Dokumen - Pub - The Cambridge Introduction To Satire 9781107030183 9781139343251 9781107682054
Dokumen - Pub - The Cambridge Introduction To Satire 9781107030183 9781139343251 9781107682054
Dokumen - Pub - The Cambridge Introduction To Satire 9781107030183 9781139343251 9781107682054
In satire, evil, folly, and weakness are held up to ridicule – to the delight
of some and the outrage of others. Satire may claim the higher purpose of
social critique or moral reform, or it may simply revel in its own
transgressive laughter. It exposes frauds, debunks ideals, binds
communities, starts arguments, and evokes unconscious fantasies. It has
been a central literary genre since ancient times, and has become
especially popular and provocative in recent decades. This new
introduction to satire takes a historically expansive and theoretically
eclectic approach, addressing a range of satirical forms from classical,
Renaissance, and Enlightenment texts through contemporary literary
fiction, film, television, and digital media. The beginner in need of
a clear, readable overview and the scholar seeking to broaden and deepen
existing knowledge will both find this a lively, engaging, and reliable
guide to satire, its history, and its continuing relevance in the world.
JONATHAN GREENBERG
Montclair State University
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DOI: 10.1017/9781139343251
© Jonathan Greenberg 2019
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For Megan
Contents
Part I 1
1 What Is Satire? 3
Three Episodes 3
Genre, Mode, Practice 9
Definition and Its Difficulties 11
The Canonical Model 13
Revising the Canonical Model 15
Provocation, Fantasy, Performance 18
The Real World 21
Kinds of Satires 23
2 What Isn’t Satire? 27
Comedy 27
Irony 30
Parody 33
Mock Forms 38
Caricature and Cartoon 41
Allegory and Fable 43
Epigram 44
Invective 46
Black Humor 48
Camp 50
vii
viii Contents
Part II 53
3 Classical Origins 55
Aristophanes: Imagination’s Happy Home 56
Roman Verse Satire: Scouring the City 62
Menippean Satire: Plenty of Food for Laughter 69
4 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs 77
Renaissance Humanism: Erasmus and More 78
Renaissance Laughter: Rabelais and Cervantes 85
Donne and Elizabethan Verse Satire 93
City Comedy: Jonson’s Volpone 98
5 Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition 104
Modest Proposals: Defoe and Swift 106
The Contrarian Spirit: Mandeville and Collier 110
Gulliver’s Travels: A Lusus Naturae 115
The Oriental Tale: Johnson and Voltaire 120
6 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron 127
Rochester and the Court Wits 128
The Mock Heroic 132
Battles of the Sexes 141
Late Phases: Johnson, Churchill, Byron, Walcott 147
Notes 277
Editions Cited 300
Films Cited 303
Index 304
Figures
x
List of Figures xi
For scholarly works from which I quote frequently, I cite the following
editions parenthetically using abbreviations and page numbers.
For primary works from which I quote frequently, I use parenthetical
references. In most of these cases, parenthetical references indicate page
numbers; in other cases, I specify whether they refer to volumes, chapters,
cantos, or lines. A list of frequently cited primary works can be found at the
back of the book along with a list of films cited.
AC Frye, Northrop. Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays. Princeton,
Princeton University Press, 1957.
AS Highet, Gilbert. The Anatomy of Satire. Princeton, Princeton
University Press, 1962.
CS Quintero, Ruben, ed. A Companion to Satire: Ancient and
Modern. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007.
DI Bakhtin, Mikhail. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Caryl
Emerson and Michael Holquist, trans. Austin, University of
Texas Press, 1981.
DSM Fredric V. Bogel, The Difference Satire Makes: Rhetoric and
Reading from Jonson to Byron. Ithaca, Cornell University Press,
2001.
FS Paulson, Ronald. The Fictions of Satire. Baltimore, Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1967.
LS Knight, Charles. The Literature of Satire. New York,
Cambridge University Press, 2004.
PDP Bakhtin, Mikhail. Problems in Dostoevsky’s Poetics. Caryl
Emerson, trans. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press,
1984.
PS Elliott, Robert C. The Power of Satire: Magic, Ritual, Art.
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1962.
PSE Ashley Marshall. The Practice of Satire in England, 1658–1770.
Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013.
xii
List of Abbreviations xiii
This effort at introducing the topic of satire is organized into three large
sections. Part I has two chapters. Chapter 1 lays out some basic ideas of what
satire is, how it works, and how the understanding of satire among literary
critics has evolved. Chapter 2 discusses related terminology in an attempt to
familiarize students with frequently used critical categories such as comedy,
irony, and parody, and how they have been distinguished from satire.
Together, these two chapters aim to offer a serviceable stand-alone introduc-
tion to the topic.
Part II commences a historical survey of literary satire, looking at what
might be called the traditional canon, though I have sought to expand this
canon with texts rediscovered in the last few decades and to update under-
standings of it with the insights of recent scholarship. Since I view genres as
subject to the forces of history, I use both period and genre as organizing
principles in an account that is neither strictly chronological nor strictly
genre-based. In each chapter I offer an overview followed by a series of
readings. While intensive close-reading is not possible due to considerations
of space, I do aim for what might be called a “middle-distance-reading” that
covers a range of texts but with enough detail and nuance to help readers
launch their own sustained analyses. Chapter 3 surveys classical satire, focus-
ing on Athenian Old Comedy, Roman verse satire, and ancient Menippean
satire. Chapter 4 examines the Renaissance and early modern period across
genres, looking at prose, poetry, and drama. Chapter 5 looks at varieties of
prose satire in the Enlightenment, while Chapter 6 covers verse satire in the
same historical era, but extends its account through the Romantic era, and
glances at some modern examples.
Part III focuses on satire roughly from the mid-eighteenth century to the
present, satire that is too often ignored in introductory texts like this. A brief
transition frames the critical issues surrounding satire and the novel, and
satiric novels are the focus of Chapters 7, 8, and 9. Rather than offer a single
chronology of novelistic satire, I identify three different kinds of satiric novel,
and provide a historical account of each one. As in the earlier periods,
xiv
The Structure of this Book xv
xvi
Part I
Chapter 1
What Is Satire?
Three Episodes
Sometime in the summer of 1674, John Wilmot, the Earl of Rochester, driven
by a malice born of sexual rejection and betrayal, hatched a hasty plan to
destroy the friendship of three noblewomen. He visited an old crone reputed
for her magical powers, a character straight out of Macbeth, and, in exchange
for the promise of enshrining her name forever in his poetry, secured from her
a magical gift, an enormous dildo “long and large as Hector’s lance” (83.81).
Hastening to the resort town of Bath, Rochester presented the oversized sex
toy to the three women, with instructions that it should be given “to the Lady
most deserving” (83.87), setting off a bitter feud among them. A truce was
attained only with the intervention of a clergyman – and then, apparently,
only after he himself had sex with all three women.
Such is the raunchy parody of the Iliad’s “Judgment of Paris” as told in
heroic couplets by a Restoration-era poet, most likely Rochester himself.3
An early example of the mock-epic form, the untitled 154-line poem was,
according to the scholar Harold Love, probably written as “an act of revenge”
in an ongoing feud between Rochester’s lover, the Duchess of Portsmouth,
and Queen Catherine, whose partisans are depicted as insatiable sex fiends;
a handwritten copy of the poem may have been delivered to the women along
with an actual dildo. This playful take on the erotic practices, real or imagined,
of the Carolean court depends upon an old trope: the “tradition of misogy-
nistic dildo” poems goes back at least to the first or second century ce. But
Rochester executes the joke deftly, and his opening pair of questions –
3
4 What Is Satire?
in 2000 was he permitted to relinquish his security detail in the UK. The death
threat remains in effect today; state-run Iranian media have recently raised the
bounty.
In November 2012, Pete Wells, a New York Times restaurant critic,
reviewed a new Times Square restaurant called Guy’s American Kitchen &
Bar, owned and run by Guy Fieri, a popular television chef with platinum-
bleached hair, a furry brown goatee, and copious tattooing who had shot to
fame after winning a Food Network reality show competition. Wells’s review
began, innocently but atypically for the genre, by posing questions directly to
the restaurateur: “Guy Fieri, have you eaten at your new restaurant in Times
Square? Have you pulled up one of the 500 seats at Guy’s American Kitchen &
Bar and ordered a meal? Did you eat the food? Did it live up to your
expectations?”12 But while the first paragraph displayed a mild insolence
restrained by professional decorum, the second threw off any pretense of
good manners as it inquired into the state of Fieri’s “mind” and “soul”:
Did panic grip your soul as you stared into the whirling hypno wheel of
the menu, where adjectives and nouns spin in a crazy vortex? When you
saw the burger described as “Guy’s Pat LaFrieda custom blend, all-
natural Creekstone Farm Black Angus beef patty, LTOP (lettuce, tomato,
onion + pickle), SMC (super-melty-cheese) and a slathering of Donkey
Sauce on garlic-buttered brioche,” did your mind touch the void for
a minute?
And so the review continued, piling high the rhetorical questions, not only
inquiring about the delinquent service and greasy food, but also skewering
Fieri the author – attacking his language, the crazy, spinning “adjectives and
nouns” of menus and marketing. At the same time Wells conjured comic-
grotesque images of bodily functions that rendered the food wholly unappe-
tizing: “When we hear the words Donkey Sauce,” he asked, “which part of the
donkey are we supposed to think about?”
Within two days, the review had gone viral on the Internet, reaching 45,000
Facebook shares. Fieri took to a morning television show to defend his
restaurant and to accuse Wells of snobbery and self-promotion. Fellow TV
personalities such as the drawling self-help therapist “Dr. Phil” joined the
counter-attack while the Times’s public editor defended the scathing review.
Pundits in print and digital media interpreted the conflict in all kinds of ways:
as a culture war flare-up between the reviewer’s blue-state elitism and the TV
chef’s red-state populism; as an emblem of a new digital media world in which
“snark” and controversy are rewarded with clicks, hits, tweets, likes, and
shares; as a case study in camp aesthetics in which an attack on a cynical
Three Episodes 7
describe it – remains, thirty years later, a major cultural and political reference
point. The debate that surrounded it has come to represent a fundamental
clash of values that, Rushdie has maintained, can now be seen as a prologue to
the destruction of the Twin Towers, not to mention the terrorist killings that
followed the publication of satirical cartoons in France’s Charlie Hebdo
magazine in 2015. In all these cases, something playful became serious.
Rochester’s poems, Rushdie’s novel, and Wells’s review are all examples of
satire. Whether this claim strikes you as obvious or tendentious may depend
upon your own experience as a reader and a student of satire – what you think
“satire” means. For some scholars, satire is primarily a historical genre,
narrowly defined, that reached its heights of accomplishment during the
early Roman Empire and Enlightenment-era Europe. As Harry Levin has
written, “It is generally agreed that English satire enjoyed its heyday during
the first half of the eighteenth century; it declined . . . with the emergence of
mere sentimental and romantic touchstones.”15 For much of the last century,
this idea of satire prevailed among literary critics, and for some good reasons.
Beginning in the late eighteenth century, the lyric emerged as the dominant
form of poetry and the novel the dominant form of prose fiction. Few new
works of literature today formally resemble the satires of eighteenth-century
figures like Alexander Pope and Jonathan Swift, and those that do are often
relegated to minor status as parodies, entertainments, or light humor. Yet
Levin’s description of a genre of literature that belongs mainly to the past
bears little resemblance to what non-scholars usually mean when they talk
about satire. In common usage, people apply the term to a vast range of
literature and other kinds of cultural production – music, visual art, journal-
ism, film, video, performance, even customs, rituals, and other activities – that
they read, witness, and participate in regularly. Any analysis of satire that
ignores this everyday usage of the word will exclude a huge body of material in
which satiric attitudes and behaviors survive prominently and vitally in the
present. In this wider conception, satire is often referred to as a mode, or even,
for one recent critic, a practice (PSE).
In seeking to outline what satire is and has been, in the rest of this chapter
I offer not a narrow definition of satire but a broad discussion. I begin with the
“ordinary language” assumption that satire is whatever it is that we call satire.
Common usage, in other words, should guide us more than the pedantic
diktats of critics. I first address the distinctions between satire as genre, mode,
and practice. I then describe the still-influential understanding of satire that
coalesced in the 1950s and 1960s as morally purposive literature that deploys
wit, irony, fantasy, and humor. But as literary studies have changed, this view
has been challenged, and I therefore review the major arguments against that
Genre, Mode, Practice 9
old model. I fill out the analysis with examination of other features often
associated with satire, and, finally, I discern some ways that satires can be
described or grouped in order to help the reader find new lines of connection.
a few insist that the novel and the Menippean satire must be considered
separate genres. In almost all accounts, however, ancient and early modern
Menippean satire is recognized as an important precursor to contemporary
satiric fiction.
Even when satire is understood as a genre (or two), it is often understood as
a genre that resists or complicates the very idea of genre. Satire combines,
inhabits, or transforms other genres. It mixes subject matter, linguistic regis-
ters, and literary traditions. Satire, moreover, exists in ironic or secondary
relation to “higher” genres, and it negates the authority of epic, saga, and myth
(SI 63). Some critics go so far as to claim that the “appropriation of other
forms is unique to satire and one of its chief identifying characteristics” (STG
13). Satire indeed often appears as a mock form: a mock epic, a mock
encomium, a mockumentary. The word mock can mean either to imitate or
to ridicule via imitation, and both of these connotations adhere to our under-
standing of satire as a genre that mocks other genres.
For most readers today, however, satire cannot be limited to these genres at
all. Much drama is satiric. Whether or not the work of Aristophanes is best
described as satire or comedy – scholars call it “Old Comedy” to distinguish it
from the later phases of Greek comedy that focus more exclusively on
domestic life – it possesses many satiric elements and has deeply influenced
satirists ancient and modern. The plays of Ben Jonson and Molière offer early
modern examples of satiric drama, and audiences have found satire in Oscar
Wilde’s comedies of manners, in the social critiques of Henrik Ibsen and
George Bernard Shaw, in the ironic method and political purpose of Bertolt
Brecht’s “epic theater.” And anyone who sees The Book of Mormon on stage,
or Last Week Tonight on TV, or Saturday Night Live on her iPhone will
recognize that satire applies meaningfully to a much broader range of culture,
performance, and media than even the three major genres of literature. One
way to widen our understanding of satire, then, would be to recognize, as I do
in this book, the many satiric subgenres: city comedies, mock epics, picar-
esque novels, mockumentaries, modest proposals, and more.
To appreciate the full range of satiric literature, we need to consider
satire not as a genre but as a mode. A mode, according to Alastair Fowler, is
a looser sort of category than a genre, lacking the strong structural and formal
markers of a genre but still sending “distinct signals” to a reader.17 Because it
is more nebulous than a genre, we often describe a mode with an adjective
rather than a noun: satiric rather than satire. For Charles Knight, satire is “not
a genre” but rather “pre-generic.” It is “an exploiter of other genres,” but also
a “frame of mind,” a “skeptical attitude towards life” (LS 4). In a previous
book, I have called satire a “sensibility,” since it implies a way of seeing the
Definition and Its Difficulties 11
Satire’s ambiguous status as genre, mode, and practice already suggests some of
the difficulty that besets any effort at defining it. Even the etymology of the word
is duplicitous. It derives from the Latin satura, part of the phrase lanx satura,
meaning a mixed platter of fruit or nuts. It presumably refers to the varied and
miscellaneous nature of Roman verse satire. But in part due to a fourth-century
work of criticism by the grammarian Diomedes, the word satire became con-
fused with the Greek word satyr, and a kind of literature became associated with
a Greek mythological creature and the ancient Greek “satyr plays” named for it.
Rough, crude, and sexually aggressive, the satyr came to seem an apt figure for
the rough, crude, and verbally aggressive satirist.23 Although the false etymol-
ogy was debunked by Isaac Casaubon in 1605, the erroneous association
persisted because its assumptions about satiric aggression seemed logical, and
early modern poets often called their verses “satyres.”
12 What Is Satire?
An influential effort to form a coherent model of satire took place in the 1950s
and 1960s. The work of several scholars – including Frye, Maynard Mack,
Alvin Kernan, Robert C. Elliott, and Ronald Paulson – coalesced into
a description of satire that I will call canonical. (It is sometimes referred to
as “New Critical,” but not all of its assumptions were New Critical.)
The canonical model holds that satire is purposeful, “directed toward
a preconceived end.”28 Satire’s purpose is to exercise moral judgment.
It condemns human failings, what Johnson called “wickedness or folly”
(“knaves and fools”). It calls attention to individual or collective evil, and,
explicitly or implicitly, urges the reader or viewer to participate in the censure
of that evil. Satire therefore relies on the concepts of laus et vituperatio, praise
and blame; by praising and blaming it neatly separates the world into good
and bad. The British satirist Wyndham Lewis announced his aesthetic credo
in the 1914 journal Blast with just this formulation, “blessing” and “blasting”
those people, institutions, and phenomena that he liked and didn’t like (PS
224) (Figure 1). And because issuing praise or blame – toward a person,
a group, a practice – implies a norm against which that person, group, or
practice is measured, even satire that appears wholly negative is thought to
imply a higher standard of behavior. Likewise, a statement of praise can
implicitly censure those who do not conform to the standard set by the object
of praise (STG 21–22). As Ezra Pound put it, “Satire reminds one that certain
things are not worth while.”29
In addition to judging people against a moral norm, satire, according to the
canonical model, requires a motive and a mechanism. Satire does not just
identify vice and folly but aims to reform or punish them. Readers or viewers
of satire discern vice or folly in others and are roused to indignation, brought
into alliance with the satirist against a common target. Or if readers see
themselves in the target of the satire, they are shamed into reform. Satire
thus draws upon norms that are widely shared, and its meaning is fundamen-
tally stable. The enforcement of stable moral norms makes satire culturally
conservative, as the satirist speaks on behalf of age-old truths in the face of
a decadent modern world. Satire is therefore a public mode or genre: it aims to
apply its norms to a community, a nation, or even all of humanity.30
The canonical model thus tends to locate satire in particular societies and
time periods, particularly the eighteenth century. W.H. Auden sums up this
old view: “Satire flourishes in a homogeneous society where satirist and
audience share the same views as to how normal people can be expected to
behave, and in times of relative stability and contentment.”31
(a)
(b)
Yet the shared moral standard – along with the stable meaning and the aim
of punishment or reform – is only one side of satire. The canonical model has
another component. In the prologue to Ben Jonson’s play Volpone, the chorus
explains the playwright’s intentions: “In all his poems still hath been this
measure, / To mix profit with your pleasure” (49). This combination of profit
and pleasure was a central Renaissance formula for all literature, derived from
Horace’s dictum in Ars Poetica that poetry should mix the useful with the
sweet (“miscuit utile dulci”). Indeed, from Horace’s two functions of literature
it is a short skip to John Dryden’s influential discussion in his 1693 “Discourse
Concerning the Original and Progress of Satire,” and from there to Frye’s two-
pronged definition.32 Comedy writer-turned-US Senator Al Franken put it
plainly when he titled his 2005 book The Truth (with Jokes). Despite the jokes,
however, the moral purpose of satire remains primary; wit, humor, irony,
parody, caricature, grotesquerie are merely satire’s “methods” – sugar added
to help the medicine go down. And because satire’s overriding purpose has
been seen as one of moral judgment or attack, the humor most closely
affiliated with satire is that which Freud calls “tendentious”: the targeted
laughter of ridicule and mockery.
The canonical model has many virtues. It shifted academic criticism of satire
from what Fredric Bogel calls a “preformalist” historicism to literary analysis,
and it gave critical shape and weight to what had been vague intuitions and
assumptions (DSM 5). But over the last half-century, waves of literary theory
have challenged and complicated the old consensus. Most crucially, scholars
have become more skeptical about characterizing satire as a necessarily moral
mode. Even if satire does exert judgment and rely on norms, not every norm is
a moral one. Guy Fieri’s restaurant may be awful, but can pretzel chicken
tenders, no matter how grease-laden, be immoral? Satire may just as easily
take aim at social or intellectual failings as ethical ones.33 As Charles Knight
points out, “ugliness, clumsiness, foolishness, bad taste, [and] stupidity” are
generally not thought to be forms of immorality (LS 5). For Robert Hume, the
critical shibboleth of a “high moral norm” has survived only because of
intellectual inertia and cannot withstand a detailed examination “the nitty-
gritty daily actualities” of satiric practice.34 To be sure, some famous
eighteenth-century satirists claimed moral motives: Pope said that satire
“heals with Morals what it hurts with Wit” (262), Swift that he wrote “with
a moral View designed / To cure the Vices of Mankind” (634).35 But the
16 What Is Satire?
ike: Well, a satirical piece in the Times is one thing, but bricks and
baseball bats really gets right to the point down there.
helen: Oh, but really biting satire is always better than physical force.
ike: No, physical force is always better with Nazis . . . It’s hard to
satirize a guy with shiny boots on.37
The most powerful criticism of the old model, however, is that the focus on
moral norms overstabilizes satire, eliminating its volatility, misrepresenting its
emotional dynamics, and occluding our understanding of it. The invocation of
a moral purpose may be not just a lazy critical assumption or a worn generic
convention but a dishonest pretext. In The Onion’s definition – “the act of being
a wise-ass and saying it’s for a higher purpose” – satire relies on its moral claim
as an excuse to engage in irreverent behavior. The reformative purpose of satire
becomes what Michael Seidel calls “a preserving fiction, a mere saving of
appearances” (SI 3). Kenneth Burke viewed satire as founded on an act of
projection in which “the satirist attacks in others the weaknesses and tempta-
tions that are really within himself,” displacing his forbidden desires onto
a target whom he can punish.38 Justified and emboldened by the pretext of
improving public morals, a writer or reader can enjoy the scolding and ridicul-
ing of satiric targets, the vicarious participation in violations and vices. Much
satire in fact degrades its targets far beyond the needs of moral reform; it
appears animated by what William Hazlitt called “the pleasure of hating,”
a primitive pleasure we experience “at being restored . . . to freedom and lawless
unrestrained impulses.”39 Thus in the 1930s, Wyndham Lewis attempted
to separate satire and morality entirely, arguing that “the best satire is
non-moral” – that it does not let moral compunction restrain the more funda-
mental impulses of the artist.40
As changes in the wider field of literary studies have eroded the belief that
satire promotes moral norms, so other features of the canonical model have
come into question. Deconstruction has dismantled old assumptions about
the stability of satiric irony and the formal unity of literary works.
Psychoanalysis has challenged our confidence in the transparency and con-
sistency of human motives, and instilled in readers a suspicion of high moral
claims. Mikhail Bakhtin’s analyses of language, culture, and genre have
offered an understanding of satire as anti-authoritarian and emancipatory.
Feminism and cultural studies have recovered much satiric writing that failed
to fit the formulas of Dryden, Pope, and Swift. Scholars of the eighteenth
century have rejected the idea of the so-called Augustan Age as a stable time of
shared values; we now see (contra W.H. Auden) that satire thrives not in times
of stability but in times of conflict and strife. Habermas, Warner, and
Bourdieu might help us recognize how satire operates and circulates in
a dynamic social field. The result has been that not only has satire’s moral
basis come into question, but so have many of the other tenets of the canonical
model. These critical changes and challenges inform the following discussion
of other satirical elements that have sometimes been recognized but not
always emphasized in satire criticism.
18 What Is Satire?
Once the moral purpose of satire is dislodged from its position of primacy,
other motives for satire become more visible. For Griffin, satire can be seen
not only to judge, attack, and blame, but also to inquire, provoke, and explore
(SCR 39ff.). Consider the controversy over The Satanic Verses. One can
interpret the novel as a targeted judgment against authoritarian religious
codes, but it is better described as a broad inquiry or exploration into the
process of inspiration, both religious and artistic. The prophet Mahound is
shown to be enmeshed in history and politics, but his decisions, though
calculating, are not cynical, and Rushdie takes seriously the possibility of
divine inspiration. Similarly, a hypercanonical satire such as Gulliver’s Travels
has given rise to conflicting interpretations regarding the norms that it might
endorse, but virtually all readers agree that its fantastical scenarios inquire
into serious questions about human nature and society. Swift’s own motive, if
we can take him at his word, was “to vex the world rather than divert it” (676),
suggesting a contrarian provocation. Satire can often open philosophical,
moral, and political questions more successfully than it can resolve them.
Another element of satire is what Frye called its fantasy content. Satire
relies on techniques like exaggeration, deformation, caricature, and distor-
tion, which push satiric representations beyond a threshold of realism.
Characters, scenes, images, and events are taken to extremes. Satire depicts
improbable events like Lucius’s transformation into a donkey in Apuleius’s
The Golden Ass and Slim Pickens riding a nuclear warhead like a bronco in
Dr. Strangelove (Figure 2). Satiric fantasies can appear humorous, as when
Rabelais’s giant Gargantua combs cannonballs out of his hair, but they can
also give shape to disturbing fears and desires. Paul Beatty’s novel The Sellout
imagines a contemporary African-American gentleman farmer who re-
establishes segregation and slavery. In Sherman Alexie’s caustic poem
“Evolution,” a character named Buffalo Bill opens a pawn shop on an
Indian reservation, “right across the border from the liquor store.”41
The Indians rush to sell him their possessions, including treasured artifacts,
so they can buy alcohol. When they run out of possessions, the poem’s
imagery assumes a grotesque cast: “The Indians / pawn their hands, saving
the thumbs for last, they pawn / their skeletons.” In literalizing the Indians’
symbolic self-mutilation, Alexie censures both the white man (the knave) for
his wickedness and the Indian (the fool) for his folly, and he expresses this
censure in the stark surreal language of the unconscious. The history of satire
is full of such fantasies, which express primitive fears of being abandoned,
killed, eaten, or dismembered. Among the common motifs of satire are
Provocation, Fantasy, Performance 19
clear vision; it sides with the ugly rather than the beautiful, and its goal is “to
bring human life more into contempt each day.”43 Satire ironizes, debunks,
burlesques, and redescribes. It subjects lofty ideals and grand theories to the
test of real-life experience. When Byron considers why young Don Juan
associates the boundlessness of the heavens with his lover’s eyes, he rejects
a spiritual motive for a biological one: “If you think ’twas philosophy that this
did, / I can’t help thinking puberty assisted” (1.93). Mohsin Hamid, tracing
the course of his protagonist’s life, casts the prospect of a financially secure old
age in a satiric light: “in the race between death and destitution, you can look
forward to the former emerging victorious.”44
Many elements of satire are playful: humor, wit, exaggeration.
The canonical model of satire relegates play to secondary status, a means of
illustrating norms. Yet the indulgence of play can just as easily be seen as
satire’s real “purpose,” and the moral justification or judgment as merely
a “method” of launching that play. Satiric joking and play afford a rebellious
release from authority, including the authority of reason. Rochester’s poetry
offers a good example. It affords a transgressive frisson in its discussion of
sexual behavior, but it is not pornographic. Instead, Rochester takes his
fantastical conceits and over-the-top raunchiness to a point that they become
ludicrous, granting the reader “a dispensation from reticences which are
normally activated when we mean to be taken ‘seriously.’”45
The novelist Dawn Powell wrote that “The enjoyment of satire is that of
nine-pins – seeing the ball strike truly and the pins go down.”46 She identifies
not only the aggressive satisfaction of hitting a target, but also an appreciation
of the execution of the ball well thrown, the authorial skill that makes satire
succeed. As the poet Lady Mary Wortley Montagu said, satire must possess
not only the “rage” but also “the talent of abuse” (28). The heroic couplets of
Pope and the ottava rima stanzas of Byron dazzle with their intricate verbal
virtuosity. Novelists like Will Self or Gary Shteyngart create alternate worlds
that astonish us in their imaginative fecundity. The critic Stanley Fish has
remarked that reading a great sentence is akin to watching an astonishing
sports highlight: both are “performances of a certain skill at the highest level,”
for which our “admiration” includes “a rueful recognition that you couldn’t
do it yourself.”47 In formulating incisive, original turns of phrase, wits like
Oscar Wilde and Dorothy Parker call attention to their inimitable talents.
Freud notes that “the motive force for the production of innocent jokes is not
infrequently an ambitious urge to show one’s cleverness,” and he links this
motive with “exhibitionism in the sexual field.”48 This narcissistic exhibition-
ism makes satire a highly performative mode in which the satirist wins our
admiration.
The Real World 21
Satire, finally, is also distinctive among literary modes in the feelings that it
engages. It draws upon negative emotions such as anger, indignation, disgust,
sadism, contempt, and aloofness. It produces similar feelings in readers –
unless it elicits shame, unease, or anxiety. Yet even here it is hard to generalize.
Satiric voices and tones vary, and some satires seem predominantly playful or
even jovial: an important strain of satire running from Aristophanes through
Rabelais to Mel Brooks is dominated by hearty laughter and revels in human-
ity’s imperfections. But often satire works against the evocation of compas-
sion. It works as a check on runaway or unmerited sympathy, an antidote to
sentimentality, an emotional astringent. It offers a hard-headed caution
against overlooking human baseness. Yet even bitter and bleak satire can
harbor covert idealism or romanticism, and as satiric works grow in complex-
ity, they can make room for tenderness and compassion alongside disgust,
contempt, and indignation.
A final characteristic of satire is that it makes reference to the real world. Satire
speaks about specific individuals and situations. The controversies described
at the beginning of this chapter – over Rochester’s poem, Rushdie’s novel,
Wells’s review – only occur because satire refers, or is taken to refer, to real
people. Satire’s disruptive force depends upon this referentiality. Horace
praises the Greek playwrights of Old Comedy for their outspokenness in
naming names: “If any person deserved to be publicly exposed for being /
a crook and a thief, an adulterer or a cut-throat, or for being notorious / in
some other way, they used to speak right out and brand him” (1.4.3–5). From
Aristophanes’ attacks on Socrates to Dryden’s on Thomas Shadwell to
Twain’s on Belgium’s King Leopold, satire goes after living figures, even
though it may assume a veil of fiction. In his novel Black No More, George
Schuyler insults virtually all of the major African-American leaders of the
time: W.E.B. DuBois becomes Shakespeare Agamemnon Beard, who writes
editorials “denouncing the Caucasians whom he secretly admired and lauding
the greatness of the Negroes whom he alternately pitied and despised”; James
Weldon Johnson becomes Napoleon Wellington Jackson, who “sought to
prove conclusively that the plantation shouts of Southern Negro peons were
superior to any of Beethoven’s symphonies”; Marcus Garvey becomes Santop
Licorice, who advocates that blacks return to Africa even though he himself
“had not the slightest intention of going so far from the fleshpots.”49
Schuyler’s comic renditions of his intellectual enemies indict a black
22 What Is Satire?
Kinds of Satires
If this heterogeneous list of features tells us anything, it is that satires are not all
alike. Indeed, the vast variety of satiric works makes analysis a special challenge.
Satire can be found throughout the history of literature, across national and
cultural boundaries, in varied genres and media, and there are many relatively
self-evident ways one can separate and classify satiric works: by historical eras,
by national traditions, by major genres, and media. But kinship also exists
across eras, nations, genres, and media, and the lines of those kinships are worth
tracing. Moreover, because satire often contains paradoxical or contradictory
elements, it is useful to think of satire not simply in terms of discrete character-
istics but in terms of tensions. Some of these tensions have already emerged in
our discussion – satire ranges, for example, between fantasy and realism, and
between the timely and the timeless.
No aspect of satire is more contested than its politics. The canonical model
holds that satire is inherently conservative, since it directs its ridicule against
those who deviate from traditional, communal norms. But the transgressive,
anti-authoritarian impulses of satire can just as easily make it appear
a progressive force that criticizes the powerful and fosters rebellion against the
status quo. In his translation of Swift’s epitaph, Yeats wrote of the great satirist
24 What Is Satire?
that he “Served human liberty.”52 In the wake of the killings of cartoonists at the
French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, the historian Simon Schama tweeted
a defense of satire that aligned it with freedom and dissent: “Satire was the father
of true political freedom, born in the 18th century; the scourge of bigots and
tyrants. Sing its praises.”53 In Derek Walcott’s poem “The Spoiler’s Return,” the
great satirists of the past are described as “all those whose anger for the poor on
earth / made them weep with a laughter beyond mirth.”54 It would in fact be
reductive to claim satire for a single political stance. There are satires directed
against both left and right, new and old, authorities and dissidents. They attack
women and men, elites and the populace, the rich, the poor, and the bourgeoisie.
Rather than viewing satire as simply conservative or liberal then, it might be
better to note a tension within satire between enforcing norms and violating
them, between restraint and license.
As literary study has turned its attention to social categories such as
race, gender, and class, readers have come to see that the perceived
political stance of a work of literature depends upon the position of an
individual or community within a wider social field. Where you stand can
shape how you judge the politics of a given work. As Freud recognized,
some “benevolence or neutrality” is necessary for a joke to function, and
the same is true of satire.55 Someone who identifies with a social group
under satiric attack will receive the satire differently from the person who
identifies with the satirist. When satire deliberately sets out to transgress –
when South Park represents Saddam Hussein and Satan as gay lovers,
when The Onion’s Twitter feed calls nine-year-old Oscar nominee
Quvenzhané Wallis “kind of a cunt” – the result might not appear as satire
at all. In short, satiric attack and critique can operate from a position of
relative power or weakness. Indeed, even determining who occupies
a position of power may be contested. To judge the politics of a work of
satire, you must attend to the context in which it is produced and received,
and contexts are notoriously prone to shifting. And because some satires
may seem more prone to shifting meanings and contradictory interpreta-
tions, another useful tension to highlight is that between stability and
instability.
Satires often vary in tone, mood, and attitude. Charles Knight justifiably
links satire to a skeptical frame of mind, yet satire can also appear passionately
committed to certain beliefs, even if those beliefs are negative or critical ones.
Hence another tension to discern is between engagement and detachment.
Satire that is engaged in its moment tends to produce intense or “hot” feelings
like anger, scorn, indignation, or aggression; detachment allows for cooler
emotions such as aloofness, amusement, or resignation. Similarly, we call
Kinds of Satires 25
some satires light or gentle, suggesting that the stakes of their critique are
relatively low, or that their implicit vision of the world is ultimately tolerant
and forgiving, and these satires sometimes shade toward the comic.
In contrast, dark or harsh satires imply a bleaker vision, a less charitable
view of human failings, a more pessimistic appraisal of the dangers described;
they approach the tragic. A related distinction is that between wild or unruly
satire and more polite or decorous satire. The physical and linguistic excesses
of Rabelais seem to know no limits, while the restraint and dry irony of
a writer like Austen make her barbs sting all the more sharply.
Critics have found a number of recurring satiric character “types and
stereotypes” (SSA 204ff.). Fools and naïfs unwittingly expose the flaws of
their societies, even as they serve as the butt of jokes; clowns are more
deliberate in soliciting laughter, yet can turn their merriment to the ends of
critique. Imps, tricksters, and rogues might play dumb, but usually know
better, using their savvy for personal gain or for the exposure of other people’s
failings. Iconoclasts challenge received pieties directly and angrily, while
dandies mount their rebellion through aloofness and the cultivation of per-
sonal style. Misanthropes find so much fault with the world that they reject
humanity altogether. Villains function satirically when they become so char-
ismatic that they cause us to question our own ethical identifications. Satiric
plots, meanwhile, are often circular, regressive, digressive, static, pessimistic,
or unresolved, offering, as in Samuel Johnson’s Rasselas, conclusions in which
nothing is concluded.
Finally, there is the subject matter of satire. There exist some particularly
famous traditions and themes of satire – anti-war satires, anti-religious
satires, misogynistic satires against women – but the persistence of these
themes probably attests more to the presence of certain perennial struggles
than to the suitability of satire for some topics over others. In everyday talk,
we often describe and informally classify satires according to the targets that
they attack, or – since it can be unclear who or what is under attack – for the
arenas they explore. Philosophical or intellectual satires depict bad ideas.
Aristophanes attacks Socrates in Clouds; Voltaire goes after Leibniz, in the
guise of Dr. Pangloss, in Candide; Swift’s Academy of Lagado satirizes the
absurdities of a science that, having lost touch with the real world, attempts to
extract sunbeams from cucumbers and turn feces back into food. Social satires
ranging from The Rape of the Lock to the academic novels of David Lodge take
aim at the manners of a society, often zeroing in on a given socioeconomic
class. Satire can also expand to take on far-ranging and amorphous institu-
tions and systems, such as we see in Dickens’s satire of Chancery Court in
Bleak House or in the movie Network’s representation of the television news
26 What Is Satire?
industry. Even though satire has no single political position, there are lots of
political satires and political leaders are favorite targets Aristophanes’ mock-
ery of Cleon; Shelley’s invective against the “old, mad, blind, despised, and
dying king,” George III;56 Charlie Chaplin’s send-up of Hitler in The Great
Dictator; Rushdie’s caricature of Muhammad Zia ul-Haq in Shame. Literary
satires, in the form of parodies and spoofs, take other texts and genres as their
primary objects. Don Quixote tilts at tales of knight-errantry; Austin Powers
shakes and stirs James Bond.
Finally, “universal” or “cosmic” satire attacks the human condition itself.
Italo Calvino, after expressing his reservations about satire, remarks:
Most certainly I admire satire, and feel homuncular in comparison,
whenever the charge of derisive fury is taken to the utmost limits, leaving
the threshold of the particular to call the whole human race to account,
as in Swift and Gogol, who border on the tragic vision of life.57
The Earl of Rochester wrote satires not only about the sex lives of King
Charles II and his mistresses, but also about philosophical topics, as in his
“Satyr against Reason and Mankind.” Rochester’s speaker scorns his human
condition, professing that he’d rather “be a dog, a monkey, or a bear; / Or any
thing but that vain animal / Who is so proud of being Rational” (57.5–7).
Upending the age-old claim that reason sets man above the other animals, the
speaker declares that it leads him into a life of error that he recognizes only
when it is too late:
Then old Age and Experience, hand in hand,
Lead him to death, and make him understand,
After a search so painful and so long,
That all his life he has been in the wrong.
Huddled in dirt the reasoning engine lies,
Who was so proud, so witty and so wise. (58.25–30§)
Calling the whole human race to account, Rochester’s satire provides a bleak
picture of human existence itself as a series of futile errors that leads to neither
happiness nor wisdom.
Chapter 2
Comedy
27
28 What Isn’t Satire?
Malvolio who suffers so that others can laugh – for most readers at least some
comedy is non-satiric. Critics often designate this non-satiric comedy with
phrases like “the purely comic” (PSE 32). Such a notion suggests that satire is
something potentially distinct from comedy but which frequently mixes or
overlaps with it. Where, then, do they overlap and where do they remain
discrete?
One way to distinguish comedy from satire is the perceived threat-level of
the object represented. Leon Guilhamet finds the technique of reduction at the
heart of both comedy and satire, but argues that if the target of an attack is
perceived “as harmful or destructive,” then the work is satiric, whereas if it is
perceived as harmless or trivial, the work is comic. This criterion won’t satisfy
everyone: it denies the label of satire to works such as Gargantua and
Pantagruel and Tristram Shandy, and presumably the novels of Kingsley
Amis and the films of the Marx Brothers (STG 7–8). Still, it resonates with
critical intuitions about satire’s underlying seriousness and sense of purpose.
But while common sense might suggest that certain targets are inherently
more threatening than others, the “threat-level” can depend on a writer’s
representation of an object as much as the nature of the object itself. Serial
murder seems to be a serious evil, yet the Ealing comedy Kind Hearts and
Coronets treats it as an inconsequential game and uses it at the basis for light,
farcical comedy. Conversely, the social absurdities of Anita Loos’s Gentlemen
Prefer Blondes seem benign, but they open onto a deep indictment of the
economic and sexual rules structuring her society.
Slightly different from Guilhamet’s distinction is Ruby Cohn’s claim that
comedy makes the reader laugh with its object, while satire makes us laugh at
it. This dichotomy goes back to the ancient Greeks, who distinguished
between liberal and illiberal jests, the first of which “gives pleasure to all,”
the second of which singles out individual or collective “victims.”3 James
Wood similarly differentiates a “comedy of forgiveness” from a “comedy of
correction.” The first is the signature mode of the novel as a genre, while
the second is an older mode, found in the ancient Greeks and the Hebrew
Bible, and characteristic of satire.4 Cohn and Wood distinguish not the
seriousness of the threat but the level of sympathy shown toward the repre-
sented object. Unlike satire, comedy is marked by sympathy, forgiveness, and
inclusion.
Maybe the most obvious criterion for separating comedy and satire is the
presence of laughter. Comedy is funny. In contrast, at least some satires do not
aim to be funny. Indeed, the view that satire is funny may be a relatively recent
one. Passages in Juvenal read as pure denunciation. Dryden’s Absalom and
Achitophel appears as polemical and witty, but its gravitas makes it feel closer
Comedy 29
to the epic than to the comic. Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four contains grim
ironies but no jokes or punchlines. Many modern satirical novels such as
Nathanael West’s The Day of the Locust induce at most only a muted or
anxious laughter – the kind of laughs that Samuel Beckett called “laughs that
strictly speaking are not laughs but modes of ululation” and which he tax-
onomized as “the bitter, the hollow, and the mirthless.”5 Comedy, in short,
has a different pattern of affect from satire. Satire induces negative feelings
(indignation, revulsion, unease); comedy, positive ones (mirth or glee).
Of course, all of these distinctions are easier to draw in theory than in practice.
Many works laugh both at and with, display both scorn and sympathy, elicit
both outrage and amusement. Judgments about which emotions dominate the
experience of a text will vary with context and reader.
A final way to distinguish comedy from satire is on the basis of plot.
Northrop Frye invented four archetypal “narrative categories” which he
whimsically aligned with the four seasons. Comedy, with a narrative of
birth and growth, he aligned with spring; romance, based in quests and
adventures, with summer; tragedy, characterized by decline, with autumn;
satire and irony, which proffer cold, hard realities, with winter. These cate-
gories emphasize narrative closure. A comic plot “moves toward a happy
ending,” offering resolution, reconciliation, and wish-fulfillment (AC 167).
Comedy reintegrates alienated heroes, punishes or rehabilitates antagonists,
stages marriages and reunions, remedies material struggles. Society proves
flexible enough to change for the better. But satiric plots reject such reconci-
liation. The protagonist remains alienated from society – physically, emo-
tionally, morally. Swift’s Gulliver withdraws to his horses in their stables,
unable to endure sitting at dinner with his family. Evelyn Waugh’s Vile Bodies
concludes with a chapter ironically called “Happy Ending” in which the hero
sits surrounded by carnage “in the biggest battlefield in the history of the
world” while a drunk major beds a lost prostitute in the back of a disabled
limousine.6 By such a standard, novels such as Pride and Prejudice or At Swim
Two-Birds are comedies, despite the presence of sharp judgments and cruel
humor. Huckleberry Finn, meanwhile, occupies an ambiguous position: hap-
pily, at the novel’s close, Jim finds freedom and Huck safety, yet Huck, still
wary of attempts to “sivilize” him, vows to light out for his own freedom once
again, and the larger social evil of slavery remains intact.
