Public Relations for

the Public Good

Public Relations for the Public Good: How PR has shaped

Americas Social Movements
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Public Relations for

the Public Good
How PR has shaped Americas
Social Movements

Louis Capozzi
Shelley Spector

Abstract
While the profession of public relations is only a century old, man has
been practicing the art of influencing public attitudes since the dawn
of civilization. This book looks at modern America through the lens of
public relations, showing how many of the events that have changed the
course of our nations modern history were triggered by campaigns to
influence attitudes, opinions, and behaviors.
And while the channels may have evolved in the modern erafrom
radio and newspapers, billboards and magazine ads, to television and the
Internet, to Tumblr and Instagramthe underlying power of public relations to shape organizations and issues, and to change human behavior
has not.
Inside this book youll find case studies on campaigns from the
Womens Movement through Civil Rights to public education on health
and safety issues that document the role public relations has played in
shaping contemporary American culture and society.

Keywords
Activism, Awareness, Civil Rights, Communications, Democracy, Diversity, Equal justice, Gender equality, Influence, Influencers, Key audiences,
Key publics, Labor, Media, Messaging, Outreach, Persuasion, Political
Movements, Protests, Public Health Movements, Public opinion, Public
Relations, Public Service, Publicity, Racial equality, Religious equality,
Social Change, Social Movements, Strategy, Strategic Communications,
Tactics, Womens Movements

Contents
Preface...................................................................................................ix
Introduction...........................................................................................xi
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter 14

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram...1

A Public Relations-Driven Evolution...............................17
Fostering a New Black Identity........................................31
Michael Sam Makes Great Gains for the LGBT
Movement........................................................................39
The War on Tobacco........................................................53
The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids..............................69
When Music is the Message.............................................77
Battling the Tide of Public Opinion to Build Support
for a Jewish State..............................................................87
Feminism from The Feminine Mystique to Lean In............97
The American Civil Rights Movement ..........................105
The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire and the Rise of
the Labor Safety Movement...........................................115
The Fight against Income Inequality..............................125
Taking Depression out of the Closet..............................133
The Temperance Movement...........................................141

Reference.............................................................................................149
About the Authors171
Index173

Preface
By Harold Burson

Theres a common misconception that public relations serves only commercial interests, mainly large corporations.
But looking back on the greatest social movements in American history, we learn that the most successful of them were achieved by passionate
people who innately understood how to act and communicate in a manner that shaped public opinion and mobilized support for their causes.
Even though public relations professionals were not involved in many
of these social upheavalsfemales seeking the right to vote, for example, or
the abolition of slaverytheir success depended on what we today would
describe as the application of sound public relations principles. In effect,
public relations is an applied social science that influences behavior which,
when communicated effectively, motivates individuals or groups to a specific
course of action by creating, changing, or reinforcing opinions and attitudes.
The stories presented in this book were powered by people who instinctively knew how to behave and communicate in a way that built
support for their causesusing what today we would consider best practices in public relations.
The powers of strategic communications campaigns find their roots
in insights about our audiences. We build on those insights to advise our
clients on behavior that aligns them with the interests of those audiences,
and we create campaigns that resound with them, moving them forward.
We, living in a democracy, have all been touched and affected by
these campaignsequal opportunity regardless of gender, race, religion,
sexual orientation is a good relatively recent example. The campaigns have
helped make us the most powerful nation in the world and the country
that has attracted more immigrants for the better part of two centuries
where residents and institutions alike act on their conscience rather than
solely on their self-interest.

x PREFACE

Lou Capozzi and Shelley Spector have assembled a unique collection

of the ways strategic communications campaigns have shaped America
and worked for the public good. Their book should be a compelling read
for students considering a career in our rapidly growing profession, and
for all others seeking to understand public relations and the positive role
it plays in society.
Harold Burson is the Founding Chairman of Burson-Marsteller, one of
the worlds leading public relations firms.

Introduction
What would the labor, safety, and temperance movements have in common with the founding of Israel? All of them were spurred by social
change, grassroots fire, and belief in the cause. They were not what we
would consider professional public relations programs in the literal sense.
But their use of persuasive communications tactics and strategies were as
powerful as any program run by a major firm or company today.
In recent years, more and more scholarship has developed around the
influence of public relations on world history, especially with regard to social
movements. This book explores the phenomenon through the lens of major
contemporary social movements. It matters little whether the tools are using
telegram or Instagram. Its the messagenot the mediumthat counts.
Readers will see that public relations is not only about promoting
products, politics, and personalities. The profession has been the underlying force driving social change throughout history. By studying the campaigns, such as those included here, we can see some of the most genuine
examples of consensus building and attitude change, and see how the
power of public relations can work to make the world a better place.
These inspiring studies of social actionor public relations in historyare meant to give the reader both an opportunity to see public
relations in a nonbusiness light, and to motivate those of us with an itch
to make change to see how its possible by using the most tools of public
relations to spread the story.
The stories also show how the fervor of dedicated individuals
usually without a dime to sparecan light the fire under the public and
set ablaze an entirely new set up of public attitudes for the public good.
Both Louis Capozzi and Shelley Spector teach in the masters program at Baruch College. Shelley, who has a passion for the history of our
profession, was teaching a course on the subject and offered to engage
her students in the project. Lou had taken a similar approach in a book
on Crisis Management which included cases contributed by students. So

xii INTRODUCTION

Shelley asked her students to contribute cases on subjects of their choice

that showed the role public relations has played in shaping American culture and history.
Their case studies, along with chapters submitted by leading academics, are the foundation of this book. Thanks to everyone who contributed
their case studies, which were edited and expanded by the authors.
Chapter 1: The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram
Denise Hill, PhD
Assistant Professor of Strategic Communication
School of Communications, Elon University
Chapter 2: A Public Relations-Driven Evolution: Consumerism to
Community Support
Anu Jagga-Narang
Chapter 3: Fostering a New Black Identity: The Harlem Renaissance
Movement (19201939)
Kareem Scott Mumford
Chapter 4: Michael Sam Makes Great Gains for the LGBT Movement
Joseph Michael Cabosky, JD, PhD
Assistant ProfessorPublic Relations, Professional Track
School of Media and Journalism
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Chapter 5: The War on Tobacco
Rebecca Carriero
Chapter 6: The Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids
Edmund Balogun
Chapter 7: When Music is the Message: How Reggae Spread the
Rastafarian Movement
Jodi-Ann Morris
Chapter 8: Battling the Tide of Public Opinion to Build Support for
a Jewish State
Julia Shteyman
Chapter 9: Feminism from The Feminine Mystique to Lean In
Stephanie Wajntraub

