”
She approached the king close enough so he was able to make a
sudden grab and catch her.
“Let me go,” squeaked the thrush, struggling to get free. But the
king would not release her.
“Greedy king!” cried the thrush, “you ought to be ashamed to covet
my little jacket!”
That made the king angry, and he took a carving knife and
chopped her to little bits. While he was doing so the thrush kept
exclaiming, “The king snips and cuts like a tailor, but he is not so
honest!”
When the king had finished chopping her up, he began to wash
the pieces, and each piece as he washed it called out, “The king
scours and scrubs like a washerwoman, but he is not so honest!”
As soon as the washing was done he put the pieces into a frying-
pan and began to fry them, and all the time they cried out, “The king
is doing the work of a cook, but he is not so honest!”
After the pieces were fried, the king ate them, but even that did not
silence the wronged thrush. She continually shouted: “I am inside of
the king. It is just like the inside of any other man, only not so
honest!”
The king was like a walking musical box, and he did not like it, but
it was his own fault. No matter where he went, everyone heard the
cries of the thrush proclaiming that she was inside of the king, and
that his inside was just like that of other men, only not so honest.
This caused a good deal of gossip among the king’s subjects and
resulted in his being universally despised. At last he could stand it no
longer. He sent for his doctor and said the talking bird must be
removed.
“That cannot be done without causing your death,” said the doctor.
“It will cause my death if it is not done,” declared the king, “for I
cannot endure being made a fool of.”
So the doctor had to remove the thrush, and, strange to say, the
pieces had united, and as soon as the bird was released she flew
away. Her beautiful clothes were all gone, but she did not regret that.
She was quite content in future to use cotton only to make a soft
lining for her nest, and never again had a desire to ape the ways of
mankind.
As for the king, he died; and it was a good riddance. His son
reigned in his stead, and he remembered his father’s miserable
death and kept all his promises to men and beasts and birds.
THE BEWITCHED BOTTLES
I
N the good old days, when the fairies were more frequently seen
than in these unbelieving times, a farmer named Mick Purcell
rented a few acres of barren ground in southern Ireland, about
three miles from Mallow, and twelve from the city of Cork. Mick had a
wife and children, and they helped him all they could. That, however,
was very little; for none of the children were big enough to do much
work, and his wife was kept busy taking care of them, and milking
the cow, boiling the potatoes, and carrying the eggs to market. So,
though Mick was never idle from morn till night, it was by no means
easy for them to make a living. Yet by hook or by crook they
contrived to get along until there came a bad year. The oats were all
spoiled that season, the chickens died of the pip, and the pig got the
measles so that when it was sold it brought almost nothing.
Mick was in despair. The rent had long been due, and he
addressed his wife, saying, “Molly, what shall we do?”
“My dear,” said she, “what can you do but take the cow to the fair
at Cork and sell her? Saturday is fair day, and this is Thursday. You
must start tomorrow, that the poor beast may have a night’s rest
there and be at her best when you show her at the fair.”
“And what will we do when she’s gone?” asked Mick sorrowfully.
“Never a know I know, Mick,” she replied; “but sure I am that we
will be taken care of. You remember how it was when little Billy was
sick, and we had no medicine for him to take—that good doctor
gentleman at Ballyshin came riding and asking for a drink of milk;
and he gave us two shillings and sent things for Billy, and he gave
me my breakfast when I went to his house to ask a question—so he
did. He came to see Billy again and again, and never left off his
goodness till the boy was quite well.”
“Oh! you are always that way, Molly,” said Mick; “and I believe you
are right, after all. So I won’t be sorry for selling the cow, and I’ll take
her to Cork tomorrow. But before I go you must put a needle and
thread through my coat, for you know ’tis ripped under the arm.”
Molly told him he should have everything right; and about twelve
o’clock next day he started, while Molly stood in the doorway of their
cabin and called after him not to sell the cow except at the highest
price. Mick promised to do as she bid, and went his way along the
road. As he drove his cow through the little stream that crosses the
highway and runs on beside the old walls of Mourne Abbey he
glanced toward the ruinous towers.
“I’ve often heard there is great treasure buried under you,” said he.
“Oh! if I only had that money, it isn’t driving this cow I’d be now. What
a pity such a treasure should be there covered over with earth, and
many a one wanting it besides me! Well, if it be God’s will I’ll have
some money myself when I am coming back.”
So saying, he moved on after his beast. It was a fine day, and the
sun shone brightly on the walls of the old abbey, and all the country
around looked green and pleasant. Six miles farther on he came to
the top of a high hill, and just there a man overtook him and greeted
him with a “Good morrow.”