All of these distinctions – regarding target, sympathy, affect, closure –
ultimately suggest that how we categorize a work relies on interpretive judg-
ments about the underlying attitude that it displays toward a community,
a society, or even human existence itself. Because comedy laughs with, and
tells stories of reconciliation, it usually seems a lighter, more optimistic mode;
30 What Isn’t Satire?
since satire laughs at, and tells stories of continued antagonism, it appears
darker and more oppositional. According to such criteria, the ending of
Anthony Burgess’s novel A Clockwork Orange is comic because it shows the
reconciliation to society of the criminal narrator Alex, who outgrows his vicious
impulses; the ending to Stanley Kubrick’s film adaptation, however, is satiric,
since Alex’s free will is restored only so that he can once again indulge his
“ultra-violent” desires. Yet W.H. Auden (quoted above) reaches exactly the
opposite conclusion: for him, comic stories of reconciliation suggest an under-
lying pessimism because they imply that we must accept a flawed world, while
the irresolution of satire implies a stubborn idealistic resistance that refuses to
surrender the desire for change. For Auden, the smiling face of comedy ratifies
the norms of an existing society while the grimace of satire protests them.
Ultimately, we should be wary of sweeping claims in either direction.
Where some may find in comedy what Herbert Marcuse called an affirmative
culture that eases our compliance to an unjust system, others locate utopian
hope in comedy’s simple articulation of wish-fulfillment. For some, laughter
liberates, but for others such laughter is a subtle means of discipline and
control. As Slavoj Žižek insists, “beneath the clownish mask there is a mastery
of . . . power functioning with ruthless efficiency.”7 In the final analysis, both
comedy and satire are best seen as “transideological” or “multiaccented,”8 and
only through acts of interpretation can we determine what politics accom-
pany their representations.
Irony
The overlap between irony and satire is so great that in certain circumstances
they function as synonyms. Alvin Kernan claims that it is “nearly impossible
to think of satire without thinking of irony.”9 Indisputably, the satiric feeling
of certain texts derives directly from their irony. William Blake’s poem
“The Little Black Boy” presents an African-born child speaker who envies
the white skin and privileges of an “English child” whom he describes as
“white as an angel.” The black boy’s mother comforts him with the promise of
an afterlife, yet her consolatory fable leads the boy to imagine a heaven that
possesses the same racial hierarchy as earth:
I’ll shade him from the heat till he can bear
To lean in joy upon our father’s knee.
And then I’ll stand and stroke his silver hair,
And be like him and he will then love me.10
Irony 31
Even though the boy can imagine himself free from his black skin and there-
fore superficially “like” the white boy, he cannot imagine himself free from his
role of serving the angelic white boy – or worse, free from his desire for the
white boy’s love. He remains inculcated with the ideology of white supremacy.
“The Little Black Boy” is an ironic poem in the way it reveals a gulf between
the boy’s understanding of his situation and the reader’s. What makes this
irony feel especially satiric is that it relates to a broader social issue (racism
and its psychological effects) and raises indignation at the racial–religious
ideology of eighteenth-century Britain. (Notably, the satiric tone does not
preclude sympathy; the poem elicits a painful compassion for the child’s
desire to be loved.) Without such irony, Blake could denounce the evil of
racism, but the poem would not feel satiric; irony-free satire, if we can imagine
such a thing, would lie at the edges of the satiric terrain, in the area of what
Frye calls “sheer invective or name-calling” (AC 223).
In other cases, however, irony and satire are not so neatly synonymous, in
part because of irony’s own fraught critical history. In the mid-twentieth
century, New Criticism expanded the term to cover any tension or ambiguity
in meaning, nearly equating irony with literature itself. For others, irony has
been elevated to the status of an entire worldview. As such, it is associated with
youth culture or intellectuals, misunderstood as mere indifference, and dis-
paraged as failure of moral seriousness. In the mid-1990s David Foster
Wallace fretted about the prevalence of ironic attitudes in TV and advertising,
worrying that the critical irony of postmodern fiction had degenerated into
mass-market attitudinizing.11 (The argument is a version of Peter Sloterdijk’s
claim that a politically indifferent “cynicism” has, since the 1960s, replaced an
oppositional “kynicism.”12) More sanctimonious judgments against irony
were offered after the attacks of September 11, 2001, when American journal-
ists declared and then applauded a “death of irony.” Yet the decade that
followed saw a resurgence of irony-laden political satire in popular culture,
proving the moralists wrong.
Still, even positive appraisals of an ironic worldview often share the detrac-
tors’ association of irony with detachment. Richard Rorty describes “ironism”
as an ability or tendency to “redescribe” one set of values in the vocabulary of
another, to recognize the partiality and contingency of any set of beliefs.13
Matthew Stratton shares Rorty’s positive assessment of irony, but disagrees that
irony is of little use in fostering political solidarity; for him irony is not “a
withdrawal from praxis” but the basis of “an activist literary politics” that can
unsettle “too-tractable and too-ideological publics.”14 Linda Hutcheon observes
that irony can often be a strategy for disempowered individuals or social groups
to offer an indirect “counterdiscourse” that challenges authoritative norms.15
32 What Isn’t Satire?
Parody
the racism of the townspeople of Rock Ridge, he recites patriotic clichés that
he immediately debunks: “You’ve got to remember that these are just simple
farmers. These are people of the land. The common clay of the new West.
You know . . . Morons.”30 Stella Gibbons’s Cold Comfort Farm, by imitating
D.H. Lawrence’s attribution of primal sexual urges to the landscape, indicts
Lawrence’s romanticism, which valorizes a violent, regressive sexuality. And
Kenneth Koch, in parodying William Carlos Williams’s “This Is Just to Say,”
uses his precursor’s tercets and second-person address to amplify the bad
logic and masculine egotism of the earlier poem:
I gave away the money that you had been saving to live on for the next
ten years.
The man who asked for it was shabby
and the firm March wind on the porch was so juicy and cold.31
The adjectives “firm” and “juicy” make sense only in reference to the stolen
plums of Williams’s poem, while the skewed choice of “shabby” suggests
that Koch is slipping into Williamsese, underscoring the older poet’s fetishi-
zation of poverty and simplicity. By parodying stylistic tics, Koch’s poem
satirizes not only Williams’s attitude of male entitlement but also the way
that his aesthetic of plain-spokenness masks the indulgence of his own
appetites.
In these examples the parodic processes of imitation and deformation
mock not only stylistic eccentricities but also the ideological freight that the
eccentricities carry. Such acts of parody are in fact possible, Pierre Bourdieu
notes, because culture itself is dynamic, always riven by competing aesthetic
values. New works or performances cannot help but deploy an element of
parody when they imitate or invoke canonical works, since they necessarily
resituate the old work in a new context. Avant-gardes can thus mobilize
parody to recontextualize past works and challenge orthodox values. At the
same time, even the unintentional “simple repetition of a work from the past
in a radically transformed field of [interpretive possibilities] produces an
entirely automatic effect of parody.”32 An overly faithful repetition or imita-
tion of past works will still unwittingly parody its precursor, because the
context of production and reception is never stable. Every text is thus like
the version of Don Quixote written by Borges’s Pierre Menard; the most
perfect imitation calls attention to the changes that have occurred in the
work’s sociohistorical context.
Yet it is not always so easy to determine what it is that a parody satirizes.
Marcel Duchamp’s “LHOOQ,” a postcard reproduction of the Mona Lisa on
Parody 37
which the artist has drawn a mustache and beard (Figure 3), does not mock
da Vinci per se so much as it uses various contrasts – between high and low,
between the original artwork and the mass-produced souvenir, between the
veneration of the museum-goer and the disrespect of the hand-drawn
graffito – to provoke reflection on the role of high art in modern society.
The letters of the title, when pronounced in French, sound like “Elle a chaud
au cul” (“She is hot in the ass”), offering a further sneer at the masterwork –
although it is not easy to say whether Duchamp himself is doing the sneer-
ing. Is LHOOQ a parody of the Mona Lisa? A satire on the traditions of art?
Gilbert Highet sniffed that Duchamp was not satirizing high art but “merely
insulting it” (AS 68), but he was actually mounting a bold challenge to the
cultural norms governing how art is viewed, canonized, interpreted, and
commodified.
38 What Isn’t Satire?
Mock Forms
Sometimes satire appropriates another genre in a way that uses the prior form
less as a target of attack or even respectful imitation than as a handy frame-
work to give shape to satiric content. These works are called “mock forms.”
Whether a mock form is precisely the same as a general parody is ultimately
less important than the recognition of the centrality of mock forms to satire.
The variety of mock forms is virtually limitless. The Daily Show and Last Week
Tonight are mock news programs, Zelig and This Is Spin̈ al Tap mockumentary
films, Swift’s “A Modest Proposal” a mock political pamphlet, Djuna Barnes’s
Ladies’ Almanack a mock almanac, Jane Collier’s An Essay on the Art of
Ingeniously Tormenting a mock conduct book, Mohsin Hamid’s How to Get
Filthy Rich in Rising Asia a mock advice manual, Borges’s “Pierre Menard”
a mock academic review, Sam Lipsyte’s Home Land a series of mock letters to
a mock alumni newsletter. For at least some critics, this sort of imitation of
precursor forms is not merely a common but an essential component of satire.
Charles Knight maintains, “Close to the essence of satire as a genre is its
powerful tendency to disguise as independent speech acts, whether formally
recognized literary genres . . . sub-literary genres . . . or non-literary speech”
(LS 32; STG 13). From its beginnings, satire exists in a revisionary relationship
to more serious or authoritative genres, and the irony and play of satire derive
at least in part from this revisionary stance.
Mock forms may satirize the imitated form and its implicit values. Recently
dominant satiric genres such as the mockumentary, the mock interview, and
the mock newspaper undermine the claims to seriousness and the implicit
authority of the non-fictional forms that they repurpose. But the converse is
also true: mock forms may use the imitated genre “as a standard of excellence”
by which some other target is deemed corrupt or ridiculous. Pope’s target in
The Rape of the Lock is usually understood to be not the epic poems such as
The Aeneid or Paradise Lost to which he profusely alludes, but the flirtation
rituals and sexual politics of the upper classes in his own day – a modern
morality which appears debased in comparison to the noble behavior of ages
past (FS 6). Oliver Jensen’s 1957 “Gettysburg Address as Delivered by
Eisenhower” (if you don’t know it, Google it) uses the grandeur of the past
(Lincoln’s oratory) to call attention to the ills of the present (Eisenhower’s
bland corporate speech).33
Yet even this choice of options – between attacking the past and attacking
the present – is too simple. As Bogel maintains, the contrast that the mock
form appears to offer actually masks an underlying confusion: “What the
mock-epics, mock-pastorals, and mock-georgics of writers like Swift, Gay,
Mock Forms 39
and Pope suggest, surely, is that such distinctions [between ancient and
modern, great and small] are far from clear and secure.” Mock forms are
“not mere exercises in sardonic subtraction but new kinds of text” (DSM 22).
The appropriation of an aesthetic form creates cognitive tension between the
content that the reader expects and the content she encounters, resulting in
surprise, discomfort, frisson, or amusement. And the less accustomed we are
to seeing a form reinvented in a fictional, comic, or otherwise non-serious
mode, the greater the dissonance. A novel in the form of “a series of footnotes
to a vast obscure unfinished manuscript,” as Nabokov described his own Pale
Fire, foregrounds its tense relation to its parent-form, whereas a fictional diary
or autobiography is so familiar a thing that it fails to register as inherently
parodic or satiric.
The most well-known mock form is the mock epic (also called mock
heroic), whose earliest instance is The Battle of Frogs and Mice (or
“Batrachomyomachia”), a fifth-century bce Greek poem modeled on
Homer’s Iliad, written “in a strong and melodious hexameter verse, full of
traditional epithets and lofty words and bardic turns of phrase” (AS 80).
Canonical examples include Dryden’s Mac Flecknoe and Pope’s The Rape of
the Lock. But the mock epic is not only a discrete subgenre; it can also be
a satiric technique. It can function locally as well as globally. It occurs when-
ever a satirist uses heroic language to treat unheroic events. When, in the
opening monologue of Ben Jonson’s Volpone, the title character prays to his
hoard and compares the gleam of his gold to the first glow of light in the
creation of the universe, he is elevating money to the level of the divine, calling
attention to his (unheroic) greed.
Novels too can use mock-epic technique. In Sinclair Lewis’s Babbitt,
the technique renders the mundane event of parking a car grandiose,
reflecting George Babbitt’s inflated view of himself and pride in his
machine:
Epochal as starting the car was the drama of parking it before he entered
his office. As he turned the corner from Oberlin Avenue round the
corner into Third Street, N.E., he peered ahead for a space in the line of
parked cars. He angrily just missed a space as a rival driver slid into it.
Ahead, another car was leaving the curb, and Babbitt slowed up, holding
out his hand to the cars pressing on him from behind, agitatedly
motioning an old woman to go ahead, avoiding a truck which bore down
on him from one side. With front wheels nicking the wrought-steel
bumper of the car in front, he stopped, feverishly cramped his steering-
wheel, slid back into the vacant space and, with eighteen inches of room,
40 What Isn’t Satire?
maneuvered to bring the car level with the curb. It was a virile adventure
masterfully executed. (27)
Lewis shows how Babbitt unconsciously transforms his sedentary white-collar
routines into heroic trials of the body, mocking the entitlement, impatience,
and self-deception that shape Babbitt’s bourgeois code of masculinity.
Related to the mock epic is burlesque or travesty, which performs the
converse operation, treating gods, heroes, or leaders in laughably degrading
ways to puncture the aura that surrounds them. In Apuleius’s The Golden Ass,
the goddess Venus appears as a shrewish mother-in-law, jealous and con-
temptuous of her daughter-in-law Psyche, berating her son Cupid and low-
ering herself from the realm of the divine to the domestic.34 Monty Python
deploys a gentle burlesque in Monty Python and the Holy Grail when the
knights of the round table, lacking horses, are forced to simulate the sound of
hoofbeats by clacking coconuts together, or in The Life of Brian when Brian,
having denied that he is the Messiah, is told by his followers that “Only the
true Messiah denies his divinity”:
brian: What?! Well what sort of chance does that give me? All right,
I am the Messiah!
crowd: He is! He is the Messiah!
brian: Now . . . fuck off!
[silence]
arthur: How shall we fuck off, O Lord?35
This is all funny because the reader never forgets that this mighty emperor can
fit in an ordinary person’s shirt pocket. But in Gulliver’s next voyage, the
gigantic Brobdingnagians in turn demonstrate that the human-scaled world
of Gulliver and the reader is itself Lilliputian. Here mock epic and burlesque
work together, adding irony to irony.
Two terms from visual art pertain to satire. Caricature refers to drawings of
human figures that exaggerate some features and simplify others, creating
a comic but often grotesque impression. In colloquial usage, caricature can
thus mean something very close to satire, and the history of the concept
accompanies the career of satire. The Italian word caricatura originates in the
Renaissance; fittingly, the word enters the English language in the eighteenth
century, when literary satire was in the ascendant and William Hogarth was
publishing caricatures in popular periodicals that offered sharp political and
social critique. According to one art historian, “it was Hogarth who converted
caricature from a fashionable divertissement into an art form and an expres-
sion of the age.”36 With Hogarth and his successors – James Gillray, Thomas
Rowlandson, George Cruikshank – the art of caricature becomes firmly
associated with satirical attacks on historically specific targets. But caricature
can also be gentle, playful, and benign. Like parody, caricature often appeals
because of its fanciful qualities and aesthetic virtuosity in fusing likeness and
exaggeration. It showcases the artist’s grace or inventiveness, especially in that
minimalist variety which seeks to do its work with as few strokes as possible,
thereby conveying an attitude of diffident talent.37
A related concept, cartoon, derives from the word carta, paper. Originally it
referred merely to “a drawing on stout paper, made as a design for a painting,”
and entered the English language in the seventeenth century. Not until the
mid-nineteenth, however, did it acquire the connotation of comic drawing,38
at about the time that the British magazine Punch (founded 1841) helped to
popularize the form, and just before the American political cartoonist
Thomas Nast invented lasting icons like the Republican Party’s elephant
and the modern American image of Santa Claus. The emergence of the
modern cartoon is thus linked to its flourishing in nineteenth-century print
culture, and different kinds of cartooning – not all of them satirical – develop
in the twentieth century with the emergence of new periodical genres and new
media. In the 1890s newspapers began to feature comic strips, a genre that in
the 1930s spawned the modern comic book, which quickly expanded beyond
42 What Isn’t Satire?
“comic” stories. Beginning in the 1920s, the New Yorker cartoon, offering
gentle social satire, addressed itself to an educated upper-middlebrow read-
ership; in the 1950s Mad magazine’s parodies of pop-culture phenomena
inspired many a future satirist; in the 1960s, the satirical Private Eye succeeded
the gentler Punch as the leading comic magazine in the UK. With the birth of
film animation, the cartoon came to name a popular genre of film comedy,
one that soon spread to TV. The cartoon’s capacity for visual exaggeration
and reduction lies behind the historical association of animation and the
comic, and accounts for the continued affinity between animation and satire
in TV shows like The Simpsons and South Park.
Both terms, caricature and cartoon, are often extended to cover certain
literary representations of human character – perhaps because of the non-
etymological phonic similarity of character and caricature. In verse and on
stage, satire and comedy famously deal with gluttons, misers, fops, and other
stock types. These are examples of what E.M. Forster called “flat” characters,
those who “in their purest form . . . are constructed round a single idea or
quality.”39 The isolation, exaggeration, and repetition of a key trait make
a character immediately recognizable to the reader, who then collaborates
in the ridicule. For this reason, flat characters are central to the comic novel.
Jane Austen can with a few deft strokes – and here the virtuosity of the
caricaturist is evident – make a character contemptible: Mr. Rushworth in
Mansfield Park shows his stupid narcissism as he repeatedly crows about the
“four and twenty speeches” he must learn for a performance; Mr. Collins in
Pride and Prejudice repeatedly intones the empty phrase that marriage will
make him “the happiest of men.”
In Dickens, Forster notes, nearly every character “can be summed up in
a sentence.”40 Through repeated catch-phrases, speech patterns, and physical
mannerisms, Dickens bestows on his fictional people a memorable
consistency that slides into mechanical rigidity, making them, as one modern
critic says, “mere collections of humors or tics.”41 Character can become so
flat that it merely names a social role, like the magnates at the Merdles’ dinner
party in Little Dorrit: Treasury, Bar, Admiralty, Bishop, Horse Guards. Yet
Forster insists that Dickens’s characters possess a “wonderful feeling of
human depth,” a “vitality” that makes them “vibrate a little” in spite of their
flatness.42 Their exaggerated, theatrical quality actually animates them.
Forster notes that Dickens derives his method of characterization from the
early modern comedy of humors, whose foremost practitioner was Ben
Jonson. William Hazlitt, writing in 1818, disparages Jonson’s flat characters
as “machines, governed by mere routine”: “A cant phrase, an odd
gesture, an old-fashioned regimental uniform, a wooden leg, a tobacco-box,
Allegory and Fable 43
or a hacked sword, are the standing topics by which he embodies his char-
acters to the imagination.”43 But over a century later Wyndham Lewis defends
Jonson on the grounds that Hazlitt has failed to understand or appreciate the
methods of satire: “Is it not just because they are such machines, governed by
routine . . . that the satirist, in the first instance, has considered them suitable
for satire?”44 In rejecting Hazlitt’s Romantic preference for Shakespeare over
Jonson, Lewis scorns the humanistic overestimation of individuality and
freedom. Reducing character to involuntary compulsions, he debunks
human pretentions to exceptionality and autonomy.
Angus Fletcher describes allegory as a mode that “says one thing and means
another.” This description makes allegory sound almost exactly like irony,
and allegory resembles irony in demanding interpretation beyond a “surface”
meaning. Thus for Fletcher allegory is fundamentally a “process of encoding
our speech,” a process that turns out to be present in an “extraordinary variety
of literary kinds.” Yet allegory’s doubleness is of a certain sort. Allegory’s
“deeper” truth takes the form of an abstraction, often about moral, religious,
or political principles: a person or object stands for a quality or an idea.
Furthermore, at least since Coleridge, allegory has been distinguished from
symbol because of the artificial and rigid nature of the correspondence
between the object and the idea that it represents. This strict one-to-one
correspondence makes allegory a sharply didactic mode; the expression of
a truth becomes the raison d’etre for the artwork. It also helps to illuminate the
overlap between allegory and satire, which can share both a project and
a method: allegory is “the chief weapon of satire,” and allegory often assumes
a “satirical function.”45
A fable is a short allegorical story. According to one scholar, “Fables’ . . .
plots always generate explicit morals – interpretations that turn the preceding
stories into convincing figures for home truths.” Consequently, the fable
implies “a stable set of symbolic conventions . . . in which concrete examples
instill socially relevant precepts.”46 A subgenre of the fable is the beast fable or
animal fable, which, as Frank Palmeri notes, is “not about animals, but rather
transpose[s] human and social relations onto the animal world in order to
narrate and comment on human behavior.”47 The beast fable has a long
association with satire due to the combination of its didacticism and its
fantasy content.48 As a character of Aldous Huxley comments,
“The fabulists were right . . . when they took beasts to illustrate their tractates
44 What Isn’t Satire?
Epigram
The shortest satiric form is the epigram. A brief, witty statement, usually
written in the present tense or imperative mood and offering a universal
truth or a piece of general wisdom, the epigram need not be satiric, but
often is; one seventeenth-century poet defined it as “satyre reduc’d to an
epitome.”50 While proverbs, maxims, adages, aperçus, and aphorisms also
lay claim to universal truths, the (satiric) epigram likes to subvert prover-
bial wisdom, to undercut widely held beliefs and establish a rival truth-
claim. In poetic form epigrams usually are couplets or quatrains, sometimes
longer, often with short three- or four-beat lines. They draw their force
from their brevity, abstractness, and quotability. The poet Martial is the
most famous ancient practitioner; later periods see memorable epigrams
from Ben Jonson, François de la Rochefoucault, Pope, Swift, Friedrich
Nietzsche, Mark Twain, Karl Krauss, H.L. Mencken, and Dorothy Parker.
Maybe the most distinguished of all is Oscar Wilde, whom Parker honored
with a self-referential quatrain:
Epigram 45
such as Mac Flecknoe and Pride and Prejudice begin with epigrams suggest
that the form is not always a device for closure, but one that announces
a theme, and opens space for satiric elaboration (SCR 113).
Invective
Among its minor characters, Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses portrays
a seventh-century Arab poet named Baal who “make[s] a living by writing
assassination songs.” This “young lampoonist,” trained in “the skills of rhymed
malice,” is the most gifted of many poets who compose “vicious satires, vitriolic
odes commissioned by one chief against another, by one tribe against its
neighbor.” Baal himself describes the “poet’s work”: “To name the unnamable,
to point at frauds, to take sides, start arguments, shape the world and stop it
from going to sleep.” To which the narrator adds: “And if rivers of blood flow
from the cuts his verses inflict, then they will nourish him. He is the satirist.”53
This idea of satire as assassination song has been elaborated by the
scholar Robert Elliott. In Arabian culture, Elliott notes, the satirist was
a leader in battle whose satirical assaults were considered a deadly
weapon. Even earlier, the ancient Greek poet Archilochus is alleged to
have unleashed such furious “rhymed malice” at a would-be bride and her
father that both victims were driven to hang themselves. In Irish mythol-
ogy the satirist Athirne was said to have composed lethal verses attacking
Luaine, fiancée of King Conchobar (PS 31). According to Harold Love, the
roots of Restoration satire, which frequently took the form of personal
attack, lie in ancient “folk poetry” and in the rustic traditions of British
skimmington, charivari, or “rough music” – communal rituals of mockery
and shaming meant to target “simple violations of the moral code.”54
Rushdie’s novel invokes the roots of satire in direct, public insult, as do
other modern satires such as Flann O’Brien’s At Swim-Two-Birds and
Ishmael Reed’s Mumbo Jumbo, whose plots draw, respectively, on Irish
and Haitian traditions of magic and witchcraft.
Invective thus retains the power, as Rushdie says, to name names, point out
frauds, start arguments, and draw blood. This power renders satire dangerous
and suspect. The Augustans tried to lift satire above such suspicions by distin-
guishing it from lampoon. Satire, they claimed, serves the public by attacking
vices in general, while lampoon, which attacks individuals, only furthers perso-
nal vendettas. Yet it is not so easy to determine how personal an attack is. In one
poem Mary Wortley Montagu only refers to Alexander Pope as an “imitator of
Horace,” but her readers would have had no doubt as to her target. When she
Invective 47
Black Humor
Black humor – joking about suffering, cruelty, and death – is often seen as
a characteristic mode of the twentieth century. The Surrealist André Breton,
Black Humor 49
who compiled an Anthology of Black Humor in the 1930s, saw black humor as
“the opposite of joviality, wit, or sarcasm,” and described its manner as “maca-
bre,” “ironic,” and “absurd.”59 It is, in Breton’s words, “the mortal enemy of
sentimentality,” and offends middlebrow, middle-class sensibility in order to
critique it. Breton’s canon of black humorists comprises admired fellow-trave-
lers from both the present and the past. He cites “the midnight sunbursts” of the
film comedians W.C. Fields and the Marx Brothers, and crowns Jonathan Swift
as “the true initiator” of the mode. Nonetheless, Breton insists upon the
difference between black humor and satire: “Satiric and moralistic intentions
exert a degrading influence on almost every work of the past that, in some way,
has been inspired by that kind of humor.”60 For Breton, as for many after him,
black humor eschews the narrow moralism of satire, embracing instead its
perversity and violence; in the words of comic novelist Bruce Jay Friedman,
black humor explores “darker waters out beyond satire.”61
In the 1960s “black humor” became a catch-all descriptor for an array of
cultural products and performances – novels, stand-up routines, films, maga-
zines, cartoons – seen as transgressive, outrageous, and anti-authoritarian.
Auschwitz and Hiroshima appeared as the most prominent historical reference
points, as artists, writers, and performers recognized both the possibility of
sudden mass death and the human capacity to engineer such annihilation.
Analyses of black humor gravitated toward the then-fashionable existentialist
jargon of the “absurdity” of existence, but the phenomenon itself often spoke to
specific social conditions: governmental, economic, and environmental changes
seemed to be transforming not only society also but individual subjectivity. And
while standard accounts cite McCarthy-era repression and conformity as a spur
to this countercultural black humor, it was the postwar loosening of constraints
that allowed greater expression of heterodox attitudes and beliefs.62
Sick humor was another popular term of the time, one that was linked to
a Jewish cultural strain of joking, seen in the work of comedians such as Mort
Sahl and Lenny Bruce, and in the fiction of Philip Roth. Such comic perfor-
mances ranged from irreverent clowning to pointed political critique, and
were shared by non-Jews like Thomas Pynchon, Terry Southern, and Kurt
Vonnegut. A crucial theoretical formulation of such comic stances comes
from Freud’s essay “On Humour,” where he discusses the Jewish tradition of
“gallows humor.” Freud gives the example of a man who, being led to his
execution on a Monday morning, remarks, “Well this week’s beginning
nicely!” Such gallows humor is “rebellious,” writes Freud, because of “the
ego’s victorious assertion of its own invulnerability.”63 It denies the reality of
imminent death and asserts the pleasure principle in the face of it. Thus while
the rebelliousness of 1960s humor came to include other kinds of
50 What Isn’t Satire?
Camp
The aesthetic category of camp is rarely discussed as satire. The term came to
critical prominence through a passage in Christopher Isherwood’s 1954 novel,
The World in the Evening, which in turn gave rise to Susan Sontag’s founda-
tional analysis in her 1964 essay “Notes on Camp.” The consensus of critics
since then has been that camp entails extremity, theatricality, artifice, and
exaggeration. In Sontag’s formulation, it is an aesthetic that emphasizes style
or stylization rather than beauty per se. But in addition to its enthusiasm for
the mannered style, camp also involves irony, parody, humor, and detach-
ment – what Sontag calls the “off,” “things-being-what-they-are-not,” “every-
thing in quotation marks,” “Being-as-Playing-a-Role.” This irony gives camp
a double vision: on the one hand it offers an appreciation or celebration of that
which is melodramatic, operatic, and sentimental, but on the other it requires
a detachment from the perceived intentions of the artwork that allows
a critical recognition of the artwork’s aesthetic failure. Camp is a sensibility,
a taste, a way of seeing, as much as a quality that inheres in an object.
Just as black humor is seen to display a Jewish sensibility but is hardly
limited to Jewish producers and consumers, so camp is usually seen as a gay
sensibility but one that can be shared by others. The objects of camp taste are
often those that make visible bourgeois, heterosexual tastes as manifested in
mass culture. The most obvious examples Sontag offers are big-breasted or
big-muscled old-time movie stars (Jayne Mansfield, Steve Reeve), or, even
more explicitly, “stag films seen without lust.”64 Camp, in other words,
exposes heterosexual desire as constructed, scripted, and artificial. Its persis-
tence in gay culture suggests that it serves a social or sometimes clandestine
political function as a variety of irony that constructs what Wayne Booth calls
“amiable communities” – or, even better, what Michael Warner called “coun-
terpublics” – groups of strangers bound together by a text in their skeptical
regard for mainstream tastes and values.65
The history of camp that Sontag offers suggests affinities between camp and
satire. For Sontag camp originates in the eighteenth century “because of that
Camp 51
period’s extraordinary feeling for artifice, for surface, for symmetry” (she
counts Pope an early practitioner), and reaches maturity with late Victorian
aestheticism and its heirs – Oscar Wilde, Aubrey Beardsley, Max Beerbohm,
Ronald Firbank, Ivy Compton-Burnett.66 But camp in the twentieth century
evolves away from the “high” aestheticism of Wilde. Whereas Wilde displays
a revulsion from the vulgar, camp enjoys it, while still maintaining its position
of superiority. Hence for Sontag and many after her, camp’s purest form is not
“deliberate” camp, but rather “naïve” or unintentional camp – camp that
exists in those artifacts of mass culture which aspire to aesthetic grandeur but
fail. Camp of this variety fails to recognize that the standards to which it
aspires are outmoded, and thus becomes unwitting self-parody.
Is camp then a kind of satire? Some critics explicitly oppose the two, seeing
camp as amoral and frivolous, and satire as morally tendentious. Isherwood
denied the aggressive element in camp, “You’re not making fun of it; you’re
making fun out of it,” and Sontag says that camp is neither “bitter” nor
“polemical.”67 Yet a more psychologically sophisticated account recognizes
camp as form of satire, one through which “an out-group . . . announces its
status as an in-group . . . Behind the manifest ludic element are the twin
aggressive and sexual drives, though they may be disowned.”68 The play
element in camp masks but does not eradicate a satiric attack. In this way,
camp may resemble many other forms of light humor, comedy, caricature, or
parody, in which an innocent dimension may seem to predominate but
beneath whose playful surface lurks the aggression of satire.
Part II
Chapter 3
Classical Origins
“The ugliest man who ever came to Troy”: so Homer in the Iliad describes the
soldier often claimed as the inaugural satirist of the Western tradition, the
club-footed, hunch-backed, chicken-necked Thersites (PS 130; SI 4–5), who
in Book Two of the epic mocks Agamemnon’s leadership and is in turn
rebuked and beaten by Odysseus (“You and your ranting slander – you’re
the outrage”), bringing mirth to the dispirited troops.1 Despised and ridiculed
by the epic’s warrior-heroes, the little man is a dissident truth-teller who
challenges the authority of kings and debunks the value of military glory. His
satiric voice, although violently silenced, undercuts the values of the epic from
within the epic. Yet his ugliness also bespeaks a deep ambivalence about satire:
an ugly message seems to belong in the mouth of an ugly messenger.
But Thersites is only one ancient prototype of the satirist. A second is the
sixth-century bce poet Archilochus, who according to legend wrote verses
that so cruelly shamed his would-be bride and her father that they were driven
to suicide. Conceived as personal invective rather than political critique, the
satire in Archilochus’s lines – called iambics after their meter – constitutes
a powerful verbal weapon that draws upon a primitive belief in the magical
practice of cursing (PS 4). This model of satire emphasizes not political dissent
from below, but an aggressive and uncanny form of verbal violence.
Yet a third source for satire is the Greek diatribe, a loose, improvisatory
genre practiced by Bion of Borysthenes (fourth–third centuries bce), whom
Horace praised for the “black salt” of his caustic humor. The diatribe, in turn,
stems from the dialogues of Socrates, a conversational form that prompts
a free-flowing ethical inquiry which offers an alternative to dogmatic or
systematic philosophy.2 Later writers from Lucian to Oscar Wilde to Don
DeLillo use variations of the dialogue to showcase their wit as they juxtapose
competing philosophical views. Satire in this vein is witty, open, and
inquiring.
A fourth and final satiric progenitor is the pre-Socratic Democritus, known
as “the laughing philosopher” (LS 1–3). Democritus’s atomist theory, which
takes a materialist view of the universe, proves amenable to satire because it
55
56 Classical Origins
de-idealizes the world, understanding the cosmos as simply the sum of blind
physical forces. Seeing through our false accounts of both the physical and the
moral world, Democritus adopts the stance of an amused observer of human
folly. Later satirists take him as a model: Rabelais is called the “French
Democritus” for his laughter at human folly, Robert Burton adopts the
persona of “Democritus Junior” to enunciate the view that all the world is
mad, and Samuel Johnson calls for the laughing philosopher’s return, that he
might bring his “cheerful wisdom and instructive mirth” to a corrupt England
(50). Here satire is conceived less as a particular form or technique than as an
emotional and philosophical way of looking at life.
Whether as ugly and despised political critic, abusive voice of shame,
improvisatory conversationalist, or amused observer of folly, the figure of
the satirist thus has ample precedent among the Greeks. Of course, early
manifestations of the satiric are hardly limited to the Greco-Roman world.
The Hebrew Bible’s prophetic writings, especially those that denounce or
lament corruption, give rise to the genre of the jeremiad, and biblical wisdom
literature directly informs the satire of writers such as Erasmus, Johnson, and
Blake. More broadly, biblical narratives frequently stage scenes in which
moral outrage and instruction operate through ridicule, and the laughter of
Yahweh is invariably a derisive, mocking laughter.3 Outside of the West,
many ancient cultures produced writings and stories resembling what we
now call satiric literature. But in the classical world, satiric literature coalesced
into three particularly enduring forms: in drama, the Old Comedy of
Aristophanes; in poetry, the formal verse satire of Horace and Juvenal; and
in prose and mixed forms, the category of Menippean satire.
examples of the genre called Old Comedy. Old Comedy’s attention to issues of
public concern distinguish it from the later New Comedy of Menander; it was
also distinct from the genre of the satyr plays, which treated epic and tragic
themes parodically. Aristophanes’ plays addressed highly topical political and
social issues, and many of the details of his historical context are lost to us, yet
in spite of their topicality they consistently transcend the moment of their
original performance and resonate forcefully in the present.
Aristotle relates in his Poetics that comic drama descended from “phallic
songs,” presumably fertility rites. (The word komos means a band of revelers,
and komoidia the revelers’ song.) Early in the fifth century, some decades after
the tragedies were first performed, comedies began to be staged before
audiences of thousands at yearly celebrations honoring Dionysus. These
communal festivals included sacrifices and processions and were attended
by a large portion of the citizenry. All Athenian drama therefore performed
a social function, yet Old Comedy in particular directly addressed issues of
immediate concern to the body politic: war, education, political rhetoric, the
legal system. Aristophanes names individual citizens and often singles them
out for criticism, as in his attacks on Socrates in Clouds and Euripides in Frogs;
the statesman Cleon, depicted in several plays as a rabble-rouser, may have
brought legal action against the playwright for slander. Alongside these
pointed personal jabs, the plays teem with low comic episodes of slapstick
and obscenity, and the actors’ costumes, featuring large phalluses, enhanced
the opportunities for crude sexual jokes. All of these elements endow the plays
with a liberating quality, granting a freedom to laugh at serious issues and
important people.
But for all his exuberance and outrageousness, Aristophanes is about more
than verbal abuse and dick jokes. His genius and his continuing appeal lie in
the quality of his imagination, still startling in its inventive power. Jeffrey
Henderson summarizes the formula. Typically in his plays a hero or heroine
“who typifies a class of citizens who feel frustrated or victimized” will conceive
“a fantastic scheme” executed through a series of comic episodes and conflicts;
he or she eventually brings about “a triumph of wish-fulfillment over reality,”
leading to a celebratory conclusion in which order is restored but improved,
and opponents are won over or banished.5 Aristophanes, in short, reinvents
the imagined society, showing an alternate universe that serves as both an
object of laughter and a critique of the real world. Even at this early stage in
the history of satire, Aristophanes exploits one of the fundamental paradoxes
of the mode, through which fantasy critiques reality but is itself ironized
through its own fantastical impossibility. The invention of the city of
Cloudcuckooland in Birds, what Euelpides calls “imagination’s happy
58 Classical Origins
Lysistrata, which depicts a sex strike by the women of Greece in protest of the
Peloponnesian War, is among the most popular of Aristophanes’ plays today, and
it is regularly cited in news stories about real-life female sex-strikes around the
globe aimed at bringing warmongering men to heel. The play, both then and now,
is a call for peace: at the time of its first performance, the Peloponnesian War had
been going on for two decades at immense social, political, and economic cost to
Athens. The heroine, Lysistrata, fed up with war, summons the women of all the
Greek city-states, including Athens’s enemy Sparta. Speaking with a vulgarity that
would have jolted the audience, she enjoins the women to withhold sex from their
husbands until the men agree to make peace:
If we sat around at home all made up, and walked past them wearing
only our see-through underwear and with our pubes plucked in a neat
triangle, and our husbands got hard and hankered to ball us, but we
didn’t go near them and kept away, they’d sue for peace, and pretty
quick, you can count on that! (51)
60 Classical Origins
At the same time, she organizes Athens’s older women to seize the city’s
treasury at the Acropolis to cut off the money for the war – a 411 bce version
of Occupy Wall Street. After much battling between the sexes and broad
comedy about gigantic unrelieved erections, the men capitulate. Athens and
Sparta make peace, mapping out a treaty on the body of a naked girl, and the
play concludes with a celebration of peace, sex, and love.
To what degree can the play be understood as a proto-feminist or
proto-pacifist statement? A strictly historical understanding will note
that Athenian women did not vote or participate in public life, and that
the comedy of the play’s conception lies in the very idea that women
could assume a role in shaping decisions of the polis. The notion of
women running the government would have been far stranger and funnier
to the Greeks than it is to us today, and one might argue that Lysistrata is
no more a feminist manifesto than Birds is a call for animal rights.
The play brims with sexist jokes that stereotype women as horny, adulter-
ous, devious, and drunk. As for pacifism, a call for peace with Sparta and
solidarity among Greek peoples does not imply a broader ethical opposi-
tion to war itself. Still, the play inaugurates the rejection of war as one of
satire’s most enduring topics.
Yet even if we check the inclination to interpret the play according to
modern-day values, we can still see why its treatment of sex and gender
relations, and of war and peace, resonates across history. Despite the stereo-
types, the play reduces men and women alike to their sexual desires, and – like
the Seinfeld episode “The Contest” where the characters vie to see who can
refrain from masturbation the longest – it shows sexual desire as a universal
human trait, comic in its irrepressibility. The opening scenes’ frank acknowl-
edgment of masturbation, the discussion of sexual positions in the women’s
oath of solidarity, the attention the women pay to each other’s bodies, and the
explicit, vulgar language may trade on gender stereotypes, but they also place
a positive value on libido. However undignified the lustful human being
appears, sex is allied in the play with love and peace. “Men get no pleasure
in sex when they have to force you” (51), Lysistrata tells her conspirators, and
sexual instincts ultimately prove more powerful and more admirable than the
aggressive instincts that drive the war.9 And just as love triumphs over war, so
women hold out longer than men. In the episode of Myrrhine and Cinesias, it
is the wife Myrrhine who proves to be the master of her domain, tantalizing
her desperate husband in high comic fashion.
Even if the idea of women running the polis was to the Greeks
inherently absurd, this absurdity cannot eradicate the political force of
Lysistrata’s appeal. Merely to place a woman at the center of a comedy
Aristophanes: Imagination’s Happy Home 61
was a bold choice, and to render her uniquely free from satire a bolder
one. Her name, which means “disbander of armies,” may have suggested
the name of the priestess of Athena, Lysimache, or “disbander of
battles,” lending the fictional character prestige through association
with one of the few women who held a public role in Athenian life.10
Nor are her arguments absurd, despite their comic veneer. She makes
analogies between the domestic and the public spheres of life, likening
the “complicated international mess” of the war to a tangled ball of yarn
that a woman knows how to untangle. She then compares the process of
good government to the art of weaving a cloak:
Imagine the polis as a fleece just shorn. First, put it in a bath and wash out
all the sheep-dung; spread it on a pallet and beat out the riff-raff with
a stick and pluck out the thorns; as for those who clump and knot
themselves together to snag government positions, card them out and
pluck off their heads.
Corrupt politicians must be removed from the wool, and the final product, “a
fine new cloak for the people” (65), must include those groups – foreigners,
debtors, and colonial subjects (though notably not women) – excluded from
Athenian democracy. She also lists the ways in which women bear the burdens
of war: wives sleep alone; virgins lose the chance to marry; mothers endure the
death of sons in battle. When the Spartan ambassadors arrive, Lysistrata
asserts: “I am a woman, but I’ve still got a mind . . . and because I’ve listened
many a time to the conversations of my father and the older men I’m pretty
well educated too” (83). These are not ludicrous comic claims.
The older men are the most unequivocal target of the play’s satire. During
the Peloponnesian War, elders called probouloi had been appointed to make
decisions outside of the Assembly, altering the democratic process of
Athenian government, and the attacks on them suggest attacks on a war-
hungry leadership unrepresentative of the populace. The leader of the pro-
bouloi displays a fear of female power:
If any man among us gives these women the tiniest thing to grab onto,
there’s no limit to what their nimble hands will do. Why, they’ll even be
building frigates and launching naval attacks . . . And if they turn to
horsemanship, you can scratch our cavalry: there’s nothing like a woman
when it comes to mounting and riding; even riding hard she won’t slip
off. (67)
The risqué, misogynistic jokes indict the speaker, revealing a connection
between a repressive patriarchy and the fear of an emasculating female
62 Classical Origins
sexuality. After the women defeat the probouloi at the Acropolis, the magis-
trate is draped in Lysistrata’s veil, literally travestied or cross-dressed. Here we
see the subtext of the play’s fanciful conceit: female power effects an inversion
that is funny, frightening, and exciting all at once.
But even as it stages these conflicts and inversions, the play also reassur-
ingly suggests that the conflicts of the world – the war with Sparta and the
discontent within Athens – are manageable.11 The “battle” between the men
and women at the Acropolis is merely name-calling and a water-fight; the
murderous threats of the probouloi are never carried out. (In contrast, other
plays do end in provocation or violence; in Clouds, Socrates’ “Thinkateria” is
set on fire.) The drafting of a treaty with Sparta on the naked body of a young
woman named “Reconciliation” is played entirely for laughs, with pun after
pun comparing legs, buttocks, and genitals to geographical locations, as the
slack-jawed, sex-starved men are so busy ogling her that they readily accept
Lysistrata’s terms. The play is not a practical plan for an actual treaty, but
rather an imaginative, utopian, and even impossible fantasy of peace.12 When
peace is made, sexual order is restored. The divided chorus of men and
women unites and renounces the satiric ridicule that would have been
expected from a choral speech at this moment: “We don’t intend to say
anything / the least bit slanderous about / any citizen, you gentlemen out
there [in the audience], / but quite the opposite: to say and do / only what’s
nice” (81). When men and women, and Athens and Sparta, make peace, the
need for satire vanishes. Satiric ridicule and slander are byproducts of social
antagonism – antagonism which the play itself heals, if only at the level of the
imagination.