 INTRODUCTION
xiii

Chapter 10: 
The American Civil Rights Movement: The Use of
Contemporary Public Relations Techniques by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
Sara Dyer
Chapter 11: The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire and the Rise of the
Labor Safety Movement
Khiara McMillin
Chapter 12: The Fight against Income Inequality: From Huey Long
to Occupy Wall Street
Rosanna Plasencia
Chapter 13: Taking Depression Out of the Closet
Beth Chonoles
Chapter 14: The Temperance Movement
George Damalas
We sincerely hope this book will act as a strong motivator to attract
leading students and career changers to the profession of public relations.
According to Pew Research, young people today are racially diverse, economically stressed, and politically liberal. In other words, perfect candidates for a fast-growing profession where they can work on programs that
change the world!
Shelley Spector and Louis Capozzi
June, 2016

CHAPTER 1

The Public Relations

Campaign to Free
Rosa Lee Ingram
On a chilly November morning in 1947, near the small town of Ellaville,
Georgia, about 115 miles south of Atlanta, John Stratford confronted
Rosa Lee Ingram. Stratford and Ingram, who were both sharecroppers,
had a long-standing feud about Ingrams livestock running over S tratfords
fields (Shadron 1991, p. 30). That morning, Stratford threatened to kill
the cattle if Ingram could not control them. Ingram and two of her sons
began looking for the animals; however, nothing would appease Stratford
that day. According to Mrs. Ingram, he came at her with a rifle. She
struggled with Stratford and her sons came to her aid, wresting the gun
from him and hitting him on the head. In the end, John Stratford lay
dead in the road that led from his farm to the Ingrams.
Rosa Lee Ingram, a 44-year-old, recently widowed black mother of
14 children, two of whom had died in infancy, was arrested later that day
along with two of her sons, and charged with the murder of John Stratford,
a 64-year-old white man. After a one-day trial in January 1948, Ingram
and her sons were convicted of Stratfords murder and sentenced to die.
Although virtually unknown today, the Ingram case attracted widespread attention at the time, especially among blacks (Martin 1985,
p.251). After the trial, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP) heard of the Ingrams dilemma and became involved, concentrating on legal means to free the Ingrams. Another organization, the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), also joined the fight to support
the Ingrams. However, the CRC believed that purely legal efforts would
never obtain justice for persecuted minorities without public awareness

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

of the dilemmas they faced (Horne 1988, p. 19). Therefore, the CRC
decided to concentrate its efforts on public relations.
In addition, a women-led, CRC-affiliated organization, the National
Committee to Free the Ingram Family (NCFIF), which later became the
Womens Committee for Equal Justice (WCEJ), worked tirelessly to maintain public awareness of the case in order to secure the Ingrams freedom.

Context
According to historian Gerald Horne (1985), it is impossible to write the
history of the civil rights movement without reference to CRC (p. 19).
However, historians have not devoted much attention to the organization, possibly because of its Communist affiliation and its short life. But
to ignore the CRC is to overlook the organizations successes in furthering
black civil rights and its use of public relations strategies. By examining the CRCs public relations efforts on behalf of Rosa Lee Ingram, the
authors hope to bring attention to this overlooked but important organization. In addition, although a few studies of the CRC have reviewed
the organizations tactics and strategies to create awareness, they have not
done so through the lens of public relations.

Background
In the early part of the 20th century, the lynching of blacks by white
southerners was a reign of terror that was used to maintain the power
whites had over blacks, a way to keep blacks fearful and to forestall black
progress and miscegenation (Dray 2002, p. xi). For decades, lynching was
an awesome destructive power, murderous to some, menacing to a great
many, a constant source of intimidation to all black Southerners young
and old and a daily reminder of their defenselessness. In addition, legal
lynchings, in which innocent black defendants were convicted of crimes
and given sentences much harsher than white counterparts, reflected the
power of the southern legal system to enforce codes of racial behavior and
helped whites maintain their established social order (Rise 1992, p. 462).
Although most of these legal lynchings involved black males, a variation
from this pattern was the controversial murder prosecution of Rosa Lee

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

Ingram (Martin 1985). The Ingram case was one of the few that catapulted a female prisoner into prominence (Horn 1988).

About the CRC

Founded in Detroit in 1946, the CRC arose out of the merger of three
groups with ties to the Communist Party USA: the International Labor
Defense (ILD), the National Negro Congress, and the National Federation
for Constitutional Liberties (Horne 1988). Embodying the spirit and tactics of all three of its predecessors, the CRC concentrated on legal defense,
publicity, and mass political action on behalf of victims of illegal frame-ups.
The CRC sought to protect the rights of labor and of racial, national, religious, and political minorities. It briefly became a major force in post-World
War II civil rights battles for blacks, and for civil liberties for both white
and black labor movement radicals, before becoming a victim of Cold War
anticommunism and government repression (Martin 1987). Former ILD
secretary William Patterson led the group throughout its existence.
The CRC provided assistance to individuals under investigation by the
House Un-American Activities Committee, and in doing so became known
as a Communist-affiliated organization. To counter this perception, the
group began to give greater emphasis to blacks legal rights and antidiscrimination activities. Major CRC campaigns on behalf of black defendants included the cases of Willie McGee, the Martinsville Seven, the Trenton Six,
and Rosa Lee Ingram. CRC campaigns helped pioneer many of the tactics
that Civil Rights Movement activists would employ in the late 1950s and
1960s (Horne 1988). Beyond this, the CRC was among the first organizations to expose American racism in the international arena and to connect
it to U.S. Cold War foreign policy. In 1951, these efforts culminated in
William Pattersons landmark study We Charge Genocide, which he presented to the General Assembly of the United Nations. That study argued
that the U.S. government was guilty of genocide under the UN Genocide
Convention for its failure to act against lynching in the United States
By the mid-1950s, caught up in the United States staunch anticommunism, the CRC was increasingly forced to defend its own members
and affiliates against government prosecution. The financial strain of these
efforts ultimately brought about the organizations dissolution in 1956.