“Good morrow kindly,” said Mick, looking at the stranger, who was
such a little man that he might almost be called a dwarf. He had a
wrinkled, yellow face, and a sharp nose, red eyes, and white hair;
and he was muffled up in a big overcoat that came down to his
heels. His eyes were never quiet, but looked at everything, and they
made Mick feel quite cold when he met their glance. In truth, he did
not much like the little man’s company, and he drove his cow on
faster, but the stranger kept up with him. It seemed to Mick that his
fellow-traveler did not walk like other men, and that instead of putting
one foot before the other he glided over the rough road like a
shadow, without noise and without effort. Mick’s heart trembled
within him, and he said a prayer to himself, wishing he had not come
that day, or that he did not have the cow to take care of, so he might
run away from the mysterious stranger. In the midst of his fears he
was again addressed by his companion, who asked him where he
was going with his cow.
“To the fair at Cork,” replied Mick, trembling at the shrill and
piercing tones of the stranger’s voice.
“Are you going to sell her?” inquired the little man.
“Why, for what else could I be taking her to the fair?” was Mick’s
response.
“Will you sell her to me?” said the stranger.
Mick started—he was afraid to have anything to do with the little
man; and yet he was more afraid to say, “No.” He hesitated, and
then asked, “What will you give for her?”
“I’ll give you this bottle,” answered the little man, pulling a bottle
from under his coat.
Mick looked at him and the bottle, and, in spite of his terror, could
not help laughing.
“Laugh if you will,” said the little man, “but I tell you this bottle is
worth more to you than all the money you can get for your cow in
Cork—aye, a thousand times over.”
Mick laughed again. “Why,” said he, “do you think I am such a fool
as to give my good cow for a bottle—and an empty one, too?
Indeed, I won’t.”
“You had better give me the cow and take the bottle,” said the little
man. “You’ll be sorry if you don’t.”
“But what would Molly say?” muttered Mick. “I’d never hear the
end of it; and how would I pay the rent, and what would we all do
without a penny of money?”
“This bottle of mine is better to you than money,” the little man
affirmed. “Take it, and give me the cow. I ask you for the last time,
Mick Purcell.”
“How does he know my name?” thought Mick, with increased
alarm.
“I have a regard for you, Mick Purcell,” the stranger continued.
“Therefore do I warn you that unless you make the exchange I have
proposed you will be sorry for it. How do you know but your cow may
die before you get to Cork?”
“God forbid!” exclaimed Mick.
“And how do you know,” the little man went on, “but there will be
so many cattle at the fair you will get a poor price? Or you might be
robbed when you are coming home. But why need I talk more to you
when you are determined to throw away your luck?”
“Oh, no! I would not throw away my luck, sir,” Mick affirmed hastily;
“and if I was sure the bottle was as good as you say, though I never
liked an empty bottle, I’d give you the cow for it.”
“I would not tell you a lie,” declared the stranger. “Here, take the
bottle, and when you get home do what I direct, exactly.”
Mick hesitated.
“Well, then,” said the little man sharply, “good-by, I can stay no
longer. Take the bottle and be rich; or refuse it, and beg for your
living, and see your children in poverty and your wife dying of want.
That is what will happen to you, Mick Purcell!” and the little man
grinned maliciously.
“Maybe ’tis true,” said Mick, still hesitating. He did not know what
to do; and yet he could hardly help believing the old man. The latter
was turning to go when Mick in a fit of desperation seized the bottle.
“Take the cow,” said he, “and if you are telling a lie, the curse of the
poor will be on you.”
“I care neither for your curses, nor for your blessings,” retorted the
little man. “I have spoken the truth, Mick Purcell, as you will surely
know tonight after you reach home, if you do what I tell you.”
“And what’s that?” inquired Mick.
“When you go into the house,” said the little man, “never mind if
your wife is angry over the bargain you have made. Be quiet
yourself, and get her to sweep the room, and to clear off the table
and spread a clean cloth over it. Then put the bottle on the floor,
saying these words, ‘Bottle, do your duty,’ and you will see what will
happen.”
“Is that all?” asked Mick.
“No more,” was the stranger’s answer. “Farewell, Mick Purcell. You
are a rich man.”
“God grant it!” said Mick, as the stranger went off driving the cow.
Mick now started toward home, but he had gone only a few paces
when he turned to have one more look at the purchaser of his cow.
To his surprise neither the little man nor the cow were to be seen.
“The Lord be between us and him!” exclaimed Mick. “That little man
can’t belong to this earth;” and Mick continued on his way muttering
prayers and holding fast the bottle.