The Old Comedy of Aristophanes and his contemporaries is often cited by the
Roman satiric poets as both influence and ideal. The poet Persius praises
Aristophanes as the senex praegrandis, or colossal old man, for his forthright,
acerbic wit: “If you’ve caught the spirit of brave Cratinus / or are pale from
devotion to angry Eupolis and the Grand Old Man, / if you’ve an ear for
a concentrated brew, then look at this. / I want a reader with his ears well
steamed by that comic vinegar” (1.123–26). The parabases of Old Comedy, in
which the chorus directly addresses the audience, may even have served as
a direct formal source for verse satire (STG 24; FS 42). Yet for all its influence
on the satiric tradition, Aristophanes’ drama was called comedy. The word
satire did not exist in Greek and it did not come to describe literary works
Roman Verse Satire: Scouring the City 63
until the poet Ennius used the Latin word saturae to name his works: satur
means “full,” and the term is assumed to refer to a full plate (lanx satura). For
Ennius (whose works are mostly lost) satura might have been merely a catch-
all term, like “miscellany” or “picked-up pieces,” but under his successor,
Lucilius, the word acquired the association with sharp-tongued social criti-
cism that it retained for Horace, Persius, and Juvenal.
These three figures, and especially Horace and Juvenal, are the canonical
Roman verse satirists, and they all consciously work in the genre and use the
hexameter line established by Lucilius, the champion of republican libertas, or
free speech, in the second century bce. Yet even as formal verse satire
becomes established as a particular genre of poetry, it remains a hard one to
define. Its subject matter is multifarious. “All human endeavors,” Juvenal
claims, “men’s prayers, / fears, angers, pleasures, joys and pursuits, these
make / the mixed mash of my verse” (1.85–86). As Mary Claire Randolph
wrote years ago, satura includes “miniature dramas, sententious proverbs and
quotable maxims, beast fables (often reduced to animal metaphors), brief
sermons, sharp diatribes, series of vignettes, swiftly sketched but painstak-
ingly built-up satiric ‘characters’ or portraits, figure processions, little fictions
and apologues, visions, and apostrophes to abstractions.”13 The form tends to
be a monologue or dialogue, but subgenres abound: Horace’s two books of
satires include a travel narrative, a symposium or dinner-party, a parodic
underworld dialogue between figures of legend, and a reworking of Aesop’s
fable of the country mouse and the city mouse, all rendered in comic fashion.
Even as verse satire is formalized as a genre, then, it retains some of the
disjunctive variety of Aristophanic comedy.
Horace and Juvenal are traditionally upheld as a contrast in styles, two
opposing models of voice and attitude. Horace’s dominant persona is the
amused critic of foolish excess – comic, urbane, lighthearted, “presenting
the truth with a laugh” in the way that teachers give children cookies “to
coax them into learning their ABCs” (1.1.25–26). Juvenal is famous for his
rage. “Indignation will drive me / to verse” (1.79–80), he claims as he
denounces the vices of a decadent metropolis. Whether in Dryden’s 1693
contrast between the “comical satire” of Horace and the “tragical satire” of
Juvenal (96), or in Gilbert Highet’s 1962 distinction between the Horatian
reformer who aspires to cure human folly and the Juvenalian misanthrope
who aims “to wound, to punish, to destroy” (AS 235), the opposition
between the two has endured. Yet it is also reductive: Horace can scold
and Juvenal can laugh.14 Juvenal’s later satires sometimes relinquish their
indignation for a more Democritean or Horatian tone, while his much-
quoted claim to be at the mercy of an uncontrollable satiric impulse – “It is
64 Classical Origins
difficult not to write satire” (1.30) – is actually one he derives from Horace’s
Satire 2.1. But the Horatian/Juvenalian distinction has endured for its value
as a theoretical discrimination between tonalities – between, for example,
the severity of Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park and the sly grace of Pride and
Prejudice, or between the strident contempt of George Carlin and the
irreverent vulnerability of Richard Pryor. A satiric vision can shade into
comedy or tragedy, into optimism or pessimism. Its affect can vary, too,
from Juvenalian heat to Horatian cool, from disgusted immersion to amused
distance. Wry Horace speaks in an anti-heroic voice, while Juvenal
approaches heroic registers in his rhetorical fervor.
Horace sets out his aesthetic standards for satire by distinguishing himself
from Lucilius. While he praises his predecessor for “scouring the city with
caustic wit” (1.10) and “remov[ing] the glossy skin / in which people
were parading before the eyes of the world and concealing / their ugliness”
(2.1.63–65), he also says of Lucilius, “As he flowed muddily on, there were
things you’d want to remove” (1.4.11), and argues for a style with greater
refinement, brevity, and humor, one that can vary between the light banter of
a “clever talker” and the higher diction of an “orator or poet” (1.10.12–13). His
motives – at least his professed ones – are gentle; he claims that the point of his
pen “will never attack a living soul, unless provoked” (2.1.40). Thus although he
applauds Lucilius for his boldness and libertas, Horace hints that this libertas
owes something to Liber, the god of wine, that free speech resembles drunken
rambling.15 In contrast, Horace presents himself as restrained and measured,
a pose that provoked Dryden to call him “a well-mannered court slave” (87).
This restraint may result from his precarious social standing as the son of
a freedman, his explicit need for the patronage of Maecenas, or, especially in
the second book, the politically delicate climate when he wrote, as the Republic
was transforming into the Empire and the Lucilian ideal of open and bold
speech was fading.16
Whatever its psychological or political causes, Horace’s easy, colloquial
style suits the standard of reasonableness that informs the moral wisdom he
dispenses. He advocates for moderation and common sense. He mocks the
miser as irrational rather than cruel; taking money from a big pile, Horace
says, is no different from drawing from a little one: “it’s as if you needed only
a jug or a glass of water / and said ‘I’d sooner draw it from a big river than from
this / piddling stream’” (1.1.54–56). Yet the other extreme, profligacy, is no
better: “Things have a certain proportion . . . there are definite limits”
(1.1.106). He articulates the principle that he will later, in his Odes, call
a “golden mean.” In eating and sex he similarly counsels a “middle way,”
one that fools seem unable to find (1.2.28). Satura, the genre of the full plate, is
Roman Verse Satire: Scouring the City 65
In addition to formal verse satire there exists, in the words of the Roman
grammarian Quintilian, “another and even older type of satire,” one written
in a combination of prose and verse.27 This genre has come to be known as
“Menippean satire,” a term employed by the Roman author Varro (first
century bce) to describe his own writings, which were modeled on those of
the Greek Cynic Menippus (third century bce). For Varro “Menippean
Satires” serves merely as a title; the phrase does not name a genre until the
Belgian humanist Justus Lipsius so deploys it in the late sixteenth century.28
It was in the Renaissance that the theory of satire fully acknowledged the
importance of this category. In the words of the French scholar Pierre Pithou:
Everyone who has been educated in literature knows well that the word
“satire” signifies not only a poem of slanderous material written to
reprimand someone for his public or private vices . . . but also all sorts of
writings, filled with different matters and arguments, an interlarded
mixture of prose and verse.29
Like many taxonomic terms, therefore, “Menippean satire” is applied retro-
actively, and today the canon of ancient Menippean satire has come to include
Lucian’s dialogues, Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis, Petronius’s Satyricon, and
Apuleius’s The Golden Ass. Although the prose–verse mixture remains an
essential criterion for many, it is largely a narrative form, often linking
70 Classical Origins
how people had foolishly been skeptical of what the playwright Aristophanes
had written; he was a wise man who told the truth” (27). Lucian has told us
that his story will be full of lies, but in the case of Aristophanes, the lies of
fiction contain truth.
Yet while Menippean satire casually throws off the demands of verisi-
militude, it also deploys a low comic realism, what Bakhtin calls “slum
naturalism” (PDP 114). It visits brothels, inns, lodging houses, taverns,
thieves’ dens, and marketplaces, observing a variety of social types,
recording vulgar and blasphemous language, showing the body in its
base material functions of eating, drinking, eliminating, and copulating.
Apuleius’s ingenious device for displaying this slum naturalism is the
transformation of his protagonist Lucius into a donkey. In his new body
the narrator witnesses aspects of other people’s private lives that would be
off-limits to him as a man. He witnesses crimes and debaucheries, serving
as a voyeur or spy on behalf of the reader. Often the content slides from
the crude and the bawdy into the grotesque, as when Lucius the ass is
almost forced to copulate with an insatiable woman. Drawing on the
genre of comic folktale known as the Milesian tale, this low realist impulse
engages the “open” present rather than the closed-off “absolute” past of
legend or epic. The past and the genres that sanctify it are viewed
critically, parodically, even cynically. So although realism may seem to
work against fantasy, both aspects of Menippean satire debunk the sacred,
the ideal, and the culturally authoritative.
A final characteristic of the genre is what Bakhtin calls “the testing of an
idea, of a truth” (PDP 114). Here Bakhtin’s view finally dovetails with Frye’s
understanding of the genre as intellectual satire in which ludicrous ideas are
placed in the mouths of one-dimensional characters. For Bakhtin, Frye’s
pedants and charlatans contribute to a structure in which “ultimate philoso-
phical positions are put to the test” and bad ideas discredited.
The philosophical and ethical concerns that run through Horace and
Juvenal – the questions of how to live and what to value – coexist with the
most ludicrous treatment of them. The rejection of scholarly authorities in
Menippean satire can signify anything from mere scoffing at intellectual
pretensions to a more developed philosophical skepticism toward all human
claims to knowledge.32 For example, in Lucian’s Dialogues of the Dead, death
is seen as a great leveler, reducing all human strivings to idle vanities, much as
in Juvenal’s Satire 10. Lucian, however, provides no Juvenalian conclusion
counseling a tranquil life of virtue and a simple desire for a sound mind in
a sound body; he leaves the reader with no clear positive value aside from the
scoffing of Menippus. Lucian upholds neither Horace’s ideals of moderation
Menippean Satire: Plenty of Food for Laughter 73
and rural retreat, nor Juvenal’s nostalgia for republican virtue, but only
a “mocking, cynical, normless Menippean world.”33
The works of Menippus and Varro exist only in fragments, but Lucian, an
Assyrian-born author of the second century ce, continues their tradition, and
Menippus himself appears in many of Lucian’s dialogues. Called the “father of
the family of Scoffers” by the seventeenth-century writer Izaak Walton,34
Lucian relentlessly debunks claims to authority and idealism. He burlesques
the gods and goddess of traditional religion by reducing their behavior to base
motives of lust, vanity, jealousy, and vindictiveness. (Here Lucian again picks
up a theme from Aristophanes’ Birds, in which the Olympians are represented
as selfish tyrants who care only that the birds are intercepting the sacrifices
men send up from earth.) A True History exposes Herodotus and other
historians as liars and embellishers, while a second-century prophet named
Alexander is discredited as a quack in a biography whose comic ruthlessness
anticipates Christopher Hitchens’s gleefully vitriolic portrait of Mother
Theresa. Philosophers, with their pretensions to knowledge, are frauds in
the manner of Voltaire’s Pangloss. In the dialogue “IcaroMenippus,” the
moon, Selene, complains of them in language that may recall the anti-
intellectualism of Aristophanes’ attacks on Socrates:
There is a class which has recently become conspicuous among men;
they are idle, quarrelsome, vain, irritable, lickerish, silly, puffed up,
arrogant, and, in [the] Homeric phrase, vain cumberers of the earth.
These men have divided themselves into bands, each dwelling in
a separate word-maze of its own construction, and call themselves Stoics,
Epicureans, Peripatetics, and more farcical names yet.35
In “Philosophies for Sale,” the philosophers and their ideas are represented as
slaves on the auction block, peddling abstruse ideas without practical values,
while in “A True Story,” a visit to Elysium shows Socrates doing little but
chasing after boys.
Thus, as Ronald Paulson writes, “Lucian is always seeking new viewpoints
from which to see man’s folly . . . [and] pretensions” (FS 33). Trips to the
underworld force characters to recognize the transience of earthly glories.
When Menippus visits, Hermes points him toward the beautiful figures of
myth and legend such as Helen and Leda, but Menippus replies that he can
only see “bones and skulls without any flesh on them” (205). When the dead
prepare to cross the river Styx, they are stripped naked; they must leave
behind their robes and crowns, their treasures and wealth, their trophies
and statues. The beautiful must shed their long hair and rosy cheeks, the
strong their muscles, the famous their names and reputations. Conversely,
74 Classical Origins
with impotence. (Thus the title Satyricon refers not to satire or satura but to
satyroi, satyrs.) Direct parodies of the epic poets Virgil and Lucan come from
the pompous versifier Eumolpus, whose unsolicited recitations provoke pas-
sers-by to throw rocks at him. The parody deflates the seriousness of high
genres, and the authority of literary tradition proves as fatuous as the invoca-
tions of morality and education that characters sporadically offer.
The Satyricon presents an uncertain world of extreme mutability, in which
fickle Fortune suddenly turns slaves into millionaires and vice versa, in which
the rhetoric of love masks the transient urgings of lust, in which characters
don disguises and act out roles in their efforts to create or stage new selves.44
They stage these selves through displays of wealth, taste, manners, education,
and knowledge, and in this attention to self-display, the Satyricon brings
moral satire to a meeting point with social satire. For Erich Auerbach,
Petronius’s precise “fixation of the social milieu” establishes a new realism
in Western literature, and a similar claim might be made about his develop-
ment of a satiric mode newly attentive to the everyday habits that establish
social standing.45 Anticipating the comedy of manners as practiced
by novelists like Jane Austen and Evelyn Waugh, the Satyricon judges and
mocks its characters according to criteria of taste and sophistication. Yet while
it satirizes snobbery and social climbing in its representation of new wealth,
bad taste, and sexual excess, it simultaneously displays, through its very
engagement in satiric judgment, its own investments in these ostensibly
disavowed categories. We participate in snobbery and pretention even as we
deride them.46 The Satyricon might appear to offer sharp judgments, but it
leaves us as readers on unsteady ground, never fully certain whether we are
the perpetrators of the satire or its victims.
Chapter 4
In the account of the critic Mikhail Bakhtin, three literary types embody the
laughter of the Renaissance: the rogue with his “level-headed, cheery, and
clever wit,” the clown with his “parodies and taunts,” and the fool with his
“simpleminded incomprehension” (DI 162). All three offer laughter as an
antidote to the deficiencies of “straightforward genres, languages, styles,
voices” (DI 59), and all three expose “all that is vulgar and falsely stereotyped
in human relationships” (DI 162). The rogue, living on the margins of society,
describes its laws and customs but scorns its authority. The clown preserves
“the right to be other in this world,” and reveals, through his jesting and
teasing, “the underside and the falseness of every situation” (DI 159). The fool,
in his stupidity and folly, may be a target of satire, but he acts as a source of
wisdom who calls attention to the more profound folly of those around him.
Through these two-faced characters, a double-edged laughter emerges, one
which dismantles false beliefs and hierarchies in order to establish a “new,
whole, and harmonious” worldview (DI 168).
These familiar Renaissance characters go by other names as well: the
simpleton, the naïf, the knave, the pícaro, the trickster, even the madman
(folie is French for madness), but one additional name deserves mention: the
satyr. As Alvin Kernan has detailed, the mythological figure of the satyr
became a prototype for the Renaissance verse satirist, who reveals his rude,
mischievous, and lustful nature in “harsh meters, coarse language, and frank
descriptions of the most unattractive kinds of vice.”1 Even when he claims to
enforce moral and social norms, the satyr does so from a position dangerously
close to the deviants he excoriates. The satyr-satirist may not always appear as
cheery or good-natured as Bakhtin’s rogue, clown, and fool, but he shares with
them a liminal position on the edge of the socially acceptable.
The greatest satire of the Renaissance was allied to the cultural movement
now called humanism. Humanism placed new value on social reform, secu-
larism, individual dignity, and studia humanitatis (the study of humanity).
It rejected hidebound medieval scholasticism and turned for its models to the
literature of Greece and Rome.2 This rediscovery of ancient culture included
77
78 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
In the early decades of the sixteenth century, two strange short books
appeared almost simultaneously: Desiderius Erasmus’s Praise of Folly
(1511) and Thomas More’s Utopia (1516). Written in Latin, both books
engaged profound moral and philosophical questions through peculiar,
whimsical literary forms – a mock encomium and a fictional travel
narrative.4 The writers were good friends; Erasmus wrote Praise of Folly at
More’s house in London, dedicated the book to him, and later published
Utopia for More on the Continent. Erasmus’s Latin title, Moriae Encomium,
Renaissance Humanism: Erasmus and More 79
even puns on the similarity of More’s name to the Greek word for fool: it can be
roughly translated as Praise of More. Both men were central figures in the
northern European humanist movement, and both books owe a clear debt to
what More calls “the witty persiflage of Lucian” (69) – a writer whose works the
men had translated together. Indeed, in Lucian’s seriocomic style they found an
ideal mode through which they could unite wisdom derived from classical
learning, a progressive critique of European institutions, and a witty spirit of play.
Praise of Folly and Utopia share a project of surveying the contemporary
world and finding in it a parade of fools. Here Erasmus and More are
themselves anticipated by the Italian humanist Leon Battista Alberti’s Momus
(c. 1450), a dialogue among the gods that satirizes philosophers’ intellectual
pretentions and courtiers’ social follies, and most immediately by the German
theologian Sebastian Brant’s Ship of Fools (1494), which depicts, in a series
of poetic caricatures, an array of madmen sailing for a false paradise (Figure 6) –
a text that begins to break down the sharp distinction between vernacular
80 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
farce and satire with serious didactic aims.5 (Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales might
also be seen as a satiric procession.6) Both Folly and Utopia are also works of
fictive discourse. They stake out philosophical positions provisionally, ironically,
and playfully, veiling their meanings and speaking through the voices of others.
And both create possibilities for later satirists. Erasmus’s mock encomium looks
forward to satiric forms that pretend to be non-ironic discourse – mock policy
proposals of Defoe and Swift, Jane Collier’s mock conduct book, Stephen
Colbert’s mock praise for George W. Bush at the 2006 White House
Correspondents’ Dinner. Its central trope of blame-by-praise recurs in
Panurge’s praise of debt in Rabelais’s Third Book, Pope’s praise for Dulness in
the Dunciad, even H.L. Mencken’s praise for William Jennings Bryan’s intel-
lectual simplicity. Meanwhile, More’s imaginary voyage launches a different
subgenre, the literary utopia, whose descendants run from Jonathan Swift’s
Gulliver’s Travels (1726), to Samuel Butler’s Erewhon (1872) and H.G. Wells’s
The Time Machine (1895), through the dystopian novels and movies that
proliferate today.
Praise of Folly purports to be an act of self-praise spoken by the goddess
Stultitia (Stupidity or Folly), who claims to “confer benefits on all men” (11).
Through her self-praise, she condemns and exposes the folly of the human
race. Erasmus’s very premise, the project of praising folly, is of course
a paradox: how can it be wise to behave unwisely? The complexity of this
paradox takes him well beyond the ambitions of ancient mock encomia that
humorously lauded unworthy objects such as insects or illnesses. Erasmus,
through Folly’s shifting arguments and repeated reversals, opens a mise en
abyme of wisdom and foolishness so dizzying that Folly herself becomes
confused about which word to use:
What is this life . . . if you remove pleasure from it? You applaud. Well,
I know none of you is so wise, or so silly rather – but perhaps I’d better
say so wise – as not to agree with me on that point. (13)
Folly’s claim to govern human affairs includes at least two distinct assertions:
a descriptive one, that all the world is foolish, and a prescriptive one, that
because folly brings happiness, all the world should be foolish. The slippage
between these claims forces the reader continually to reassess Folly’s mean-
ings. Through these puzzles and paradoxes, Walter Kaiser claims, Erasmus
“invented a new kind of irony,” one which mocks but in the same gesture
mocks its own mockery, so thoroughly undercutting itself that the reader can
find no secure landing space.7
In the twists and turns of her oration, Folly assumes various stances.
Especially in the first parts of her discourse, her claims for her own virtues
Renaissance Humanism: Erasmus and More 81
can be compelling, as when she speaks about the happiness of children who in
their obliviousness are unburdened by the cares of adulthood. “Folly” here
means a blissful ignorance of oppressive truths about human suffering.
(Almost two and a half centuries later, Thomas Gray would write of his lost
youth, “[W]here ignorance is bliss, / ’Tis folly to be wise.”) Likewise, the
goddess, borrowing from Horace’s Satire 1.3, argues that she is essential to
love: “When a man kisses his girlfriend on her mole, when another is
delighted with his mistress’s misshapen nose, when a father says his cross-
eyed son has a lively expression – what I ask you is that if not pure folly?”
(20–21). Like Horace, Folly promotes moderation, valuing natural pleasures
such as drinking, joking, sex, and song (STG 32), and Erasmus reconciles
Christianity with the classical Epicureanism of Horace and Lucretius.8
At other moments, however, Folly’s praise looks like condemnation. She
anatomizes human pursuits, revealing what Samuel Johnson would later call
the vanity of human wishes. Folly discovers folly everywhere: in pointless
activities like hunting, gambling, alchemy, and superstition; in vain desires for
military glory and worldly fame; in particular groups of people who qualify as
fools, including doctors, lawyers, actors, and – disconcertingly – women.
Scholastic theologians, a favorite targets of humanists, are fools because
they get lost in arcane debates:
Whether divine generation occurred at a particular point in time?
Whether several filiations co-existed in Christ? Is it thinkable that God
the Father hated Christ? Could God assume the shape of a woman, of
a devil, of an ass, of a pumpkin, or a piece of flint? (57)
Just as the pedantry of the theologians is criticized, so is the materialism of the
clergy. If the popes were truly to live by Christ’s teaching, “Off they would go,
all those riches, honors, powers, triumphs, appointments, dispensations,
special levies and indulgences; away with the troops of horses, mules, flunkies,
and all the pleasures that go with them!” (70).
But in the final section of her oration, Folly shifts strategies once more,
citing scripture to argue that “the entire Christian religion seems to bear
a certain natural affinity to folly” (82). Again the reader must adjust her
understanding of the ironies at play, and of the word folly itself. Erasmus
seems now to condone folly, which no longer connotes the pursuit of worldly
rewards but rather names the (apparent) madness of the pious who disdain
such rewards. The irony here is structural: the superficially foolish Christian
ideal rebukes by contrast the truly foolish contemporary materialism.
As the technique of Erasmus’s satire varies, so does the tone. In his preface
Erasmus, like Lucian at the start of his True History, urges the serious to take
82 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
“a little time off for play” (4), and Folly herself sometimes adopts Lucian’s
catascopia, smiling at the behavior of mortals from her Olympian height. She
delights in the “theater” of human pettiness, and compares her view to that of
Menippus, whose lunar perch allows him to see human activity as
a swarm of flies or gnats, all struggling, fighting, and betraying one
another, robbing, playing, lusting, birthing, sickening, and dying. You’d
never believe what tumults and tragedies could be set in motion by this
puny homunculus who is destined to disappear so quickly. (50)
This Lucianic distance is fused to a Horatian style that moves briskly from
example to example, showing men and women unable to find a golden mean:
“One man rushes headlong to spend every last penny he possesses, another
hoards his coppers like a miser. Here’s a candidate for public office who
canvasses high and low for votes; his counterpart dozes by the fireside” (50).
Yet as her oration progresses, Folly’s description of princes and courtiers,
priests and popes, begins to ring with Juvenalian indignation. Sensing this, she
pulls up short: “But it’s no part of my present business to arraign the lives of
popes and priests, lest I seem to be composing a satire rather than encomium”
(73). With a wink to the reader, Erasmus reveals his satirical purpose.
In his preface, Erasmus rejected charges that his satire will be too biting like
Old Comedy, and promises that “unlike Juvenal” he has “made no effort to
rake in the sewer of hidden crimes” (5). But by the end of his satire he has
abandoned the pretense that he will attack only folly, and not vice. Indeed in
Folly’s account the two look very much alike. Yet the paradoxes of folly are so
tightly spiraled, so dizzyingly recursive, that to read Praise of Folly as simple
denunciation is to grant it a monolithic wisdom that it everywhere disavows.
Here Folly’s gender becomes crucial. As a woman, Folly claims, by virtue of
her sex, an immunity from the demands of reason. Of course this is
a masculinist Renaissance stereotype, but by disarming herself, by surrender-
ing phallic power, Folly frustrates any attempt to pin her down. As J.M.
Coetzee puts it, Folly claims “the position of not having to take a position.”9
More’s Utopia is a philosophical dialogue, a travel narrative, and
a parody of both. It blends these elements into a minor but influential
genre of its own, the literary utopia. Indeed it creates, all at once, a genre,
a word (utopia), and a political concept. It draws on descriptions of the
ideal commonwealth in Plato’s Republic and Augustine’s City of God,
while its more strictly literary progenitors include Lucian’s True History
(with its visit to the Isle of the Blest), medieval poems about the Land of
Cockayne (a peasants’ fantasyland set in the Atlantic where food and sex
are limitless), and the pagan myth of a Golden Age of Saturn (a time of
Renaissance Humanism: Erasmus and More 83
peace and plenty before Zeus’s reign). But the most immediate historical
source for More’s imagination is the European discovery of the Americas,
known through the accounts of explorers like Amerigo Vespucci.
The New World exerted a powerful pull on the European imagination,
introducing it to new nations, peoples, cultures, and customs, suggesting
more things in heaven and earth than Western philosophy had dreamt.
The literary genre of utopia thus appears at the moment when both
European imperialism and modern political theory are being born.
Utopia describes an imaginary island nation (the name means Nowhere)
where people live in happiness, free from the conflicts that plague contem-
porary Europe. More does not play this new world for big laughs, as
Aristophanes does Cloudcuckooland, but deploys blank irony and social
critique. As Fredric Jameson says, More’s satire takes the form not of ridicule
directed at “unrealistic and fanciful” schemes for social perfection but rather
of a “passionate and prophetic onslaught on current conditions and on the
wickedness and stupidity of human beings in the fallen world of the here and
now.”10 More carries out his satire by creating what is – to use the phrase with
which Joseph Hall later named his own satiric fiction – mundus alter et idem,
a world other and the same. Any utopia, by its mere existence, serves as
a rebuke to the here-and-now; the perfection of Utopia satirizes by implicit
contrast the ills of Europe.11
The book purports to relate a description of the customs and beliefs of
Utopia that More has heard from a Portuguese traveler named Raphael
Hythlodaeus (“Nonsense-peddler”). But this account isn’t given until
Utopia’s Book II; Book I presents a conversation between More (“Morus,”
Latin for “fool”) and Hythlodaeus that centers on conditions in Europe.
The division of the work into two “books,” one focused on the Old World,
one on the New, makes visible a dialectical quality that pervades the work:
Utopia describes two worlds; it presents a dialogue between a trickster and his
dupe; it is playful and serious. These doublings leave gaps for irony and
uncertainty, forcing much like Praise of Folly – a constant movement of the
mind rather than an easy certainty.
In Book I, Hythlodaeus offers a sharp recitation of social evils including
income inequality, the greed and corruption of the rich, the destructive effects
of land enclosure, and the incessant war-mongering of European rulers. His
method is Socratic; he poses hypotheticals and coaxes answers out of More to
advance his argument. But he is also a Horatian reformer, rejecting Stoic
severity and excessive punishment. “A good part of the world,” he observes
with dismay, “seem to imitate bad schoolmasters, who would rather whip
their pupils than teach them” (16).
84 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
greed, deception, and anxiety, but it also squelches the development of the
private self, of “modern individuality” per se.14 Still another problem arises
with the Utopians’ indignation against vice, which rises to a violent, genocidal
pitch; in the event of war, they never worry about the deaths of the mercenary
Zapoletes “for they think they would deserve very well of all mankind if they
could exterminate from the face of the earth that entire disgusting and vicious
race” (81). A reader, having been urged to find Utopian attitudes more natural
and rational than her own, might pull up short. What has happened to this
nation so compassionate it will not slaughter its own livestock? Here More
alights on the contradiction within the very idea of utopia that will eventually
give rise to the twentieth-century dystopias of Huxley, Orwell, and Atwood:
great violence or repression seems always necessary to achieve utopia.
As Walter Benjamin said, every document of civilization is also a document of
barbarism.15
Whether or not More endorses the Utopian lifestyle as a program of
reform, his fantasy creates a provisional realm for provocation and
exploration. He relativizes European beliefs and practices, redescribing
the natural and necessary as cultural and contingent. Folly is just
a function of perspective and training. More’s Utopians, like Erasmus’s
Stultitia, give us a picture of a Europe whose inhabitants are so confused
that they mistake wisdom for folly and folly for wisdom.
The slim learned volumes of Erasmus and More, with their shifting elusive
ironies, open pathways for early modern satire to attack the specific historical
abuses of religious and secular authorities and to explore broad philosophical
topics such as knowledge, wisdom, justice, and freedom. Yet two of their most
significant successors create markedly different books: monumental prose
fictions teeming with unlikely happenings and robust laughter, populated
with outsized, iconic characters. François Rabelais’s Gargantua and
Pantagruel (written as four books, 1532–1552, with a posthumous, likely
spurious fifth, 1564) and Miguel de Cervantes’s Don Quixote (two books,
1605, 1615) are sprawling narratives stuffed with comic and satiric motifs and
incidents. Both authors build upon the satiric humanist legacies of Erasmus
and More, but they turn from Latin to the vernacular and integrate the
classical heritage with popular prose traditions such as the bawdy comedy
of Boccaccio. While the Horatian combination of instruction and delight
remains a guiding rubric, the sheer size of these works tilts the balance toward
86 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
delight, since few readers, then or now, have the patience for a thousand pages
of moral instruction.
Erasmus’s ideas and writing gained immediate popularity throughout
Europe, and his influence on all of Renaissance literature is vast. Rabelais
acknowledges his debt to Erasmian humanism directly in a 1532 letter to the
sage of Rotterdam, whom he lauds as his intellectual “father and mother.”
Cervantes, born eleven years after Erasmus’s death, studied under a Spanish
Erasmian, Juan López de Hoyos, absorbing his humanist influence despite the
Inquisition’s 1559 ban on Praise of Folly.16 Both writers express More’s
influence as well. Rabelais’s Pantagruel is the king of a comic version of
Utopia, and Gargantua establishes the Abbey of Thélème, which offers
a “utopian counterculture” that, in contrast to the monasteries of Europe,
offers true freedom.17 Don Quixote’s squire Sancho Panza is granted his
dream of governing his own utopia, the “island” of Barataria, and he proves
to be a wise and decent ruler until practical jokers make it impossible to rule
and (like More’s Hythlodaeus) he renounces politics to “return to [his] old
liberty” (2.53.808).
Both books take up Erasmus’s paradox of foolish wisdom. Rabelais’s
Panurge (especially in the Third Book) and Cervantes’s Quixote and Sancho
are figures of the wise fool. For some critics the authors’ sympathy for these
fools, and their charitable view of human fallibility, push us out of the satiric
terrain entirely and into the comic (STG 58–59). Yet the ubiquity of comic
folly in Rabelais and Cervantes does not preclude satiric judgment. Their
representation of human error exposes false orthodoxies, outworn customs,
and self-serving hypocrisies. Both books, in addition, embody Bakhtin’s
carnivalesque, with its celebration of the body and its inversion of social
hierarchies. Praise of Folly and Utopia contain hints of carnivalesque comedy:
More’s Utopians fashion their chamberpots out of precious metals and
literally shit on their vast stores of silver and gold; Erasmus’s Folly notes
that it is not the head or the heart but the penis, “so stupid and ridiculous that
it can’t be named without raising a snicker,” which is “the sacred fount from
which all things draw their existence” (12–13). But such motifs, used sparingly
in Erasmus and More, mark virtually every page of Rabelais, whose oeuvre,
Bakhtin maintains, “is an encyclopedia of folk culture” (RHW 58). These
motifs are prevalent in Don Quixote too, most obviously surrounding the
figure of Sancho whose belly (panza in Spanish), appetite, thirst, and “abun-
dant defecation” may not rise to Gargantuan scale, but still offer “a bodily and
popular corrective to individual idealistic and spiritual pretense” (RHW 22).
Rabelais’s “Pantagrueliad” tells of the lives of two giants, a father,
Gargantua, and his son, Pantagruel, their births, their educations, and their
Renaissance Laughter: Rabelais and Cervantes 87
(mock) heroic quests and adventures in war. Episodic, expansive, and digres-
sive, it allows for humorous disquisitions on religious, philosophical, and
political questions. Episodes treat a huge variety of comic material: battles
where enemies are drowned in the giants’ urine, the miraculous revival of
a decapitated comrade, travels to imaginary islands inhabited by bizarre
Lucianic creatures. Rabelais’s humanist agenda undergirds satiric sequences
that mock scholastic dogma, doctrinaire thinking, churchly corruption, and
religious superstitions. The educations of both Gargantua and Pantagruel, for
example, suggest the virtues of the classical curriculum and the deficiencies of
the scholastics; the valor of Gargantua’s companion Friar John is contrasted to
the laziness and cowardice of the average monk; practices such as pilgrimages
and the sale of indulgences are directly ridiculed. Some figures appear to be
strongly allegorical: the rapacious landowner Picrochole probably represents
the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, while the pompous ignoramus Janotus
de Bragmardo has been seen as a stand-in for the conservative Sorbonne
theologian Noël Béda.18 Yet for all their historical pointedness, these satiric
attacks transcend their particular targets, and offer a broad indictment of
dogmatism and ignorance. Drawing on classical learning, but orienting its
wisdom toward the future, Rabelais’s work advocates freedom, rationality,
and benevolence.
These values coexist easily with the joyous celebration of the body that
Bakhtin describes, which offers a satiric corrective to sexual repression,
excessive intellectuality, and false morality. The grotesque body is everywhere
in Rabelais, beginning with the gigantic protagonists themselves, whose
physical excessiveness allows for comic episodes such as when the narrator
gets lost in Pantagruel’s mouth, or when Gargantua accidentally eats six
religious pilgrims with his salad. Gargantua’s birth through his mother’s left
ear offers a playful reinvention of human biology and a scatological parody of
the Christian miracle of the virgin birth. Another memorable example occurs
when the young Gargantua needs to wipe his butt. After experimenting with
a velvet scarf, a lace bonnet, satin earmuffs, a cat, various herbs, linen sheets,
curtains, cushions, scarves, hay, straw, bags, baskets, hats, and much else, he
declares to his father:
I affirm and maintain that there is no bottom-wiper like a downy
young goose, provided that you hold its head between your legs.
Believe me on my honor, for you can feel in your bumhole
a mirifical voluptuousness, as much from the softness of its down as
from the temperate heat of the young goose which is readily
communicated to the arse-gut. (2.12.249–250)
88 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
the woman during a church service. All the dogs of Paris besiege her, urinat-
ing all around her and even on her head. The comedy is unquestionably
sadistic, and even Rabelais’s narrator himself declares the joke to be “the most
horrible trick in the world” (1.14) – distancing himself from the misogyny of
the character, and perhaps condemning the reader for his silent complicity.
Panurge is thus a paradoxical figure: mischievous, subversive, iconoclastic,
and even satanic, he licenses immoral pleasures while disturbing the mor-
alistic and the complacent.21
Rabelais himself articulates positive ideals. A letter Gargantua writes to his
son praises the rise of humanism, describes a wide-ranging curriculum that
includes classical languages, history, music, science, and moral philosophy,
and urges simple Christian virtues (1.8). But this letter is immediately fol-
lowed by the appearance of Panurge, a juxtaposition that shows how
Rabelais’s “satire, despite its humanistic pedigree, [is] capable of criticizing
the very humanism that had engendered its revival.”22 Thus the elaboration of
a new morality almost always takes second place in Rabelais to the demolition
of false authorities and the creation of open space for laughter and play. As he
notes in the prologue to Book Two, Rabelais follows Horace in hoping that his
books smell of wine rather than of midnight oil, of festive pleasure rather than
of bookish labor. Even when he offers direct attacks on monks and theolo-
gians, Rabelais demonstrates for us how to “live joyfully” – enjoying and
inhabiting the object that he mocks, reveling in the extravagance of his
parodies. Like Aristophanes, Rabelais possesses a comic exuberance so power-
ful that it appears as a value in itself. In throwing off constraints, Rabelais
valorizes excess of the body, of appetite, of language.
Rabelais’s giants are a playful fiction, metaphors for human possibility, and
would have been understood by his readers as a delightfully entertaining
invention. But at least one Renaissance reader believed in giants. “In the
matter of giants,” declares Cervantes’s Don Quixote, “there are different
opinions as to whether or not they ever existed in the world, but Holy
Scripture, which cannot deviate an iota from the truth, shows us that they
did by telling us the history of that huge Philistine Goliath” (2.1.467). Despite
the mischievous reference to biblical precedent, Quixote’s belief in giants is
a comic idea, symptomatic of a larger delusion: unable to distinguish the
improbably enchanted medieval world of knight-errantry from the mundane
reality of the modern, Alonso Quijano transforms himself into a wandering
knight, Don Quixote of La Mancha. He turns his nag into a heroic steed,
a barber’s basin into his helmet, a local peasant into his squire, a farm girl into
his lady, flocks of sheep into armies, inns into castles, windmills into giants.
It is a fertile premise, producing a potentially limitless series of comic
90 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
and Sancho discover that, thanks to the publication of Book One, they have
become famous (2.2.472). Yet while Quixote thinks himself a hero of a
romance, the world sees him as the hero of a satire. The characters in Book
Two, especially the Duke and Duchess, stage all kinds of absurd scenarios so
that they can better enjoy Quixote’s folly.29 But in doing so they grant his
delusion a reality. And so, like Peithetairos and Euelpides of Birds, the knight
establishes a Cloudcuckooland built on air, a universe of knight-errantry that
seems – almost – to function. The Duke and Duchess’s elaborate arrange-
ments make them just “as mad as the deceived”: “The duke and duchess came
very close to seeming like fools since they went to such lengths to deceive two
fools” (2.70.914). Quixote’s folly in Book Two exposes both the cruelty of his
deceivers and their own folly: they are also mad readers – mad readers of
Cervantes’s first book. And to the degree that we believe in the reality of
Quixote and laugh at his follies, we too become mad readers. As the Bachelor
Donne and Elizabethan Verse Satire 93
Sanson Carrasco says, “stultorum infinitus est numerus”: the number of fools
is infinite (2.3.479).
Cervantes’s relentless Erasmian ironies multiply perspectives on the world
without resolving them, suggesting a reality too complex to reduce to any
monolithic view. Readers will continue to debate the meaning of the text, but
even here Cervantes anticipates his critics, whom he describes through the
point of view of Sancho: “As for your grace’s valor, courtesy, deeds, and
undertakings . . . there are different opinions. Some say, ‘Crazy, but amusing’;
others, ‘Brave, but unfortunate’; and others, ‘Courteous, but insolent’; and
they go on and on so much in this vein that they don’t leave an untouched
bone in your grace’s body or mine” (2.2.472).
The fictive discourses of Erasmus and More and the overflowing prose fictions
of Rabelais and Cervantes display the proclivity of Renaissance humanism for
comic-satiric forms. But the early modern period also saw the specific revival
of formal verse satire. In England, this new verse satire borrowed tropes and
structures directly from Horace, Persius, and Juvenal, although it also
reshaped its classical inheritance as it developed, discovering new subgenres
and responding to new concerns. The revival begins in the 1590s, with the
appearance of works by several young poets, mostly born in the 1570s,
including Joseph Hall, John Marston, Everard Guilpin, and John Donne.
In Hall’s Virgidemiarum (“a gathering of beatings”: from virga, meaning
rod or switch, and demia, meaning harvest), the poet, with a masculine
swagger, dubs himself the first English satirist:
I first adventure, with fool-hardy might
To tread the steps of perilous despite:
I first adventure, follow me who list,
And be the second English Satirist.30
Although Hall is presumptuous in claiming priority over his peers, he is
justified in asserting the novelty of a genre and style that soon found wide
readership.31 Satiric poetry in English did not begin in the 1590s; many older
examples can be found. The anonymous “goliards” of the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries wrote irreverent comic verses that praised drinking and
mocked Church leadership. In the fourteenth century Langland’s Piers
Plowman offered a “plain, unlettered, commonsensical rustic” as an exemp-
lary satiric persona.32 Chaucer, called “the English Ennius” (241) by Dryden,
94 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
is full of bawdy joking mixed with social and moral criticism.33 Yet the young
poets of the 1590s represented a “new type of satirist,” Alvin Kernan has
argued, one who “expressed the values of the Renaissance rather than of the
medieval world.”34 For all his subtle ironies and comic energy, Chaucer’s
persona is still that of “the plain, guileless, humble man,” whereas the verse
satirists of the 1590s proudly showcased their education, wit, and
worldliness.35
The themes of this new verse satire are anticipated in Elizabethan stage
comedy and various prose forms (picaresques, anatomies, pamphlets), but the
poets of the 1590s set themselves apart by their self-conscious identification as
writers of satire, and by their deliberate turn to classical examples. This move
was, in part, a bid for cultural capital; the Roman poets bestowed an impri-
matur that allowed their English imitators to disavow association with both
the sensationalistic prose writings of “downwardly mobile hacks” such as
Thomas Nashe and Robert Greene and also the “outmoded and blunt” native
tradition of homiletic complaint.36 The new verse satirists were university
educated and steeped in Latin poetry, and they came to London’s Inns of
Court as law students seeking professional and social advancement.37 Young,
brash, and witty, they held higher social standing than their prose rivals, and
class-based snobbery may have contributed to what Lawrence Manley calls
their sharp “assertion of literary and social difference” and “pointed disdain of
popular and professional writing.”38
Whatever its social benefits, classical verse satire fitted the needs of the late
Elizabethan poets and shaped their style. Juvenal proved the most congenial
model, that of the outraged, outspoken observer of urban moral rot.
The Elizabethans echoed Juvenal’s claim that the decadence around him
compelled the writing of satire. In Marston’s words, “grim Reproof, stern
Hate of villainy, / inspire and guide a Satyr’s poesy.”39 Juvenal’s lurid descrip-
tions of vice, his bombastic rhetoric, and his high moral pitch provided
a formula to address anxieties that seemed strikingly apposite to a burgeoning
London: urbanization, population growth, social mobility, economic uphea-
val. Essential to this new Juvenalian stance was aggression. In the much-
quoted opening of Hall’s Satire 3:
The Satire should be like the porcupine,
That shoots sharp quills out in each angry line,
And wounds the blushing cheek, and fiery eye,
Of him that hears and readeth guiltily.40
The very titles of the satirists’ collections announced the violence of their
ambitions: “The Scourge of Villanie, The Whipping of the Satyre, The Letting of
Donne and Elizabethan Verse Satire 95
Humours Blood, The Scourge of Folly, Abuses Stript and Whipt, A Strappado
for the Divell.”41 In unleashing this violence, the Elizabethans donned the
mask of the satyr: the goatish creature of myth was seen to embody a rough,
masculine, unflinching honesty. And because the satyr takes pleasure in
castigating vice, he indulges his own sadism at the same time that he roots
out moral filth.