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

Overview of the Rosa Lee Ingram Case

According to Rosa Lee Ingram and her sons, she had been threatened and
sexually harassed by John Stratford. At their trial, Mrs. Ingram and her
sons, Wallace, 16, and Sammie Lee, 14, all insisted that she had merely
defended herself against an armed attack and the two teenagers had simply come to her aid. After they were arrested, the Ingrams were put in separate jails. They were not told they had the right to an attorney nor were
they informed of their Fifth Amendment rights (Martin 1987, p. 36).
An all-white, all-male jury returned a murder conviction and sentenced the Ingrams to die in Georgias electric chair. After news of the convictions and death sentences reached Atlanta and the North, a number of
organizations came to the familys defense by raising money for them and
sending telegrams to the judge presiding over the case. In February 1948,
the NAACP received permission from the Ingram family to handle their
defense, with NAACP Legal Defense Director Thurgood Marshall declaring that the fight to free the Ingrams had just begun (Martin 1987, p. 35).

Public Relations Plans, Strategies,

Tactics to Free the Ingrams
As soon as the Ingrams were convicted, the black press began covering the story. The Pittsburgh Courier covered the case extensively, as did
the C
hicago Defender, the Afro-American, the Atlanta Daily World, the
Philadelphia Tribune, the New York Amsterdam News, and Jet magazine.
Although not as extensively, the local white press, including the Ellaville
Sun, the Atlanta Constitution, and the Americus Times-Recorder also wrote
about the case. A few stories also appeared in the The New York Times and
The Washington Post. When the NAACP began providing legal counsel to
the Ingrams in February 1948, the organization immediately requested
a new trial. Due to public awareness of the case, funds for the family
began pouring in and scores of letters and telegrams were sent to officials in Georgia from various parts of the country demanding a new trial
(Shadron 1991).
Also, according to Martin (1987, p. 36), in February 1948, the
CRC decided to adopt the case. The CRC began holding rallies in black
churches in the North and wrote and distributed copies of a pamphlet

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

about the case. The public pressure resulted in the Ingrams sentence being
reduced from death to life in prison. They would be eligible for parole in
seven years. In the meantime, the CRC, NAACP, and Pittsburgh Courier
all mounted campaigns to raise additional funds for the Ingram family.
In July 1948, the Georgia Supreme Court upheld the Ingrams convictions. As a result, the NAACP shifted its legal tactics to obtaining a
pardon or parole through a behind-the-scenes approach to Georgia officials. The CRC did not agree with what it believed was a low-key method
and instead believed that only maintaining public awareness and putting
public pressure on Georgia officials would free the Ingrams. On the other
hand, the NAACP felt that the CRCs tactics were overly flamboyant
and aggressive and as such, would create additional hostility toward
the Ingrams. Despite the conflict between the NAACP and the CRC,
both organizations shared the same goal: to prevent the execution of the
wrongly accused Ingram family, and then to secure their freedom.
While the fundraising for the Ingrams continued, the CRC turned
planning and coordination of the Ingram campaign to the NCFIF, which
was formed on March 21, 1949, for the sole purpose of creating public
sentiment and opinion on behalf of freedom for the Ingrams (CRC papers, n.d., Reel 5, Box 8). The NCFIF further defined itself and its aim as
a nonpolitical, nonpartisan, interracial committee, organized for the sole
purpose of securing unconditional freedom for Mrs. Rosa Lee Ingram
and her two sons in Georgia, by arousing the conscience of America. Our
aim is to exert moral pressure by every means available in order to wipe
this horrible shame from America.
The NCFIF, comprised solely of women, included CRC and non-CRC
members and was modeled after some of the earlier black womens clubs,
which formally began in the late nineteenth century (Lerner 1974). According to McDuffie (2008) some members of the Sojourners for Truth
and Justice, a black womens social protest organization, also joined the
NCFIF. Mary Church Terrell, a prominent black civic leader and activist who had been a cofounder of the National Association of Colored
Women, was named as national chairman of the Committee.
Early on the NCFIF developed a written plan, which they identified
as an outline for some actions and general program to start Ingram campaign (CRC papers, n.d., Reel 5, Box 8). Their plan stressed not only

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

the importance of black womens involvement, but also the need for the
support of white women as noted in the discussion:
The Ingram campaign can also provide white women with a
unique opportunity to raise their level of responsibility to and participation in the fight against Jim Crow oppression. White women
must fight boldly and uncompromisingly for the freedom of their
Negro sisters in their own communities, organizations, churches,
etc. (CRC papers, n.d., Reel 5, Box 8)
Also included in the outline under the heading Public Relations, Publicity, Etc. was the following list (Outline of Ingram Freedom Fight n.d.):
Foreign press, colonial press, etc.
Material prepared for columnists on Negro and White press
Special material to womens columnists
Radio interviews
Left pressMarch of Labor, Guardian, Masses & Mainstream, etc.
Visits to various world organizations, letters, etc., to get Ingram case
on agenda.
Speakers Bureau
Scriptstandard to be sent out when speakers unavailable
As a further testament to its planning and organization, the NCFIF
prepared another outline of its activities. In an Outline of Ingram Freedom Fight, the group identified its strategic aim as freedom of Rosa
Lee Ingram, with exposure of the tactics of persecutors (Petition to
President Truman n.d.). Also included in the plan were tactical steps,
such as sending delegations to the United Nations, and what the Committee referred to as educational steps, listed as new fact sheet (prepare
at once); new pamphlet for united front, material suggested for parallel
action and Ingram petition for Mothers Day.
In addition, the outline defined the campaigns basic slogans as Free
Rosa Lee Ingram, and Racist Justice Must End. Part of the NCFIFs
plan included international solidarity actions, specifically appeal to
world federation of women, along with parallel actions in U.S.A.,

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

which included all womens organizations to be reached and send out

copies of action program. To maintain awareness, publicity was specified
on the outline, with a focus on newspapersfeature stories; magazines:
Ebony, Our World, Argosy, etc.; and release: European, Asian, American.
One of the NCFIFs first activities was to send a delegation of northern women to visit Mrs. Ingram and check on her health. Shortly after the
visit, prison officials moved Mrs. Ingram to another prison, complaining
that ongoing visits, telegrams, and long-distance phone calls disrupted
prison operations.
One of the Committees primary audiences was women, and one
of itsstrategies was to highlight two important gender-related issues:
Mrs.Ingram was a mother, and she was a victim of male assault. In May
1949, the NCFIF sponsored Mothers Day rallies for Mrs. Ingram in
black churches, which became an annual activity.
To further Mrs. Ingrams cause, the NCFIF launched a petition drive,
eventually gathering 30,000 signatures that it delivered to the White
House on June 1, 1949. Addressed to President Harry Truman, the petition stated that it is a blot on the conscience of America that this woman
should remain in prison because she dared to defend her children, her
honor, her dignity and her life from the attacks of an enraged white
farmer (Petition to President Truman n.d.). Once again highlighting
the collective appeal of women and motherhood, the petition urged the
President to free Rosa Lee Ingram. The American people, and particularly the mothers, implore you, Mr. President, to free Rosa Lee Ingram so
she can be home with her children. When she presented the petitions,
Mary Church Terrell gave a speech that noted it was the duty of colored
women to acquaint the citizens of this country with the details of this
crime perpetrated upon an innocent, upright woman of their own group
(Terrell n.d.). However, she stressed that it was important that women
of all races, all creeds, and all nationalities be aware of the case. Speaking to white women, she called for the support and sympathy of many
women of the dominant race who realize that by identifying themselves
with this just cause they are assuring the protection of the women of all
racial groups in the United States.
In September, the NCFIF asked W.E.B. Du Bois to draft a petition to the United Nations protesting Mrs. Ingrams sentence and the