“What would I do if it broke?” thought he; “but I’ll look out for that.”
So he put the bottle into his bosom and hurried on, anxious to
prove the virtues of his treasure, and at the same time a good deal
troubled over the reception he was likely to meet from his wife. He
reached home in the evening, still much perturbed between his
doubts and hopes, and surprised his wife sitting beside a turf fire
burning in the big fireplace.
“Oh, Mick! are you come back?” she cried. “Sure, you haven’t
been all the way to Cork! What has happened to you? Where is the
cow? Did you sell her? How much money did you get for her? What
is the news?”
“Molly,” said he, “if you’ll give me time, I’ll tell you all that’s
happened. But I can’t tell you where the cow is.”
“You sold her on the way, did you?” said Molly; “and where’s the
money? How is—”
“Arrah! stop a while, Molly,” he interrupted, “and I’ll tell you all
about it.”
“What bottle is that under your waistcoat?” she asked, spying the
neck of it sticking out.
“Be easy, can’t you!” begged Mick, and he put the bottle on the
table and said, “That’s what I got for the cow.”
His wife was thunderstruck. “A bottle!” she ejaculated, “an empty
bottle, and nothing more?”
“Just an empty bottle,” Mick replied. “But—”
“And what good is it?” said Molly. “Oh, Mick! I never thought you
were such a fool; and how will we pay the rent? and how—”
“Now, Molly,” said Mick, “can’t you stop a bit and hearken to
reason? An old man overtook me on the big hill, half-way to Cork,
and he made me sell him the cow, and said this bottle which he gave
me in exchange would make me rich.”
“Make you rich!” cried Molly. “We’ll see what it will do for you,” and
she snatched it up from the table, intending to break it over his head.
But Mick caught it before it had time to descend, and, recalling the
old man’s advice to keep peaceable, he gently loosened his wife’s
grasp, and placed the bottle again in his bosom. Molly sat down and
wept while Mick told her his story with many a crossing and blessing
between him and harm. The marvel of it caused his wife’s doubts to
vanish, for she had as much faith in fairies as she had in the priest,
who indeed never discouraged her belief in them—maybe he
believed in them himself. She got up and began to sweep the
earthen floor with a bunch of heath. That done, she tidied up
everything, set out the long table, and spread a clean cloth on it.
Mick then placed the bottle on the floor and said, “Bottle, do your
duty.”
“Look there! look there, mammy!” exclaimed the chubby eldest
son, a boy about six years old; and he sprang to his mother’s side
and clung to her skirts in terror with his eyes on the bottle.
Two tiny men were climbing out of it, and in a few moments they
had brought plates and other dishes, all of solid gold or silver, and
put them on the table, and the dishes contained a bountiful feast of
the choicest food that ever was seen. As soon as this task was
finished, the tiny men went into the bottle, which Mick then picked up
and carefully set on the mantel. Where the little men had gone he
could not tell, for the bottle seemed to be as empty as when he first
received it.
Two tiny men climbed out of the bottle
For some time Mick and his wife stood and gazed at the table in
silent bewilderment. They had never seen such dishes before and
did not think they could ever admire them enough. In fact, the sight
of all this splendor almost took away their appetites. But at length
Molly said: “Come and sit down, Mick, and try to eat a bit. Sure, you
ought to be hungry after such a good day’s work.”
“It’s plain the little old man told no lie about the bottle,” said Mick;
and he helped the children into seats around the table. They all
made a hearty meal, though they could not eat half the food that was
before them.
“Now,” said Molly, “I wonder if these fine things are ours to do as
we please with them, or if those two good little gentlemen in the
bottle will carry them away.”
They waited to see what would happen, but the little men
remained in the bottle, and at length Molly cleared the table and put
away the dishes. “Ah, Mick,” said she, “you’ll be a rich man yet, as
the stranger who took your cow foretold.”
Before they went to sleep that night they decided that they would
sell some of their fine tableware, and with the money it brought pay
what they owed, and rent more land. So the next day Mick went to
Cork laden with a number of the gold and silver dishes, which he
sold for more money than he had ever had in his hands before. He
did not return on foot, for he bought a horse and cart so that he was
able to ride. In the weeks that followed he increased his wealth from
time to time by calling forth the imps out of the bottle, and it was
soon plain to everyone that Mick was prospering. He and his wife did
all they could to keep the source of their good fortune a secret, but
their landlord presently came to Mick and asked him where he got all
his money, for he knew very well it was not from the farm.