The basic irony here – that satire savors the crimes it upbraids – is one we
saw in Juvenal, and it did not escape the poets themselves. Donne is the most
sophisticated of his generation in examining the contradictions of the satirist’s
overly aggressive moral policework. He recognizes that satirical representa-
tions of sin might impede rather than promote reform, and he compares the
moral effect of the royal court to that of the pornographic engravings by
Marcantonio Raimondo that illustrated the works of the Italian satirist Pietro
Aretino:
Aretine’s pictures have made few chaste;
No more can princes’ courts, though there be few
Better pictures of vice, teach me virtue. (4.70–72)
The idea of the satirist as a creature who feeds on vice reaches an extreme in
Thomas Middleton’s prose satire The Blacke Booke (1604), whose satyr-
satirist figure is the cloven-footed Lucifer himself, reveling in the stew of
iniquity he finds on earth.42 This trope of the satanic satirist ultimately
supplants the pagan satyr, surfacing in both prose and verse in Alain-René
Lesage’s The Devil on Two Sticks (1707), William Combe’s The Diabioliad
(1777), and devil-tours-Earth poems by Romantic poets including Southey
and Coleridge (“The Devil’s Thoughts,” 1799), Shelley (“The Devil’s Walk,”
1812), and Byron (“The Devil’s Drive,” 1812). Later prose writers, including
Melville, Twain, Bulgakov, and Rushdie, continue the tradition, using satanic
characters to play the role of “the attorney for the other side.”43
Donne draws upon and revises all three major Roman precursors, Horace,
Persius, and Juvenal.44 Like Horace, his manner is dialectical and self-
questioning and his voice chatty and prone to rumination; he borrows
Horace’s trope of a helpless speaker waylaid by an insufferable blowhard; he
advocates a golden mean. The complexity of his style and his religious
preoccupations, meanwhile, recall Persius. And there is plenty of Juvenalian
outrage in his monologues, evoked through raw, grotesque images. He depicts
plagiarizing poets as scavenging animals:
But he is worst, who (beggarly) doth chaw
Others’ wits’ fruits, and in his ravenous maw
96 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
in the street, eventually abandons the speaker, only to return with faux
remorse when he himself is rejected. This gentle account of erotic risk is
transposed into a darker key in Satire 4, where the speaker’s companion
exposes him not just to rejection but also to disease:
hearing him, I found
That as burnt venomed lechers do grow sound
By giving others their sores, I might grow
Guilty, and he free. (4.133–136)
The bravado of the invective-spewing satirist appears here as a reaction
formation to an underlying vulnerability, and the speaker’s withdrawal into
the world of his own study, or his own self, often becomes his safest option –
as Swift’s Gulliver will later retreat to his stables, or Pope to his Twickenham
grotto, or Austen’s Mr. Bennet to his library.
Donne’s London, governed by changing fashions, is ultimately character-
ized by a fakery so thorough that civilization becomes a hollow simulacrum;
the world is like a “waxen garden” full of “gay painted things, which no sap,
nor / Taste have in them” (4.169, 172–173).47 Donne’s efforts to navigate these
shifty surfaces leave him despairing or self-questioning. Satire 2 ends with the
speaker’s recognition of his words’ powerlessness, while the speaker of Satire 4
asks the all-seeing sun whether any place on earth could be as wretched as the
royal court:
Thou which since yesterday hast been
Almost about the whole world, hast thou seen,
O Sun, in all thy journey, vanity
Such as swells the bladder of our court? (4.165–168)
The satire boom of the 1590s, however, was short-lived. On June 1, 1599,
the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London issued the “Bishops’
Ban,” an edict which ordered the destruction of certain writings and decreed
“That noe Satyres or Epigramms be printed hereafter.”48 We can only spec-
ulate as to the reasons for the ban. The popularity of the new satiric verse may
have suggested the genre’s potential for political subversion and thus led to its
demise. Richard McCabe concludes that with the queen ailing and the gov-
ernment’s future unclear, “the authorities must have decided that satire had
gone far enough.”49 Although enforcement of the ban turned out to be
inconsistent, when joined to changes in the political culture under James I,
it probably encouraged satirists to redirect poetic satire either into libels,
pamphlets, and other popular forms, or onto the stage, where satiric mono-
logues could be tailored to the voices of various characters.50
98 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
It was on the stage that early modern England saw its most memorable satire.
During the same years that Cervantes was composing Don Quixote in Spain,
England witnessed the plays of Shakespeare and the greatest age in the history
of the theater. But although Shakespeare’s comedies can contain satiric ele-
ments, it is in the subgenre called “city comedy” that Elizabethan and
Jacobean dramatic satire takes its most unalloyed form. The term “city
comedy” has been applied to plays by Thomas Dekker, Thomas Middleton,
John Marston, George Chapman, and others (including some works by
Shakespeare), but its preeminent practitioner is Ben Jonson.
Jonson situates his work firmly in a classical tradition that includes Greek
and Roman satire. Dryden called him a “learned plagiary” of the ancients,
noting, “You track him every where in their Snow” (“An Essay” 43). Jonson
alludes freely to Horace and Juvenal, Lucian and Petronius, as well as to the
humanists More, Erasmus, and Rabelais. In his play The Poetaster he repre-
sents himself as Horace, uttering lines directly translated from Satires 1.9 and
2.1, and styling himself a judicious critic who offers “sharp, yet modest
rhymes / That spare men’s persons, and but tax their crimes” (3.5.133–134),
a defense later echoed by many satirists.51 Horace’s combination of wisdom
and irony, his tone of urbanity and decorum, and his ear for spoken idiolects
clearly inform Jonson’s style and his values.52 Yet the Horatian is not Jonson’s
only vein of satire. In Every Man Out of His Humour the character Asper vows
“with an armed and resolved hand, / [to] strip the ragged follies of the time /
Naked as at their birth,” striking a violent, Juvenalian tone more typical of the
Elizabethans.53 Elsewhere Jonson invokes “Archilochus’s fury” and com-
mends the “bold satire” of Juvenal, Persius, and Aristophanes for its “sharper
wit.”54 Finally, Lucian, known to Jonson through Erasmus, serves the play-
wright as a source of material and, along with Erasmus himself, as a model of
a “Protean artist whose personality is disguised by, and expressed through, the
creation of characters” and who consequently becomes “a teasing manipula-
tor of his public’s responses.”55
In addition to these classical sources, Jonson’s satire is influenced by
medieval and Renaissance popular traditions. Verse satire and religious
invective (“complaint”) provide him with themes and rhetoric, while he
gathers material from the widely read Elizabethan “cony-catching” pamphlets
of Thomas Nashe, Robert Greene, and others, which describe the tricks of
urban rogues in admonitory, sensational narratives.56 He draws upon the
Italian popular tradition of the commedia dell’arte, loosely scripted comic
performances enacted by touring companies which deployed recurrent types
City Comedy: Jonson’s Volpone 99
such as the clown Arlecchino (Harlequin), the sadistic Pulcinella (Punch), and
the aged miser Pantalone. Finally, his most famous work, Volpone, fashions
itself as a beast fable, a genre which thrived in medieval folk culture.
The characters in Jonson’s play are human, but are named allegorically for
animals, and Volpone (the fox) alludes to both Aesop’s fable of the Fox and
Crow and the medieval tales of Reynard (FS 80).
These traditions come together in Jonson’s characters, plots, and settings.
Jonson’s characters typically possess a single, exaggerated trait. Sometimes
called comedies of humors, his plays invoke a medieval physiology of bodily
fluids (or humors), which were believed, when out of balance, to make people
eccentric. As Asper puts it: “when some one peculiar quality / Doth so possess
a man, that it doth draw / All his affects, his spirits, and his powers, / In their
confluctions, all to run one way.”57 His plots, meanwhile, make use of the
phenomenon that Robert Elliott called the “satirist satirized” – dramatic
characters who act as satirists in exposing the vice and folly of others, yet
simultaneously serve as objects of authorial judgment (PS 98). This sort of
irony is not wholly new: the elusive personae of the verse satirists, the
uncomprehending fools of Erasmus and More, and duplicitous characters
from folk narratives such as Reynard all create space for authorial irony. But
in the drama, the distance between the author and the character is stark and
absolute. Indeed, by one account, it was Jonson’s turn to the drama of
Aristophanes that provided him with a structural model that could address
the social conflicts of urban life: morally ambiguous protagonists like
Peithetairos and Euelpides of Birds can critique Athenian society while
remaining satiric targets themselves.58 And because the Elizabethans gener-
ally conceived of the satirist as a coarse, outspoken figure, this dramatic
distance allows an author to have the satirist in the text do his dirty work of
attacking others while himself maintaining a safe distance.
The urban location of Jonson’s plays, finally, allows them to speak with
directness to the rapidly evolving social, economic, and political conditions of
his day. Aristophanic comedy focused on the Athenian polis; Juvenal’s verse
satire depicted the Roman imperial center as a hotbed of vice. Jonson’s
Prologue to The Alchemist places that play firmly in this tradition of con-
temporary urban satire: “Our scene is London, ’cause we would make
known, / No country’s mirth is better than our own: / No clime breeds better
matter for your whore, / Bawd, squire, impostor, many persons more” (191).
Expunging “material appropriate to romance, fairy tale, sentimental legend or
patriotic chronicle,” city comedy relishes the immorality of the modern urban
scene, even as it holds it up for censure. The setting is disenchanted and
modern, unlike the festive, quasi-pastoral mode of much Shakespearean
100 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
comedy. Reflecting the social changes associated with urbanization, the rise of
capitalism, and the demise of the old feudal order, city comedies thus analyze
and indict their own historical moment.59 They depict a society in flux,
represented in characters who make money in new and often unethical
ways, seeking to alter their socioeconomic status as they negotiate a world
of uncertain moral codes. Thus Jonson’s moral satire, purporting to take as its
object timeless sins like greed and lust, constitutes a social critique of the
conditions that produce new behaviors, anxieties, and values.
Volpone can illustrate how the dramatic form complicates satiric for-
mulas and offers social and psychological analysis in the guise of
a putatively timeless moral satire. The title character, a greedy miser with
no heir, and his servant or “zany,” Mosca, scheme to multiply Volpone’s
fortune by hoodwinking equally avaricious legacy-hunters – their “gulls” –
who themselves jockey to be named Volpone’s heir. (The theme of legacy-
hunting will be familiar to the reader of Horace Satire 2.5 or the final
fragment of the Satyricon.) The play’s dedicatory epistle and verse prologue
establish familiar Horatian terms for understanding satire. In the epistle
Jonson declares that one must be a virtuous man to be a good poet,
distinguishes his work from the “ribaldry, profanation, [and] blasphemy”
of “poetasters,” and quotes Horace’s Satire 2.1 in his defense (42, 43).
In the prologue, the speaker differentiates Jonson’s decorous satire from
the ill-mannered “railing” of others, and insists that the author has drained
the “gall and copperas” from his ink, leaving “only a little salt” – Horace’s
term for therapeutically abrasive wit (49, 40). Like Horace telling the truth
with a laugh, Jonson aims “To mix profit with your pleasure” (49).
But who exactly will profit from the play? The audience’s moral profit
coexists uneasily with the playwright’s financial profit – a double meaning
that few will overlook in a story about a miser first seen worshipping a hoard
of gold. Even as it lays out a justification for satire, the play undercuts it,
making us doubt the morality of Volpone’s pleasures and our own: the delight
taken in acquisition, the sadistic joy of “punishing” the legacy-hunters. Using
a villain as a satiric agent plays havoc with any neat dichotomy between the
playwright’s moral authority and the vice and folly of the world he analyzes.
We favor Volpone and Mosca over their gulls less because of their contorted
Horatian justifications for their actions than because we admire their intelli-
gence and charisma and participate in their delightfully clever ruses.
The audience is caught between the pleasure of watching the con artist operate
and its awareness of his moral baseness.
The awareness of Volpone’s immorality becomes even more acute when
Volpone and Mosca pursue new, less deserving targets – the morally upright
City Comedy: Jonson’s Volpone 101
Celia and Bonario. As Volpone’s driving motive shifts from calculating greed
to uncontrolled lust, the moral innocence of the new victims gives the lie to
Volpone’s earlier self-justifications. The complex layering of Jonson’s irony
now fully emerges. When Volpone, savoring how Corbaccio’s greed has made
him susceptible to deception, observes, “What a rare punishment / Is avarice
to itself!” (67), he locates an irony in Corbaccio’s self-defeating behavior. But
with this same statement the playwright does the character one better –
a dramatic irony – since Volpone is also speaking unknowingly of his own
avarice, which will soon constitute his rare punishment.
Ultimately some rough justice prevails, yet it prevails not because of the
health of the legal system but because the greedy Volpone and Mosca turn on
each other.60 The contrivance of this turn of events, combined with the
shallow and conventional “goodness” of Bonario and Celia, makes the
moral economy of the play brittle. The good are vindicated and the bad
punished mainly to let us believe that our enjoyment of the play contains
a degree of moral “profit.” During the trial in Act Four, Voltore tries to
persuade the judges that Bonario is a liar, despite his good reputation:
“So much more full of danger is his vice / That can beguile so, under shade
of virtue” (132). This disingenuous claim serves as a key to the entire play,
through which Jonson beguiles his own judges – the audience – under shade
of virtue.
In other words, even as it manipulates our moral sentiments, Volpone
problematizes the judgment of right and wrong. The court scenes, in their
staging of witnessing and judging, belong to a larger meta-theatrical motif in
which audiences of various kinds hear speeches and make judgments; the
judges’ bench, the actors’ stage, and the charlatan’s bank all function in the
play as what Swift will, a hundred years later in A Tale of a Tub, call “oratorical
machines” designed to raise the individual above the crowd (27). Just as
Aristophanes’ birds appeal directly to the audience in the parabasis, compar-
ing the political judgment of a democratic electorate to the spectators’ judg-
ment of the play in which they are represented, so Volpone implies
a homology between the legal judgment of the avocatori and the aesthetic
judgment of the audience. In almost every scene Mosca and Volpone stage
elaborate scenarios – Volpone as lead actor, Mosca increasingly as writer-
director – to bilk the legacy-hunters, to seduce Celia, to vindicate themselves.
In short, they stage plots to catch other characters in their vices or follies, just
as the Duke and Duchess of Don Quixote rearrange their world to showcase
the folly of the knight, or as Hamlet turns producer in order to catch the
conscience of Claudius. This is what satirist-playwrights do: they engineer
dramatic scenarios that will reveal the truth of a character hidden beneath
102 Renaissance Satire: Rogues, Clowns, Fools, Satyrs
104
Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition 105
“the world of print had joined the world of conversation, gossip, and rumor in
a singular devotion to issues of the moment.”6
Satire found a natural home in a public sphere saturated with polemic. The
first daily newspapers appeared in these years, as did the influential journals
The Tatler and The Spectator, offering a mix of news and opinion. This
climate, writes Catherine Gallagher, produced “an unprecedented politiciza-
tion of authorship,” as literary works were read in the context of partisan
debates and “political controversy was virtually the only road to making either
a name or a living as a writer.”7 For example, Gay’s Beggar’s Opera and
Fielding’s Jonathan Wild, which depict a colorful underworld of criminals
and prostitutes, were readily understood as coded Tory attacks on the Whig
minister Robert Walpole. In short, even “literary” satire was immersed in, and
emerged out of, the political and cultural debates of the day. Thus, while the
long eighteenth century might seem a stable era in comparison to the previous
century with its bloody revolutions, it was yet a turbulent time, full of political
contest, religious controversy, changing morality, even new understandings
of human nature.
The subgenre of the satiric pamphlet illustrates how satire of the time was
enmeshed in a discourse that was topical, political, and journalistic. Short,
unbound, and inexpensive, pamphlets were easy to produce and distribute,
like the tweets, comments, and posts that fill our own blogosphere. Elizabethans
such as Thomas Dekker, Thomas Nashe, and Robert Greene had written
satirical pamphlets, but the form proliferated in the early eighteenth century,
which produced its two most famous examples: Daniel Defoe’s The Shortest-
Way with the Dissenters (1702) and Jonathan Swift’s A Modest Proposal (1729).
These two ironic suggestions for policy reforms, both of which engage charged
political issues, represent a new variety of mock argument. These proposals, of
course, only purport to be modest: they soft-peddle extreme ideas, couching
violence in euphemism. They intimate the possibility of a harmonious utopian
future, but the worlds they conjure are horrific dystopias.
Defoe, one of England’s foundational novelists and a prolific journalist,
wrote The Shortest-Way in response to an attack on the religious liberty of
those Protestants, called “Dissenters,” who did not belong to the Church of
England. In 1702, with Queen Anne succeeding King William III, a bill was
proposed in Parliament that would make it harder for Dissenters to serve in
public office. (The bill would have ended the practice known as occasional
Modest Proposals: Defoe and Swift 107
The battles of the books occasioned by (and productive of) satire did not arise
only from political pamphlets. Two works, one addressing economic theory,
the other domestic relations, illustrate the tendency of eighteenth-century
satire to attack cherished pieties. Bernard Mandeville’s The Fable of the Bees
(1714) makes no policy recommendations, genuine or counterfeit, and treats
political questions only on a philosophical level. Yet it provoked criticism
from preachers, poets, and moralists, earning a jab from Pope in The Dunciad
and an indictment from a 1723 grand jury for disparaging “Religion and
Virtue.”15 It began as a short poem published anonymously in 1705 called The
Grumbling of the Hive, and over the next two decades Mandeville supplemen-
ted it with prose explication, articulating a political, moral, and economic
theory.
The Contrarian Spirit: Mandeville and Collier 111
praise, and by inducing the reader to laugh with her, Collier makes the reader
complicit in her sadism and leaves her caught between enjoyment and
disavowal.
Collier moreover seems to endorse at least some of the attitudes of the
Tormenter-narrator. Like Mandeville, she redescribes virtue as self-interest,
speaking hard truths about human fallibility: “To see one’s dearest friend get
the start of one in anything, is too much for such friendship to bear” (73). This
jaded view of human nature allows the Tormenter to dismiss as insipid those
benevolent but boring people who have no taste for cruelty. Her musings on
children, meanwhile, recall A Modest Proposal:
To make away with the troublesome and expensive brats, I allow, would
be the desirable thing: but the question is, how to effect this without
subjecting yourself to that punishment which the law has thought proper
to affix to such sort of jokes. Whipping and starving, with some caution,
might do the business. (37)
This breezy disdain for the inconveniences of the law assumes the reader’s
agreement and brings her into a select circle of those who know better.
The domestic world Collier represents, then, is not so different from the
world of con-artists and gulls presented in Volpone or The Beggar’s Opera. The
Tormenter even deploys the vocabulary of rogues, cautioning her reader that
it is important to select the perfect “dupe,” and to draw her in with “specious
bait” of false virtue (60). As in Volpone, the art of trickery is the art of acting,
and the Tormenter uses language of staging, feigning, pretending, and per-
forming. She counsels her reader to keep her emotions always in check for the
purpose of feigning anger as needed; the best exemplars of the art of torment-
ing are “not the openly cruel and hard-hearted, but rather the specious
pretenders to goodness, who, under an outcry about benevolence, hide the
most malevolent hearts” (63).
Ultimately Collier discloses a view of domestic relations that is all about
what Seinfeld’s George Costanza called “having hand” in a relationship. The
book reduces all human motives to the single end of self-aggrandizement. It is
funny to see power relations played out in petty domestic vignettes, but
Collier also presents a bleak sense of the real struggles for power that take
place in the drawing room, the kitchen, the bedroom. And while depicting
this cruelty may morally rebuke those who practice it, Collier is fundamen-
tally suspicious of moralism, which throughout The Art proves to be a cover
for sadism. The art of tormenting thus turns out to be the art of satire itself.
Although “the most expert practitioners … frequently declare, when they
whip, cut, and slash the body, or when they tease, vex, and torment the mind
Gulliver’s Travels: A Lusus Naturae 115
that ’tis done for the good of the person that suffers,” Collier concedes that
cruelty is an end in itself, “exercised for its own sake” (7). Tormenters, like
satirists, hide their malevolent hearts behind a pretense of goodness.
“Here is a book come out that all our people of taste run mad about,” wrote
Mary Wortley Montagu of Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels soon after its
anonymous London publication in October 1726.17 An immediate bestseller,
this account of four voyages “into several remote nations of the world” was
reprinted twice before the end of the year and translated into Dutch, French,
and German before the end of the next. It spawned a series of poems by Pope,
a kind of sequel by John Arbuthnot, and various “keys” to the book’s allego-
rical references – all part of a stream of what Gulliver, in a (fictional) 1735
letter, refers to as “Libels, and Keys, and Reflections, and Second Parts” (255).
Gulliver’s Travels continues to puzzle and please: a satire at once moral, social,
textual, intellectual, and existential, it balances the darkness of its vision with a
buoyant sense of play; and although the book is probably the most famous
satire in English literature, major critics have questioned whether it even is
satire.18
What kind of book is Gulliver’s Travels then? The best term may be that
with which the King of Brobdingnag classified Gulliver himself – a lusus
naturae, a freak of nature. It is a parody of the era’s travel narratives such as
William Dampier’s non-fictional New Voyage Round the World (1697) and
Daniel Defoe’s fictional Robinson Crusoe (1719), which fed a hunger for
stories of newly discovered lands, alien peoples, life-threatening adventures,
and exotic cultural practices. It is also a send-up of the Protestant conversion
stories promulgated through these tales of travel. It draws on Lucian’s ima-
ginary voyages, which in spoofing Herodotus and Homer counsel skepticism
about the outlandish claims of travelers. It presents a utopia, and, like More,
Swift uses imaginary nations to provide perspective on his own. Yet it is a
dystopia as well: a lesser-known and more broadly comic precursor is Joseph
Hall’s Mundus Alter et Idem (c. 1605), whose narrator makes sea voyages to
four imaginary lands – Crapulia (land of gluttons), Viraginia (of viragoes),
Moronia (of morons), and Lavernia (of thieves) – and which exaggerates
English vices and follies rather than offering an ideal alternative. Gulliver’s
Travels in fact combines More’s strategy of negation and Hall’s strategy of
exaggeration. Swift’s alien lands can serve, like Utopia, as a model, as when the
Lilliputians educate girls along with boys, but they can also magnify the faults
116 Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition
Swift can make defamiliarization a game with the reader, as when the
Lilliputians inventory Gulliver’s pockets and describe its contents – a giant-
sized comb, pistol, knife, razor, and so on – while the reader silently attempts
to guess the objects described (1.2.28–31). But defamiliarization acquires its
strongest force when it compels the reader to re-examine beliefs and customs.
Gulliver’s straight-faced descriptions of politicians, war, weaponry, religious
sectarianism, sexual courtship, luxury goods, and class structure expose the
corruption of his society even when he professes to praise it.
In other cases the technique is reversed, and Gulliver’s hosts do the work of
defamiliarizing. Gulliver’s master observes in the Yahoos behavior whose
“modern” parallels we easily discern:
[I]n most Herds there was a sort of ruling Yahoo … who was always
more deformed in Body, and mischievous in Disposition, than any of the
rest. That this Leader had usually a Favourite as like himself as he could
get, whose Employment was to lick his Master’s Feet and Posteriors, and
drive the Female Yahoos to his Kennel; for which he was now and then
rewarded with a piece of Ass’s Flesh. (4.7.221)
Satire here is a language game, an effort to find new ways to present phenom-
ena by peeling away outworn accounts.
Among the most memorable tropes of Gulliver’s Travels is its play with size
and scale, a conceit that Swift derives from Rabelais. In Part One, Gulliver’s
great height affords him a Lucianic catascopia, as he looks down with amuse-
ment and derision on the Lilliputians, who prove petty not only in their size
but also in their morals and their self-importance. Swift makes wry jokes that
underscore the paltriness of human pretension and achievement such as when
Gulliver describes the Lilliputian emperor as “taller by almost the breadth of
my Nail, than any of his Court” (1.2.24). The technique carries over into
descriptions of Lilliputian politics and religion: the Rope-Dancing that serves
as a metaphor for the way that nimble politicians skilled in political game-
playing retain power (1.3.32); the political parties whose disagreements are
reduced to the mere one-fourteenth of an inch that differentiates the height of
the heels of their shoes (1.4.40); the Lilliput–Blefuscu rivalry, responsible for
thousands of deaths, which derives from a difference of opinion over which
end of an egg to break (1.4.41).
In Part One Gulliver’s great height allows him to condescend to the
Lilliputians, but the situation is reversed in Part Two, where Gulliver finds
himself the object of mirth for the great Brobdingnagians. Puffed up by his
experience in Lilliput, admired for his surpassing strength (as well as his awe-
inspiring “fire hose”), he is now humiliated, forced to battle for his life with
118 Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition
wasps, flies, rats, and birds, bullied by an enormous, cruel palace dwarf.
Gulliver’s superior stance in Part One is rewritten as a grandiose and ephem-
eral fantasy of power, a misguided belief in his own Pantagruelian benevo-
lence. In particular Gulliver’s pride and patriotism suffer. He boasts to the
King about his “beloved Country,” but receives in reply only a burst of
laughter and an expression of amused contempt. The King of Brobdingnag
now becomes the satiric mocker of human pretense while Gulliver appears as
idiotically jingoistic, blushing “with Indignation” as he listens to his homeland
described as a land of “diminutive Insects” (2.3.89).
The manipulation of scale in the first two voyages also permits Swift to
indulge a play with big and small that taps into primitive childhood fears and
fantasies about one’s relationship to the gigantic world of adults, as well as
nostalgia for the pleasures of children’s games and toys.19 These shifts and
contrasts in size indulge an exploration of the body and its functions, and
indeed the book is rife with scatological humor. The female body in particular
repulses Gulliver. He confesses his disgust at the sight of a Brobdingnagian
woman’s six-foot-high “monstrous breast”: “The Nipple was about half the
Bigness of my Head, and the Hew both of that and the Dug, so varified with
Spots, Pimples, and Freckles, that nothing could appear more nauseous.”
Gulliver tentatively extends this disgust to the beautiful “English ladies” at
home, noting that they “appear so beautiful to us, only because they are of our
own size, and their Defects not to be seen but through a Magnifying Glass”
(2.1.77). Gulliver’s view of the undressed Brobdingnadian maids takes this
revulsion further, as he describes their “coarse and uneven” skin, gigantic
moles with hairs “thicker than Pack-threads,” and hogsheads of urine dis-
charged. Gulliver alludes to his possible service as a sex toy, and his affectation
of delicacy goes just far enough to provoke the reader’s curiosity:
The handsomest among these Maids of Honour, a pleasant, frolicsome
Girl of sixteen, would sometimes set me astride upon one of her Nipples,
with many other Tricks, wherein the Reader will excuse me for not being
over particular. (2.5.99)
His revulsion from the female body continues in Part Four, where he recoils
first from the advances of the female Yahoo and later from the embraces of his
own wife.
Part Four raises the broadest and most universal questions – what kind of
creatures are we as human beings, what is our place in the natural order, are
we ruled by reason or passion – questions stoked by ongoing imperial con-
quests and curiosity about racial and cultural differences. Whether you take
the Yahoos to represent all human beings in a state of nature or only non-
Gulliver’s Travels: A Lusus Naturae 119
Europeans, they are loathsome, and Gulliver’s loathing extends from them to
their European kin. Hence the charge of misanthropy is frequently brought
against both Swift and Gulliver, a charge that Swift himself legitimates when
he writes to Pope that the book is built upon a “foundation of Misanthropy”
(854). The King of Brobdingnag voices similar misanthropy when he
describes recent English history with a Rabelaisian list, calling it “a heap of
conspiracies, rebellions, murders, massacres, revolutions, banishments, the
very worst effects that avarice, faction, hypocrisy, perfidiousness, cruelty, rage,
madness, hatred, envy, lust, malice, and ambition, could produce,” and jud-
ging – with Democritean amusement rather than Juvenalian disgust – “the
bulk of [Gulliver’s countrymen] to be the most pernicious race of little odious
vermin that nature ever suffered to crawl upon the surface of the earth”
(2.6.110–111). It is in the Country of the Houyhnhnms, however, that the
critique of the human species is most insistent. At times the entire section
seems little more than a long acid recitation of human vices.
The question as to whether Gulliver’s hatred of his species is warranted by
Swift has divided critics into what are sometimes called “hard” and “soft”
schools of interpretation.20 The hard school sees the rational Houyhnhnms as
Swift’s ideal and their society as genuinely utopian; the soft sees the
Houyhnhnms themselves as a satiric target and Don Pedro de Mendez as a
preferred model of human decency. A hard interpretation notes that Swift
casts human motives as base, animalistic, self-interested, and prideful, while a
soft interpretation counters that Gulliver’s final withdrawal to his stables is a
sign of his own madness rather than the world’s.
As for the Houyhnhnms, although they are wiser, less vicious, happier, and
more peaceful than the human race, they are not above Swift’s irony, and their
admirable rationality, like that of More’s Utopians, approves of genocide. As
Gulliver lives among them, his contempt for the Yahoos permits ever-greater
disregard for their claim to life, even as he acknowledges that they are indeed
human. Initially we see the subjugated Yahoos used, horse-like, to drag
sledges. Soon Gulliver uses their bodies – first their hair (4.2), then their
skins (4.3) – to make traps and clothes and shoes. By the end of the voyage the
Houyhnhnms are debating “Whether the Yahoo should be exterminated from
the Face of the Earth” (4.9.228). Ultimately they opt for mass castration, a
solution that ironically they have learned from Gulliver’s account of how
horses are treated in England. Gulliver is voted off the island, departing in a
homemade canoe rigged with a sail of Yahoo – that is, human – skins, which
Gulliver describes with straight-faced black humor reminiscent of A Modest
Proposal: “I made use of the youngest I could get, the older being too tough
and thick” (4.10.237). Swift again imagines the horrors of ethnic cleansing
120 Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition
In the decades following Gulliver’s Travels, prose satire finds a lasting home in
the genre of the novel. The subgenre of the picaresque, made popular by
Henry Fielding and Tobias Smollett, weaves together social observation, low
comedy, and gritty realism. Laurence Sterne develops the wildly digressive
tradition of Rabelais and Swift into a recursive, self-conscious novelistic
tradition that satirizes narrative itself. Some decades later Jane Austen perfects
a highly focused, finely understated comedy of domestic manners. But in
the same years that the novel is on the rise, another fictional form flourishes,
the oriental tale. Filled with fabulous adventures set in “the East” – a
vaguely defined space which could range from Turkey and Arabia to China
and Japan – the oriental tale capitalizes on the popularity of new translations
of The Arabian Nights (1704–1717). It does not emphasize psychological
nuance, character growth, or attention to the domestic, but incorporates
fantasy, didacticism, comedy, adventure, travel, and pornography. It is often
a philosophical tale, raising far-reaching social and ethical questions, revamp-
ing the folktale for modern concerns, and using transcultural perspectives to
critique European practices in ways far more self-critical and far
less imperialistic than contemporary treatments of orientalist discourse gen-
erally understand. Gulliver’s Travels contains hints of the genre (Swift
includes Japan among the many invented remote nations that Gulliver visits),
and even “A Modest Proposal” cites George Psalmanazar’s fraudulent 1704
account of Taiwanese cannibalism as a transcultural precedent for eating Irish
babies. In France, Montesquieu’s Persian Letters (1721) deploys many of the
genre’s tropes for intellectual and social satire by observing and critiquing
French customs, law, and religion through the perspective of two visiting
Persian noblemen, producing a “stereoscopic vision” that transcends the
epistemologies of either the West or the East alone. Readers of the eighteenth
century, of course, would hardly have distinguished realistic “novels” from
fantastical “tales,” but rather moved freely among stories variously called
adventures, histories, lives, narratives, fables, and journals.22
Two mid-century satiric fictions owe a debt to this understudied tradition.
Published in 1759, both Samuel Johnson’s Rasselas and Voltaire’s Candide
survey mankind – perhaps not quite “from China to Peru,” but from
The Oriental Tale: Johnson and Voltaire 121
passed four months in resolving to lose no more time in idle resolves” (4.80).
The sage Imlac can sound like a narcissistic pedant, and his disquisition on
aesthetics concludes when Rasselas cuts off his pontificating: “Imlac now felt
the enthusiastic fit, and was proceeding to aggrandize his own profession,
when the prince cried out, ‘Enough! Thou hast convinced me, that no human
being can ever be a poet’” (11.90–91).
Yet Johnson’s treatment of folly edges away from the harshly judgmental
mode of Swift. W. Jackson Bate has called Johnson’s mode “satire manqué”
because “ridicule, anger, satiric protest are always in the process of turning
into something else.”25 Some of Johnson’s characters, such as the mechanic,
or the mad astronomer who thinks he can control the weather, surely resem-
ble Swiftian lunatics like the “projectors” of Laputa. But Johnson corrects or
educates such folly, balancing reduction and ridicule with compassion and
even apology. Like Don Quixote, Rasselas is a fool who wins a measure of
sympathy, and Johnson recognizes human failings and self-deceptions as
universal and inescapable.
Like Don Quixote too, Rasselas embodies a warning against the power of the
imagination, a faculty of the mind that often looks to Johnson like delusion
itself. The opening sentence cautions against heeding “the whispers of fancy,”
and pursuing “the phantoms of hope.” Much later, Imlac interprets the
Egyptian pyramids as a “monument to the insufficiency of human enjoy-
ments” since they were built “only in compliance with that hunger of imagi-
nation which preys incessantly upon life” (32.123). The madness of the
astronomer is likewise viewed as a consequence of having “indulge[d] the
power of fiction” to excess: “All power of fancy over reason is a degree of
insanity” (44.141).
Yet for all its stern warnings, this moral fable is not wholly didactic, and
Johnson balances his wisdom with skepticism toward wisdom. Johnson offers
wise-sounding pithy generalizations, but when Rasselas learns to be wary “of
the emptiness of rhetorical sound, and the inefficacy of polished periods and
studied sentences” (18.104), we sense that Johnson is directing his wariness at
his own powers of rhetoric. Rasselas’s entire quest for meaning itself is
ironized, since too much contemplation of life can lead to a neglect of living.
As Imlac says:
The causes of good and evil … are so various and uncertain, so often
entangled with each other, so diversified by various relations, and so
much subject to accidents which cannot be foreseen, that he who would
fix his condition upon incontestable reasons of preference, must live and
die inquiring and deliberating. (16.101)
The Oriental Tale: Johnson and Voltaire 123
dozen bullets in the brain” (2.4). Love, too, suffers ironic redescription; when
Pangloss shows up “covered in pustules, his eyes … sunken, the end of his
nose rotted off, his mouth twisted, [and] his teeth black,” the philosopher
attributes his condition not to syphilis but to “love”: “love, the consolation of
the human race, the preservative of the universe, the soul of all sensitive
beings, love, gentle love” (4.7). And in England, justice is reduced to an
illogical paradox: Candide is told that an admiral who has lost a military
battle is being killed because “he didn’t kill enough people” (23.55).
Contra Leibniz, then, the “best” of all possible worlds turns out to be full of
purposeless horror, cruelty, and suffering. Some of this misery is due to
natural causes like earthquakes and diseases, but much is the work of
human beings: rapes, murders, wars, torture, theft, cannibalism. In the middle
of the tale the characters therefore depart for New World as if to suggest that
people have so badly screwed up the old world that a fresh start is necessary.
Voltaire’s satire in these chapters tacks to the method of Utopia, showing us
alien customs in the New World in order to relativize European practices. The
most obvious example is Candide’s interlude in the utopian city of Eldorado,
which like Swift’s Island of the Houyhnhnms suffers from no petty religious
disagreements and requires no courts or prisons.
Like Rasselas and Gulliver, however, Candide cannot remain in utopia,
although he leaves for utterly selfish reasons: “If we stay here, we shall be just
like everybody else, whereas if we go back to our own world, taking back with
us a dozen sheep loaded with Eldorado pebbles, we shall be richer than all the
kings put together” (18.38). With the return to Europe, the parade of evils and
absurdities resumes, but the satire increasingly becomes social as well as
philosophical, as Voltaire describes eighteenth-century quarrels over aesthetic
values and literary taste. The new target is urban sophistication, and Martin
describes Paris as “a chaos, a mob, in which everyone is seeking pleasure and
where hardly anyone finds it” (21.45). Candide’s experience at the theater
introduces him to a snobbish critic who “hates successful [plays and books] as
eunuchs hate successful lovers” (22.48), while in Venice Lord Pococurante’s
sensibility finds fault with virtually all great literature so that his only pleasure
consists in criticism – he takes “pleasure in having no pleasure” (25.63). These
characters reflect a new Enlightenment concern with taste and education as
cultural capital, expressed through an insider’s knowledge of what to like and
what to dislike. Exemplars of bad taste are, like the vulgarians of Petronius,
satirized to restore social hierarchy, yet so too are the over-refined who turn
literary judgment into status-mongering.
Like Rasselas, Candide concludes inconclusively. The final dictum of the
old Turkish man, that we must cultivate our garden, may be the best advice in
126 Enlightenment Satire: The Prose Tradition
the book, but it is modest and ambiguous. In counseling a retreat from public
life similar to that offered by More’s Hythlodaeus, it promises only to keep at
bay “three great evils” – boredom, vice, and poverty. Candide repeats it less as
a full-throated endorsement than as a way to shut up the prattling Pangloss.
Like the return of Rasselas and his companions to Abyssinia, Candide’s
withdrawal to his farm suggests a philosophical surrender in the face of
insoluble big questions. The dervish whom Candide and his companions
consult about man’s place on earth dismisses them impatiently, asking,
“When his highness sends a ship to Egypt does he worry whether the mice
on board are comfortable?” (30.73) before slamming the door in their faces.
Voltaire does the same to his reader. The Enlightenment spirit of inquiry
proves wearying, and leaves us with resignation rather than illumination. Yet
if Candide ultimately tells us little about what’s right in the world, it none-
theless revels – unflinchingly, energetically, delightedly – in telling us what’s
wrong.
Chapter 6
It has been claimed that no span of English literary history has been so
dominated by one genre as verse satire dominated the century from 1660 to
1760.1 However, just as the old unitary narrative of this era’s prose satire has
begun to dissolve, so has the old account of its poetry centered on Dryden,
Pope, and Swift. In her recent study, Ashley Marshall divides the era into
quarter-centuries and even decades during which she discerns widely varying
styles and forms. Many names not included in the Norton Anthology write
verse satire in these years, and many satires are published without any
authors’ names at all. Some poems call themselves satires, but the genre also
includes epistles, verse essays, epigrams, fables, and imitations. Horace and
Juvenal, available to English poets in a stream of new translations, are power-
ful influences, but poetic satire also departs from Roman models. Dryden has
been said to inaugurate a new standard of decorum, but the tone of the
century’s satire can be comic and silly, harsh and personal, or earnest and
moralistic. Nor are poetic careers monolithic: Marshall, for example, argues
that “early Swift” of the 1700s, with his openly propagandistic aims and his
proclivity for parodic impersonation, has more in common with the Whig
provocateurs he opposed such as Arthur Maynwaring and John Tutchin than
he does with his Tory friends Pope and Gay (PSE 181). The era’s formal verse
satire, in short, displays remarkable variety. Defoe’s True-Born Englishman
(1701) and Swift’s Satirical Elegy on the Death of a Late Famous General
(1722) are openly political. Pope’s Epistle to Burlington (1731) attacks new
money and bad taste. Gay’s Trivia (1716) views the modern cityscape through
mock-georgic; Ebenezer Cooke’s The Sot-Weed Factor (1708) laughs at the
struggles of an obtuse tobacco merchant in the American colonies. Satire even
turns on the satiric temper of the times, in Richard Blackmore’s Satyr against
Wit (1700).
The dominant metrical form of verse satire is the heroic couplet, the end-
stopped iambic pentameter pair of rhymed lines. As its name indicates, it was
initially associated with high genres like the epic. It emerged when
Renaissance poets standardized Chaucer’s ten-syllable line with an iambic
127
128 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
The revival of verse satire based on classical models actually begins, as we saw,
in the 1590s. After the Bishops’ Ban of 1599, however, satire tends toward
forms such as libels and pamphlets, while the satiric poetry published in the
early 1600s mostly drops the combative Juvenalian mode for the safer native
tradition of homiletic complaint.5 In the politically turbulent mid-century,
satire becomes highly politicized. Verse satire in these years is dominated less
by classical models than by “low” cultural forms such as street ballads,
anthems, comic invective, and army-camp entertainments: “poetry cast for
the street and the ale-house.”6 In a country sharply divided between Puritans
and Anglicans, between parliamentarians and royalists, satiric songs re-route
the camaraderie of the drinking song for political propaganda, fostering
a feeling of “all-togetherness” that can be directed against a political foe.
These songs, squibs, and doggerel verses constitute “lethal satire in disguise
as imitation folk-poetry.”7 The us-against-them politics of such poetry shifts
satire away from a critique of social types to allow for polemical, topical,
and ad hominem libels or lampoons, while also cultivating techniques of
Rochester and the Court Wits 129
parody and mimicry that influence later writers such as Butler, Dryden, Pope,
and Swift.
But verse satire really gets going during the Restoration years. Robert
Hume insists that, in the history of satire, the reign of Charles II
(1660–1685) should be viewed as a discrete period in which satire is still
marked by the divisions of the mid-century, and its main functions are
“political combat and personal abuse.”8 The comedy of the newly reopened
Restoration theaters incorporates bawdy joking and lampoons directed at
individuals, and any notion of Augustan “decorum” can hardly apply to the
raunchy, gossipy, and abusive satire of the Carolean years. Among the most
popular poems of these years is Samuel Butler’s long narrative Hudibras,
which uses tetrameters (“Hudibrastics”) rather than heroic pentameters and
imitates Cervantes rather than Juvenal or Horace. Butler’s knight Hudibras
and his squire Ralpho, based on Quixote and Sancho, mock the low-church
sects of Presbyterians and Independents, and the poem presents Puritan
beliefs as outdated in the manner of the old chivalric tales.9 On the other
side of the religious–political divide, Andrew Marvell’s Last Instructions to
a Painter portrays Charles II’s court as rife with sexual decadence (which it
was) and attacks Charles’s management of the recent war against the Dutch.
John Oldham’s anti-Catholic Satires on Jesuits, meanwhile, revives the hot-
tempered style of the Elizabethan years, putting self-incriminating monolo-
gues into the mouths of nefarious Jesuit speakers who conspire against
Protestant England.