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

treatment of blacks in Georgia. The petition was presented to 59 UN

delegates, with a request that they bring it to the floor of the General
Assembly. This effort was part of the Committees strategy to create international awareness of the Ingrams situation. As a result, the Ingram
case received support from a number of international womens organizations (Voices from Abroad n.d.; Women Around World Protest
Ingram Imprisonment 1949).
The following year, the Committee printed Mothers Day cards with
Mrs. Ingrams picture. The cards were actually two cards printed on one
piece of paper, to be cut into two cards and sent to two different locations.
One card was addressed to Mrs. Ingram at Reidsville Prison in Reidsville,
Georgia. The other card was addressed to Governor Herman Talmadge at
the State Capitol, Atlanta Georgia. The wording on the card read as follows:
Mrs. Rosa Lee Ingram, now 42, is a mother of fourteen children
(twodead) and a widow since August, 1947, when her 64-year-old
husband died. May 14, 1950 will be the third Mothers Day
Mrs.Ingram has been in prison with her two young sons. This
mother is in prison because she defended her honor and her
home. The sons are in prison because they defended their mother.
On Mothers DayMay 14, 1950we honor and revere this
widowed sharecropper and mother of fourteen children for her
dignity and courage. Make 1950 Freedom Year for Mrs. Ingram
and her two sons (Mothers Day Card, 1950 n.d.).
In addition, the NCFIF printed and disseminated numerous brochures,
flyers, fact sheets, pamphlets, and the occasional Ingram Newsletter.
One pamphlet featured A Call to the Women of the United States (CRC
papers n.d., Reel 5, Box 8). As with most of the material produced, this
document highlighted that Mrs. Ingram was a woman, a Negro woman,
mother of 14 children. Mrs. Ingram was also portrayed as a victim of
racial and male oppression. She was accosted by a white sharecropper,
sentenced by a white supremacist jury, and Mrs. Ingram dared defend
her dignity and honor against the attack of a white man. By focusing on
gender, the Committee could also appeal to all women, not just black
women. One such appeal on a fact sheet was:

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

Negro women well know that their freedom is bound to the freedom of Rosa Lee Ingram. It is high time white women recognize
that this holds just as true for them. For over 300 years, and particularly in the South, Negro men have been lynched and Negro
people deprived of all rights under the false cry of protecting
white womanhood. White women can truly protect their rights
only when they join with their Negro sisters to protect the rights
of all women. (Free Rosa Lee Ingram fact sheet n.d.)
The wording on one flyer highlighted the racial injustice of the case,
while calling on black and white women to work together: People the
world over know that Rosa Lee Ingram is imprisoned and hate the lynch
law that jails her. Negro and white women, joining together to free
Mrs.Ingram, take a great step toward winning the right of every human
being to live in peace and freedom (Ingram Rally Invitation n.d.).
The NCFIF later changed its name to the WCEJ to attract broader
support. They sent invitations to churches, unions, and synagogues asking citizens to join a Mothers Day Crusade for Freedom. The invitation
for one such Mothers Day event featured a photograph of two of Rosa
Lee Ingrams children, along with Mrs. Ingrams own mother. The appeal
was made from Mary Church Terrell, herself a mother, and included her
photograph and signature. Throughout our land sons and daughters of
all colors and creeds will pay tribute to their mothers. Yet there are no
sons who have honored their mother more than the sons of Rosa Lee
Ingram (Ingram Rally Invitation n.d.).
On April 13 and 14, 1950, the WCEJ held a rally in front of the United
States delegation to the United Nations. The Committee had individuals
dressed in historical costumes representing four famous activist women. In
keeping with their strategy to involve both black and white women, the costumes showcased two black and two white female historical figures: Harriet
Tubman, Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
Among the slogans and signage used that day were Proclaim Mothers Day
as Freedom day for Mrs. Rosa Lee Ingram, We fought for Womans Suffrage
and won, We fought for Abolition of slavery and won, We came back to
free Mrs. Rosa Lee Ingram and her sons, Human Rights means Freedom
for Mrs. Ingram! (General Invitation Letter from Maude Katz n.d.).

10

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

The WCEJ continued to hold rallies and prayer meetings; black and
white women were invited to these events. To maintain awareness of the
case, it also published and distributed educational material, which often
included a direct call to action. For example, one fact sheet included four
headings: The Stake of American Womanhood, The Stake of Labor, What
Has Been Done, and What You Can Do. In the latter section, citizens were
told, you can help by sending letters and telegrams to Pres. Truman, asking that he use his good offices to secure for the Ingram family a full and
unconditional pardon. You can also help the work of freeing this innocent
mother and her sons by contributing funds to pay the expenses of a freedom
campaign (The Facts of the Ingram Case pamphlet n.d.). The fact sheet
included a section that could be mailed to the WCEJ headquarters in New
York, and the supporter could check three options indicating whether they
had written or telegraphed President Truman urging a pardon; whether they
would like to contribute and if so, the amount of their contribution; and
whether they would like to order copies of the fact sheet at five cents each.
Another flyer the Committee prepared urged citizens to take the following action: Write to President Truman to Free the Ingram Family
now. Get your neighbor, friend, and organization to write to the President
today. Urge your Minister, Congressman, Governor, Legislator, Mayor,
and Councilman to do the same. Write to the Governor of Georgia
(The United States Can Intervene for Human Rights flyer n.d.).
On December 18, 1953, the WCEJ held a conference and prayer m
eeting
in Atlanta. As part of its strategy, womens groups (regardless of race or religion) were invited to attend. One such group was the Emma Lazarus Federation of Jewish Womens Clubs, which affirmed its support of the Ingram
case in a written statement. The Federation agrees with Mrs.Mary Church
Terrel [sic], Chairman of the Womens Committee for Equal Justice, that
white women can truly protect their rights only when they join with their
Negro sisters to protect the rights of all women (Statement from Emma
Lazarus Federation of Jewish Womens Club for conference and holiday season prayer meeting for the Freedom of Mrs. Rosa Lee I ngram and her sons
in Atlanta, Georgia, on Friday, D
ecember18, 1953 n.d.). In its statement,
the Lazarus Federation invoked the image of motherhood, reflecting one of
the Committees strategies. The Federations executive director wrote, as we
lit the Chanukah candles this year, the image of this brave Negro mother