Mick tried to put him off with excuses. This, however, would not
do, and the landlord was so persistent that finally Mick told him about
the bottle. The landlord offered Mick a great deal of money for it, but
Mick continued to refuse until the landlord said that in addition to the
money he would give him the farm he rented. Mick surrendered the
bottle, feeling that he was now so rich he never would be in want
again. But he was mistaken, for he and his family lived as if there
was no end to their fortune. They earned little and spent much. Their
wealth melted away, and at length they became so poor they had
nothing left which they could sell but one cow.
So Mick prepared to drive the cow to Cork fair and dispose of her.
It was hardly daybreak when he left home, and he walked on at a
good pace till he reached the big hill midway in his journey. The
mists were sleeping in the valleys and curling like smoke-wreaths on
the brown heath around him. Just beside the road, as he was going
along, a lark sprang from its grassy couch and ascended into the
clear blue sky pouring forth its joyous matin-song. While Mick was
watching it he was startled and rejoiced to hear the well-remembered
voice of that same old man who had accosted him here once before.
“Well, Mick Purcell,” said the stranger, “I told you that you would be a
rich man; and you found that I was right, did you not?”
“Indeed, sir, it was the truth you spoke, and no mistake,” replied
Mick. “But it’s not rich I am now. Have you another bottle? I need it
as much at present as when I first saw you. So, if you have one, sir,
here is my cow for it.”
“And here is a bottle,” responded the little man, taking it from an
inside pocket of his coat. “You know what to do with it.”
“Sure I do,” said Mick.
“Farewell,” said the strange old man as he turned to go.
“And good-by to you, sir,” said Mick. “May your shadow never
grow less. Good-by, sir, good-by.”
Mick wasted no time looking back to see what became of the little
man and the cow, but hastened homeward. As soon as he arrived he
called out, “Molly, Molly! I have another bottle!”
“Have you?” said she, laughing joyfully. “Why, then, you’re a lucky
man, Mick Purcell, that’s what you are.”
She quickly put everything in order and set forth the table with a
clean spread on it. Then Mick placed the bottle on the floor, and said,
with a tone of exultation in his voice, “Bottle, do your duty.”
In a twinkling, two big, stout men with heavy cudgels issued from
the bottle (I do not know how there was room for them in it) and
belabored Mick and Molly and the rest of the family, including the
dog and the cat, till they sank bruised and faint to the floor. This
result seemed to satisfy the two men, and they returned to the bottle.
When Mick recovered sufficiently to get on his feet he stood and
thought and thought. At length he helped up his wife and children.
But he left them to get over their fright as best they could while he
took the bottle under his coat and went off to call on his landlord.
The landlord’s mansion was full of company when he got there,
and they were just sitting down to a magnificent feast provided by
the imps of the bottle which Mick formerly owned. He sent in word by
a servant that he wanted to speak with the master of the house on
urgent business.
Pretty soon the landlord came out. “Well, what do you want now?”
he asked roughly.
“Nothing, sir, only to tell you that I have another bottle,” Mick
answered.
“Oho!” said the landlord, softening his manner and rubbing his
hands together gleefully, “and is it as good as the first?”
“Yes, sir, and better,” declared Mick. “If you like, I will show it to
you before all the ladies and gentlemen in your dining-hall.”
“Come along then,” was the landlord’s response, “and if I’m
satisfied with what you show, I will pay a good round price for the
bottle.”
He conducted his former tenant into the great hall, where Mick
was interested to behold the other bottle standing high up on a shelf.
“Now,” said the landlord, “let us see what your bottle can do.”
Mick set it on the floor and said, “Bottle, do your duty.”
Immediately out came the two stout men with their big clubs, and
knocked the landlord off his feet. Then they assailed the ladies and
gentlemen, his guests, and the servants, also, and there was running
and sprawling and kicking and shrieking. Cups and plates and
salvers were scattered about in all directions, and the landlord began
to call out, “Mick Purcell, stop those two demons, or I’ll have you
hanged!”
“No, no!” said Mick, “they never will be stopped by me till I get that
bottle I used to own, which I see high up on the shelf there.”
“Give it to him, give it to him before we are all killed!” beseeched
the battered ladies and gentlemen.
“Take it, and make haste,” cried the landlord.
So Mick climbed up and got the bottle that had been the source of
his former good fortune. By this time the men with the cudgels had
pounded the company to their satisfaction. They retired to their
bottle, and off went Mick with both bottles in his bosom.
As the years passed he became richer and richer, and when, in his
old age, his servants broke the bottles while fighting at a wake he
was careful not to squander his riches as he had previously. So he
and his wife lived happily to the end of their days.