But the signature verse satire of the Restoration came from within the
court of Charles II. There a “loose fraternity” of aristocrats called the
“Court Wits,”10 including the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Dorset, Sir
George Etherege, and Sir Charles Sedley, famous for their “exploits in
taverns and boudoirs,” wrote the bawdy, often obscene poetry that Harold
Love has called “clandestine satire.” Published scribally, recited orally, or
printed in secret, clandestine satire existed at the beginning of the seven-
teenth century in the courts of James I and Charles I, but in the court of
Charles II it reaches new heights (or depths), functioning as “an instru-
ment of factional warfare within [the royal] court” as writer-courtiers
compete for political power, social status, and sexual conquests.11
The explicit sexuality of this poetry is part of the era’s backlash against
the severity of the Puritan interregnum, and the poetry overlaps in tone
and content with the risqué comedies of Restoration playwrights such as
William Wycherley. To judge the Court Wits merely as “cynics, skeptics,
libertines, Epicureans, pagans, and atheists” may be unfair, but they
clearly disdain the old religious and moral codes.12
130 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
The leading poet of this circle was John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester. His
popular reputation is that of a rake, due to the explicitness of his poetry and
the scandals of his personal life. A 1679 satire by the Earl of Mulgrave and
John Dryden describes him as “thought to have a tail and cloven feet” and
“Mean in each motion, lewd in ev’ry limb.”13 What contemporaries consid-
ered lewd, however, readers today are more likely to find misogynistic: time
and again Rochester describes women as “whores” and “cunts,” sexually
omnivorous and cruelly fickle. Yet while his attention to genitals and fluids
can seem crude or adolescent, the ludic quality of his poetry can (as in
Rabelais) mitigate the offensiveness, and Rochester balances vulgar content
with graceful prosody and a tone that can even attain elegance.14
Many of Rochester’s long poems are written in iambic couplets and con-
tinue Roman traditions of formal verse satire, while many more deploy ballad
and lyric forms with satiric content. “A Ramble in St. James’s Park” features
the kind of public space seen in Donne, where classes and social types mix
profligately, here in a Hefneresque grotto:
Unto this all-sin-shelt’ring grove,
Whores of the bulk and the alcove,
Great Ladies, chamber-maids, and drudges,
The rag-picker, and heiress trudges;
Car-men, divines, great Lords, and tailors,
Prentices, poets, pimps and gaolers,
Foot-men, fine fops, do here arrive
And here promiscuously they swive [fuck]. (77.25–32)
Rough tetrameters and comic feminine rhymes (“Had she picked out to rub
her arse on / Some stiff-pricked clown or well-hung parson” (78.91–92)) give
the poem a casual feel suitable to the subgenre of the ramble, in which a man
explores the city seeking alcohol and women. But when the speaker is
forsaken by his lover Corinna for three (!) rivals, frivolous lewdness turns to
furious cursing in the tradition of Archilochus: “May stinking vapours choke
your womb” (79.133). The female body, Corinna’s “devouring cunt” (79.119),
becomes, like the park itself, a site of indiscriminate mixing.15 The woman
thus represents the risky, haphazard exchanges of urban modernity, while the
emotional arc of the poem, with its teasing opening and intensifying rage,
produces a rhythm in which satiric outburst substitutes for sexual release, and
compensates for erotic rejection.
“A Letter from Artemiza in the Town to Chloe in the Country” offers
a more refined rehearsal of such attacks on hypersexual women and the risks
of erotic attachment. The subgenre of the letter or epistle goes back to Horace,
Rochester and the Court Wits 131
but Rochester’s poem also looks forward to novelists like Smollett and Austen,
whose characters use letters to share the gossip of town and country.16
Artemiza offers Chloe an account of a “Fine Lady” – a caricature of
a fashionable London woman – who in turn relates a moral exemplum
about (another) Corinna. All three women – Artemiza, the Lady, Corinna –
describe or embody the flawed values of the city, where love is “debauched by
ill-bred customs” (64.39), and women choose the “action” of sex over the
“passion” of love (65.63). Woman appears as both wise and impertinent,
a “mixed thing” (67.148) given only a portion of sense. As such, she resembles
the Fine Lady’s pet monkey, a “dirty chatt’ring monster” (67.141), whose
position near the borders of the human anticipates the Yahoos of Gulliver’s
Travels.
Dealing with such mixtures of wisdom and impertinence, the reader must
scrutinize the morals and maxims drawn on every level of the poem. The life
of the ruined Corinna first appears as a simple “memento mori to the rest”
(69.202), but she evolves into a villain who manipulates a naïve fool from the
country to be her lover. Yet a residual compassion shifts our judgment from
Corinna to the larger sexual ideology that compels her to behave as she does.
Artemiza’s characterization of love as “That cordial drop Heav’n in our Cup
has thrown, / To make the nauseous draught of Life go down” (64.44–45),
with the sexual innunendo of “drop” and “cup,” must be understood as the
sentiment of a speaker made cynical by town life, moralizing as she gossips.
Thus, whether you read the poem as a misogynistic Juvenalian satire or
a rebuke to the male fool, its final anecdote paints a grim picture. Artemiza
drily presents the demise of all the characters as the handiwork of an ironically
providential “Nature” who “Wisely provides kind-keeping fools, no doubt, /
To patch up vices men of wit wear out” (70.254–255). Woman’s redemption is
achieved only by man’s ruin.
For all their ribaldry, Rochester’s satires attain a philosophical depth.
A reader of Hobbes and Lucretius, Rochester was drawn to the new materialist
philosophy of his age. The rhyming tercets of “Upon Nothing” narrate a mock
cosmogony in which the concept of “nothing” evolves from a name for an
ontological void – “thou elder brother even to shade” (46.1) – to a synonym
for myriad social evils:
The great man’s gratitude to his best friend
Kings’ promises, whores’ vows – towards thee they bend,
Flow swiftly into thee, and in thee ever end. (48.49–51)
In its rapid spiral from theological parody to political and social satire, the
poem links the origin of the universe to the petty deceptions of daily life.
132 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
The late seventeenth century sees the emergence of a major new subgenre, the
mock heroic. Sometimes called the mock epic, it is defined by the use of epic
style, tropes, and allusions in the treatment of a modern, unheroic, or trivial
subject. Parodies of heroic genres have an ancient history, but the mock heroic
as a distinct literary genre can be dated from Nicolas Boileau’s Le Lutrin
(“The Lectern”) in 1674, after which it quickly becomes ubiquitous.17 Yet
mock heroic is not easy to analyze. Even among the most canonical works,
The Mock Heroic 133
there exists a variety of form and technique, with tonal possibilities that range
from epic grandeur to slapstick comedy. Nor is there consensus as to its
relation to the epic proper. Some argue that the mock heroic evokes the epic as
a lost standard of excellence, some that it attacks the style and values of the
epic,18 some that it merely inhabits the epic as a convenient host form.
Dryden suggests in his “Discourse” that satire should be a lofty genre: he
praises Boileau’s fusion of satiric “venom” with epic “sublimity” (107) and
Juvenal’s noble zeal for “Roman Liberty” (108).19 His own Absalom and
Achitophel (1681), moreover, demonstrates how close satire can hew to an
epic style and theme. It tells the biblical story of King David and his son
Absalom, but correlates the mythical characters and events to the Popish Plot
and the Exclusion Crisis. (In the Popish Plot, Protestant opponents of King
Charles II falsely alleged a plot by Charles’s Catholic brother James to assassi-
nate the monarch and assume the throne. In the Exclusion Crisis, Parliament
sought to exclude James from succession to the throne and establish a claim for
the Duke of Monmouth.) The poem is thus epic, allegory, and political com-
mentary all at once: David stands for Charles, Absalom for his illegitimate son
Monmouth, and Achitophel for his enemy the Earl of Shaftesbury.
Yet for all its epic ambitions, Absalom is a partisan political poem, one
written “in passionate support of the king in the midst of a dangerous political
crisis” (PSE 291). Despite the artistry, Dryden’s aims were propagandistic, his
satire directed at individuals. And while his defense of Charles does not spare
the king, the thrust of the attack is against Monmouth and his supporters. The
technique is caricature. Zimri, who represents the Duke of Buckingham,
displays a fluid, “various” nature that embodies the fickle populace, “Stiff in
Opinions, always in the wrong; / . . . everything by starts, and nothing long”
(545, 547–548). Shimei, who represents the Sheriff of London, is corrupt and
hypocritical:
Shimei, whose Youth did early Promise bring
Of Zeal to God, and Hatred to his King;
Did wisely from Expensive Sins refrain,
And never broke the Sabbath but for Gain:
Nor ever was he known an Oath to vent,
Or Curse, unless against the Government. (585–590)
Over and over, Dryden sets up the reader with the language of praise, then
undercuts it with an appended phrase: “and hatred to his king,” “but for gain,”
“unless against the government.” Most elegant of all is the understated
“expensive”: the word alliterates gracefully with the rest of the line but its
presence overturns the entire meaning.
134 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
a deluge of authors cover’d the land.” These authors “would forthwith publish
slanders unpunish’d, the authors being anonymous” (344). The explosion of
print has become an existential threat to the polity.
As in Mac Flecknoe, all this bad writing is associated with human waste. The
ceremonial games that accompany Cibber’s coronation include a diving con-
test that takes place in Fleet Ditch, a sewer which “with disemboguing
streams, / Rolls the large tribute of dead dogs to Thames” (2.271–272). The
bookseller Edmund Curll gains strength through a gift of feces from the
goddess of sewage:
Renew’d by ordure’s sympathetic force,
As oil’d with magic juices for the course,
Vig’rous he rises; from th’ effluvia strong;
Imbibes new life, and scours and stinks along[.] (2.103–106)
Through it all, the narrative never drops its heroic pretensions.
Pope’s targets include Eliza Haywood, Daniel Defoe, Bernard Mandeville,
and scores of others. Most are Whigs; all are part of the new Grub Street
world of commercial publishing. Their grotesque writings rush out from
a cave located, fittingly, near the throne of Folly, the Erasmian goddess:
Hence Miscellanies spring, the weekly boast
Of Curll’s chaste press, and Lintot’s rubric post:
Hence hymning Tyburn’s elegiac lines,
Hence Journals, Medleys, Merc’ries, Magazines;
Sepulchral Lies, our holy walls to grace,
And New-year Odes, and all the Grub-street race. (1.39–44)
In opposition to these Grub Street writers, critics, and booksellers, Pope hails
his friend Jonathan Swift, the poem’s dedicatee, whom he compares to
Rabelais and Cervantes (1.21–22).
The disorder of Grub Street is representative of an emerging capitalist
world marked by confusion, change, and waste; and through the goddess
Dulness, queen and mother of the modern horde of hacks, Pope codes the
sewage-filled city and the noisy public sphere as female.22 Dulness’s body, like
London, is excessively generative, producing a flood of rejectamenta:
“A motley mixture! in long wigs, in bags, / In silks, in crapes, in Garters,
and in rags” (2.21–22). As social hierarchies are confused so are literary
categories: “Tragedy and Comedy embrace” while “Farce and Epic [be]get
a jumbled race” (1.69–70). There is of course irony in the fact that this
condemnation comes from the author of a hybrid mock heroic said to be
138 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
the first modern commercial author: Pope participates in the very scene he
disavows (DSM 23).
Dulness, for her part, brings into being long lists of non-entities, reminis-
cent of Rochester’s “Upon Nothing”:
the Fool’s Paradise, the Statesman’s Scheme,
The air-built Castle, and the golden Dream,
The Maid’s romantic wish, the Chemist’s flame,
And Poet’s vision of eternal Fame. (3.9–12)
Like the South Sea Bubble of 1720 driven by empty credit, the Empire of
Dulness is built on air.23 Her final restoration seems a dark parody of Absalom
and Achitopel’s affirmation of Charles II: “Lo! thy dread Empire, Chaos! is
restor’d / Light dies before thy uncreating word” (4.653–654). Her imperial
expansion is a regression, and Pope’s bad writers produce only misbirths.
Fittingly, her reign concludes with a vision of annihilation in which
“Universal Darkness buries All” (4. 656). But perhaps the bleakest moment
of the poem (so jubilant in its ridicule) is a moment of catascopia where we
discern that for most of human existence ignorance has ruled. “Science”
(meaning knowledge in general) has only illumined a narrow portion of the
globe for a tiny span of years:
How little, mark! that portion of the ball,
Where, faint at best, the beams of Science fall:
Soon as they dawn, from Hyperborean skies
Embodied dark, what clouds of Vandals rise! (3.83–86)
Pope gives content to the existential nothingness of Rochester; dullness
becomes the “embodied dark” of barbarism.
Absalom and Achitophel, then, shadows the epic; Mac Flecknoe and
The Dunciad invert it. The most famous mock-heroic poem, The Rape of
the Lock, miniaturizes it, turning it into a comedy of manners. The poem still
deploys the conventions and language of the epic: Ariel echoes Milton’s Satan;
Belinda, Virgil’s Dido; Clarissa, Homer’s Sarpedon. But rather than savaging
the filthy chaos of “the Grub Street race,” the poem drolly tweaks the refined
world of London’s upper classes. The story is based on a real act of hair-theft
that sparked a feud between two prominent Catholic families; Pope’s pro-
fessed aim was “to make a jest of it, and laugh them together again.”24
The initial audience, in other words, was an elite in-group, and the poem
feels like a private drawing-room performance rather than a bold sally into
a tempestuous public sphere. From the invocation to the apotheosis, Pope
carefully fits his epic apparatus to a delicate social setting. Indeed, Pope’s
The Mock Heroic 139
couplets, with their intricacy and sheen, appear as exquisite objets d’art in
their own right, fully of a piece with this glittering, opulent world.
Pope does provide glimpses of a world beyond the romantic concerns of its
beau-monde, and it is a dark world in which animal appetites win out over justice
for the poor: “The hungry Judges soon the Sentence sign, / And Wretches hang
that Jury-men may Dine” (3.21–22). There are similar dangers permeating
Hampton Court, where polite chatter masks a deadly game of jockeying for
sexual opportunity and social status: “One speaks the Glory of the British
Queen, / And one describes a charming Indian Screen. / A third interprets
Motions, Looks, and Eyes; / At ev’ry Word a Reputation dies” (3.13–16).
Words here are as lethal as the curses of Archilochus, and they provide a dark
and dangerous backdrop to the light and frothy action of the poem.
But while words in The Rape of the Lock can kill, they can also
entertain. Pope’s famous periphrases – his use of inflated language to
describe the ordinary – make the mock heroic into a parlor game. Much
as Swift challenges the reader to figure out the objects in Gulliver’s
pockets from the Lilliputians’ descriptions, so Pope uses the epic style to
tease the reader. When he writes, “From silver Spouts the grateful Liquors
glide, / And China’s Earth receives the smoking Tyde” (3.109–110), he is
describing only the pouring of tea into a porcelain cup. The puzzling
union of a tortoise and an elephant turns out to be the placement of
tortoise-shell and ivory combs in the heroine’s hair.
What the poem most thoroughly redescribes, of course, are the mysteries of
female beauty and the vagaries of female affection, “the moving Toyshop of
their Heart” (1.100). Rituals of dress and make-up, “the sacred Rites of Pride”
(1.128), are normally kept hidden from the male gaze, but now “stand
displayed” (1.121). To represent the social forces that produce normative
femininity, Pope added in 1714 the poem’s supernatural “machinery” – the
sylphs, gnomes, sprites, and salamanders. These small-time versions of the
Greco-Roman gods create the nymph as an object of desire, while schooling
her in sexual modesty. How do young women learn the arts of flirtation?
’Tis [Gnomes] that early taint the Female Soul,
Instruct the Eyes of young Coquettes to roll,
Teach Infant-Cheeks a bidden Blush to know,
And little Hearts to flutter at a Beau. (1.87–90)
What protects maidens from predatory rakes?
’Tis but their Sylph, the wise Celestials know,
Tho’ Honour is the Word with Men below. (1.77–78)
140 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
For Volpone’s Corvino honor is but a breath; here honor names an equally
airy social code.
Another satiric trope of the poem is zeugma, which uses one verb in two
senses to yoke disparate elements. Pope uses it to link the lightness of the
characters’ social concerns with the heavy moral issues at stake in their
flirtations. Below, the verbs stain and lose each take two direct objects very
different in value:
Whether the Nymph shall break Diana’s Law,
Or some frail China Jar receive a Flaw,
Or stain her Honour, or her new Brocade,
Forget her Pray’rs, or miss a Masquerade,
Or lose her Heart, or Necklace, at a Ball;
Or whether Heav’n has doom’d that Shock must fall. (2.105–110)
“Dire” moral losses and “trivial” material ones – stained honor and a stained
brocade, a lost heart and a lost necklace – stand side by side, as if to say that
Belinda cannot tell the difference. Yet even as it makes its moral point, the
passage also teases us with risqué, proto-Freudian symbolism: a “jar” is a
curvy, feminine receptacle; the loss of virginity entails a “stain”; the “Shock”
(of hair) who sits in Belinda’s lap may suggest something else furry concealed
beneath (SI 229–230).25 The reader’s moral judgment and voyeurism are
evoked simultaneously.
Belinda again fails to make the right distinctions when she tries to draw
a moral from the rape of her hair. When she first laments her fate, she wins
approval for her desire to withdraw from the public eye. But the reader’s
sympathy dissolves into scandalized laughter with the inadvertent double
entendre that ends her speech:
Oh hadst thou, Cruel! been content to seize
Hairs less in sight, or any Hairs but these! (4.175–176)
The value of beauty has supplanted the value of sexual virtue, as Belinda seems
to prefer a real rape to a bad hair day.
Critics debate whether Pope blames Belinda for withholding herself sexu-
ally from the Baron, or, alternatively, for nurturing a secret desire for the
Baron or another lover. Likewise they disagree over how much authority to
vest in Clarissa’s speech, which was added, as a note to a 1736 edition claims,
“to open more clearly the MORAL of the poem” (5.7n). Is her speech “the
moral center” of the poem?26 Or, is she, as the one who gives the Baron his
scissors and a rival to Belinda, an interested and untrustworthy party? Is the
poem openly didactic in espousing the superiority of “good sense” and “good
Battles of the Sexes 141
The treatment of sex and gender in Augustan verse satire speaks to changing
social conditions. The rising wealth and leisure of the middle and upper
classes, brought on by global conquest and trade, led to new stereotypes of
women as idle, narcissistic consumers (such as Pope’s Belinda). Male writers
perpetuated the long anti-feminist tradition of Juvenal’s notorious sixth
142 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
his ugly books of his ugly body. Montagu and Hervey conclude with an
Archilochean curse: “as thou hate’st, be hated by Mankind” (109).
The paper war raged for two years. Pope and some friends hit back, but
Montagu also had allies: Hervey with his Letter to a Doctor of Divinity (1733)
and the publisher Curll with The Poet Finish’d in Prose (1735), which
described Pope as a masturbator who was afraid of being raped by
Montagu. Pope, meanwhile, had in 1734 published a second Horatian imita-
tion, of Satire 2.2, deriding Montagu and her husband for parsimony:
Avidien, or his Wife (no matter which,
For him you’ll call a dog, and her a bitch,)
Sell their presented Partridges, and Fruits,
And humbly live on rabbits and on roots[.] (49–52)
The frugal pair consider themselves lucky on finding a banknote or on
learning that their son has drowned. In his Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot later
that year, Pope turned the brunt of his attack on Hervey in a ruthlessly
homophobic caricature. Cast as Sporus, the castrated boy favorite of the
Emperor Nero, Hervey takes to an extreme the neither-this-nor-that figure
seen in Donne’s courtier and Dryden’s Zimri:
Now high, now low, now Master up, now Miss,
And he himself one vile Antithesis.
Amphibious Thing! that acting either Part,
The trifling Head, or the corrupted Heart!
Fop at the Toilet, Flatt’rer at the Board,
Now trips a Lady, and now struts a Lord. (324–329)
The fop, an old satiric target, is here reviled as a sexual changeling. The attack,
moreover, proceeds on an axis of class as well as sexuality: whereas Montagu
and Hervey in their Verses had run down Pope for his “obscure” (20) – that is,
middle-class – birth, Pope associates Hervey’s aristocratic status with leisure,
consumption, and effeminacy.37 The skirmish can thus be understood as part
of a struggle for cultural capital between aristocratic “amateurs” like Montagu
and Hervey and professionals like Pope who wrote for a living. In 1735 Pope
included further jabs against the filthy “Sappho” in “To a Lady” (24ff.), the
whore “Sappho” in his imitation of Donne’s second satire (6), and “a famous
Lady” in a footnote in his reprinting of the Dunciad. Montagu, however, had
the last laugh: she had Pope’s name painted on the inside of her chamberpot
so that well after his death, she could shit on him daily.38
If this story is to be trusted, right next to Pope’s name on the pot was that of
Swift, who was no stranger to scatological warfare. Among Swift’s varied
Battles of the Sexes 145
works are his so-called scatological poems. Written in the 1730s, poems such
as “Cassinus and Peter,” “A Beautiful Young Nymph Going to Bed,” and
“Strephon and Chloe,” written in Hudibrastics, offer graphic and arguably
misogynistic representations of the body that express and elicit both glee and
revulsion. “A Beautiful Young Nymph,” like The Rape of the Lock, enters the
intimate space of the woman’s boudoir, but whereas Pope’s Belinda retains
her glamour when dressing, Swift’s Corinna, undressing at the end of her
evening, is reduced to grotesquerie. She first takes off her “artificial hair” (10),
then her “Chrystal Eye” (11), and soon dismantles her entire body – teeth,
breasts, hips – rendering the adjectives of the poem’s title thoroughly ironic.
Yet the deadpan speaker never drops the fiction that Corinna is a “lovely
Goddess” (23) and that he is but a modest observer.
Such ironies are multiplied in “The Lady’s Dressing Room,” which also
enters the boudoir. In this case, however, the woman is absent, represented by
the clutter of objects that are the metonymic extension of her body – clothes,
combs, and pastes, but also bodily excrescences such as “Sweat, dandruff,
powder, lead, and hair” (24). (Compare Belinda’s less noxious “Puffs, pow-
ders, patches, bibles, billet-doux” (1.138) from the Rape.) The catalogue of
secretions culminates in the discovery of the chamber pot that conceals Celia’s
feces, the ultimate emblem of her corporeality. The poem’s horrified undoing
of female beauty resembles Gulliver’s horror at the maids of Brobdingnag, and
Celia’s magnifying glass provides a view of the blackheads in her skin much
like Gulliver’s close-up of the thick hairs and moles of the young giantesses.
Just like the falsely modest speaker in “A Beautiful Young Nymph,” the
speaker in “Dressing Room” tries to disavow his revulsion. To do this, he uses
the surrogate figure of the “peeping” (120) voyeur Strephon. Strephon’s “strict
survey” (7) of the boudoir bears the classic traits of the anal retentive person-
ality, and he becomes giddy when he literally gets his hands on the object of
his revulsion:
Thus finishing his grand survey,
Disgusted Strephon stole away
Repeating in his amorous fits,
“Oh! Celia, Celia, Celia shits!” (115–118)
Strephon’s presence allows the speaker to pretend he doesn’t share Strephon’s
fascination with women’s excrescences. The speaker wants to preserve the
impossible lie of his own ignorance of women’s bodies – to maintain the
gallant pose of the admirer of female beauty. Yet the reader sees through this
thin fiction, and the poem therefore displays not only secrets of the dressing
room but, as Fredric Bogel shows, the structure of satire: the use of Strephon
146 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
shows how satire externalizes illicit desires so that they can be condemned
(DSM 114–118).
Critics often attribute Swift’s attention to women’s excremental functions
to personal neurosis, although it can equally be seen as the satirist’s efforts to
disabuse male readers of their own hangups and hypocrisies. Montagu,
evidently, took the first view, and she responded to Swift’s poem with
“The Reasons That Induced Dr. Swift to Write a Poem Called the Lady’s
Dressing Room,” an account of Swift’s ostensible sexual failure with
a prostitute that led to his attack on Celia. Montagu uses the same meter as
Swift, the same tropes, and the same feigned propriety as she too voyeuristi-
cally enters a private space.39 She too reveals a truth about the poetry that
derives from a truth about the poet’s body. In short, she unmasks Swift’s
unmasking. His poem, which purports to debunk female beauty, is itself
debunked. In this case, however, the secret of the private room is not defeca-
tion but impotence:
The Reverend Lover with surprize
Peeps in her Bubbys and her Eyes,
And kisses both and trys – and trys. (63–65)
The language stalls and repeats its effort, to no avail; the triple rhyme
emphasizes the lack of progress. Swift attempts to blame Betty instead of
himself – “your damn’d Close stool so near my Nose, / Your Dirty Smock, and
Stinking Toes” (70–71) – but Montagu has reduced Swift’s satiric power to
a symptom of biographical trauma. His male body is as defective as the
hunchbacked Pope’s is in her Verses. Swift’s vow to “be reveng’d” (84)
through satire is equally impotent. As Montagu wrote in an unpublished
couplet that links his poetic and sexual failure:
Perhaps you have not better Luck in
The Knack of Rhyming than of –
Thus the whore gets the last word: “I’m glad you’ll write, / You’ll furnish paper
when I shite” (88–89), dragging Swift down with her as she reduces his satire
to what Dryden called “relics of the bum.” Like Swift, Montagu splits her
persona: she assigns the crudest insults to the whore, while her speaker adopts
a high-minded tone.
Taken together, these paper wars demonstrate satire’s materialist tendency
to ground ideas in the physical human body, and to use the sexual and the
scatological as an antidote to false idealizations. They also demonstrate satire’s
inherent tendency toward provocation and debate – the antagonistic orienta-
tion of its speech acts, which serve to make (other people’s) private business
Late Phases: Johnson, Churchill, Byron, Walcott 147
public. Finally, they testify to an increased freedom for women writers to take
part in satiric exchange, to enter a public sphere with language both indecor-
ous and witty.
Verse satire declines in cultural centrality after the deaths of Swift and Pope,
and of their favorite political target, Robert Walpole. One recent scholar calls
the verse satire of the later eighteenth century “a series of footnotes to the
Dunciad,” and despite the efforts of the canon-busters to call attention to
understudied writers, the diminutive Pope still casts a long literary shadow.40
One successor, Samuel Johnson, produced two important satires, London
(1738) and The Vanity of Human Wishes (1749), both of which imitate
Juvenal: London the third satire, Human Wishes the tenth. The imitation
was a popular subgenre; in it, an original, usually a classical text, is adapted
to the formal conventions of English poetry (e.g. heroic couplets), and its
references updated with examples from the modern world. Imitation closely
resembles poetic translation, which had come to reject slavish fidelity in an
effort to make an ancient work relevant to a modern readership, and also
parody, which in the eighteenth century did not necessarily connote
mockery.41 Johnson attributes the origin of the imitation to Oldham and
Rochester; the latter, in his “Allusion to Horace,” modernizes Horace’s Satire
1.10, casting himself as the graceful Horace and Dryden as the clumsy
Lucilius. Byron’s “Hints from Horace,” an imitation of his predecessor’s Ars
Poetica, offers a late example. The prominence of the imitation reminds us
that, against the Romantic ideal of “originality,” eighteenth-century aesthetics
valued “invention,” which in its root sense means finding; the ancients
provided an inventory where ideas and tropes could be found.
London displays the stylistic influence of Pope in its sharply cut couplets.
Johnson’s theme, like Juvenal’s, is the danger of urban life (fire, crime,
accident); on a deeper level it indicts the corruption and greed that have
eroded civic virtue. Many of Juvenal’s references are updated easily: as Rome
becomes England, Greece becomes France, a pernicious influence on the
national character. Johnson’s French are talented actors who can be all things
to all people, able
To shake with laughter ere the jest they hear,
To pour at will the counterfeited tear[.] (141–142)
148 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
Under French influence, London has lost its English character and become
“The common shore of Paris and of Rome” (94). (A “common shore” is
a sewer – and perhaps also a “common whore.”) Dominated by commerce,
the city is a place “Where looks are merchandise, and smiles are sold”
(178–179); the malign looks and whispers of The Rape of the Lock are now
converted into currency. Thus Johnson’s Thales, just like Juvenal’s
Umbricius, announces his departure for the country. In other ways, however,
Johnson aggressively alters Juvenal’s original to modern conditions, particu-
larizing Juvenal’s complaints into a political attack on Walpole; the market for
invective against the prime minister was still robust in 1738. Thales bemoans
policy toward Spain, the pro-Walpole Daily Gazetteer, taxes, and pensions.42
Johnson thus ably uses the shadow of Juvenal to have it both ways. He
launches a modern partisan attack on the Walpole government, while endow-
ing that attack with the gravitas of his classical precursor.43
The Vanity of Human Wishes, written a decade later, is a more philosophi-
cal poem. It announces its panoramic survey of all human affairs with
a geographical scope suited to the imperial expansiveness of the age: “Let
observation with extensive view, / Survey mankind, from China to Peru”
(1–2). The comprehensiveness of the poem is temporal as well, as Johnson
retains classical examples from Juvenal but supplements them with new ones
from modern history. All human strivings – political power, scholarly learn-
ing, military glory, old age, beauty – are shown to end in disappointment.
Juvenal’s grotesque, scatological detail is gone, and with it the garish color;
instead Johnson offers compressed abstraction, and rounds off his historical
examples with neat maxims. The conclusion to his account of Charles XII of
Sweden, the defeated military hero, has become proverbial: “He left the name,
at which the world grew pale, / To point a moral, or adorn a tale” (221–222).
In an irony of fate, Charles appalls the world not because of his triumphs but
because of his defeat. Some critics have seen tragedy, or “tragical satire,” in
these examples, and Johnson’s bracing vision makes the model of
Democritus – invoked unproblematically in Juvenal – a troubling one.
Johnson summons the laughing philosopher to provide “instructive mirth”
(50), but then wonders whether the present age might not be too bleak even
for his “philosophic eye” (64).
Johnson also Christianizes the pagan Juvenal. His title invokes the verses of
Ecclesiastes from the Hebrew Bible (“all is vanity”), and his ending enjoins the
reader to look heavenward: “Inquirer, cease! petitions yet remain, / Which
heaven may hear, nor deem religion vain” (349–350). Such petitions, Howard
Weinbrot argues, are spiritual rather than human wishes, and therefore not to
be deemed “vain.” From the lofty perspective of its opening, the poem had
Late Phases: Johnson, Churchill, Byron, Walcott 149
William Blake and Robert Burns use ballads and songs to vent their moral
indignation in harsh attacks on religious hypocrisy and repression; Burns’s
“Holy Willie’s Prayer” reduces Calvinism to absurdity through the prayers
and confessions of a monologist who thanks God for including him among
the redeemed while blithely excusing his many sexual sins as the consequence
of drunkenness. Percy Shelley’s “New National Anthem” provides new lyrics
to “God Save the Queen” to transform it into a radical political critique.
The publisher William Hone and caricaturist George Cruikshank collaborate
on The Political House that Jack Built (1819), a political response to the
Peterloo massacre that draws on popular forms including almanacs, adver-
tisements, children’s books, and nursery rhymes.53
In keeping with the spirit of the age, Romantic-era satire was often radical
and populist. Paper wars persisted, and vituperative satires against the royal
family thrived, as in Charles Lamb’s The Triumph of the Whale (1812), which
mocked the obese Prince Regent in tetrameters that draw on children’s
rhymes:
152 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
and sex, war and danger. Most distinctively, his garrulous and free-associating
narrator constantly interrupts the story to describe and display his own
haphazard process of composition. Like A Tale of a Tub and Tristram
Shandy, Don Juan makes a virtue of its struggle with form. Swift digresses
to praise digression; Byron is inconstant on the subject of inconstancy:
I hate inconstancy; I loathe, detest
Abhor, condemn, abjure the mortal made
Of such quicksilver clay that in his breast
No permanent foundation can be laid.
Love, constant love, has been my constant guest,
And yet last night, being at a masquerade,
I saw the prettiest creature, fresh from Milan,
Which gave me some sensations like a villain. (3.209)
With a smile and a wink, the narrator returns from high principle to his
devilish desires.
Unlike the seasoned, worldly narrator, the hero, Juan (pronounced to
rhyme with “new one”), is not a rake or libertine as in previous treatments
of the legend, but a young, beautiful naïf tossed from one adventure to the
next. Juan’s act of cross-dressing when trapped in a Turkish harem emble-
matizes his sexual polymorphousness and comic vulnerability. His heroism in
war seems accomplished almost by accident. The book was thus both
a scandal and a best-seller: the transgressive content flouted prudish standards
of morality, while the transgressive form broke rules of genre, rhyme, narra-
tive, and tone.
That tone is predominantly one of energetic irreverence, but its most
consistent trait is its variability. Sometimes the satiric barbs are tendentious,
as when Byron goes after political figures like King George III, the Duke of
Wellington (“Villainton”), and Lord Castlereagh, the foreign secretary. These
targeted attacks are part of Byron’s general anti-militarist satire, which dis-
plays an outraged sense of moral justice. But Don Juan shifts its attitude even
more often even than its location. Byron indulges romances and fantasies,
then exposes their false idealizations. He reminds his reader that his tale is
fantasy, yet keeps alive the wish-fulfillment. Indeed the high theatricality of
Byron’s lyricism shares much with camp, as does the smiling irony that invites
the reader to share his pleasure. Byron will debunk one ideal simply to
enshrine a new one, as when he scorns military glory but then extols romantic
passion:
If Antony be well remember’d yet,
’Tis not his conquests keep his name in fashion,
154 Verse Satire from Rochester to Byron
and a Trinidadian singer.) The heroic couplets are rooted in local geography
and dialect, yet unabashedly aspire to a universalism:
all those who gave earth’s pompous carnival
fatigue, and groaned “O God, I feel to fall!”
all those whose anger for the poor on earth,
made them weep with a laughter beyond mirth[.] (190–193)
Walcott reroutes the European tradition to the needs of the modern
Caribbean, and discovers within the “Old Brigade of Satire” (34) fellow
champions of the dispossessed. In this modern verse satire, Juvenalian
anger punctures the pretentions of the vain and the powerful, and finds in
Lucifer’s fall a protest against poverty and injustice.
Part III
Introduction: Satire and the Novel
One way of understanding the relationship between satire and the novel has
been to see them as two distinct genres, each enjoying a moment of historical
dominance. In this understanding, satire gives way to the novel over the
course of the eighteenth century as part of a larger shift in sensibility or
cultural temperament. For Ronald Paulson, “the novel and satire are con-
venient poles from which to chart the patterns of change in eighteenth-
century literature and criticism” (SNEE 3). In his analysis, the hard moral
judgment of satiric ridicule is replaced by “an aesthetics of pleasurable
response, sympathetic laughter, and comedy,” leading to the “disinterested-
ness of comic laughter in the novel.”1 At the same time, the public, social
concerns of satire give way to the novel’s exploration of individual psychol-
ogy. Other critics have offered similar analyses, setting the simplification and
compression of satiric narrative against the complexity and expansiveness of
the novel; satire’s “comedy of correction” against the novel’s “comedy of
forgiveness”; satire’s essayistic analysis against the novel’s use of fictional
narrative; satire’s penchant for fantasy and exaggeration against the novel’s
interest in the realistic representation of ordinary life.2 For Frank Palmeri, the
static and oppositional narrative structure of satire is supplanted by the
novel’s assumption of historical development and aim of “reconciling
opposed cultural or historical claims.”3 Charles Knight suggests that the
shift can be understood in political terms: satire’s desire to retain social
hierarchies aligns with Tory beliefs, while the novel’s exploration of individual
consciousness aligns with the individualism of Whiggish politics (LS 226).
Such binary analyses, for all their legitimate insight, produce a historical
narrative in which satire dwindles to minor status. In this narrative, mid-
eighteenth-century novelists such as Henry Fielding and Tobias Smollett
show strong satiric tendencies, but the more sentimental works of Laurence
Sterne soon push satire aside. In the early nineteenth century, Jane Austen’s
novels contain moral and social judgments, but these are expressed more
delicately than the judgments of Swift and Pope. The Victorian era brings
a taste for decency and moderation, and by the 1840s satire has become
159
160 Introduction: Satire and the Novel
the dark, unsentimental worldview that prevailed earlier in the century, but
actively work to show how satire must be informed by compassion – in effect
putting sentiment to a satiric purpose.9 Almost two centuries later, Evelyn
Waugh, rejecting Victorian sentimentality, uses coldness and cruelty to extin-
guish false emotion, but leaves space for a residue of authentic feeling.
In contemporary fiction, it has been argued, writers like George Saunders
modify the ironic cool of canonical postmodernism by cultivating sympathy
in spite of their irony.10 The relationship between satire and sentiment is thus
hardly one of static opposition, but one of complex interrelations, and one
that every generation of novelist engages anew.
What makes a novel satiric then? Generally some critical mass of the same
features that make other literary and cultural works satiric: aggression, judg-
ment, humor, wit, fantasy, transgression, referentiality, and so on. Like other
satires, a satiric novel may range in tone from bawdy irreverence to seething
indignation to amused detachment to cold nihilism. The world it represents
tends to be one that is debased, unjust, or at least deeply flawed. Its plots often
appear aimless, circular, or regressive. Its characters tend to be two-
dimensional or cartoonish; even “heroes” of satiric novels are often unheroic,
venal, or foolish.
The novel’s satiric methods are as varied as those of the poetry, drama, and
prose narratives that precede it. A narrator is an obvious source of satire; she
can offer direct commentary or inflect the language of others with irony.
Sometimes the narrator herself is satirized, and the comic self-exposure of the
first-person narrator allows for the layering and multiplication of ironies.
Other characters can also serve as satirists in the text; often minor characters
serve as walk-on truth-tellers – children work especially well in this role –
redescribing the actions and beliefs of the novel’s major players. But most of
all, novelistic satire is dramatic and structural: novels present characters’
behavior and merely imply judgment.
Because of this variety, the chapters to follow do not offer a unitary analysis
of a single type called “the satiric novel.” Instead, they describe three sub-
genres, each held together by its own set of family resemblances, lines of
influence, and shared interests and techniques. I call these subgenres the
comedy of manners, the picaresque, and the Menippean novel, and I describe
each one through analyses of important historical examples. The comedy of
manners focuses narrowly on an isolated community; the picaresque provides
a traveling episodic survey of various facets of society; the Menippean novel
satirizes the processes of the human mind, or, more broadly, the suprahuman
systems and institutions that dominate modern life. These subgenres are not,
I emphasize, “archetypes” rooted in some universal unconscious in the
Introduction: Satire and the Novel 163
manner of Northrop Frye, nor even discrete categories rooted in crisp logical
distinctions. They are, rather, loose historical forms that have developed and
changed over time. Their territories overlap. Classificatory judgments will be
open for contestation. Some satiric novels may belong to more than one
genre – I discuss White Noise as both comedy of manners and Menippean
novel, The Pickwick Papers as Menippean novel and picaresque, Gentlemen
Prefer Blondes as picaresque and comedy of manners – while others might not
fit neatly among any. But employing these terms enables a specificity of
analysis and a tracing of resemblances that attempting a unitary account of
“satire and the novel” would forbid.
Three chapters addressing three kinds of satiric novel, together with
a fourth chapter on popular culture, will, I hope, provide a capacious survey
of satire in its modern forms.
Chapter 7
The comedy of manners is a term most often applied to a set of plays: the
Restoration comedies of William Wycherley, George Etheredge, Aphra Behn,
William Congreve, and others, written after the reopening of the English
theaters in 1660. Produced in reaction to an era of Puritan repression, featur-
ing female actors on the English stage for the first time, these plays – full of
sex, intrigue, and farcical comedy – treat the foolishness of the upper classes
and deploy familiar stock types like the rake, the fop, and the cuckold.
The dialogue is witty and stylish, and the base motives of the characters
clash with the standards of decorum they are obliged at least nominally to
obey. These comedies derive from the satirical drama of Jonson and Molière,
but they blunt the polemical edge of those earlier works and replace moral
indignation with amusement and titillation.
Some critics insist upon distinguishing this stage genre, the comedy of
manners, from the novel of manners, a genre of narrative fiction, not always
comic, that reached perfection first in Jane Austen and later in Henry James and
Edith Wharton. Novels of manners provide unique qualitative insight into
a culture’s values by registering what Lionel Trilling called “small actions”:
nuances of diction, tone, and gesture. But the smallness of these actions can
look like pettiness, and pettiness provides fuel for satire. In using the term
“comedy of manners” to refer to a type of satiric novel, then, I describe
a narrative form which draws on both the dramatic and the novelistic tradi-
tions, and which has become a widespread vehicle for social satire.
Understood as a type of satiric novel, the comedy of manners focuses on
a closed society, a thin stratum taken from a multilayered socioeconomic
world. Its setting, to use the title of one of David Lodge’s novels, is a small
world, and this smallness, while offering recognizable conventions for read-
ers, constricts the characters’ behavior. Jane Austen famously wrote to her
nephew that she painted with a fine brush on two inches of ivory, and the
novelist of manners is a miniaturist, picking up subtle details and discrimina-
tions unobserved by the satirist who works on a vast canvas. While politics can
enter into the comedy of manners, its satire is primarily social, with special
165
166 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
Academe, the novel gets called satire. The distinction is not absolute: happy
endings coexist in Austen with pointed critique, bitter ones in Waugh with
buffoonery and farce. Regardless of the ending, the genre usually sides with
the authentic values of the individual over the restrictive ones of the collective.
The social rules to be mastered are held up as superficial; adhering to them
produces pretension, snobbery, hypocrisy, and social climbing. This is not to
say that individualism is always laudable: comedies of manners, like other
kinds of satire, recognize self-interest and self-aggrandizement as basic
human motives. Yet for certain favored characters, personal conviction,
held in defiance of social norms, can uphold the libidinal prerogatives of the
self. The satiric critique of false appearances speaks on behalf of individual
emancipation. If manners naturalize ideology, as James Kincaid argues, then
the comedy of manners reverses the process, revealing manners as ideological
constructs.5 The genre in this way provides a double vision: an insider’s view
intimately versed in the rules of the game, and an outsider’s anthropological
gaze that offers critical distance.6
Manners and its cognates – taste, sophistication, class – need not align with
mere wealth, and can sometimes stand in opposition to it as criteria for
establishing hierarchies. Wealth may pass from old families to new, from
landed aristocrats to upstart capitalists, but the more elusive standards of
manners are harder to acquire, and in fact may compensate for losses of
wealth brought about by socioeconomic upheaval. British philosophical dis-
courses of taste in the eighteenth century, indeed, arose at least partially in
response to an influx of wealth in the form of aesthetic objects acquired
through global trade; taste could maintain social hierarchies in the face of
economic mobility. Simply put, the difference between new money and old
money is manners. As Dawn Powell writes in regard to one of her characters’
bad manners, “here, like ancestry or race, was something neither money nor
power could correct” (39). Sometimes, of course, an author will bless
a character with both wealth and manners, but an ill-mannered upstart
might be satirized for shameless climbing, or an old-money baron for petty
snobbery.
While Jane Austen’s three or four families in a country village provide
a prototype for the comedy of manners, in theory any closed world will serve.