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

11

merged for us with the image of the heroic Chanah, widowed mother of
seven Jewish sons who refused to denounce her people.... In addition, the
Lazarus Federation sent a delegation to Atlanta, and it described the trip in
the February 1954 issue of Jewish Life. Jennie Truchman (1954) a delegate
who traveled from New York to Atlanta, wrote that the thought that kept
racing through my head was that as a Jewish woman I had a deep kinship
with Mrs. Ingram, that I had a responsibility to help get her free (p. 18).
She added,
We know that hatred against one group eventually means the effort
to strangle others. The enemy of the Jew and the Negro is the same,
though the Negro is far more intensely the object of that enmity.
Jewish women have to take a stand to defend the democratic rights
of the Negro people and especially of Negro women. It is time to
end the 300-year-old story of the many Mrs. Ingrams. (p. 18)
To maintain public awareness and foster action to free the Ingrams,
the WCEJ continued to hold Ingram rallies on Mothers Day, distribute press releases, send delegations to the Georgia State Capitol and take
petitions to the U.S. Justice Department and the White House (Martin
1987). As a result, the black press kept the Ingrams story alive (Family
finally together again: Now the Ingrams have a home 1960; Atlanta
nuptials: blue bloods attend Ingram Sons Rites 1960).
Further, according to Martin (1985) from a legal standpoint, the
case settled down to waiting for hearings by the Board of Pardons and
Parole, which was not required by law to consider any parole requests by
Mrs. Ingram prior to 1955, when she would have spent the minimum
waiting period of seven years behind bars (p. 265). In February 1954,
five months before her death at age 90, Mary Church Terrell led a group
to Washington, D.C., or to meet with staff members of the U.S. Justice
Department to press for a federal investigation. Also, a delegation presented a petition to the United Nations Commission on the Status of
Women arguing that Rosa Lee Ingrams human rights had been violated.
Meanwhile, prison officials continued to complain about the excessive
letters and packages mailed to Mrs. Ingram, especially around Mothers
Day (p. 266).

12

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

In 1957, Georgia officials indicated they wished to be rid of the case,

but the parole process continued for another two years (Martin 1985).
On August 26, 1959, the Ingrams were finally freed after 12 years behind
bars. According to Horne (1988, p. 207), they were freed because of the
tireless and selfless efforts of the various groups and committees, specifically the mass pressure and public awareness campaigns. He argued that
the NAACP notwithstanding, the Ingrams prison tenure would have
been even longer had it not been for this external pressure (p. 212).

Evaluation
Assessing the effectiveness of the public relations strategies and tactics of
the Ingram campaign should first involve a review of the Committees
(NCFIF and later WCEJ) objectives and goals. The overall objective was to
free the Ingram family by arousing the conscience of America and exerting
moral pressure by every means available. The CRC, the Committee to Free
the Ingram Family, and the WCEJ developed and maintained a sustained
campaign over time that achieved its goals. In addition, the Womens
Committee had written plans with goals, strategies, audiences, and tactics.
The Committee employed the strategy of consistently and simultaneously employing multiple tactics and channels to achieve their aim.
Rather than relying on a few tactics, the Committee used numerous print
and face-to-face tools to engage in strategic two-way communication with
their audiences. As part of its efforts to create awareness, the Committee
defined what they wanted their audiences to know and what they wanted
them to do. Their messages focused on facts of the Ingram case, the unjust incarceration, Mrs. Ingrams victimization, her race, her gender, and
her motherhood. The Committees were also very specific in articulating
the action they wanted their audiences to take, from asking supporters to
sign a petition, attend a rally, provide financial support, or send a letter to
Georgia Governor Talmadge or President Truman.
In analyzing the Committees audiences, they targeted state and national officials; government organizations, such as the U.S. Justice Department; churches; unions; civic groups; women and womens clubs;
international groups; the news media; the President of the United States,
and very broadly, the American public. With some of these stakeholder

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

13

groups (or audiences in nonpublic relations talk), the Committees were

focused on educating and garnering support, sympathy, and engagement,
while encouraging specific actions. With other stakeholders, the primary
focus was on getting the specific audiences to take a particular action, for
example, asking officials to open a federal investigation into the case.
Furthermore, the Committees recognized that women, especially
mothers, were a primary stakeholder. Capitalizing on their previous experience with the black womens club movement, members of the Committees were able to use motherhood and gender as a common link shared
by all women, regardless of race. As Lerner (1974, p. 1959) notes, black
and white women had a long history of forming clubs to help bring about
social reform. The need to organize such clubs often arose wherever a
social need remained unmet. By the time Mary Church Terrell became involved with the campaign to free Rosa Lee Ingram, she had been a leader
in the black womens club movement for most of her life (Sanderson
1973, p.20). Often underscoring the work of black women in the club
movement was the concept of motherhood and community mothering
(Edwards 2000, p. 89). In doing so on behalf of Rosa Lee Ingram, they
were able to engage and enlist the support of women across racial lines
and geographies, even receiving support from womens groups internationally, who wrote letters to President Truman decrying Mrs. Ingrams
imprisonment. Some of the media coverage highlighted that black and
white women were working together on this cause (e.g., Ingram Plea
Renewed: 50 Whites and Negroes Urge Georgia Womens Release 1954).

A Womens Cause
The efforts to free Rosa Lee Ingram truly reflected a public relations campaign developed by women, it targeted women, and its goal involved a
woman. Members of the NCFIF and WCEJ committees often articulated
their demands in maternal terms. In the material produced by the Committee, Rosa Lee Ingram was always described as a mother, specifically a
doomed mother to 12 children.
In calling for her freedom, the messages in many of the Committees
materials focused on reuniting Rosa Lee Ingram with her children. In addition, she was identified as a widow, and as a woman who defended her

14

PUBLIC RELATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC GOOD

honor from a white male attacker. Furthermore, the Ingram Committee

charged that her unjust conviction was an outrage to all American motherhood and womanhood (If you would be free, free Rosa Lee I ngram
flyer n.d.). Because of the Committees focus on motherhood, most of the
news articles also focused on Rosa Lee Ingram as a woman and mother,
as evidenced by headlines such as Philadelphians rally to save doomed
mother and two sons (Philadelphians Rally to Save Doomed Mother
and 2 Sons 1948) and Mrs. Ingrams 10 Children Miss Mother
(Mrs.Ingrams 10 Children Miss Mother 1950).
The Committees also focused on gender by highlighting the problem
of sexual violence committed against black women by white men. Rosa
Lee Ingram fought for her honor and dignity (Statement from Emma
Lazarus Federation of Jewish Womens Club for conference and holiday season prayer meeting for the Freedom of Mrs. Rosa Lee Ingram and her sons
in Atlanta, Georgia, on Friday, December 18, 1953 n.d.). The Pittsburgh
Courier (He Even Tried to Go With Me 1948) even visualized the altercation between Mrs. Ingram and John Stratford by including three illustrations with one of its cover stories about the case. In one of the illustrations,
Stratford was shown inviting Mrs. Ingram to go with him, presumably to
assault her. In the next illustration, he is attacking Mrs.Ingram and in the
final illustration, Stratford is being attacked by one of Mrs.Ingrams sons,
with Mrs. Ingram seen in the background covering her eyes.
Not only did the Committee succeed in maintaining awareness of the
Ingram case over a long time period, it used womanhood and motherhood as a strategy to gain moral support and engage a broader audience
of women, both black and white.

Conclusion
Although rarely mentioned as part of the postwar black freedom movement, Rosa Lee Ingram was a household name in African American communities during her incarceration, and there was awareness of the case
internationally. Black women took the lead in building the campaign to
free Rosa Lee Ingram. Although these women would not be defined then
as formal public relations practitioners, their work can be certainly considered public relations in the modern context.

The Public Relations Campaign to Free Rosa Lee Ingram

15

In their focus on developing mutually beneficial relationships with

their publics, the activists working on behalf of Rosa Lee Ingram followed
the structure of a modern public relations campaign. They successfully articulated their goals, defined their audiences, and developed strategies and
tactics, which they sustained over time to influence their constituents,
thereby achieving their goals. They recognized the importance of public
relations in their planning process, and many of the strategies and tactics
they employed are those used by todays public relations professionals.
As a result of the tireless work and the public relations activities of the
women in the Ingram committees, along with the support of the CRC and
the legal work of the NAACP, Rosa Lee Ingram and her two sons were finally freed. Although it took 12 years, the organizations working on behalf
of the Ingrams achieved their goal. Rosa Lee Ingram would go on to live
another 21 years, dying peacefully on August 4, 1980 in Atlanta, Georgia.

Takeaway
This story, like many in the Civil Rights Movement, offers an excellent example of public relations as an engine for social change. The WCEJ used
all the tools in the public relations toolboxstrategic planning, message
development, media relations, special events (rallies), and public education materials (Mothers Day cards, newsletters, etc.).
Of note in this case is how well the Committee understood its constituencies, and how best to appeal to them. Rather than position this as a case of
racial injustice, the Committee presented it as a case of gender injustice. By focusing on motherhood, its messages could resonate with everyone, regardless of race, class, or gender. Thus, its tie-in with Mothers Day was particularly
strategic, and newsworthy. Further broadening its appeal, the Committee
worked closely with womens groups outside the African American Committee, such as the Emma Lazarus Federation of Jewish Womens Organizations.
Such groups, which themselves had been fighting against inequality, provided
the cause with third-party credibility, as well as a way to reach audiences that
might otherwise not relate to the cause of a poor black woman.
With a formal plan, clear objectives, smart strategies, and effective
tactics, the Committee produced a measureable resultfreedom for the
Ingram family.

Index
A Call to the Women of the United
States, 8
Act One of the Civil Rights
Movement, 106
Adler, Isaac, 55
Advertising
public relations and, 24
spending, 24
television, 23
tobacco, 53
Advocacy groups, 32, 55
Afro-American, 4
Age of Anxiety, The, 135
Age of Enlightenment, 134
American Anti-Tobacco Society, The, 55
American Cancer Society, 62
American Civil Rights Movement, 3, 37
contemporary public relations
techniques, 105106
King, Martin Luther, 105113
March on Washington, 108111
nonviolent Birmingham protest,
107108
Selma to Montgomery March,
111112
American dream, 2223
American economic system, 20
American Express credit card, 21
American Public Health Association, 60
American Society for the Promotion
of Temperance, 142
American Temperance Society, 142,
146
Americus Times-Recorder, 4
Anglo-American Press, 93
Anti-Tobacco Apostle, 55
Antitobacco movement,
communication efforts of, 61
Anxiety and Depression Association of
America, The (ADAA), 138
Armstrong, Louis, 34

Art, during Harlem Renaissance,

3536
Arthur Page Society, 2526
Assimilated Jews, 88
Athlete Ally, 42
Atlanta Constitution, 4
Atlanta Daily World, 4
Bad Friday, 82
Baker, Josephine, 34, 35
Baldwin, James, 37
Balfour Declaration, The, 9091
Barthe, Richmond, 36
Belafonte, Harry, 110
Belmont, Alva, 120
Bernays, Edward, 25, 55
Black Art, 37
Blacker the Berry, The, 33
Blanck, Max, 119122
Bloody Sunday, 111
Blues music, 34
Board of Pardons and Parole, 11
Bois, W.E.B. Du, 7
Brief History of Israel, A, 89
Brooks, Gwendolyn, 37
Browder v. Gayle, 106
Burson, Harold, 21
Burson-Marsteller, 21
Califano, Joseph A., 112
Calloway, Cab, 34
Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids,
6971
assessment, 7475
international activities, 7374
lobbying, 7172
Media Center, 7273
Chicago Defender, 4
Chipotle Cultivate Foundation, 28
Christ killers, 117
Church, Westboro Baptist, 44