Djuna Barnes’s Ladies Almanack sends up the lesbian coterie of Natalie
Barney’s Paris salon; printed and circulated privately, it not only represents
a small world but limits its readership to a small circle as well. A recent best-
seller, Kevin Kwan’s Crazy Rich Asians, gently mocks the manners and values
of super-rich Chinese expatriates living in Singapore. Much of Woody Allen’s
oeuvre focuses on love and marital relations among a narrow circle of
168 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
New York artists and intellectuals; Robert Altman’s The Player fuses an
insider’s satire of Hollywood manners (the language of the pitch, the insis-
tence on particular brands of bottled water) to a noirish thriller; Whit
Stillman’s Metropolitan looks at Manhattan’s increasingly marginalized
young “UHBs” (urban haute-bourgeoisie) and their very small world of
prep schools and debutante balls. Seinfeld has been seen as a comedy of
manners, identifying and dissecting the unwritten rules surrounding dating
and other social interactions among urban thirtysomething singles.
Catherine, the pedantic Mary, the flighty Lydia are all politely and even
fastidiously brutalized.
It is not only Austen’s narrator, however, who provides us with critical
purchase on her world. Mr. Bennet is a satirist within the text who derives
endless “amusement” from the “ignorance and folly” of his wife and younger
daughters (155). He enjoys Collins’s visit precisely because the man is “as
absurd as he had hoped” (47), and even after Lydia’s disastrous marriage to
Wickham, he can wryly remark, “I defy even Sr. William Lucas himself, to
produce a more valuable son-in-law” (214). A man who hates London and
retreats from the games, dinners, and dances of Hertfordshire into his private
library, Bennet efficiently converts every character’s failings into material for
his private amusement. As he says to Elizabeth, only half in jest, “For what do
we live, but to make sport for our neighbours, and laugh at them in our turn?”
(237). Yet Mr. Bennet’s amusement is eventually shown to be too easy, his
satire too Horatian. He lacks Juvenalian moral outrage, and the mildness of
his authority enables Lydia’s sexual transgression. Elizabeth, however, is
a more complicated satirist. She has “a lively, playful disposition” (9), and
like her father, “delight[s] in anything ridiculous” (9). Like Swift and Pope, she
insists on the moral rectitude of her laughter, claiming to ridicule only “follies
and nonsense” (39); to Darcy, however, she concedes an exhibitionistic side
that desires to “say something that will amaze the whole room, and be handed
down to posterity with all the eclat of a proverb” (63). Indeed, she is an
epigrammatist of Wildean skill and perversity: “I wonder who first discovered
the efficacy of poetry in driving away love!” (31). Her contrarian temper also
harbors a hint of Swiftian misanthropy: “The more I see the world, the more
I am dissatisfied with it” (90–91).
Of all the characters, however, it is Darcy who is said to possess a “satirical
eye” (17). That this eye is itself observed by the satirical Elizabeth suggests that
the two protagonists exist both inside and outside the social scene, at once
observers and observed. Like Pope’s Hampton Court, Austen’s Hertfordshire
is full of silent scheming and sublimated violence. Indeed the tension between
what is seen and what is actually said makes the comedy of manners a form of
satire particularly hospitable for Foucaultian readings with their thematics of
surveillance and subtle discipline. Yet Elizabeth and Darcy observe and
discipline their own world as much as they are observed and disciplined by
it. The two lovers share a critical perspective on the norms of the whole
society, and their own social interaction is therefore far more entertaining
than that of the too-nice, plain-vanilla Bingley and Jane. Their flirtation takes
the form of edgy dueling. Like those ritual exchanges of insults, from flyting to
the dozens, long recognized as satiric speech acts, their verbal sparring
Victorian and Modern Manners 171
Austen provides something like an ideal type of the comedy of manners, but
as the genre develops it departs from her model in different ways. A direct
Victorian successor is a work like Anthony Trollope’s Barchester Towers, in
which the self-sufficient world of Barchester is contrasted to the world of
London that intrudes upon its stability and peace. But more often the British
comic novel during the Victorian years expands the social canvas, and the
great comic urban realists like Dickens and Thackeray, while still dissecting
familial, domestic, and erotic relations, take a more heterogeneous view that
encompasses a range of economic strata, a diversity of speech-types, a host of
political issues, a multiplicity of plotlines. Class-based manners take their
place as merely one of a panoply of satiric targets. Modernism’s turn to the
172 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
empty mimicry; they are disdained for their inability to comprehend the degree
to which they are automata, slaves to their own compulsions. Lewis uses what he
calls an external method – focusing on behavior and appearance rather than
interior monologue – to deflate the human pretention to distinctiveness.
The period’s most successful reinvention of the comedy of manners, how-
ever, are the novels of Waugh. Waugh’s version of the genre, like many
twentieth-century incarnations, is something of a hybrid; he deploys elements
of the picaresque (naïve protagonists, episodic plots, travel) and he satirizes
a broad array of modern phenomena including partisan politics, evangelical
Christianity, tabloid journalism, birth control, bureaucracy, Bauhaus archi-
tecture, cinema, and world war. Still, his novels center on a small English
upper-class world, and his technique – consistent with Wyndham Lewis’s
prescriptions – trains its focus on the externals of manners and social beha-
vior. His broad, energetic comedy deploys Wildean confusions of identity,
Carrollian nonsense, and Dickensian caricature, but his overarching assess-
ment of modern society is bleak. Yet Waugh rarely comes across as indignant
or preachy, coolly maintaining a pose of amused indifference in the face of the
society’s follies, cruelties, and injustices. This narratorial detachment, sup-
pressing any impulse toward sanctimony or sentimentality, balances the
ludicrous excesses of the characters’ behavior. It often seems not only to
accept cruelty and violence, but irreverently to enjoy it, even to share its blithe
indifference to suffering:
Then Nina said, “Do be amusing Adam. I can’t bear you when you’re not
amusing.”
Then Adam began to tell her about Simon Balcairn and Margot’s
party. He described how he had seen Simon being horse-whipped in the
middle of the office.
Nina said, “Yes, that’s amusing. Go on like that.”11
Forging a new solution to the problem of how the novel can manage
satiric aggression and skepticism without scuttling sympathy altogether,
Waugh offers a cruel humor that feels strikingly contemporary, and
offers a model for satirists later in the century confronting even greater
horrors.
A Handful of Dust (1934) presents two conflicting codes of manners. Tony
Last’s code is old-fashioned and nostalgic; his wife Brenda’s, modern and
materialistic. Although Tony’s naïve decency is preferable to Brenda’s ruthless
self-gratification, he is still foolish, in his trust of his adulterous wife and in his
sentimental attachment to his country estate, Hetton Abbey. The physical
decay of Hetton suggests the similarly antiquated condition of its aristocratic
174 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
customs, which include the local parson’s long-outdated sermons and the
brutal fox hunt in which Tony’s son, John Andrew, is accidentally killed. Few
besides Tony see anything of worth in these anachronistic traditions.
Emblematic of the new tastes and values is Mrs. Beaver the interior decorator,
who renovates London apartments with chromium plating and sheepskin
carpet, and who is introduced at the start of the novel:
“Was anyone hurt?”
“No one I am thankful to say,” said Mrs. Beaver, “except two
housemaids who lost their heads and jumped through a glass roof into
the paved court. They were in no danger. The fire never properly reached
the bedrooms I am afraid.” (3)
The passage typifies how Waugh uses dialogue rather than narration to
achieve his satire. It is left for the reader to understand that Mrs. Beaver
doesn’t consider the housemaids “anyone,” and doesn’t care whether they
were hurt.
Most of the other characters, from the stupid and parsimonious John
Beaver to the self-dramatizing Jenny Abdul-Akbar, are similarly self-serving
and vulgar. Brenda’s friends (“Polly and Daisy and Angela and all the gang of
gossips”) enjoy each other’s affairs and divorces as the amusing stuff of
“drawing-room comedy”; no one asks, in any of this, whether anyone was
hurt. The communal voice that Austen represents through the attitudes of
Mrs. Bennet and her neighbors here becomes a busily circulating “opinion”
that expresses the values of Waugh’s small world:
Opinion was greatly in favour of Brenda’s adventure. The morning
telephone buzzed with news of her; even people with whom she had the
barest acquaintance were delighted to relate that they had seen her and
Beaver the evening before at restaurant or cinema. It had been an
autumn of very sparse and meagre romance; only the most obvious
people had parted or come together, and Brenda was filling a want long
felt by those whose simple, vicarious pleasure it was to discuss the subject
in bed over the telephone. (74)
Most heartless of all is Brenda herself. When she is told that “John” has died,
Brenda initially thinks Jock Grant-Menzies is speaking of her lover, John
Beaver, not her son, John Andrew:
“I’ve been down at Hetton since the week-end.”
“Hetton?”
“Don’t you remember? John was going hunting today.”
Twentieth-Century Austen 175
She frowned, not at once taking in what he was saying. “John . . . John
Andrew . . . I . . . Oh thank God . . . ” Then she burst into tears. (161–162)
Jock, the messenger, is actually one of the more decent characters in the novel,
but at the end of the novel he happily marries Brenda despite having witnessed
this chilling response to her son’s death.
Rather than lecturing the reader in a huff of outrage, or stoking sympathy
for the bereaved and betrayed Tony, Waugh foregrounds the inadequacy of
the characters’ behavior: in Jenny’s narcissistic reaction to the death (“What
have I done to deserve it?”) or Polly’s callous one (“That’s the end of Tony so
far as Brenda is concerned”) (157, 165). Tony, meanwhile, persists in his
naiveté, unable share the blasé attitude that constitutes a social norm. “Please
do not mind too much” (172), Brenda writes politely, while her brother-in-
law Reggie upbraids him, “you seem rather to be taking the line of the injured
husband” (204). Throughout it all, the narrator himself appears to share – or
pretend to share – this same indifference, seeming at times to participate in
the gossips’ fun, at times to regard it all with disdain. The conclusion injects
a note of uncanny horror into the satire, as Tony, fleeing England on a
tourist’s adventure, ends up lost in Guiana, the prisoner of the ominously
named Mr. Todd who forces him daily to read aloud the complete works of
Dickens. The episode is at once absurd and terrifying; the jungle’s heart of
darkness turns out to be the very Dickensian sentimentality and Victorian
domesticity that Tony longed for. Brenda marries Jock, Hetton Abbey is
turned over for the breeding of foxes, and the extinction of decency is
complete.
Twentieth-Century Austen
In the 1930s and 1940s, many of Austen’s female successors create variations
of the comedy of manners that demonstrate the growing freedom of the
woman writer to challenge patriarchal norms. Stella Gibbons’s Cold
Comfort Farm opens with an epigraph from Mansfield Park, and features
a heroine, Flora Poste, who inherits from Austen a taste for tidiness and
comfort. Flora (who shares her initials with Mansfield Park’s Fanny Price)
aspires to update Austen by writing “a novel as good as Persuasion but with
a modern setting” (19). That novel may well be Cold Comfort Farm (1932),
which offers a clash between two sets of manners, Flora’s urbane, bourgeois
metropolitanism, and the regressive Gothicism of her rural cousins, the
Starkadders. In the course of the novel, Flora remakes her cousins’ speech,
176 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
dress, diet, and hygiene, taming their ill-mannered affect and teaching them to
regulate their desires. Herself a model of good manners, Flora brings the small
world of the rural society into the twentieth century, opening it to the modern
world.
Above all, Flora imposes new manners in the realm of sexuality. The society
of the Starkadders is so closed that it is inbred. But Flora instructs the servant
girl Meriam in birth control (a scene for which the book was banned in
Ireland), hires a psychoanalyst to re-direct Judith’s lust for her son Seth,
and rescues Elfine from the possessive desire of her cousin Urk. As the
novel ends, Flora looks upon Elfine’s wedding to the local squire and takes
pride in the well-mannered scene she has staged:
There they all were. Enjoying themselves. Having a nice time. And
having it in an ordinary human manner. Not having it because they were
raping somebody, or beating somebody, or having religious mania or
being doomed to silence by a gloomy, earthy pride, or loving the soil with
the fierce desire of a lecher, or anything of that sort. (217)
The contest of manners, of course, is one-sided, since the eccentricities of the
Starkadders are amusing rather than threatening, and the novel’s self-
conscious humor produces comic wish-fulfillment rather than unsettling
critique. But through its playful parody of the conventions of Gothic fiction,
the novel attains satiric force. Flora’s bourgeois norms might seem overly
regulatory from one vantage, but from another they free the Starkadders from
tyrannical authority and outmoded codes of sexual and religious behavior.
Still, Flora’s own marriage at the end of the novel poses a critical conundrum:
in a scene right out of Hollywood, her handsome cousin Charles whisks her
away in an airplane. Such a fantasy, however charming, seems to diminish
Flora’s artistic, sexual, and political agency. But as with Pride and Prejudice,
a more ironic reading of the wish-fulfillment is possible. For the very perfec-
tion of the resolution suggests a satiric comment on the reader’s desires –
forcing us to acknowledge that the Hollywood ending contains a regressive
wish for masculine control.
Ivy Compton-Burnett offers a different variation of Austen, refusing the
compromises of the comic plot and taking a less forgiving view of human
behavior. Like Austen, Compton-Burnett tends to write about three or four
families in a country village, and she examines courtship, marriage, inheri-
tance, and domestic relations among the English rural gentry. Her small
world, however, is darker and more claustrophobic, with plots hinging on
murder, adultery, and deception. Tyrannical parents exercise their power
ruthlessly over children, servants, and other dependents. Characters suffer –
Twentieth-Century Austen 177
mostly at each other’s hands – but cruelty and evil go unpunished. Compton-
Burnett’s satire indeed has little interest in moral reform or instruction, only
in the revelation of human baseness. Her technique is striking: in the manner
of Peacock, Firbank, and the early Huxley, the novels are told virtually entirely
through dialogue, but the table-talk, while often witty, is just as frequently
tense, gossipy, or aggressive. The formalism of the technique, pushed to
a deliberately artificial extreme, reproduces at the level of reading the same
sense of constriction that social proprieties produce at the level of content.
A House and Its Head (1935) illustrates the concentrated intensity of
Compton-Burnett’s small world. Again the connection to Austen is explicit:
when the despotic patriarch Duncan Edgeworth returns from a trip, his
daughter quotes directly from Mansfield Park: “My father is come! . . . He is
in the hall at this moment!” (101). As in Cold Comfort Farm, the closeness of
Austen’s society appears incestuous. When Grant gets engaged to his cousin
Nance, Oscar bizarrely congratulates him on having “come near to marrying
your sister” (205). Codes of manners provide Duncan with opportunities to
terrorize his family, as he forces them to come down to breakfast or attend
church. Infantile and omnipotent, he interrogates, scolds, corrects, and
berates them. Indeed the dialogue that constitutes the novel is both about
manners and a form of manners. It is about manners in that characters
repeatedly explore questions of appearance and reality, discussing whether
public behavior reveals or conceals people’s private motives. At the same time
the dialogue itself is a form of manners, presenting speech acts through which
characters attack each other and defend themselves.
The satire of A House and Its Head, even more than that of A Handful of
Dust, adheres to the external method advocated by Lewis. It also catches glints
of black humor, as when Grant, on hearing that the infant who has superseded
him in the family line is healthy, exclaims, “No flicker of hope!” (148). It uses
these techniques to eviscerate sentimental pieties about family, community,
and humanity. Religious characters are narcissistic busybodies; community
opinion, a cacophony of gossip. The institutions of heterosexual marriage and
patrilineal inheritance breed craven self-interest, and the novel repeatedly
illustrates Elizabeth Bennet’s insight that in marriage the prudent motive and
the mercenary cannot be disentangled. Indeed, marriage appears so oppres-
sive a regime that one character notes a “feeling of escape in spinster popula-
tions” (266), hinting at a queer angle to the critique. And the characters’
willingness to reconstitute this oppressive community, despite the murder of
a child, for purely economic reasons suggests that what gets called forgiveness
is actually complicity. Like A Handful of Dust, the novel concludes with the
178 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
who could suddenly change his position and thrown the whole meeting
into confusion. (71)
The professors’ maneuverings are as Machiavellian as the political schemes of
Queen Anne’s court. Academia, moreover, is also a world of tradition, ritual,
and custom, as the opening to White Noise shows. Jack Gladney describes,
with a Rabelaisian catalogue, the “day of the station wagons,” a September
spectacle when students arrive in cars spilling over with material goods –
clothes, books, dorm accoutrements, sports equipment, electronics, contra-
ceptives, junk food. It is a ritual that, as Gladney points out, bestows “a sense
of renewal, of communal recognition,” and, “more than formal liturgies or
laws,” establishes their membership in a particular class and even a particular
nation (3–4). Such communal rituals, here defamiliarized by the
outsider–insider Gladney, perform subtle but powerful ideological work in
establishing the boundaries of the small world.
Yet even in the self-contained, pseudo-utopian small world of the campus,
political and historical events intrude, driving the plots and shaping the themes
of the novel. The Groves of Academe registers the political pressures of the Red
Scare, as Mulcahy manipulates his way to tenure by pretending to have been
a Communist in the 1930s, forcing the well-meaning university president to
retain him, lest he be seen as capitulating to right-wing pressure. Lucky Jim
takes up postwar social mobility and class antagonism by pitting Jim, a humble
newcomer to the academy, against the snobbish Welches, who embody the old
rigid system. In Changing Places, the political and sexual turmoil of the 1960s
roils the university culture, and the swapping of spouses implies a satiric
questioning of traditional sexual mores. Philip Roth’s The Human Stain is set
during the impeachment of Bill Clinton, a moment of puritanical backlash
during which the American media engaged in “an ecstasy of sanctimony.” Roth
links this right-wing moralism to a left-wing political correctness in which the
white male has become such a familiar villain that he does not need to be
named. During a eulogy, a lesbian environmentalist dairy farmer rhapsodizes
about an unsullied American landscape:
We chose this resting place for Faunia because it has been sacred ever
since the aboriginal peoples bid farewell to their loved ones here.
The wonderful stories that Faunia told our kids – about the swallows in
the barn and the crows in the field, about the red-tailed hawks that glide
in the sky high above our fields – they were the same sort of stories you
might have heard on this very mountaintop before the ecological balance
of the Berkshires was first disturbed by the coming of . . .
The coming of you-know-who.16
Widening the Small World: Babbitt 183
On the surface Sinclair Lewis may not look like a satirist of manners.
Part of a broad early twentieth-century progressive revolt against capi-
talist ideology and genteel taste, Lewis practiced a social realism modeled
on the work of H.G. Wells (and, via Wells, Charles Dickens), and his
novels are more wide-ranging in scope and explicit in their political
engagement than are those of a miniaturist like Austen. Yet in their
own way they present a small world; Babbitt, one of the most influential
American satires of the twentieth century, may satirize American busi-
ness, politics, and religion, but at is core lie the manners of a specific
class, a code of behavior as distinct as the customs of Austen’s rural
gentry or Waugh’s fashionable urbanites. Indeed, Babbitt usefully
demonstrates how the patterns of social satire that are distilled in
a more tightly focused version of the comedy of manners can persist,
184 Small Worlds: The Comedy of Manners
even as the satire widens in setting and plot and its concerns become
more explicitly the collective problems of a mass society.
Lewis’s novel gave a name to a new social type: the word “Babbitt” came to
denote a recognizable class of newly moneyed, philistine small businessmen.
Babbitt represents the middle-class white male American in the first half of
the century much as John Updike’s Rabbit does in the second half. This class is
defined not only by its wealth, but also by its tastes, beliefs, and possessions.
As Lewis’s narrator notes, in a modern Midwestern city, “a family’s motor
indicated its social rank as precisely as the grades of the peerage determined
the rank of an English family” (62). Lewis illustrates the subtle yet rigid
stratification of this social world through the silent comparison of two sym-
metrical dinner parties in Chapter 15; the Babbitts, although crushed by their
failure to impress their social superiors, the McKelveys, nonetheless disdain,
just as blithely, an overture from the socially inferior Overbrooks. The city of
Zenith is introduced grandly as a young metropolis aspiring to join a new
global economy, but its outsize ambitions are immediately shrunk to a mock-
heroic scale closer to that of a village, and George Babbitt’s own inflated self-
image is pierced with sharp narratorial irony.
This reduction of the character to a type is both Lewis’s satiric method and
also his theme. If the wide-ranging satire of the novel converges on one single
target, it is “the Standardized American Citizen” (153). In their anti-labor
politics, their perfunctory church-going, their happy ignorance of culture, the
businessmen of Zenith are as alike as the rapidly built houses that Babbitt
makes a living selling. Class-based norms creep into all aspects of Babbitt’s
personality; his mind is drenched in canned phrases and recycled slogans. Just
as Republican senators decide his politics, and Protestant preachers his
religious beliefs, so, we are told, “did the large national advertisers fix the
surface of his life, fix what he believed to be his individuality” (79). His delight
in new products and gadgets, the rituals and conversation of his dinner
parties, even his unthinking physical habits like cigar-smoking, all rob him
of, rather than bestow him with, distinctiveness. And although Lewis’s satiric
technique includes heavy narratorial moralizing, he deftly captures Babbitt’s
sociolinguistic environment – the clichés of advertising and newspapers, the
slang of male camaraderie and Rotary Club speeches – and reveals these
speech genres as fraught with ideology.
Because Babbitt does not possess the critical apparatus to free himself from
these forces of standardization, when he lacks a pre-fabricated opinion, he
becomes flustered and inarticulate. His irritability, his resentment of his wife,
his complaints of fatigue – all point to an unexpressed dissatisfaction with the
constriction of this code of manners. Babbitt’s rebellion against this
Widening the Small World: Babbitt 185
ideological code, whether social (parties with a new bohemian crowd), sexual
(the affair with Tanis), or political (sympathy for the socialist Seneca Doane),
thus proves short-lived, in part because the disciplinary mechanisms of the
small world restore him to his “proper” social role. After he expresses sym-
pathy for striking miners at the Zenith Athletic Club, “Babbitt knew that he
was being watched” (262); later he is said to be “afraid of men’s eyes and the
incessant hiss of whispering” (312). The male social network of Zenith,
operating through its clubs, churches, and businesses, proves as efficient in
its surveillance as the belles of Pope’s Hampton Court or the gossips of
Austen’s country villages.
Lewis initially holds Babbitt in such contempt that he appears as a fool or
a clown rather than a villain or knave, almost Lilliputian in his pettiness.
Despite his immoral business dealings and overt racism, he is most memor-
able for his stupidity and selfishness, his hypocrisy and self-justification. In his
failure to transcend the norms of his class, he remains a mere ideological
construct. Yet in Babbitt’s fantasies of flight, his vision of the “fairy child,” and
his feeble rebellion, a psychological realism kicks in, summoning pathos for
both Babbitt’s spiritual constriction and his inability to comprehend his
unhappiness. At his nadir, Babbitt begins to see through the ideology of
middle-class America, and finds behind it a terrifying void:
It was coming to him that perhaps all life as he knew it and vigorously
practiced it was futile; . . . that he hadn’t much pleasure out of making
money; that it was of doubtful worth to rear children merely that they
might rear children who would rear children. (227)
Babbitt’s business is not so different from Austen’s Mrs. Bennet, whose sole
purpose in life is the marriage of her daughters and the empty perpetuation of
the social system. The domestic world appears not a refuge from the pressures
of capitalism, but as another facet of it. Paul Riesling voices the novel’s most
explicit condemnation of the middle-class “morality” of monogamy, but the
intermittent “bored routine” (75) of the Babbitts’ sex life, and more generally
the wearying minutiae of marriage and family, undermine any consolatory
myth of domestic bliss. Babbitt concludes, like Pride and Prejudice, with
marriages both legitimate (Verona and Ken) and quasi-scandalous (Ted and
Eunice), while reuniting George and Myra after George’s affair. But while the
reconstitution of the existing society may appear comic and reassuring, it
masks Babbitt’s fear that such unions only reproduce a system whose value
and purpose are never understood or even examined.
Chapter 8
The picaresque originates in Golden Age Spain as the name for a fictional
autobiography of a pícaro – Spanish for rogue or rascal – and his (occasionally
her) sundry adventures traveling from place to place. Its expansive plot and
social survey of many tiers of society represent a countervailing tendency to
the comedy of manners with its tight focus on a closed community. As it
evolves, the picaresque plays a key role in the birth of the English novel in the
eighteenth century, and assumes varied yet recognizable forms in the nine-
teenth and twentieth.1 Its conventions are taken up in non-novelistic works as
diverse as the prose fiction Candide, the narrative poem Don Juan and the
mockumentary film Borat. It draws upon ancient, medieval, and early modern
works, yet proves flexible enough to thrive when the novel becomes the
culturally dominant form of fictional prose.
The first modern picaresque is generally held to be Lazarillo de Tormes
(1554), about a fatherless boy’s servitude to a series of masters who are, by
turns, cruel, greedy, impoverished, and deceitful. The genre flourishes in sub-
sequent decades, first in Spain with Mateo Alemán’s Guzmán de Alfarache
(1599, 1604) and works by Cervantes and Quevedo, then throughout Europe: in
England, Thomas Nashe’s The Unfortunate Traveller (1594); in Germany, Hans
Jakob von Grimmelhausen’s Simplicissimus (1669); in France, works by Charles
Sorel and Paul Scarron, and, most influentially, Alain-René Le Sage’s Gil Blas
(1715–1735).2 The roots of the picaresque, however, lie in the Roman prose
satires of Petronius and especially Apuleius, who supplies a low comic realism
achieved through careful attention to private life. The transformation of
Apuleius’s Lucius into a donkey allows him mutely to witness dimensions of
human behavior – domestic, criminal, sexual, scatological – largely off-limits in
more decorous registers of literature. In Renaissance humanism, this cheerful,
irreverent comedy is joined to a critique of corrupt political and religious
institutions, and the modern picaresque takes shape.3
The standard translations for pícaro, “rogue” and “rascal,” have a quaint,
even awkward ring, but they capture an innocent quality of the hero, who is
typically an amoral outsider but not an outright villain. Usually a bastard,
186
Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque 187
Loos’s pícara Lorelei Lee ruminates, “when a girl’s life is as full of fate as mine
seems to be, there is nothing else to do about it” (21).
A gritty realism distinguishes the picaresque from the more fantastical
“imaginary voyage” found in Lucian’s True History or Swift’s Gulliver’s
Travels. The pícaro navigates a world permeated with deception, corruption,
and criminality – what Bakhtin calls “the underside of real life” (DI 128).
Indeed, Stendhal’s defense of realism in The Red and the Black invokes
a picaresque symbol in its famous comparison of the novel to a mirror
traveling along the highway, reflecting both the blue of the sky and the mud
of the road. The picaresque purports to show the world as it is.
The genre partakes of both the comic and the satiric.8 The satiric side is
visible in the injustice of the circumstances that the pícaro must navigate.
Paulson argues that picaresques extend the basic structure of Horatian and
Juvenalian verse satire through space and time. Where the Roman poets list
examples of vice and folly taking place in current-day Rome, a travel-
adventure plot elaborates each example into a narrative episode, then links
these episodes to make a story (SNEE 21). But while the picaresque’s image of
society as cruel and degraded is satiric, its laughter has an affirmative side,
embodied in the pícaro’s vitality, resiliency, and appetite. While motifs of
servitude and punishment advance satiric agendas of moral correction or
attack, motifs of disguise, mutability, self-reinvention, and movement empha-
size a longing for freedom.
The pícaro himself balances elements of the trickster and the naïf. Characters
like Lazarillo de Tormes or Huck Finn can appear foolishly innocent when
exploited by the vicious or the cunning, but charmingly clever when profiting
from others’ folly. The pícaro’s role can even vary from one episode to another,
depending on the relationship in which he finds himself. As a trickster, the
pícaro possesses some kinship to medieval and Renaissance figures such as
Reynard and Panurge, but he is usually motivated less by impishness than by
basic needs.9 When his knavery reaches an extreme, the pícaro gives way to an
outright criminal or villain; when his foolishness reaches an extreme, he
becomes a dunce like Candide. A survivor of the world’s brutality, he puts little
stock in high ideals or religious doctrines. Above all, the pícaro is, like
Mr. Pickwick, an “observer of human nature” (26), someone who by virtue of
his changing location and outsider status gains a critical purchase on his
fellow beings and their society. Often his social insignificance aids him in
this role; he observes best when unseen or inconspicuous. Apuleius’s
Lucius the ass is all-but-invisible since he is assumed to be a dumb animal,
as is the lapdog who narrates Charles Gildon’s 1709 adaptation of
Apuleius, The New Metamorphosis (SNEE 221); servants, children, and
Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque 189
prostitutes are more realistic figures who quietly obtain access to the
seamier side of private life. Tobias Smollett’s Cadwallader Crabtree over-
hears private conversations as he feigns deafness; Ralph Ellison’s Invisible
Man learns many truths because others do not see or recognize him.
As its title suggests, Nashe’s The Unfortunate Traveller demonstrates the
importance of both fortune and travel to the genre. Influenced by criminal
biographies, cony-catching pamphlets, and Elizabethan jokebooks such as
Scoggin’s Jests, Nashe’s narrative develops from an account of Jack Wilton’s
mischief as a page in an English military camp to his weightier experiences
journeying through Europe as a soldier, servant, lover, and prisoner.10 Nashe
tips his hat to his satiric precursors: in Rotterdam, Jack meets Erasmus and
Thomas More, whom he commends for recognizing the world’s folly; in
Venice he encounters Pietro Aretino, whose literary wit and political courage
he extols. There is a gleeful comedy to many of Jack’s pranks, but he also levels
judgment – for example, against both the foolish Anabaptist soldiers who
misinterpret a rainbow as a sign of God’s favoritism and the merciless
German army that slaughters them. Such violence, rife throughout the
book, suggests a capricious world in which no providential plan is visible.
Heraclide, raped upon the corpse of her murdered husband, declares,
“The only repeal we have from God’s undefinite chastisement is to chastise
ourselves in this world” (339) before killing herself, while the murderer
Cutwolfe blasphemously proclaims, “There is no heaven but revenge” (367).
As for travel, the banished earl who saves Jack’s life in Italy recites a litany of
reasons against it; from Italy the traveler learns only “the art of atheism, the art
of epicurising, the art of whoring, the art of poisoning, the art of sodomitry”
(345). The darkening tone of this picaresque suggests that to travel is to
subject oneself to the cruel vicissitudes of Fortune.
From such early patchworks of sex, violence, crime, and pranking, the
picaresque plays a crucial role in the emergence of the novel in eight-
eenth-century England. English translations of Don Quixote and Gil Blas
were among the best-selling books of the century’s early decades,11 and
Defoe, Fielding, and Smollett all deploy picaresque elements including
travel, episodic structures, social variety, and an ethos of expediency over
moral principle. Smollett argues for the picaresque novel as a form of
satire:
Of all kinds of satire, there is none so entertaining and universally
improving, as that which is introduced, as it were occasionally, in the
course of an interesting story, which brings every incident home to life,
and by representing familiar scenes in an uncommon and amusing point
190 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
of view, invests them with all the graces of novelty, while nature is
appealed to in every particular.
Anecdote and precept, sympathy and indignation, go hand in hand “to
animate the reader against the sordid and vicious disposition of the world.”12
The early English novelists blend the European picaresque with native
forms including travel narratives and spiritual autobiographies. In a time of
increasing social mobility, the pícaro’s “vertical” movement illustrates how
birth, wealth, fortune, and character determine one’s place in society.
As interest in psychology deepens, the inner life of the protagonist becomes
a focus. The pícaro is no longer simply an agent for surveying the social
panorama, and the satiric catalogue of social ills now exists alongside
a chronicle of the hero’s emotional growth, pushing the form toward the
genre of the bildungsroman, or novel of education. The coherence of the
overall plot also becomes more important. By 1837, Dickens writes of
The Pickwick Papers that “every number should be, to a certain extent,
complete in itself, and yet the whole twenty numbers, when collected, should
form one tolerably harmonious whole” (6). Novels also increasingly exploit
the first-person structure of the autobiography. The reflections of the mature
narrator on his or her younger self allow critical commentary that highlights
past folly. Of course, as often happens in satire, such claims to a moral or
spiritual purpose can feel unconvincing when set against the transgressive
allure of the stories themselves.13
In England the picaresque also blends with the native sensationalistic tradition
of criminal biography. Defoe’s Moll Flanders infuses its autobiographical account
of the heroine’s adventures as servant, mistress, wife, adulterer, thief, and virtual
prostitute with moral reflection, but Defoe’s rendering of her character fosters
sympathy more than judgment; her life story reveals a world in which Christian
principle is in tension with economic necessity, and a woman’s security is tied to
her sexual availability. Fielding’s Jonathan Wild, in contrast, chooses a true knave
as a protagonist. The narrator’s praise for Wild’s ruthlessness, like the self-praise
of Erasmus’s Folly, reads as tongue-in-cheek censure:
In our hero there was nothing not truly great: He could, without the least
abashment, drink a bottle with the man who knew he had the moment
before picked his pocket, and, when he had stripped him of everything he
had, never desired to do him any further mischief; for he carried good
nature to that wonderful and uncommon height that he never did
a single injury to man or woman by which he himself did not expect to
reap some advantage.14
The Quixote Figure: Fielding and Dickens 191
On a strictly topical level, the satire here takes aim at the ruthless “Great Man,”
Prime Minister Robert Walpole, but on a broader level it indicts a society that
holds decency and virtue in contempt. A century later, Thackeray’s Barry
Lyndon (1844), which praises “the old style of Molière and Fielding,” takes up
this strain of the picaresque, ironically justifying the behavior of the pícaro,
who has now become an outright villain.15 Barry Lyndon, outcast, soldier,
con-man, rake, and gambler, does criticize his society – most acutely the
ruthless practices of the conscription of soldiers – but increasingly he is the
object rather than the agent of Thackeray’s satire. Still, Barry’s unscrupulous
self-advancement and tortured self-justification are emblematic of a society
where outright gambling is scorned but the deception of businessmen is
sanctioned and even admired:
The broker on the Exchange who bulls and bears, and buys and sells, and
dabbles with lying loans, and trades on state secrets, what is he but
a gamester? The merchant who deals in tea and tallow, is he any better?
His bales of dirty indigo are his dice, his cards come up every year instead
of every ten minutes, and the sea is his green table.16
Charismatic and self-justifying rogues like Joyce Cary’s Gulley Jimson in
The Horse’s Mouth and Anthony Burgess’s Alex in A Clockwork Orange
continue this tradition, discounting goodness as they cultivate greatness.
Another enduring variation of the pícaro is the Quixotean hero. In some ways,
of course, Don Quixote is an anti-picaresque figure. Animated by idealism
rather than realism, he is not an indigent young servant but a wealthy older
master, and his motive is not economic survival but the old-fashioned
chivalry of the knight-errant. Lazarillo de Tormes’s imagination serves flatly
pragmatic ends; Don Quixote’s magically re-envisions the world.17 Still, Don
Quixote shares with the picaresque the basic form of a traveling, episodic
social survey enlivened by low comic gags, motifs of disguise and deception,
interpolated tales, quasi-philosophical dialogues, and an anti-romantic per-
spective fundamental to its satire. But Don Quixote and its successors also
illustrate how the novel modifies satiric laughter. Two enduring Quixote
fictions, Fielding’s Joseph Andrews and Charles Dickens’s The Pickwick
Papers, suggest a mellowing of humor from the late sixteenth century to the
early nineteenth, even as they demonstrate the versatility of the picaresque as
a mode for comic-satiric writing.
192 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
Sexual morals are another focus of the novel’s satire. In its conception,
Joseph Andrews is a joke at the expense of Fielding’s rival, Samuel Richardson,
whose bestselling Pamela; or, Virtue Rewarded (1740) sentimentally extolled
the virtue of female chastity. By writing about Pamela’s equally chaste brother,
Joseph, Fielding transforms the melodrama of the virgin threatened with rape
into the comedy of a young man so sexually reticent he appears foolish. (“Lady
Booby, are you trying to seduce me?”) After all, in 1742, a young man seeking
to preserve his virginity was more likely to be ridiculed than praised.19
Joseph’s sexual innocence is so extreme as to be unnatural, much like
Candide’s moral innocence two decades later. Meanwhile, his lustful pur-
suers, Booby and Slipslop, appear hilariously vain. Fielding may be satirizing
Pamela’s “lesson” that sexual virtue is rewarded with material success, or
simply rejecting Richardson’s priggish moralism; in either case, once Fanny
appears on the scene, the narrator himself engages in some heavy breathing
over the prospect of the lovers consummating their relationship, making
chastity appear a social convention rather than a religious virtue. Joseph, for
his part, can barely keep his hands off his fiancée, and at one point is described
as “fondly meditating on that lovely Creature” (257) in near-masturbatory
fashion.
The real Quixote figure of the novel, however, is Parson Adams. Adams
reads and is deluded by the classics just as Alonso Quijano reads and is
deluded by romances, and his benevolent Christianity is as impractical as
Quixote’s chivalric code. Like Quixote, Adams is childishly innocent of the
world’s devious ways; he seeks to right injustices as he travels from inn to inn,
always game for physical combat. And while Fielding praises Adams’s
Christian decency and idealism, the parson, like Quixote, has flaws. Most
prominent is pomposity – what Erasmus calls “philautia”: he can’t resist
sermonizing on weighty topics, even though the other characters fall asleep
during his speeches. His wisdom proves impractical too. When Fanny is
abducted by would-be rapists, Adams can only advise Joseph to refrain
from immoderate grief. His advice to the distraught lover is as useless as
Pangloss’s reassurances that Candide lives in the best of all possible worlds.
Like Quixote, Adams endures one physical humiliation after another. His
efforts to right the world’s wrongs cause him to be doused with a pan full of
hog’s blood (144), thrown into the mire of a pig sty (182), attacked by a pack of
hounds (242), soaked with the contents of a chamber pot (259), and, in
a single evening, mistaken first for Slipslop’s would-be rapist and then for
Fanny’s (323–326). Most egregiously, in the “roasting” scene at the squire’s
house in Book Three, modeled on the episodes of the Duke and the Duchess
in Don Quixote, the squire and his friends subject Adams to gratuitous
194 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
humiliations, and his outraged protests only feed their mirth. The squire, in
his sophistication and malice, illustrates what is wrong with the upper classes,
but Fielding’s slapstick mobilizes our own sadism, which complicates our
sympathy for the hapless but clueless clergyman.20
Does Fielding then level his judgment against an un-Christian world or
against the parson whose idealism equips him so poorly to function in that
world? Ultimately, what matters is the gap between the two possibilities.
The Quixote fiction balances satire of the hero’s idealism and of the world’s
injustice, promoting dialectical shifts in judgment. The role of the narrator in
Joseph Andrews tends to support such doubleness. Rather than stabilizing
meaning, he undermines his attempts at moralism with irony. He impishly
subjects Fanny to one sexual peril after another. Blithely ignoring the reader’s
concern for her safety, he leaves her in the hands of villains while indulging in
a discussion between the poet and the player. In Sternean fashion, he advises
the reader “to skip over” (172) an upcoming description of Fanny’s physical
charms, joking with us about our own desires and fantasies. He undercuts
moralistic speeches by calling attention to their tediousness or skipping them
altogether. And while the novel’s rather contrived happy ending can imply an
underlying benignity to the world, it is just as persuasive to say with Michael
McKeon that in Fielding’s degraded, satiric world, only the active interference
of the author can produce such wish-fulfillment.21
Almost a century after Joseph Andrews, Dickens’s Pickwick Papers (1837)
represents a further mellowing of the Quixote fiction. The book features
a traveling hero who undertakes a survey of the nation, “mixing with different
varieties and shades of human character” (749). Some episodes resemble pure
farce or slapstick, and several interpolated tales shift to a sensational Gothic
mode. Others, like the early episode of Winkle’s duel, demystify heroic values
by showing the cowardice of the mild-mannered duelist in a comic but
sympathetic light. The skeptical observation of society remains a steady
theme, and particular episodes take up specific targets, with Pickwick and
his friends serving mainly to observe or comment wryly. The visit to
Eatansville offers a dry satire of party politics, with the Buffs and the Blues
representing two polarized yet symmetrical factions, much like the low- and
high-heeled parties of Swift’s Lilliput:
[E]verything in Eatanswill was made a party question. If the Buffs
proposed to new skylight the market-place, the Blues got up public
meetings, and denounced the proceeding; if the Blues proposed the
erection of an additional pump in the High Street, the Buffs rose as one
man and stood aghast at the enormity. There were Blue shops and Buff
The Quixote Figure: Fielding and Dickens 195
shops, Blue inns and Buff inns – there was a Blue aisle and a Buff aisle in
the very church itself. (166)
The episode’s satire extends to partisan journalism, campaign events, political
speeches, and the manipulation of voters through bribes and dirty tricks.
Similarly, the episodes featuring Reverend Stiggins and his temperance asso-
ciation take steady aim at the clergyman’s greed, self-righteousness, and
hypocrisy – including his missionary work “providing the infant negroes in
the West Indies with flannel waistcoats and moral pocket handkerchiefs”
(355–356). Dickens defends these attacks in his preface to the 1867 edition,
insisting he satirizes not religion but “the cant of religion,” and condemning
“any class of persons who, in the words of SWIFT, have just enough religion to
make them hate, and not enough to make them love, one another” (765).
Of course, as with Fielding, Dickens’s outspoken effort to contain and stabilize
the effects of his own satire signals its capacity to misfire.
The most prominent targets of The Pickwick Paper are the law, the courts,
and the prison system. Pickwick’s ridiculous trial (a source for the even more
absurd trial in Alice in Wonderland thirty years later) demonstrates many of
the flaws of the system: bogus displays of tears; a foolish, distracted judge; the
ludicrously sexual interpretations of Pickwick’s references to tomato sauce;
the erroneous guilty verdict. With his representation of his society’s various
disciplinary institutions, Dickens extends his satire to an emerging system of
bureaucratic or administered capitalism – a target no longer reducible to
individual fools or knaves. In this, The Pickwick Papers, like much of
Dickens’s later work, contains elements of not only the picaresque but also
the institutional satire of the Menippean novel.
Mr. Pickwick is a reinvention of the Quixote figure for the Victorian age.
Parson Adams is saner than Don Quixote, and Mr. Pickwick is saner still; the
delusion of the hidalgo is tempered into lovable eccentricity. Pickwick is
introduced in a mock-heroic mode – “There sat the man who had traced to
their source the mighty ponds of Hampstead, and agitated the scientific world
with his Theory of Tittlebats” (16) – and he never quite lives up to the
grandeur that the narrator ascribes to him. He also possesses Quixote’s
basic combination of goodwill and naiveté, which sets him up, like his
predecessors, to be the butt of incessant physical comedy. He falls through
the ice while skating on a pond, chases in vain after runaway horses, tumbles
over a garden wall into a rose bush, gets caught in the middle of a kitchen
brawl. Throughout these indignities, Dickens’s narrator maintains a detached,
philosophical tone that allows us to smile at the hero’s suffering: “There are
very few moments in a man’s existence when he experiences so much
196 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
errant when he tries to rectify Jingle’s injustices and takes up arms for middle-
class decency: “‘Whenever I meet that Jingle again, wherever it is,’ said
Mr. Pickwick, raising himself in bed, and indenting his pillow with
a tremendous blow, ‘I’ll inflict personal chastisement on him, in addition to
the exposure he so richly merits. I will, or my name is not Pickwick’” (228).
With Pickwick himself in the (mock) heroic role of the knight errant, the
role of the rogue or trickster is displaced onto the charismatic actor and
conman Jingle; later, Bob Sawyer functions as an impish prankster to play
off against the straight man Pickwick. Sam Weller, meanwhile, seizes center
stage in the role of Sancho Panza, the devoted servant. With steady sang-froid
(and a satyr’s eye for pretty young women), Sam uses solid common sense to
balance his master’s impractical idealism. His comfort in negotiating the
modern world makes up for Pickwick’s cluelessness: both Sam and Pickwick
live by Sam’s wits. Unlike the soft-hearted Pickwick, the hard-headed Sam is
never persuaded by tears: “Tears never yet wound up a clock, or worked
a steam ingin” (217). This rejection of sentimentality is part of a general
impatience with fakery and fraudulence. Sam’s language, too, speaks to his
pragmatism. His “Wellerisms” update Sancho’s proverbs; these add a witty
twist to a plain proverb, often with an unexpected element of violence:
“‘Business first, pleasure second, as King Richard the Third said when he
stabbed the t’other king in the Tower, afore he smothered the babbies’” (329).
His malapropisms function similarly. Unlike Mrs. Slipslop’s mistakes in
Joseph Andrews, which demonstrate her intellectual pretentions, Sam’s errors
expose snobbishness in the language of others – “habeas corpus,” for example,
becomes the more sensible “have-his-carcase.” As Dickens’s friend John
Forster wrote, “Sam Weller and Mr. Pickwick are the Sancho and Quixote of
Londoners.”22
River comes to stand for several powerful ideas at once: the majesty of nature,
the quest for freedom, the uncertain currents of fate.
Twain wrote to William Dean Howells that he was modeling Huck Finn on
Gil Blas,23 and the character of Huck returns the pícaro to his roots. He is
a child, an orphan, and an outsider. In his innocence and limited under-
standing, he is a classic naïf, but in his methods of survival he is a trickster,
constantly inventing new names and histories for himself. His reasoning is
prudential rather than principled – and his morality based in experience turns
out to be sounder than alternatives based in religion or social tradition. Most
of all, his first-person account returns us to a model of the picaresque as
autobiography, and Huck’s voice and perspective – rich in sensuous detail,
colorful idiom, and unconscious insight – infuse the novel and make possible
its sharpest ironies.
In its opening chapters, the novel appears as though it might be a Quixote
fiction, with Tom Sawyer playing the mad knight’s role. It is Don Quixote’s
belief in enchanters that Tom cites to explain why it is that the Spaniards,
Arabs, camels, and elephants he attacks appear to Huck as an innocent
Sunday-school picnic (25). Through Tom, Twain rewrites Quixotean delu-
sion as a childhood play – the sane but ludic exercise of imagination – and
Twain’s opening “Notice” against seeking morals and motives in his work
supports Tom’s advocacy of imagination for its own sake. However, Tom’s
games make him a trickster, the perpetrator and not the victim of deceptions
and hoaxes.24 For this reason, Tom’s childhood mischief runs up against the
hard reality of slavery.
As the plot unfolds, Huck escapes from his role as Tom’s Sancho and
becomes a purer version of the pícaro. His tour of the American West
provides a satiric survey of customs and behavior interspersed with episodes
of low comedy, cross-dressing, slapstick, and interpolated dialogues and tales.
But the novel as a genre has changed in the course of the nineteenth century,
and the emergence of the bildungsroman means that Huck’s character will not
be static or one-dimensional. His growth – his moral and emotional under-
standing of Jim’s humanity and of the evil of slavery – becomes central to the
novel’s purpose. It is for this reason that the reappearance of Tom the trickster
in the novel’s final chapters has proved so problematic for readers: Huck
seems to regress in following Tom’s plans, and the gears of the plot gnash as
we shift suddenly from the dangerous encounter with reality back to the
sheltered play of childhood games.
The heart of the novel, of course, does not concern Tom. Yet even after
Huck has fled, he still measures his ingenuity and cleverness against his
idealized image of his friend, variously wishing that Tom were present to
No More Mean Tricks: Huckleberry Finn 199
help him imagine his way out of a fix, or commending himself for pulling off
a stunt as well as Tom could have. But the novel steadily calls into question the
ludic pleasure of deception that Tom advocates, most importantly when Huck
tricks Jim into believing that Huck’s disappearance in the fog had only been
a dream. After Jim figures out the truth and rebukes Huck – “all you wuz
thinkin ’but wuz how you could make a fool of ole Jim with a lie. Dat truck dah
is trash” – Huck humbles himself in apology and changes his ways: “I didn’t
do him no more mean tricks, and I wouldn’t done that one if I’d a knowed it
would make him feel that way” (95). The moral risks of deception are further
dramatized by King and the Duke, who reveal the dark side of roguery, now
judged not by Renaissance but by Victorian moral standards. Their malicious
deception not only highlights the relative innocence of Huck’s shenanigans
but also helps to sharpen Huck’s moral faculties as he progresses from merely
observing their frauds to subverting them.
Huck’s tricks take place in the service first of survival and then of altruism.
In contrast, Tom’s fun in the final chapters is purchased at the cost of delaying
Jim’s freedom. Many readers have disparaged Twain’s ending as a reversion to
a simple children’s tale that undermines the moral stakes of the novel. Yet
Huck’s resistance to Tom’s Quixotean games suggests that Twain is actually
critiquing Tom’s actions, exposing the fact that one boy’s joke is another
man’s torment. (Tom’s role here, far from innocent, is closer to the Duke and
the Duchess than to Quixote himself.) Huck may play along with Tom, but his
sympathies are with Jim, who “couldn’t see no sense in the most of it” (256).
Even when Huck and Jim are on the raft, Jim has no interest in adventure for
its own sake, which merely puts his tenuous freedom at risk. For Huck, white
and free, the romance of the picaresque supersedes the importance of their
mission, but Jim is clear that “he didn’t want no more adventures” (86). Thus,
when Huck calls Tom “Full of principle” (254), there is no hint of admiration,
as there is for the principled stands of Pickwick or Parson Adams; Twain sides
fully with Huck’s experiential pragmatism.
If Tom is a modified Quixote figure and the Duke and the King are rogues,
what is Jim’s role? The relationship briefly appears to be a Crusoe–Friday dyad,
but the utopian idyll on Jackson’s Island is short-lived, and Jim is no more
Huck’s servant than Huck is Jim’s. As they travel, however, they form a comic
pair, and while some have found precedents in American stage comedy rou-
tines, their conversations function like the discussions, debates, and dialogues
in Don Quixote, Joseph Andrews, and Diderot’s Jacques le Fataliste, exploring
ideas in a non-dogmatic way. A brilliant example is their discussion of the story
of the Judgment of Solomon, in which Jim’s “misreading” provides an oblique
commentary on the commodification of the human body, one that stems from
200 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
Jim’s experience as both a father and another person’s property. But if Jim is
a debating partner, he is even more centrally a father, as Toni Morrison has
discerned.25 Jim in fact functions as both a substitute father and a substitute
mother for the orphaned Huck, caring for him and protecting him as neither
Tom nor the widow Douglas can or will.
The picaresque formula of Huck Finn allows the hero to serve, like
Lucius the Ass, Jack Wilton, or Moll Flanders, as a satiric observer of the
crimes and follies of society, which in Huck Finn turn out to be horrifi-
cally violent. The Grangerford-Shepherdson feud, for example, draws
a humorous contrast between the minister’s “ornery preaching” about
“faith, and good works, and free grace” and the men in the pews with
their guns between their knees (129). More ambiguous is the speech that
Colonel Sherburn gives to the lynch mob; he condemns the mob mentality
as cowardly, yet the force of his condemnation is undercut by his own
needless killing of the drunkard Boggs. Here Twain’s satire slashes at both
the arrogance of Southern gentility and the violence and stupidity of the
white underclass.26 The venality of the King and the Duke, meanwhile,
provokes Huck to Juvenalian misanthropy; when the men cheat the
Wilkses of their inheritance, he complains: “It was enough to make
a body ashamed of the human race” (176).
While violence, corruption, and greed are omnipresent in Huck Finn, the
central target of Twain’s satire is racism. Early on, Pap’s tirade against the
mixed-race college professor in Ohio distills a combination of anti-
government, anti-intellectual, and anti-black hatreds that is still at work in
American politics today. Yet the primary weapon that Twain uses to attack
white supremacy is his representation of Huck’s voice. Huck’s youth, naiveté,
and limited understanding lead him to employ a moral language that is not his
own, and so to reach conclusions that reflect the skewed values of Southern
Christian culture rather than the superior judgment shared by Twain and his
implied reader. As Wayne Booth famously put it, “the narrator claims to be
naturally wicked while the author silently praises his virtues . . . behind his
back.”27 If Erasmus perfected the mode of blame-by-praise, Twain here
perfects praise-by-blame. Twain uses this technique throughout the novel,
including the climactic moment in which Huck, after wrestling with the “sin”
of having helped Jim to escape, writes a note turning in his friend, then
has second thoughts:
“All right then, I’ll go to hell” – and tore it up.
It was awful thoughts, and awful words, but they was said. And I let
them stay said; and never thought no more about reforming. I shoved the
Modernist Naïfs: Loos, Waugh, and West 201
whole thing out of my head; and said I would take up wickedness again,
which was in my line, being brung up to it, and the other warn’t. And for
a starter, I would go to work and steal Jim out of slavery again. (223)
Famous as this moment is, it is only the culmination of a long series of similar
ironies in which the language and judgments of Huck’s culture clash with his
instincts and experiences, causing him to mislabel good as bad and vice versa.
Sentences such as “Jim had a wonderful level head, for a nigger” (97) expose
the contradiction between a racist education and Huck’s natural perception of
Jim’s humanity; the phrase “for a nigger” may outrage us, but it illustrates how
Huck must supplement his plain common sense with a degrading epithet in
order to square his experience with his corrupt ideology.
The racism that Twain indicts is inseparable from the Christian culture that
economically and ideologically supports it, and Twain’s anti-racist satire is
enmeshed with his anti-religious satire.28 When Huck tells Miss Watson that
he prefers Hell to Heaven, he is not choosing evil but embracing life over
death and freedom over confinement – much as he does thirty chapters later
when he decides to “go to hell.” The religious ideology that underwrites
slavery is, for Twain, part and parcel of a sentimental Southern cavalier
culture, and his rejection of this culture lies behind his admiration for the
anti-chivalric satire of Don Quixote.29 (It likewise drives his wonderful parody
of nineteenth-century sentimental poetry in the “Ode to Stephen Dowling
Bots, Dec’d.”) Like Sam Weller, Huck sees through false tears, as we learn with
the early scene of Pap’s tearful but bogus repentance. For Twain, Southern
sentimentality, chivalry, and Christianity do not merely fail to counter the
evils of racism and slavery, but in fact make those evils possible.
human stupidity” (xl). But Huck Finn was Mencken’s favorite book, and Loos
might thus owe her choice indirectly to Twain. In any case, after being
acquitted in the shooting of Mr. Jennings, Lorelei lights out for the territory,
which by the 1920s is no longer Oklahoma but Hollywood.
Lorelei is a true pícara. Her worldview is charmingly narcissistic, her goals
flatly pragmatic, her methods cheerily amoral. She not only attempts murder,
but also commits theft, blackmail, and probably adultery, yet she wins the
reader’s affection with her vitality and optimism. Her freedom from the
constraints of guilt and repression are so striking that Freud himself is baffled:
“Dr. Froyd said that all I needed was to cultivate a few inhibitions and get
some sleep” (90). The diary form of Lorelei’s narrative may descend from the
sentimental Richardsonian tradition, but her voice, with its colorful idiosyn-
crasies, owes a debt to Huck, and the self-justifying nature of her account
draws on Defoe’s fusion of criminal adventure with spiritual autobiography.
Her episodic escapades allow her to fashion new identities, and like Moll
Flanders, she keeps her birth name a secret. “Lorelei,” the name she adopts “to
express her personality” (26), is a river-nymph of German folklore, a siren
who lures men to their death. The musical syllables hint at beauty (allure) and
deception (a lie).
Huck’s speech provides authenticity, but Lorelei’s suggests performance.
Her grammatical mistakes (“a girl like I”) illustrate the hypercorrection of the
upwardly aspirational autodidact, and her diction absorbs the euphemisms of
the society she wants to join. While there is an element of Mrs. Slipslop’s
pretentiousness in her malapropisms, she also shares Sam Weller’s skill in
bending elevated vocabulary to the demands of common sense (“Eyefull
Tower”), and her indifference to proper spelling suggests a healthy freedom
that makes space for unconscious association and Joycean polysemy.
Like Huck, Lorelei combines the roles of naïf and trickster. The most
obvious jokes in the novel are about Lorelei’s ignorance – of spelling and
grammar, of history and literature, of mathematics and geography. In France
she surmises that someone named Louis XVI “used to be in the anteek
furniture business” (62); she is unimpressed with a Whistler painting because
her father was a good whistler himself. These solecisms place her in a line of
unlettered American characters that includes not only Huck but also a series
of “rubes” created by vernacular humorists such as Ring Lardner, simpletons
whose errors provoke amiable laughter rather than outright derision.30 Yet if
Lorelei’s ignorance is mocked, she is nobody’s fool when it comes to the
manipulation of wealthy men. Her ability to promise and withhold is an art of
delaying fulfillment, and the slang meaning of a prostitute’s “trick” hovers in
the background whenever Lorelei converts her sexual allure into diamonds or
Modernist Naïfs: Loos, Waugh, and West 203
other gifts. She flatters Beekman by playing on his vanity, and wins Henry’s
mother away from Miss Chapman’s influence with false compliments.
As soon as she gets what she wants, she coldly moves on to the next target.
Her diary is a trick as well. This ostensibly confessional mode serves to conceal
as much as it reveals – leaving the reader uncertain, for example, as to whether
Lorelei is rewarding generous men with sex or merely luring them with a lie.31
Like Oscar Wilde’s Gwendolyn, Lorelei knows that a diary exists not only to
be written but also to be read.
Lorelei’s sidekick, Dorothy, is her Sancho. Where Lorelei’s language is full
of euphemism and refinement, Dorothy’s is forthright and salty: “Dorothy
speaks their own languadge to unrefined people better than a refined girl like
I” (59). Dorothy, brunette and sharp-tongued, is a stand-in for Loos herself,
and even lunches with Loos’s friend Mencken. But while Dorothy utters
terrific one-liners, Lorelei rejects invective as a mode of satire too direct and
ill-mannered. She instead aspires to refinement, and attempts to put on the
manners that she believes society demands.
Critics agree that Gentlemen contains satire, but exactly what the novel
satirizes is less certain. In its representation of ruthless social climbing, hollow
courtship rituals, and class snobbery, it shares targets and methods with the
comedy of manners. In Lorelei’s often admiring accounts of self-
improvement and positive thinking, Loos laughs at the inanity of these
1920s fads. And her embrace of the decade’s ethos of conspicuous consump-
tion – “shopping really seems to be what Paris is principaly for” (63) – can be
read as Loos’s satiric judgment; Faye Hammill argues that Loos uses “the
classic satiric method” of having a naïve narrator praise what the knowing
author censures.32
But simple inversion of praise to blame cannot fully account for the
operations of satire in Gentlemen. Lorelei’s hedonism may be mocked, but it
comes off better than the Puritan moralizing that shadows it. Loos jokes about
the killjoy Henry Spoffard:
So Mr. Spoffard spends all of his time looking at things that spoil peoples
morals. So Mr. Spoffard really must have very very strong morals or else
all the things that spoil other peoples morals would spoil his morals. But
they do not seem to spoil Mr. Spoffards morals. (78)
Not only Henry but all the men rendered pliable by Lorelei’s beauty are satiric
targets just as deserving as the legacy-hunters of Volpone. For that matter, so
are the women; fussy Margaret Dumont types, they serve as sexless, humorless
agents of repression. Some readers see capitalism rather than Puritanism as
Loos’s main target, unwittingly endorsing the view of the “Soviet authorities,”
204 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
who, Loos jokes, took the novel “as evidence of the exploitation of helpless
female blondes by predatory magnates of the Capitalistic System”
(xxxviii–xxxix). Others defend Lorelei’s acquisitiveness for debunking the
false idealization of sexuality, an idealization that obscures the economic
basis of modern sexual relations; for them, Lorelei articulates an important
truth when she says, “Kissing your hand may make you feel very very good but
a diamond and safire bracelet lasts forever” (55). All of these positions
recognize that Gentlemen never condemns Lorelei outright, and that her
position as unreliable “authoress” of her own narrative ensures a play of
ironies that prevents the reader’s judgment and sympathy from becoming
fixed.
Evelyn Waugh’s Paul Pennyfeather, the protagonist of Decline and Fall
(1928), is another naïf, but he lacks Lorelei’s cunning. As his “terribly
funny” (6) Dickensian surname implies, Pennyfeather is a lightweight
character, and throughout his misadventures as student, schoolteacher,
lover, and prisoner, he acts as a decent but innocent fool. Waugh’s
narrator calls him “the shadow that has flitted about this narrative
under the name of Paul Pennyfeather” (162), someone who cannot “fill
the important part of hero for which he was originally cast” (163).
In choosing such an insubstantial character, Waugh detaches the picar-
esque from the bildungsroman and returns the protagonist to the role of
the innocent. An orphan and an outcast (thrown out of Oxford), “some-
one of no importance” (6), Paul becomes a passive observer of the
madness and immorality of the modern world.
Sometimes Paul’s mild reasonableness serves as a backdrop for the out-
rageousness of more “dynamic” (283) characters such as the pedophile
Grimes, the depressive Prendergast, the criminal Philbrick; Grimes in parti-
cular, described as “a life force” and “of the immortals” (276), is an alternative
pícaro who shares the vitality and resiliency of the Renaissance prototype.
The lightweight Pennyfeather, in contrast, seems exceptionally vulnerable to
the winds of fortune. Such a passive protagonist makes possible Waugh’s
narrative technique of casually describing vices, horrors, and outrages –
whether small (a Welsh bandleader trying to pimp out his sister at Llanabba
Hall’s athletic games) or large (the demise and eventual death of young
Tangent, accidentally shot in the foot by a starter’s gun at those same
games). The result is a picture of modern Britain in which just about every-
thing seems to be wrong, but it is presented for our amusement first and our
judgment only secondarily.
The lunacies that Paul observes include specific ideas and trends asso-
ciated with modernity. The architect Otto Silenus believes that “[t]he only
Modernist Naïfs: Loos, Waugh, and West 205
The title Decline and Fall alludes to Edward Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire, and the allusions suggest a national allegory: another great
empire is now in decline. Nathanael West’s A Cool Million (1934) makes
similar use of the picaresque, offering a hero as passive as Paul and even
stupider than Lorelei. West models his treatment of Depression-era America
on Candide, but he combines Voltaire with Horatio Alger, the nineteenth-
century master of the “young adult series,” who wrote dozens of rags-to-riches
novels about poor boys attaining wealth through honesty and industry.
In West’s parodic rendition, Alger’s gospel of success becomes as absurd as
Leibniz’s theodicy or Richardson’s virtue rewarded. The stupidity of West’s
hero, Lemuel Pitkin – named after Lemuel Gulliver – is laughable. His
“incurable optimism” (84) makes him prey to ruthless moneylenders, sly con-
artists, brutal policemen, money-grubbing lawyers, exploitive employers,
communist operatives, violent Indians, and, above all, a fascist demagogue –
the ex-president Shagpoke Whipple. Lacking any critical perspective on his
society, Lem can only be its victim.
Like other pícaros, Lem is fatherless. Urged to “Go out into the world and
win your way” (73), he is tossed about by Fortune: imprisoned twice, beaten
and robbed, and maimed so often that he becomes a patchwork of false body
parts. The casually brutal treatment that Lem suffers is matched by what Betty
Prail undergoes. A modern-day Cunegonde, Betty is repeatedly beaten,
abducted, sold, and raped. As in Voltaire, however, the deliberate thinness
of the characters destabilizes the reader’s reaction to the violence, which
hovers between laughter and horror. Near the end of the novel, Lem is
working as a vaudeville “stooge,” enduring beatings onstage for laughs:
To be perfectly just, from a certain point of view, not a very civilized one
it must be admitted, there was much to laugh at in our hero’s appearance.
Instead of merely having no hair like a man prematurely bald, the gray
bone of his skull showed plainly where he had been scalped by Chief
Satinpenny. Then, too, his wooden leg had been carved with initials,
twined hearts and other innocent insignia by mischievous boys. (172)
The reader also finds Lem laughable “from a certain point of view,” and West
sets the cruel laughter of slapstick in direct conflict with the claims of human
compassion. The result is skepticism toward both satiric laughter and senti-
mental identification.
Whipple, the master to whom the pícaro attaches himself, is also Lem’s
Pangloss, and a spokeman for an ideology of American exceptionalism.
In Whipple’s America, the wheel of Fortune will always turn to affirm the
American Dream:
Modernist Naïfs: Loos, Waugh, and West 207
Here a man is a millionaire and a pauper the next, but no one thinks the
worse of him. The wheel will turn, for that is the nature of wheels . . .
Office boys still marry their employers’ daughters. Shipping clerks are
still becoming presidents of railroads. Why the other day, I read where
an elevator operator won a hundred thousand dollars in a sweepstake
and was made a partner in a brokerage company. (98)
In his cliché-ridden speeches, America “is the land of opportunity” (74), any
misfortune is due to a conspiracy of “Jewish international bankers and
Bolshevik labor unions” (111), and political power is gained by stoking
a combination of sexual, racial, and ethnic phobias: “Your sweethearts and
wives will become the common property of foreigners to maul and mouth at
their leisure” (169).
Alongside the explicitly political satire, A Cool Million critiques the society
of spectacle that West observed in 1930s America.34 The narrative dwells on
the commodities and costumes, such as the coonskin caps of Whipple’s
National Revolutionary Party, which serve as props in the spectacle of
America’s ideology. The most outrageous example of such a spectacle is Wu
Fong’s whorehouse, described in creepily lavish detail, in which each girl
possesses a room and a costume conforming to a different regional cliché
(“Pennsylvania Dutch, Old South, Log Cabin Pioneer, Victorian New York,”
and so on (126)). Sexual acquisitiveness here combines with a Disneyfied
national history and consumerist marketing. Later Lem himself becomes
a spectacle when he sells his body for exhibition as the artifact of another
bogus history, “the last man to have been scalped by the Indians” (159). West
suggests that such false narratives of national identity, which tie politics to
myth and fantasy, are central to the appeal of fascism.35
Among the novel’s most complex satiric devices is its narrator’s voice. West
wrote that “Alger is to America as Homer was to the Greeks,”36 and he
borrows from his predecessor not only basic plot elements but Alger’s tone
and even language lifted verbatim from Alger’s books. (A Cool Million illus-
trates Bourdieu’s insight that simply repeating an existing work in a new
context can serve as parody.) West’s narrator, in his wooden, over-polite tone,
directly addresses the reader in order to draw moral lessons, but the novel’s
events do not permit the proper moral to be drawn. The narrator in fact
promulgates views that West clearly rejects: “it is lamentable but a fact . . . that
the inferior races greatly desire the women of their superiors. This is why the
Negroes rape so many white women in our southern states” (93). By having
the narrator espouse such vile ideas, West locates racism not in the views of
a particular speaker but in the American Dream ideology implicit in Alger’s
fiction.
208 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
Most disturbingly, the fictional world of the novel turns out to be one in
which Whipple’s right-wing conspiracy theories are borne out: Communists
and Wall Street bankers really are working to defeat Whipple and his
Revolutionary Party. In his final speech, Lem declares “there are times when
even clowns must grow serious” (177). Yet he is assassinated at that moment
in a Fieldingesque interruption: no serious speech here. Instead the last words
go to the stodgy narrator who proclaims Lem’s martyrdom. Even in death, he
says, Lem testifies to “the right of every American boy to go into the world and
there receive fair play and a chance to make his fortune by industry and
probity without being laughed at or conspired against by sophisticated aliens”
(179). We can laugh at this language as fascist kitsch, but it still triumphs in
the world of A Cool Million.
his society, capable of both moral instruction and disruptive mischief, “the
black pícaro,” writes Darryl Dickson-Carr, “is the quintessential African
American satiric figure.”39
Postwar Jewish-American comic fiction similarly relies on a figure with
roots in folk culture, the schlemiel, a hapless comic fool or failure. Jewish
authors from Saul Bellow and Philip Roth to Sam Lipsyte and Gary
Shetyngart, as well as writer-performers like Woody Allen, Larry David, and
Louis CK, find in the schlemiel an anti-hero who stands outside of main-
stream Christian norms of masculinity and success.40 Although the butt of
jokes and the victim of bad fortune, the schlemiel “puts reality, and not his
own actions into question”41 because his marginalization, dislocation, and
suffering make an ethical claim on the reader. The schlemiel has affinities with
other weak or vulnerable comic heroes such as Chaplin’s Little Tramp or the
“Little Man” of James Thurber’s humor pieces, and non-Jewish novelists like
Thomas Pynchon and Kurt Vonnegut create schlemiel-pícaros in figures like
Benny Profane of V. (1963) and Billy Pilgrim of Slaughterhouse-Five (1969).
The mid-century sees a surge in novels that various critics have claimed for
the picaresque tradition including Ellison’s Invisible Man (1952), Bellow’s
The Adventures of Augie March (1953), Thomas Mann’s Confessions of Felix
Krull (1954), Iris Murdoch’s Under the Net (1954), J.P. Donleavy’s The Ginger
Man (1955), Günter Grass’s The Tin Drum (1959), and John Kennedy Toole’s
A Confederacy of Dunces (1980; written in the early 1960s). These works vary
in tone but all possess at least some hallmarks of the picaresque – the narrative
of dislocation, the outsider anti-hero, the gap between morality and prudence,
the episodic structure, the combination of innocence and trickery, the vitality
and selfishness. In these “picaresque-esque” novels, the hero’s outsider status
resonates with the mid-century’s existentialist themes of alienation and dis-
location – themes which on a deeper level reflect social, political, and racial
discontent. To be sure, some of these works, such as Augie March and Invisible
Man, relinquish the merely episodic progress of the picaresque to the more
progressive story of education that marks the bildungsroman. But even for
these narrator-heroes, education is a process of disillusion, a series of hard
lessons in the ironies of fate. Two notable postmodern novels, John Barth’s
Sot-Weed Factor (1960) and Thomas Pynchon’s Mason & Dixon (1997), self-
consciously invoke the historical form of the picaresque with eighteenth-
century diction, a colonial American setting, and a pseudo-Fieldingesque
style. Seeking a historical form appropriate to their materials, they redeploy
the genre to retell and subvert foundational narratives of American history.
A recent example of the picaresque is the Sacha Baron Cohen film Borat:
Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan
210 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
the blood of every single man woman and child of Iraq! May you destroy
their country so that for the next thousand years not even a single lizard
will survive in their desert!
This liberal satire on right-wing attitudes, however, is complicated by
Cohen’s own use of stereotypes. Borat and Azamat themselves are amalgams
of traits associated with clichés of Russians, Slavs, Muslims, Armenians, and
Jews. In Baron Cohen’s pranks, certain Americans, usually Southerners, are
themselves caricatured as primitive and backwards “others”; in its wild
irrationalism, the real Pentecostal revival that Borat attends bears an eerie
resemblance to the fictional “running of the Jew” held in Borat’s
hometown.44 Even when the participants acquit themselves rather decently –
as when a driving instructor refuses to let Borat goad him into homophobic
or misogynistic statements – the forced politeness and condescension make
the participants the objects of laughter. They are simply not in on the joke.
The film breaks down the divide between the civilized West and the unciv-
ilized East, but reconstitutes it as a divide between urbane viewers and
212 Unfortunate Travelers: The Picaresque
The Menippean novel is the loosest category of satiric novel that I identify
because it brings together three strains of satire that might be treated dis-
cretely but which often cohabit: (1) an intellectual or philosophical satire
directed at an excessively systematic mind; (2) the self-conscious unmasking
of the conventions of the realist novel; and (3) a critical attack on the bureau-
cratic and ideological institutions of modernity. Highlighting one or another
of these tendencies, critics have offered alternative terminologies (“anatomy,”
“encyclopedic narrative,” “metafiction,” “mega-novel,” “systems novel”), but
the term “Menippean novel,” coined by Charles Knight, has the virtue of
acknowledging the form’s roots in Menippean satire while affirming its
identity as a novel, and hence a modern genre.
The first strain, intellectual satire, gives precedence to ideas over char-
acters, structures of knowledge over human relationships. It originates in
classical and Renaissance parody of discursive genres such as dialogues,
symposia, and encomia; it continues with pre-novelistic characters like
Swift’s Projectors or Voltaire’s Pangloss who lose touch with reality in
their maniacal pursuit of knowledge or adherence to abstract ideas.
Menippean novels further this tradition, treating philosophical proposi-
tions jokingly or ironically, and imbuing fictional scenarios with wild
fantasy. They often aspire to encyclopedic knowledge, but by presenting
their intellectual content through self-absorbed or delusory characters,
they ironize such totalizing aspirations and even appear skeptical of
knowledge itself (LS 220).
The second strain of the Menippean novel exhibits its metafictional or self-
conscious tendency. Metafiction overtly displays its own status as an imagi-
native or narrative construct, undermining the novel’s long-held investments
in realism. Through its play with aesthetic form, it critiques the ideologically
laden conventions that novelistic storytelling and realist representation leave
unquestioned. Metafiction begins with the beginning of the novel: Don
Quixote launches the genre by questioning the nature and methods of repre-
sentation itself.
213
214 The Menippean Novel
The third and final strain is the critique of those new institutions organizing
life in the modern world. Steven Weisenburger uses the term “degenerative
satire” to describe postwar American fiction that seeks to disturb rather than
consolidate received norms and truths. These works respond to a new and
unique historical situation:
Its historical context is no longer bourgeois society . . . Instead it
conditions (note: not its target) involve a contemporary mega-
bureaucracy and its blindly progressive “information society,”
including . . . the “fast-image” world of advertising, politics, electronic
media, and the like.1
Unlike satire that focuses on individual vices within bourgeois society, such as
the comedy of manners, degenerative satire turns its attention to institutions
and systems like multinational corporations, governmental bureaucracies,
and extensive infrastructural or technological networks. They function in
a society characterized by an electronically mediated public sphere; the
uncontrolled dissemination of images and information; the development of
capitalism into a “late” or “postindustrial” form; the permeation of nature by
culture, technology, and simulacrum; the intensified surveillance and disci-
pline of the individual; and the general diminution of human agency in the
face of all these trends. And while such themes are commonly taken as
hallmarks of a postmodern moment, institutional satire emerges well before
the Cold War, notably in the works of Charles Dickens, who might be said to
detect a nascent postmodernity in industrial England.
The three “strains” of the Menippean novel share what Weisenburger calls
a “suspicion of all structures, including structures of perceiving, representing,
and transforming.”2 The overarching theme of the Menippean novel is, in
other words, epistemological skepticism – toward human efforts at knowl-
edge, the distortions of representation, and the institutions of late capitalism.
Its characters and readers often find themselves in the position of Thomas
Pynchon’s Ronald Cherrycoke in Gravity’s Rainbow: “often he thinks the
sheer volume of information pouring in through his fingers will saturate,
burn him out” (150). In this sense, the Menippean novel offers a satirical
rendering of what Jean-François Lyotard calls a “report on knowledge.”3
It offers that satirical rendering through a familiar cluster of techniques.
It exploits heteroglossia, the novel’s capacity to represent and ironize the
multiple ideological viewpoints embodied in a society’s diversity of speech
forms. It gravitates toward carnivalesque themes, subverting any dogmatic
view of the world via the representation of the grotesque body, the mixing of
discourses, and the provocation of laughter. Its tone often tilts toward ludic
Zigzaggery and Circumlocution: Sterne and Dickens 215
fantasy and antic comedy, but its plots and themes can be pessimistic and
grim. It flaunts its use of flat characters, dismantling literary character as one
more artificial convention in a corrective to humanistic pieties about the
uniqueness of the individual, or a recognition of the frailty of the human
subject in the face of massive systemic forces.4
once drunk, and once sober” (6.17.420), and such a carnivalesque approach to
the divagations of the mind aptly describes Sterne’s method.
The novel, however, satirizes not only the writing of opinions but also the
writing of a life. If the book looks back to Menippean satire, it also looks
forward to the novel as a genre with kinship to biography. Its skepticism
extends from arcane scholarly debates to the autobiographer’s ambition of
containing a single life in a coherent narrative. The story’s refracted chronol-
ogy, its “transverse zig-zaggery” (3.3.173), mocks the very possibility of
a linear account, which, in removing digressions from a life story, would
pluck out the heart of its mystery: “Digressions, incontestably, are the sun-
shine; – they are the life, the soul of reading; – take them out of this book for
instance, – you might as well take the book along with them” (1.22.95).
Without digression, there simply is no story. Tristram attempts to begin
literally “ab Ovo” (1.4.38), but discovers the arbitrariness of marking any
beginning at all. Spinning off tales within tales, he reaches his dedication only
in chapter eight, his preface in book three, his birth in book four. Soon he has
spent a full year chronicling a single day of his existence:
at this rate I should just live 364 times faster than I should write – It must
follow, an’ please your worships, that the more I write, the more I shall
have to write – and consequently, the more your worships read, the more
your worships shall have to read. (4.13.286)
The time-frames of living, writing, and reading are incommensurate.
Narrative cannot contain life, nor can the mind contain reality.
Tristram Shandy is conscious of itself not only as a narrative but also as
a novel and as a book. Sterne reminds the reader of the conventions of the
genre of the novel, of the materiality of the printed page, and of the reader’s
solitary navigation of its chapters. (As Walter Benjamin observes, the novel
comes into being with print, and its “birthplace” is “the solitary individual.”7)
A solid black page commemorates Yorick’s death; a blank page invites the
reader to draw his own image of the alluring Widow Wadman (6.38.451).
From the pages of asterisks and dashes to Trim’s curved flourish to the visual
diagrams of the plot itself, Tristram Shandy repeatedly foregrounds its nature
as a printed artifact. Similarly, the teasing references to the identity of “dear
Jenny,” the instruction to “Madam reader” to reread the previous chapter, and
the dedication put up for public sale make us conscious of the artifice of the
novel, the reader’s ability to move back and forth within a printed text, and the
book’s status as a commodity. Above all, the flouting of novelistic conventions
asserts the mind’s freedom from arbitrary constraints. As Tristram asks, “is
a man to follow rules – or rules to follow him?” (4.10.282).
Zigzaggery and Circumlocution: Sterne and Dickens 217
Yet the interruptive method also suggests a pattern of male sexual failure.
Walter views sexual intercourse as a chore as mechanical as the monthly
winding of the clock; Toby, wounded in the groin, does not know the “right
end of a woman from the wrong” (2.7.121). At the beginning of the novel,
Mrs. Shandy interrupts her husband during intercourse, “scatter[ing]”
Tristram’s “animal spirits” and laying a foundation “for a thousand weak-
nesses both of body and mind” (1.2.36, 37). At the end of the novel, Walter is
still discussing biological conception when Obadiah interrupts, relating yet
another story of sexual failure, that of the Shandy family bull. In between are
numerous hints of impotence and castration, most notably the mangling of
baby Tristram’s nose and his accidental circumcision. When Tristram notes
that “nothing was well hung in our family” (5.17.369), he is speaking of more
than the window sash.
The male characters’ private obsessions, their hobby-horses, ultimately
obstruct the recognition of the autonomy of others on which intercourse
depends. Walter is a pedant, trapped in his own mind, his own books, his own
rules. His plans for Tristram’s “geniture, nose, and name” are frustrated one
after the next. The kind-hearted Toby, temperamentally Walter’s opposite,
also retreats into simulacrum, creating with his siege of Namur a walled-in
playland where he can re-enact the causes of his own unmanning. Toby’s
bowling green is an all-male world, and its pleasures are masturbatory: “Never
did lover post down to a beloved mistress with more heat and expectation,
than my uncle Toby did, to enjoy this self-same thing in private” (2.5.118).
These self-contained spaces wall off the Shandy men from intercourse with
the world. Thus Walter teases Toby about his hobby-horse, Tristram teases
Walter for his “infinitude of oddities” (5.24.374), and Sterne teases Tristram
for his obsessive attempt to write his life. Ultimately, Sterne’s gentle satire
insists that the openness of life will win out over the linearity of narrative, the
play of language over the stability of representation, and the unruly body over
the mechanistic clockwork of systems.
If Tristram Shandy has been shunted to the margins of the satiric canon
because of its tenderness, the novels of Dickens are often excluded entirely.
Received wisdom has it that Dickens’s novels are comic rather than satiric
because they promote “regimes of decency and moderation,” foster
a sentimental connection with readers, and affirm the socioeconomic status
quo.8 If satire exists in Dickens at all, it is localized in the derisory representa-
tion of isolated characters or institutions. Yet the targets of Dickens’s satire
resist the efforts at containment that his novels try to impose. In Bleak House,
for example, the operations of Chancery Court “far exceed the architecture in
which it is apparently circumscribed.” In particular the lawsuit of Jarndyce
218 The Menippean Novel
and Jarndyce, “so complicated that no man alive knows what it means,” works
itself into every corner of the plot and of the larger society, like the pervasive
fog whose lavish description opens the novel.9
Thus although satire coexists in Dickens alongside a variety of non-satiric
modes, his fiction steadily critiques those institutions that arise as part of “the
emerging bureaucratic, managerial, or administered form of capitalism.”10
George Orwell indeed claimed that “Dickens attacked English institutions
with a ferocity that has never since been approached.”11 Dickens depicts with
real hatred those institutions that discipline and punish the wayward indivi-
dual – the prison, the workhouse, the factory, the school – yet his most
penetrating satire is directed at the even more expansive systems of law and
government that underwrite them. Sometimes the critique is expressed simply
as indignation at injustice or compassion for the abused; often it works
through satiric humor and irony. Dickens imbues with comedy his represen-
tation of the apparatus of bureaucracy, the tedious life of clerks, the language
of obfuscation and circumlocution, the legalities that obstruct rather than
serve the cause of justice. The ordinary citizen must always get past clerks and
secretaries before gaining access to the great men who occupy the seats of
power. The law always cloaks its injustice in terms of necessity, and its
outrageous madness in a bland tone of reasonableness.
This critique is already prominent in The Pickwick Papers, where the
picaresque survey gives way to the Kafkaesque drama of Pickwick’s trial and
punishment. Dickens’s description of law offices evokes unintelligible bureau-
cratic processes:
These sequestered nooks are the public offices of the legal profession,
where writs are issued, judgments signed, declarations filed, and
numerous other ingenious machines put in motion for the torture and
torment of His Majesty’s liege subjects, and the comfort and emolument
of the practitioners of the law. (402)
The series of plurals (writs, judgments, declarations, machines) implies an
endless business of pushing paper (the novel’s title acquires new relevance),
while bitter authorial judgment (“torture and torment”) creeps into the
sonorities of the prose. The plot of the novel bears out this representation of
the law as a malign and uncontainable process, and the real villains turn out to
be neither the lawyers Dodson and Fogg nor the conmen Jingle and Trotter
but the cynicism of the law itself.
The loci classici of Dickens’s institutional satire are found in his late novels, Little
Dorrit and Bleak House. In Little Dorrit, the bureau called the Circumlocution
Office is described as “containing the whole science of government” and “having
Zigzaggery and Circumlocution: Sterne and Dickens 219
The conference was held at four or five o’clock in the afternoon, when all
the region of Harley Street, Cavendish Square, was resonant of carriage-
wheels and double-knocks. It had reached this point when Mr Merdle
came home from his daily occupation of causing the British name to be
more and more respected in all parts of the civilised globe capable of the
appreciation of world-wide commercial enterprise and gigantic
combinations of skill and capital. (331)
As the language shifts mid-paragraph from a neutral description to the
clichéd phrasings of an admiring public, the satire captures the hyperbole of
public sentiment. Amused yet condemnatory, Dickens’s language exposes the
inadequacy of a worldview that belongs less to any individual than to
a national ideology.
With the rise of realism, the overtly metafictional tendencies of the novel
recede.12 Yet elements of the Menippean novel persist in a range of works.
What has been called the camp novel offers gentle social satire that has
affinities with the comedy of manners (see Chapter 7), but also draws on the
fantastical invention of Lucian, the whimsical side of Swift, and the intellec-
tual games of Tristram Shandy. The dialogue novels of Thomas Love Peacock
feature characters who, like the idle, loquacious men in Shandy Hall, do little
but exchange opinions. Lewis Carroll’s Alice books string together logical and
verbal riddles in a spirit of play and parodic instruction. Max Beerbohm’s
Zuleika Dobson includes a heavy dose of whimsy and fantasy – pearl earrings
that change color, busts of emperors that sweat, the ghosts of Chopin and
George Sand, a first-person narrator blessed with omniscience by the Greek
gods – told in a self-consciously lush voice better described as mock-romantic
than mock-epic. In The Flower Beneath the Foot, Ronald Firbank decorates his
text with reminders of the materiality of the printed page including footnotes,
scraps of songs, foreign phrases, onomatopoeic spelling, exclamation points,
capital letters, and printed crucifixes in the tradition of Sterne’s Dr. Slop.
Virginia Woolf’s Orlando narrates the hero(ine)’s fantastical change of sex
through Sternean devices including a stodgy biographer-narrator, illustra-
tions, photographs, and a blank space in the text, staging a carnivalesque
parody of masculinist biography.13
Other works emphasize the philosophical or encyclopedic side of the genre
more than the whimsical, though even here the characters’ efforts at learning are
more often frustrated than fulfilled. Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus purports to elucidate
Fantasy, False Learning, and the Kingdom of the Mind 221
the life and opinions of the obscure (fictional) German thinker Diogenes
Teufelsdröckh, author of a digressive scientific treatise on clothing.
The “encyclopedic narrative” of Melville’s Moby-Dick has Menippean affinities
in its digressive discourses on cetology, cartography, etymology, and epistemol-
ogy itself, and in the way that it counteracts Ahab’s monomania with the wayward
narrative and skeptical voice of Ishmael.14 Flaubert’s Bouvard et Pécuchet deploys
a cold, unflinching representation of its heroes’ absurdities to satirize their
misguided attempt at encyclopedic learning, and indeed to decry the vanity of
all accumulated human knowledge.15 The ficciones of Borges imagine libraries in
which all the books have already been written, encyclopedias so exhaustive that
they supplant reality, and pedants like Pierre Menard who undertake absurd
(indeed Quixotic) tasks like rewriting Cervantes’s masterpiece word for word.