174 INDEX

Cigarettes. See Smoking

Civil Rights Congress (CRC), 1, 3, 5
Civil Rights Movement. See American
Civil Rights Movement
Clean Air Act, 63
Club, Cotton, 34
Collins, Jason, 4243
Commercial advertising, 23
Committee to Free the Ingram
Family, 12
Communist-affiliated organization, 3
Connelly, Chris, 43
Consolidated Anti-Cigarette League, 55
Conspicuous consumption, 18
Consumerism
critics of, 2122
definition of, 17
historians of, 25
in United States, 18
Consumers, new generation
of, 2628
Consumption, factors driving growth
in, 1821
Cooper, Eva, 58
Council for Tobacco Research, 5859
Credit cards, 21
Credit financing, expansion of, 20
Crusade for Freedom, 8
Cullen, Countee, 33
Cutting-edge communications
strategies, 23
Daily Gleaner, The, 81, 82
Davis, Wade, 46, 47, 49
Defense of Marriage Act, 40
DeGeneres, Ellen, 41
Depression
agenda for future, 138
drills to pills, 133136
from idea to movement, 137
other efforts, 137138
To Write Love on Her Arms,
136137
Der Judenstaat, 89
Diners Club, 21
Domestic purchasing power, 2021
Douglas, Aaron, 36
Douglass, Frederick, 37

Dreyfus, Alfred, 8789

Drunkard, The, 145
Eccles, Clancy, 83
Economic boom towns, 32
Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), for
depression, 134
Electroshock therapy, 134
Ellaville Sun, 4
Ellington, Duke, 34
Ellis, Alton, 78
Ellison, Ralph, 37
Ellis, Sarah Kate, 46, 47
Emma Lazarus Federation of Jewish
Womens Clubs, 10
End Poverty In California (EPIC), 128
Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA), 63
Fauset, Jessie Redmon, 34
Feminine Mystique, 9899
cultural climate, 99
fighting for change, two generations
of, 102103
Friedan, Betty, 97
issue at hand, 100
modern day womens movement,
100102
Feminine Mystique, The (Friedan), 98
Feminist Movement, 98
Financial crisis of 2008, 128129
Fire, reactions to, 121122
First-wave Feminist Movement, 98
Fiscal issue, health issue as, 74
Flesh & Blood So Cheap: The Triangle
Fire and Its Legacy (Marrin),
116
Fluoxetine (Prozac), 135
Folgers Coffee campaign, 99
Food and Drug Administration
(FDA), 71
Framework Convention on Tobacco
Control (FCTC), 67
Freedom from Fear, 138
Free Rosa Lee Ingram, 6
efforts to, 13
Friedan, Betty, 97103
Fuller, Meta Warrick, 36

 INDEX
175

Garvey, Marcus Mosiah, 79

Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against
Defamation (GLAAD),
45, 4647
General Assembly of the United
Nations, 3
General Electric Theater, 24
Golden Age of Capitalism. See PostWorld War II era
Golden Holocaust (Proctor), 58
Great Depression, 125
Great Migration, 31
Guardian, The, 84
Haaretz, 92
Hansberry, Lorraine, 37
Hansen. A, Dale, 48
Harlem Renaissance movement
art, 3536
history, 3133
lasting impact, 37
music and performers, 3435
new black middle class, 36
Paris migration, 36
writers and authors, 3334
Harris, Isaac, 119122
Healy, David, 135
Hebrew Press, 93
Herzl, Theodor, 8990
Hidden Persuaders, The (Packard), 21
Hitler, Adolf, 91
Holliday, Billie, 34
Horne, Gerald, 2
House Un-American Activities
Committee, 3
Huffington Post, The, 46
Hughes, Langston, 33
Human Rights Campaign, 47
Human Rights means Freedom for
Mrs. Ingram!, 9
Hurley, Mark, 7374
Hurston, Zora Neale, 33
Image advertising, 24
Income inequality movement
beginnings of, 125126
financial crisis of 2008, 128129
Long, Huey, 126127

Occupy Wall Street, 129130

public relations, role of, 131
Sinclair, Upton, 127128
Influential poster, 144
Ingram, Rosa Lee, 115
case, overview, 4
public relations plans, strategies,
tactics to free, 412
womens cause, 1314
International Labor Defense (ILD), 3
Jamaica Labour Party, The (JLP), 82
James I, King, 55
Jazz music, 34
Jet magazine, 4
Jewish Agency (JA), 9293
Jewish Life, 10
Johnson, Lyndon B., 112
Journal of the American Medical
Association (Ochsner), 58
Journal of the American Temperance
Union, 145
Jungle, The (Sinclair), 128
Kennedy, John F., 60, 113
Keynesian principles of macroeconomic
management, 20
Kick Butts Day, 71
Kimche, Jon, 92
King, Martin Luther, 105113
Koval, Robin, 6566
Labor Department and its
Occupational Safety and
Health Administration
(OSHA), 63
Labor Safety Movement, 115123
background, 115116
believes hype, 117118
effectiveness of efforts, 122
immigrant living conditions and
workplace hazards, 118
poverty and immigration, 116117
reactions to fire, 121122
rise of, 120121
Shirtwaist Kings, 119
womens liberation, innovation and
symbols of, 119

176 INDEX

Larsen, Nella, 34
Lawrence v. Texas, 40
Leaderless movement. See Occupy
Wall Street movement
Lean In Foundation, 101102
Legacy Tobacco Documents Library, 63
Legal Defense Director Thurgood
Marshall, 4
Lesbian, Gay, Black, and Transgender
(LGBT) movement, 66
ability for, 39
announcement, 4344
background, 4043
NFL internal communications,
4950
public relations programs, 4649
public sentiment and policy
toward, 39
strategic insights, 4445
Letter from Birmingham Jail, 107
Lewis, John, 110, 111
Lindy Hop, 34
Locke, Alain, 33
Long, Huey, 125131
Macroeconomic management,
Keynesian principles of, 20
Maine laws, 142
Major League Soccer (MLS), 42
March on Washington, 108111
Marketing communications, 17
rise of modern, 2224
Marrin, Albert, 116
Marx, Jerry, 27
Mason, Perry, 62
Master Settlement Agreement
(MSA), 63
Mayer, Louis B., 128
McKay, Claude, 33
McMurphy, R. P., 134
Media Center, 7273
Media relations, Temperance
Movement, 145
Melancholy, 133
Mental illness. See Depression
Miami Times, The, 112
Milk, Harvey, 41
Millennials, 2627, 6465

Mink Coat Brigade, 120121

Modern day womens movement,
100102
Morris, Philip, 60
Morton, Jelly Roll, 34
Mothers Day, 8
MSNBC, 46
Music. See also specific musics
during Harlem Renaissance, 3435
Myers, Matthew L., 7071, 75
Nader, Ralph, 2122
National Alliance on Mental Illness,
The (NAMI), 138
National Association for the
Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP), 1, 4, 5, 106
National Association of Colored
Women, 5
National Basketball Associations
(NBA), 42
National Committee to Free the Ingram
Family (NCFIF), 2, 5, 8
National Federation for
Constitutional Liberties, 3
National Football League (NFL),
3940
internal communications, 4950
National Heart Association, 60
National Negro Congress, 3
National Organization for Women
(NOW), 97
National Temperance Society and
Publishing House, 145
National Tuberculosis Association, 60
Negro World, The, 79
Neue Freie Presse, 89
New black middle class, 36
New Negro Movement, The, 32, 33
New Negro, The, 33
Newsweek, 109
New York Amsterdam News, 4
New York magazine, 135
New York Times, The, 4, 43, 47, 74,
101, 107, 117, 122
Nonviolent Birmingham protest in
1963, 107108
Novelli, Bill, 70

 INDEX
177

Obama, Barack, 49
Occupy Wall Street movement,
129130
Ochsner, Alton, 5758
One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest, 134
Packard, Vance, 21
Palcor. See Palestine Correspondence
Agency
Palestine Correspondence Agency, 92
Palestine Post, 93
Paris migration, 36
Patterson, William, 3
Peoples National Party (PNP), The, 82
Personal spending, 24
Pharmageddon, 135
Philadelphia Tribune, 4
Pittsburgh Courier, The, 4, 5, 14
Post-World War II era, 19
Proclaim Mothers Day as Freedom
day for Mrs. Rosa Lee
Ingram, 9
Procter & Gamble (P&G), 2728
Progress, The, 145
Promotional posters, 144
Prozac, 135
Prozac Nation (Wurtzel), 135
Public accountability, 2526
Public opinion, for Jewish state
background, 8789
Jewish agency and propaganda,
9293
Jewish migration, 90
World War II, 9192
Zionism, birth of, 8990
Public relations
advertising, along with, 2324
effectiveness assessment, 1213
Lesbian, Gay, Black, and
Transgender movement,
4649
plans, strategies, tactics, 412
principles of, 22
professionals, 25
role of, 131
Temperance Movement, 143
tobacco, 5354, 61
Public Relations (Bernays), 25

Public Relations Society of America

(PRSA), 143
Public Service Advertisements
(PSAs), 143
Racist Justice Must End, 6
Rallies and conventions, Temperance
Movement, 145146
Randolph, A. Philip, 108109
Rastafarianism, 77
challenges of fame, 8385
movements beginnings, 79
Reggae, Jamaican soul music, 78
as religion movement, 8081
as social movement, 8183
Rastafarian Movement Association
(RMA), 83
Readers Digest, 58
Reciprocity principle, 2627
Reggae music, 7785
Riis, Jacob, 118
Robeson, Paul, 34
Robinson, Bill Bojangles, 34
Rogers, Robbie, 42
Same-sex relations, 4041
Sam, Michael, 3950
Sandberg, Sheryl Kara, 100102
Savoy, 34
Seattle Times, The, 113
Second wave of Feminist Movement,
98
Selma to Montgomery March,
111112
Servicemens Readjustment Act
(1944), 20
Seventh-Day Adventists, 55
Sexism, 97
Shirtwaist Kings, 119
Signal of Liberty, The, 146
Sinclair, Upton, 127128
Slims, Virginia, 61
Smith, Bessie, 34
Smithsonian (magazine), 110
Smoking. See also Tobacco
known health risk, 5457
among women, 56
Soap operas, 2324

178 INDEX

Socio-religious movement. See

Rastafarianism
Solly, Samuel, 55
Southern Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC), 106
Starting Over, 134
Strategic philanthropy, 2728
Stratford, John, 1, 4
Strike, Lucky, 57
Suffragette movement, 97
Technological innovations, of
wartime, 23
Television, 23
Temperance Movement
background, 141143
media relations, 145
pamphlets and promotional
materials, 144145
public relations campaign, 143144
rallies and conventions, 145146
Terrell, Mary Church, 5, 11, 13
Thank You for Smoking, 53
Theater, Apollo, 34
The Negro Artist and the Racial
Mountain, 33
These Are My Children, 24
This is Desmond Dekker (Dekker), 78
Thurman, Wallace, 33
TIME magazine, 135
Tobacco
battleground moves overseas, 6667
on defense, 5961
war of words, 6164
war on, 5859
wining war, 6466
Tobacco-Free Kids, Campaign for. See
Campaign for Tobacco-Free
Kids
Tobacco Industry Research
Committee (TIRC), 5859
Toomer, Jean, 33
To Write Love on Her Arms
(TWLOHA), 136137
Trask, George, 55
Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire,
and rise of Labor Safety
Movement, 115123

Troubled Assets Relief Program, 129

Truchman, Jennie, 10
Truman, Harry, 7
Tworkowski, Jamie, 136
United Nations appointed a Special
Committee on Palestine
(UNSCOP), 94
United Nations Commission on the
Status of Women, 11
Universal Negro Improvement
Association (UNIA), 79
USA Today, 46
U.S. Civil Rights Movement, 80
U.S. Cold War foreign policy, 3
U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services Surgeon
General Report, 69
U.S. Justice Department, 11
Variety magazine, 128
Victory Gardens, 1819
Vilma, Jason, 45
Voting Rights Act, 112
Wakeham, Helmut, 60
Waltz, Viennese, 34
Waring, Laura Wheeler, 36
War on Tobacco, 5859
Washington, DC-based American
Legacy Foundation, The, 63
Washington Post, The, 4, 107
Watchman, 79
We came back to free Mrs. Rosa Lee
Ingram and her sons, 9
We Charge Genocide, 3
We fought for Abolition of slavery
and won, 9
We fought for Womans Suffrage and
won, 9
Weizmann, Chaim, 90
White House, 11
Will & Grace, 41
Williams, Hosea, 111
Wilson, Wilson, 91
Womens Committee for Equal Justice
(WCEJ), 2, 8, 10
Womens Equality, 37

 INDEX
179

Womens liberation, innovation and

symbols of, 119
Workplace hazards, immigrant living
conditions and, 118
World Health Organization
(WHO), 63
World No Tobacco Day, 63
World of tomorrow, 22
World Trade Organization (WTO), 66
World War I, 9091

World War II, 9192

Wright, Richard, 37
Wurtzel, Elizabeth, 135
Yohe, Renee, 136
You Can Play Project, 42
Zionist movement, 90
during World War I, 9091
during World War II, 9192

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