The major novelists of Irish modernism display a particular affinity for the
Menippean novel. Joyce called Ulysses his “chaffering allincluding most far-
raginous chronicle,” and today critics tend to regard the book’s Homeric
correspondences as a playful conceit rather than a mythopoeic system.16
Nearly every chapter contains Menippean elements: the catalogue of rheto-
rical tropes in “Aeolus,” the philosophical dialogue of “Scylla and Charybdis,”
the gigantic Rabelaisian lists of “Cyclops,” the literary heteroglossia of “Oxen
of the Sun,” Bloom’s farcical trial in “Circe” (with its debt to Alice and
Pickwick), the comic circumlocution of “Eumaeus,” the parodic scientific
discourse of “Ithaca.” But while Ulysses remains a human comedy, Joyce’s
immediate successors, Flann O’Brien and Samuel Beckett, complete the turn
against what Hugh Kenner called “humanist dogma” and make comedy from
epistemological rather than ethical conflicts.17
O’Brien’s At Swim-Two-Birds enacts a Sternean deconstruction of narrative
conventions, nesting stories within stories and then violating the ontological
integrity of the fictional worlds it creates. Dickensian circumlocution, genre
parodies, and faux-philosophical disputation constitute the narrator’s hobby-
horse, his solipsistic, masturbatory retreat to “the kingdom of [his] mind.”
O’Brien’s narrator offers the Menippean notion that “The modern novel
should be largely a work of reference,” or indeed “a self-evident sham to
which the reader could regulate at will the degree of his credulity.”18
Meanwhile, the narrator of The Third Policeman is obsessed with the ideas
of DeSelby, a crackpot philosopher whose work is discussed in long footnotes.
DeSelby’s chief virtue is that reading him convinces you that you are “not, of
all nincompoops, the greatest,” and his most important work consists of “two
thousand sheets of foolscap closely hand-written on both sides” of which “not
one word” is legible.19
222 The Menippean Novel
Moving from Irish late modernists to American postmodernists may feel like
moving from Erasmus and More to Rabelais and Cervantes, as philosophical
puzzles and rumination give way to high-energy comedy, verbal profusion,
and explicit engagement with world-historical events. Yet as much as their
Irish precursors, American postmodernists take up the traditions of
Menippean satire. Brian McHale goes so far as to claim that “postmodern
fiction is the heir of Menippean satire and its most recent historical avatar.”23
Postmodern American satires bring together Sterne’s play with narrative and
Dickens’s satire of impersonal modern institutions. They feature flat char-
acters, fantastical events, and markers of their own fictionality. They marshal
the Bakhtinian themes of the grotesque and the carnivalesque, and treat
violence, suffering, and death with black humor. Their size and scope appear
as a necessary response to the massive systems they confront, and they often
Huge Amounts of Data: Postmodern American Fiction 223
push the reader to a point of overload, where she can no longer process the
information proffered.24
A full critical survey of American postmodern satire could include John
Barth, William Gaddis, William Gass, Terry Southern, Kurt Vonnegut, and
many others; indeed, much of the postwar culture is animated by satirical
energies. It should also be noted that the postmodern Menippean novel is not
an exclusively American phenomenon, even though it arrived in the UK
somewhat later, and the major British writers of postmodern satire –
Martin Amis, Julian Barnes, Angela Carter, Salman Rushdie – tend to be
born in the 1940s (whereas the Americans listed above were all born in the
1920s and 1930s). My treatment of the postmodern novel here centers on five
novels, which together provide an overview of the moment in which the
Menippean novel emerged as a cultural dominant.
Perhaps more than any other work, Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 (1961) first
gave shape to the anti-institutional, anti-bureaucratic satire of the Cold War
years. Though written about World War II, the novel anticipated the rebel-
lious spirit of the 1960s and became a best-seller after Mike Nichols’s 1970
film adaptation premiered during the Vietnam War. Heller’s mockery of the
vapid rhetoric of wartime patriotism continues an old tradition, but his satire
on the bureaucracy that runs the war – what Eisenhower called the military-
industrial complex – speaks specifically to his age. The book’s title refers to
a policy, a piece of bureaucratic writing, and the word “catch-22” has become
shorthand for any situation in which administrative decisions are paradoxi-
cally foreclosed. In the novel, the catch stipulates that a pilot must be certified
as crazy to be excused from flying, but anyone who asks to be excused is by
definition sane and therefore required to fly. It thus stands in for the mal-
functioning of all bureaucracy – the nonsense, circumlocution, and madness
that permeates the structure of military command, the thinking of the pilots,
even the romantic relationships the men find themselves in. Like Arthur
Clennam in Dickens’s Circumlocution Office, the hero Yossarian functions
as a principled innocent confronting a mad bureaucracy with feeble common
sense. Yossarian’s wish to stop flying – to value his own survival above
a hollow patriotism – appears wholly rational. He says to Major Major:
“Let somebody else get killed.”
“But suppose everybody on our side felt that way?”
“Then I’d certainly be a damned fool to feel any other way.
Wouldn’t I?” (103)
So much for categorical imperatives.
224 The Menippean Novel
wrapping itself around a history of the United States in the 1910s and 1920s
and eventually a mythological account of Jes Grew’s origins in ancient Egypt.
PaPa LaBas serves as a trickster27 – a satirist within the text and a primary
source of the diasporic perspective that destabilizes the authority of European
culture. He is rumored to be a descendant of a Nigerian oracle, or, alterna-
tively, “the reincarnation of the famed Moor of Summerland himself, the
Black gypsy who according to Sufi Lit. sicked the Witches on Europe” (23).
This fantasized background alludes to the putative origins of satire in cursing,
to the magical power of satire to destroy one’s enemies.
Jes Grew, whose manifestations include ragtime, jazz, blues, dance, and
slang, is represented as an environmental or public health phenomenon,
a plague, or more precisely an “anti-plague” that “enliven[s]” (6) the body
of the host instead of weakening it. It is less a system than an anti-system,
since it disrupts rather than reinforcing the monotheistic, monological order.
The Eurocentric or Atonist worldview, on the other hand, is indeed a system,
one which rigidly structures thought and power. The Atonist mind seeks “to
interpret the world by a single loa. Somewhat like filling a milk bottle with an
ocean” (24); Atonists invoke “universal” principles “as a way of measuring
every 1 by their ideals” (133). Nathan Brown rebukes Hinkle Von Vampton
for such a false universalism: “when people like you, Mr. Von Vampton, say
‘The Negro Experience’ you are saying that all Negroes experience the world
the same way” (117). The Atonist Path is imperialistic, as the subplot of the
US invasion of Haiti reveals, and sexually repressive, as seen in its opposition
to the “bumping and grinding” (13) and “Wiggle and Wobble” (17) of Jes
Grew. It is also bureaucratic and utilitarian: Set, the original Atonist, is “the
deity of the modern clerk, always tabulating” and may even have “invented
taxes” (162). Framing history as a continuous conflict between Jes Grew and
the Atonist Path, Reed casts human experience as an ongoing struggle
between freedom and repression.
Mumbo Jumbo is itself a manifestation of the anti-plague. It carnivalizes
erudition and high culture by mixing genres, languages, and media.
It imports into the literary novel elements of gangster movies, detective
novels, and comic books. (Reed dedicates it to the cartoonist George
Herriman, creator of Krazy Kat, whose African heritage was made public
only in 1971). It integrates African diasporic traditions into its treatment
of its story, and freely blends history and fiction. The overarching effect of
this carnivalization is comic and ironic. By juxtaposing interpretive frames
of reference, Mumbo Jumbo overturns inherited understandings of history
and culture. Time and again the novel redescribes people, institutions, and
cultural phenomena in new languages or from new points of view. Art
Huge Amounts of Data: Postmodern American Fiction 227
Figure 12 “US Bombing Tonnage in Three Wars.” © 1971, the New York
Times. Reprinted in Mumbo Jumbo by Ishmael Reed. © 1972. Reprinted
with the permission of the New York Times and by Scribner, a division of
Simon & Shuster, Inc. All rights reserved.
Ishmael Reed’s images and illustrations often hint at political critique
without making explicit connections between text and paratext.
processes are shown to have historical roots in the German conquest of the
Hereros of Southwest Africa and in the Puritanism of the early American
settlers, who sorted populations into the chosen (“elites”) and the damned
(“preterites”). Certain individuals (especially scientists such as Jamf,
Pointsman, and, extra-textually, Wernher von Braun) and corporations
embody domination in their amoral pursuit of instrumental knowledge or
wealth, but ultimately Pynchon’s satire takes aim at the very direction of
world historical development, a suprahuman force that infiltrates the human
psyche: “The Man has a branch office in each of our brains . . . each local rep
has a cover known as the Ego, and their mission in this world is Bad Shit”
(712–723).
The novel’s setting, the transition from wartime to “the bright new
Postwar” (80), suggests that Pynchon sees these years as a historical turning
point. The end of World War II holds out hope for a Weberian “routinization
of charisma” (325) that eliminates the “the Führer-principle” (81), that is, the
charismatic, cultic appeal of dictators. But the new routinized, “cartelized”
(164) order is one in which the victors are eager to coopt Nazi rocket science
for the next phase of their imperial ambitions. In this “Interregnum” (295),
Slothrop wonders whether some anarchist alternative is possible: “there might
be a route back . . . maybe for a little while all the fences are down, one road as
good as another, the whole space of the Zone cleared, depolarized . . . without
elect, without preterite, without even nationality to fuck it up” (556); here, as
elsewhere – Roger and Jessica attending Christmas services in Kent, or, much
later, Roger furiously pissing on the executives assembled in Mossmoon’s
office – the novel offers glimmers of resistance against the (post)modern
world. But the anarchy of the Zone is hardly a utopia, filled as it is with
impoverished refugees and exploited children.
One should therefore doubt whether Pynchon’s levity is anything more
than a weak counterforce to the gravity of the postwar situation. It may even
be part of the problem, as Pynchon’s readers may feel trapped inside the
author’s own hobby-horse, his own private manias and references. The novel
itself can resemble “an information system that threatens its readers’
freedom.”30 On the other hand, Slothrop may achieve a paradoxical freedom
in escaping “Them” by scattering, and Pynchon’s scattershot humor may at
least disrupt the cause and effect that bureaucrat-scientists like Pointsman
insist upon. Indeed, for a society bent on suicide, hope may reside only in
Shandean digression. As Joseph Ombindi tries to convince Oberst Enzian of
the value of a tribal suicide for the Hereros, Enzian recognizes the appeal of
a “renunciation of the things of this world.” Yet he realizes that as soon as one
attempts to list everything to be renounced, “by Godel’s Theorem there is
232 The Menippean Novel
bound to be some item around that one has omitted from the list,” leading the
list-maker to inevitable corrections, repetitions, and additions, so “that the
‘suicide’ . . . might have to be postponed indefinitely!” (320). If the over-
powering death-drive of the novel can be counteracted, it is through incom-
pleteness and digression.
The final section of Pynchon’s magnum opus ends with an epigraph from
Richard Nixon, and Nixon may or may not be the Richard M. Zhlubb in
whose Los Angeles movie theater Blicero’s missile lands at the novel’s close.
But while Nixon is a marginal presence in Pynchon’s work, he is central to
Robert Coover’s The Public Burning (1977). The novel tells the story of the
1953 execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, American Jews convicted of
passing nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union. The novel makes no pretense of
offering an accurate or even plausible historical account, intermixing reality
and fantasy in a wild, sometimes hallucinatory narrative meant to distill
symbolic rather than literal truths about the killings. Defying historical fact,
Coover relocates the “public burning” of the convicted spies from Sing Sing
Prison to Times Square, “the ritual center of the Western World” (205). These
modern autos-da-fé take place at the culmination of a gala spectacle attended
by a procession of politicians, entertainers, religious leaders, sports figures,
Disney characters, and assorted American icons, and witnessed by a delirious
bloodthirsty crowd. Orchestrating the mad carnival is a cartoon “Superhero”
(263), Uncle Sam (he of military recruiting posters), for whom the executions
are part of “a irrepressible conflict betwixt opposin’ and endurin’ forces!”
(418) – a struggle against his nemesis, The Phantom, the shadowy agent of
Communism and all things un-American.
Although Coover satirizes particular politicians (most obviously the then-
vice-president Richard Nixon), his real target is the anti-Communist hysteria
that put the Rosenbergs to death and orphaned their sons. More broadly still,
he unmasks what has been called the “American civil religion,” the ideology
that encompasses American exceptionalism, manifest destiny, white supre-
macy, laissez-faire capitalism, and other national myths.31 This ideology, for
all its many guises, is plainly recognizable in the slogans that the novel holds
up for scrutiny, such as the Times Square sign that boasts, “America the Hope
of the World” (44), but is changed by the Phantom to declare America the
dope, rope, rape, rake, fake, fate, hate, bile, pile, pule, puke, juke, and joke of
the world. In focusing on the symbolism of national events like the execution,
Coover discloses how this civil religion, rooted in unconscious fantasies, takes
hold through public discourse, mass entertainments, and political pageantry.
Coover might be said to be updating the satire of Babbitt, with its attacks on
Rotary Clubs and evangelist preachers, but his mode is not Lewis’s realism
Huge Amounts of Data: Postmodern American Fiction 233
with its focus on the daily routines of the middle-American business class.
Instead his Menippean novel works on a vast canvas, treating world events
and public language with a frenzied comic tone, mixing voices, styles, and
genres. Chapters alternate between third-person and first-person narration,
balancing objective and subjective accounts, occasionally supplementing
them with “intermezzi” or interludes – a collage of Eisenhower’s speeches,
a stage play, an operetta – that add still other perspectives to the collage.
The third-person chapters offer a hyped-up newsreel account of historical
events. Their narration assimilates the language of billboards, protest signs,
graffiti, newspaper editorials, even the Rosenbergs’ private letters, subjecting
all to ironic “double-voicing.” It includes the jocular, folksy, vaguely Western,
and often crude language of Uncle Sam, who sounds by turns like a revivalist
preacher, a stump-speech orator, and a carnival barker. It also incorporates
the language of the “Poet Laureate” TIME, a personification of the national
news magazine, whose prose Coover arranges in the form of ballads or short
poems in order to indicate the ideological work that the mass media performs.
(In contrast, Dawn Powell’s satire of Time in A Time to Be Born also sees the
magazine as promulgating an uncritical patriotism, but her comedy of man-
ners focuses on the personal failures of Henry and Clare Boothe Luce.)
Coover’s polyphony of voices creates what he intended to be “a text that
would seem to have been written by the whole nation,”32 stuffed with the
clichés of a national mythology, but vibrating with ironic skepticism.
The first-person chapters are narrated by Nixon, and deploy the old-
fashioned satiric device of an unreliable narrator who in his self-justification
unwittingly discloses his failings. Coover’s technique resembles that of Mark
Twain’s King Leopold’s Soliloquy (1905), in which the Belgian king’s defense of
his atrocities in Central Africa simultaneously belittles and indicts the mon-
arch. Coover’s pitch-perfect impersonation of Nixon reveals both the vice-
president’s comic grandiosity (“Washington had got the obelisk, Jefferson the
dome and circle, Lincoln the cube, what was there left for me? I wondered.
The pyramid maybe.” (328)) and his skewed sense of victimization (“Why is
it, I wondered, that people think of me as the cagy and devious one?” (289)).
Nixon comes across as a slapstick clown, a bumbler who suffers innumerable
minor humiliations – stepping in horseshit, walking into a concrete wall,
failing to hit a golf ball squarely. Reduced from the “Fighting Quaker” to the
“Farting Quacker,” from the epic role of “Aeneas” to the satiric one of “Anus,”
he becomes so pathetic, indeed, that he wins a measure of sympathy from the
reader.
Above all, Nixon is obsessed with the Rosenbergs’ sex life. Like Catch-22,
The Public Burning reduces the fearsome authority figure to a Freudian
234 The Menippean Novel
not the insulated “small world” that the name College-on-the-Hill connotes.
Jack struggles to accept that he is vulnerable to the same catastrophic disloca-
tion that regularly besets the poor in other parts of the nation or the globe – at
least on TV:
I’m a college professor. Did you ever see a college professor rowing
a boat down his own street in one of those TV floods? We live in a neat
and pleasant town near a college with a quaint name. These things don’t
happen in places like Blacksmith. (114)
Jack here begins to articulate what the novel impresses upon us all along: Jack
and his family are tiny figures in a vast, dangerous, unknowable world.
Knowing the world is a central problem in White Noise. As Tristram
Shandy wreaks havoc with the philosophy of Locke, so the postmodern theory
batted around between Jack and various interlocutors is comic fodder for
DeLillo as he questions the very grounds for knowledge. Sheathed in irony,
these bits of armchair theorizing are frequently silly yet stubbornly persuasive.
An early dialogue with Heinrich about whether it is raining devolves into
a morass of skepticism, at which point Jack declares: “A victory for uncer-
tainty, randomness, and chaos . . . The sophists and the hairsplitters enjoy
their finest hour” (24). While Jack’s interlocutors – Heinrich, Stompanado,
Murray Siskind – revel in postmodern uncertainty, Jack plays the anxious
innocent, and the reader laughs uneasily at his desire for clear truths in
a world that refuses to grant them.
All this brainy theorizing attempts to analyze the ways that experience
is determined by the systemic forces of postmodern society. During the
airborne toxic event, Jack observes that “They seem to have things under
control,” but quickly realizes that he has no idea who “they” are, who
actually is “in charge” (147) of public safety. Even the mundane act of
checking a bank balance is satirically presented as a wrenching emotional
engagement with “the system” in which an expected result produces
“Waves of relief and gratitude”:
The system had blessed my life. I felt its support and approval.
The system hardware, the mainframe sitting in a locked room in some
distant city . . . we were in accord, at least for now. The networks, the
circuits, the streams, the harmonies. (46)
There is just enough mock-epic exaggeration here to make the reader smile,
even as she recognizes, with Jack, the authority of machines, the importance of
digitized information, and the geographic dispersal and invisibility of the
“system” itself.
236 The Menippean Novel
overtones imbue the description with satire, reducing the epic procession to
a parade of fools.
In recent decades, the cartoonish humor of Pynchon, the ironic cool of
DeLillo, and the showy heteroglossia of Rushdie have come under attack.
Broadsides by David Foster Wallace against “irony” and by James Wood
against “hysterical realism” have seemed to signal a turn away from the
cynicism (for Wallace) or whimsy (for Wood) characteristic of postmodern
satire. For Wallace, “TV’s institutionalization of hip irony” has coopted the
political force of so-called first-wave postmodern satire, rendering it “not
liberating but enfeebling.”35 For Wood, the stimulation of information and
caricature has replaced convincing human drama: “Bright lights are taken as
evidence of habitation.”36 For both, the problem is a lack of seriousness, and
in the twenty-first century many novelists have sought, following Wallace’s
injunction, a “new sincerity” or “postironic” stance, through which they might
reassert commitments to particular values or ideals.37 Yet contemporary writers
born in the 1960s and 1970s – Paul Beatty, Mohsin Hamid, Sam Lipsyte, George
Saunders, Will Self, Zadie Smith, even Wallace himself – have hardly aban-
doned satire. Like many before them, they combine irony and commitment,
skepticism and sympathy, as they draw on the resources of postmodernism, and
indeed of the Menippean novel in general, to satirize the conditions of their
world: global capitalism, ideologies of race and gender, conspicuous consump-
tion, the mechanization of the body, and the infiltration of these and other
impersonal forces into our most intimate being.
A final kind of satiric novel, enormously popular today, is the dystopia. Like
the encyclopedic satires of postmodernism, the dystopia originates in
Menippean satire. It derives, however, specifically from the imaginary voyages
of Utopia and Gulliver’s Travels. Its basic trope is to imagine a fully realized
alternative world in order to stage a series of satiric contrasts with the society
of the here-and-now. In this it resembles its parent-genre, the utopia. But
whereas the utopia mounts its critique by holding up an ideal by which to
measure the deficiencies of the real world, the dystopia extrapolates existing
tendencies to a point of absurdity or horror in order to direct attention to
present-day ills.38 And while the dystopia maintains the Menippean tradition
of intellectual satire in its mockery of utopian ideas and projects, its satire is
primarily political. This political satire, moreover, extends into the economic,
social, cultural, and sexual realms, since the dominant dystopian formula
New Maps of Hell: The Dystopia 239
assumes a world in which every dimension of life has become colonized and
managed by the state. The dystopia thus offers what Kingsley Amis called
“new maps of hell.”
Some of the most well-known dystopias – Yvgeney Zamyatin’s We, Sinclair
Lewis’s It Can’t Happen Here, George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four,
Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale – offer clear examples of satire
divorced from comedy (though not from irony, which is embedded in the
very idea of dystopia). Feelings of fear and horror crowd out amusement,
pushing the dystopia to the borders of social criticism, the novel of ideas, or
political fable. Today’s dystopian young adult novels, comic books, and
Hollywood blockbusters are primarily adventures and romances, with only
a residue of satirical critique retained to supply an air of profundity. Some
dystopias, however, do rely on comic invention. A subtype that Amis dubbed
the “comic inferno” introduces an array of new technologies and social
practices with a satiric aim.39 In Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (1932),
mass cloning, popular entertainments, engineered narcotics, caste hierarchy,
sanctioned childhood sex play, and enforced adult promiscuity all ludicrously
exaggerate existing phenomena from the 1920s and 1930s. In Terry Gilliam’s
film Brazil (1985), the excesses of the modern bureaucratic state are taken to
fantastic extremes when Robert DeNiro’s Harry Tuttle literally disappears in
a storm of paperwork. Gary Shteyngart’s Super Sad True Love Story (2010)
depicts a post-9/11, post-Lehman Brothers, post-Internet-porn America
where fascism is on the rise under the Orwellian name of the Bipartisan
Party; ubiquitous “credit poles” display the financial health of passing pedes-
trians whose mobile devices they scan; and these same mobile devices,
through instantaneous crowdsourcing, display the relative “fuckability” of
all the customers in a bar. Even when the dystopia’s tone is not explicitly
jokey, high levels of fantasy situate it firmly in Menippean tradition: Samuel
Butler’s Erewhon describes an imaginary voyage akin to those of Gulliver and
Hythlodaeus, while H.G. Wells’s The Time Machine imagines a fantastic
world removed from us temporally rather than spatially. George Schuyler’s
Black No More uses a single technological innovation – a machine that
changes skin color – as a springboard for a wild transformation of
American society, while a beast fable like Animal Farm enacts its satire on
Soviet Communism with a whimsical humor derived from dressing up farm
animals in the roles of historical personages, grafting weighty political themes
onto a children’s story like Charlotte’s Web. All demonstrate the satiric
elements of fantasy and invention underlying dystopia.
Dystopias might be grouped into two broad types: totalitarian and anar-
chic. In the totalitarian dystopia of Huxley, Orwell, and Atwood, the state
240 The Menippean Novel
extends its control over the individual beyond mere obedience, taking hold of
the inner life. A dissident comes to recognize that the system is evil. Private
acts of defiance – Orwell’s Winston Smith or Atwood’s Offred recording
thoughts in a diary, Huxley’s Bernard Marx contemplating the moonlit sea
in silence – lead to larger rebellions, usually culminating in the dissident’s
defeat by the state. The anarchic dystopia, in contrast, reflects on what
happens to the human being cut loose from the restraints and comforts of
civilization, in a state of nature often brought on by nuclear war or environ-
mental disaster. Huxley’s Ape and Essence, William Golding’s Lord of the Flies,
J.G. Ballard’s The Drowned World, and Cormac McCarthy’s The Road owe
a debt to quest narratives and Crusoe-like survival stories, but they can retain
satiric functions of warning against contemporary developments and debunk-
ing falsely benign views of human nature.
In both utopia and dystopia, setting, rather than plot or character, is the key
feature. But while the utopian islands of Prospero, Crusoe, and Gulliver exist
at a spatial remove from the here-and-now, the modern dystopia is likely to
imagine a world removed from us in time. The near-future setting of the
dystopia emphasizes historicity; the imagined world is one somehow arrived
at from our own, and its collective future is shaped by scientific and techno-
logical changes, not just political and cultural ones. This emphasis on histori-
city also reveals the dystopia as a cousin to the modest proposal: the modest
proposal is a mini-dystopia, which puts forth a putatively minor policy
suggestion and adumbrates the nightmarish near-future it would create.
Satire has always shadowed utopia. In Aristophanes’ Birds the utopian
aspiration may critique contemporary Athens, but its realization is mocked
as Cloudcuckooland. More’s Utopia gives rise to what has been called the first
anti-utopia, Hall’s Mundus Alter et Idem.40 The fourth book of Gulliver’s
Travels is both utopia and dystopia since it undermines the desirability of the
Houyhnhnms’ society even as that society is used to critique contemporary
England. Thus while the nineteenth century sees a boom in utopian thinking –
given literary form in works such as Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward
2000–1887 (1888) and William Morris’s News from Nowhere (1890) – the era
also produces anti-utopian novels including Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Blithedale
Romance (1852), Mark Twain’s A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court
(1889), and Joseph Conrad’s The Secret Agent (1907) that mock utopian com-
munities or schemes and give shape to the dangers lurking beneath utopian
desires.
The dystopia proper, however, takes its satire a step further than such anti-
utopias, imagining an entire world that conceives of itself as a utopia but turns
out to be a nightmare. It is popularly understood as a response to
New Maps of Hell: The Dystopia 241
Zamyatin’s We (1921) and Huxley’s Brave New World (1932) mark the
arrival of the dystopian novel in its most familiar form; the reigns of Hitler
and especially Stalin lead to Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), which
establishes the dystopia’s cultural ubiquity. Certain features recur in these
works and across the genre. Society is organized into hierarchical groups and
castes. Ruling elites manipulate the masses by stirring up violent human
passions for their own political ends – in Orwell’s Hate Week, Huxley’s orgies
and feelies, Atwood’s Particicution rituals. Political conformity is enforced
through mass media. High art and independent thought are discouraged;
books are banned or burned. A particular preoccupation of Orwell’s is the
degradation of language. Oceania’s Newspeak, a streamlined version of
English, eliminates expressiveness, limits dissent, and covers over brutality,
all in the name of efficiency. Orwell cites Nazi and Soviet coinages – Gestapo,
Comintern, Agitprop, even Nazi itself – as precedent for his own invention.
As he writes elsewhere, “Political language . . . is designed to make lies sound
truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure
wind.”43
In many ways Brave New World and Nineteen Eighty-Four have come to
represent opposite poles in the spectrum of dystopian possibilities. Orwell
targets Soviet Russia first of all, and Big Brother is Stalin as surely as Animal
Farm’s Napoleon is Lenin. The icon of Brave New World, in contrast, is Henry
Ford, a titan of American capitalism, and Huxley’s World State mixes capi-
talist mass-production with Wellsian social engineering in a vision that can
actually be described as a triumph of a technocratic neoliberalism.44 Orwell’s
Cold War satire sees a world divided into warring superstates; Huxley’s
Depression-era satire sees a single, unified World State. Orwell’s society is
built on material deprivation and torture, while Huxley’s rests on easy plea-
sures and material satisfactions – jazz, sports, films, drugs, sex. Orwell’s vision
suggests that our leaders will enslave us; Huxley’s, that we will enslave
ourselves.
Dystopias also pay particular attention to an array of themes that Foucault
called biopolitical: the regulation of sex and reproduction, health and illness,
life and death. Social engineering is supplemented by biological engineering
and eugenics,45 and dystopias envision radical changes in sexual norms and
practices, whether in the repressive vein of Orwell’s Oceania with its intent to
abolish the orgasm, or in the permissive vein of Huxley’s World-State with its
compulsory promiscuity. The institutions of marriage and the family are often
transformed, as in The Handmaid’s Tale where the state of Gilead creates
a caste of female sexual slaves. Dystopias imagine the management of death
(often through euthanasia) and food production (sometimes entailing
New Maps of Hell: The Dystopia 243
The poems, plays, novels, and other prose works surveyed in the nine previous
chapters represent a small fraction of the satiric works that human beings
have produced. While some of these works – Roman verses read on street
corners, dramas performed on the Jacobean stage, pamphlets debated in
eighteenth-century coffeehouses, formal verse satire printed in journals like
The North Briton and The Anti-Jacobin – can justly be considered as the
popular forms of their time, they are commonly read today as artifacts of high
culture. But satire as it exists in popular culture – in journalism, cartooning,
print culture, film, television, digital media, and elsewhere – often makes no
pretense to aesthetic greatness and seeks no audience beyond the present.
Such popular works, indeed, can possess a responsiveness to their historical
moment that makes them particularly hospitable to satiric judgment and
commentary. Of course, no clear, bright line separates high art and popular
culture. Many satiric novelists – Mark Twain, George Schuyler, Flann O’Brien
(Brian O’Nolan), to name only a few – write satiric journalism. Others draw
upon popular forms in fashioning their literary voices: it would be hard to
imagine Philip Roth’s Alexander Portnoy without the example of Lenny
Bruce, or Paul Beatty’s “Me” without Richard Pryor.
This chapter’s final brief look at satire in popular culture does not aspire to
be a comprehensive survey. Because it begins in the twentieth century, it omits
the longer history of satire in popular culture. In the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries, many kinds of popular performance (pantomime, music
hall, stage comedy) had been tinged with satire, while the tradition of graphic
and periodical satire was especially rich. The lively print culture of Augustan
England spawned a “golden age” of satiric prints that lasted through the early
decades of the next century. But public taste and morality grew more con-
servative, and the bawdiness and radicalism of periodical satire softened.
The British weekly Punch, along with many imitators, emerged to offer milder
satire aimed at a moderate middle-class readership.1 With new, inexpensive
methods of production and distribution, comic periodicals thrived, but they
shifted from rough-edged political radicalism to respectable light
244
Modernist Print Culture: Mencken, Parker, & the Smart Magazines 245
uphold communal norms but attacks them. Yet for all his directness, the
iconoclast is a persona, a character fashioned through voice and performance.
Essays, reviews, speeches, interviews, and even conversational witticisms help
to shape his public personality. During the very years that Hollywood was
inventing modern celebrity – commodifying personality itself – Mencken
fashioned himself as both a critic of the culture and a public figure within it.
Mencken himself extols the anarchic spirit of the iconoclast in a 1924 essay,
refusing to offer any new gods to replace the idols he smashes:
The liberation of the human mind has never been furthered by . . .
learned dunderheads; it has been furthered by gay fellows who heaved
dead cats into sanctuaries and then went roistering down the highways
of the world, proving to all men that doubt, after all, was safe – that the
god in the sanctuary was finite in his power, and hence a fraud. One
horse-laugh is worth ten thousand syllogisms.6
Mencken here describes the practice of satire. Irreverent provocation is
needed to expose fraudulent orthodoxies. This critical gesture (cat-heaving)
works on the level not of the intellect but of the gut (the horse-laugh), yet its
intuitive intelligence outstrips the pedantry of the “learned dunderheads” who
support established authorities and norms.
Mencken famously defined Puritanism as “the haunting fear that someone,
somewhere, may be happy,” and this quip encapsulates his satiric agenda.
As a columnist for the Baltimore Sun, he declared his purpose “to combat,
chiefly by ridicule, American piety, stupidity, tin-pot morality, cheap chau-
vinism in all their forms.”7 These included the fussy, genteel tradition in
American letters; the strictures of preachers and prohibitionists; the irration-
alism of religion; and the self-satisfied ignorance of the business class, which
he called the “booboisie” or, after Sinclair Lewis’s character, the “Babbittry.”
Mencken’s politics were all over the map: pro-German and inexcusably
sympathetic to Hitler in the early 1930s, he also supported women’s suffrage,
anti-lynching laws, and the acceptance of Jewish refugees. As a shaper of
public tastes, though, his impact was strongest in cultural matters. Satirical
novelists including Lewis, Anita Loos, George Schuyler, and Aldous Huxley
all testified to the inspiration they took from Mencken’s brash style and glee in
challenging received opinion. Richard Wright recalled his first reading of
Mencken as a thunderbolt:
I was jarred and shocked by the style, the clear, clean, sweeping
sentences . . . I pictured the man as a raging demon . . . Yes, this man was
fighting, fighting with words. He was using words as a weapon, using
them as one would use a club.8
248 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
many of the journalists, critics, and playwrights who formed the core of the
famous Algonquin Round Table. The writers of this circle – including George
S. Kaufman, Alexander Woolcott, Robert Benchley, F.P.A. (Franklin Pierce
Adams), and Marc Connelly – soon came to epitomize wit in the American
imagination. Tourists would gather at the Algonquin Hotel in midtown
Manhattan to “overhear” their very public performance of ostensibly private
banter, and choice bon mots would circulate to a wider audience through
gossip columns – sometimes written by the Algonquinites themselves.17 Their
wit became the focus for further wit, as Anita Loos’s Lorelei Lee mocked their
fame: “[E]very genius who eats his luncheon at the Algonquin Hotel is always
writing that that is the place where all the great literary geniuses eat their
luncheon” (138). In contrast to the rough humor of vaudeville that drew on
ethnic styles and stereotypes, the verbal nimbleness of the Round Table
promoted laughter as an expression of refined detachment. And as the female
mainstay of the male-dominated circle, Parker presented herself as a woman
wise to the ways of the city, intelligent and witty enough to navigate those new
social and sexual codes that promised liberation yet often delivered heart-
break. She thus became “simultaneously a subject, a producer, and . . . an icon
of modern culture.”18
It was Mencken who published Parker’s first piece of fiction in The Smart Set
in 1922. “Such a Pretty Little Picture” satirizes the new suburban bourgeoisie by
presenting a young husband crushed by the twin forces of modern capitalism,
which chains him to his advertising job, and modern marriage, which sub-
ordinates him to a domineering mate. Like Lewis’s Babbitt or Thurber’s Walter
Mitty (or Eliot’s J. Alfred Prufrock), he can escape only through daydream.
A 1927 New Yorker story, “Arrangement in Black and White,” satirizes the
patronizing racism of a white liberal fawning over a famous black singer at an
upscale cocktail party, giving a hint at Parker’s lifelong commitment to racial
equality. (She left her estate to the NAACP.) These and other early stories offer
a comedy of manners, registering the absurdities and contradictions forced
upon people – especially women – by social life.
Even more memorable than Parker’s stories were her reviews of other
people’s fiction. Writing as “Constant Reader” in The New Yorker, she crafted
a persona that combined touches of vulnerability with biting wit: “This is not
a book to be tossed aside lightly. It should be thrown with great force”;
“The reading of Dawn is a strain upon many parts, but the worst wear and
tear fall on the forearms.”19 Like Mencken, she establishes her sophistication
by what she rejects, and she articulates a standard of taste impatient with the
pretentious and the sentimental. Her review of A.A. Milne, for example,
concludes with revulsion at Winnie the Pooh’s baby-talk: “And it is that
Modernist Print Culture: Mencken, Parker, & the Smart Magazines 251
word ‘hummy,’ my darlings, that marks the place in The House at Pooh Corner
in which Tonstant Weader Fwowed up” (513). The tenderness Milne reaches
for is false; Parker exposes it with parodic imitation.
Parker’s sophistication is predicated on knowingness – knowing how to
distinguish false sentiment from true, but also knowing enough not to be
impressed by artsy experimenting. Constant Reader knows in advance how
the Dashiell Hammett mystery will end, and what the reviewers will say
about the new Hemingway. Sexual transgression cannot faze her. Reviewing
a play about Elizabeth Barrett Browning, she rolls her eyes at the depiction of
the poet’s father as a sexual predator: “isn’t it late in the day to drag up
incest? He was bad enough just plain, without making him fancy” (482).
As Jessica Burstein has shown, the anti-sentimental tastes that Parker shares
with her fellow New Yorker writers is part of a larger dynamic of sophistica-
tion in which the dandy’s world-weary “failure to engage” actually consti-
tutes a form of judgment. Parker’s been-there-done-that jadedness
illustrates Pierre Bourdieu’s analysis of taste as a game in which the key
move is to distinguish yourself; as soon as others adopt your taste, you must
change to stay a step ahead of the crowd.20 Thus Constant Reader mocks the
swell of young writers who scurry to “luncheons, teas, and banquets,”
“bubbling away” about all the fun they are having (507, 505). The gossipy
accounts they publish, under semi-clever titles like “Jottings on a Cuff,”
indict them as sorry imitators of Parker’s New Yorker colleagues. In this
“jolly brotherhood” of hip journalists, Constant Reader discerns “the sweet
and reassuring sense of superiority” characteristic of the pretender. She
concludes, cuttingly: “For, being literary folk, they are licensed to be most
awfully snooty about the Babbitts” (507). Parker does not just laugh with
Mencken at the booboisie; she laughs at the laughers. The result is what
Burstein calls a “wobble between hicks and sophisticates” in which metro-
politanism is exposed as merely a special case of provincialism.21 Decades
later, the cartoonist Saul Steinberg exploited this wobble in perhaps the
New Yorker’s most famous cover, “A View of the World from Ninth
Avenue,” which reveals the ironically limited vision available from the sky-
scraper in the center of the metropolis.22
Parker’s light verse, with its polysyllabic rhymes, metrical precision, and
linguistic virtuosity, presents a woman savvy to the modern world’s new rules
of love.23 She deploys the forms, diction, and tropes of old-fashioned love
poetry with just enough irony to craft a modern persona. Often her poems
work by establishing a familiar romantic image, then undercutting it.
In “Unfortunate Coincidence,” the orgasmic and overblown adjectives of
the second and fourth lines are undone by the sixth line’s terse instruction
252 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
in reality: “By the time you swear you’re his, / Shivering and sighing, / And he
vows his passion is / Infinite, undying – / Lady, make a note of this: / One of
you is lying” (96). Parker’s technique of compression similarly displays her
knowingness; her tight epigrams imply that the boring details don’t matter
since she’s heard it all before.
Parker’s sophistication also means that she recognizes the seriality of her
love affairs.24 Passions and heartbreaks come and go in a cycle as steady and
familiar as the changing seasons, and each new love turns out to be merely the
latest in a series. “Resumé,” maybe her most famous poem, brings together
these qualities of virtuosity, compression, and indifference to novelty.
A catalogue of suicide methods profiles a woman who has had her heart
broken over and over:
Razors pain you;
Rivers are damp;
Acids stain you;
And drugs cause cramp.
Guns aren’t lawful;
Nooses give;
Gas smells awful;
You might as well live. (99)
The worldly speaker ticks off suicide methods along with the (amusingly
illogical) arguments against them, but all this variety collapses into similarity.
The voice turns out to be so experienced that even life and death are inter-
changeable. Parker’s satire thus critiques modern love – something must be
wrong if a woman knows suicide this well – yet salvages from love’s wreckage
the resources she needs for survival: sophistication and wit.
Farm.28 Soon Jules Feiffer and Gary Trudeau were offering satiric comics
aimed at adults.
Perhaps the most radical satirical periodical of the era was The Realist,
founded in 1958 by Mad alumnus Paul Krassner as a kind of Mad for grown-
ups. Its outrages and obscenities included Krassner’s (fictional) 1967 report-
ing of Jackie Kennedy’s account of Lyndon Johnson performing necrophilia
on her assassinated husband:
That man was crouching over the corpse, no longer chuckling but
breathing hard and moving his body rhythmically. At first I thought he
must be performing some mysterious symbolic rite he’d learned from
Mexicans or Indians as a boy. And then I realized – there is only one way
to say this – he was literally fucking my husband in the throat. In the
bullet wound in the front of his throat.29
In what one critic has called “the most notorious parodic text . . . issued from
the underground press,” Krassner fused a politically defiant critique of
William Manchester’s “official” history of the assassination with a parodic
pornography that plays on Kennedy’s own status as sex symbol and partici-
pates in the very sensationalism it sends up.30
Stand-up comedy underwent a similar transformation. Mort Sahl and
Lenny Bruce rejected the established mode of performance in which clownish
jokesters dressed like bandleaders and recycled each other’s shtick. Sahl,
Bruce, and their followers cultivated individual styles and wrote material
that was transgressive both politically (going after figures like McCarthy
and J. Edgar Hoover) and culturally (speaking with candor and often vulgarity
about sex). Nightclubs, meanwhile, replaced resorts and casinos as perfor-
mance spaces: Sahl rose to prominence performing for students and hipsters
at San Francisco’s hungry i, which soon became ground zero for the new
satire. As one historian has written, “What the Algonquin Round Table was to
American humor in 1935, the hungry i wall was to American comedy in
1955.”31
If the new stand-up comedy began in dives and clubs, it spread through
new technologies. Television talk shows introduced the acts of comic perfor-
mers to millions, as did the LP, created in 1948. In the UK, meanwhile, the
comic ensemble Beyond the Fringe revolutionized popular culture almost
overnight. Made up of young Oxford and Cambridge alumni, Beyond the
Fringe took its name from the Edinburgh International Festival of performing
arts, which had spawned its own “Fringe Festival” of comic entertainments.
Going beyond this fringe, the new sketch comedy dispensed with “décor,
dancing, and all the other irrelevant dum-de-da of conventional revue” in
The Postwar Satire Boom 255
favor of skits that were witty, transgressive, and often political. It leaped from
Edinburgh to Cambridge to London. Deploying the silliness, the intelligence,
and the freedom from censorship of undergraduate comedy, this new satire
was, in the phrase of comedian-turned-playwright Alan Bennett, “private
humour going public.”32 By 1961 this wave of brainy satire had spawned
a magazine, Private Eye (influenced by Mad and the Ross-era New Yorker),
and a nightclub, the Establishment (hailed as England’s answer to the hungry
i).33 In 1962 the UK satire boom reached a zenith with the seminal fake-news
program That Was the Week That Was, or TW3, soon followed by an
American version that included musical contributions from Lehrer.
The satire boom mixed low clowning with smart college comedy: Beyond
the Fringe had theaters laughing at its mimicry of Oxford philosophers, while
Chicago’s Compass Players and Second City drew inspiration from the avant-
garde theater of Brecht and Ionesco.34 In the United States the Harvard
Lampoon turned its attention to a wider national culture; its graduates went
on to found the National Lampoon in the 1970s and Spy in the 1980s, and to
write The Simpsons in the 1990s. The legacy of these groups was
powerful: Second City and Beyond the Fringe inspired Monty Python and
Saturday Night Live; Mort Sahl and Lenny Bruce made possible the satiric
stand-up of Dick Gregory, Richard Pryor, George Carlin, and others. Even if
popular culture in subsequent decades usually regressed to a middlebrow
mean, the satire boom in both the United States and the UK significantly
loosened restrictions on ridiculing politicians and public figures, while mak-
ing space for popular forms of comedy to be more intelligent, crude, political,
and indeed satirical.35
But while satire flourished in magazines, stand-up, and sketch comedy of
the postwar years, the most emblematic satires from the era are films. By the
1960s, the weakening of the old studio system and the rise of international
cinema had positioned film squarely at the crossroads of mass entertainment
and high art, allowing ambitious auteurs to reach large audiences with
innovative films addressing social and political issues. The new taste for
black humor and the loosening of taboos led to startling transgressions such
as Mel Brooks’s The Producers (1968), which defied the belief that the
Holocaust was beyond the reach of satire. Its signature number,
“Springtime for Hitler,” ridiculed the Third Reich by travestying fascism’s
dependence on stagecraft, deploying a Jewish comic idiom “far less redolent of
self-hatred than of self-love.”36
Most emblematic of the era however, were a number of iconic satiric war
films that directly addressed the geopolitical concerns of the early Cold War.
True, satiric treatments of war were not new; the Marx Brothers’ Duck Soup
256 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
are not knaves but fools – psychotics, neurotics, obsessives, sex-fiends. Their
buffoonery suggests that the film’s satire transcends any critique of
individuals. The system itself has gone haywire.
As both the movie’s title and subtitle suggest, Dr. Strangelove or: How
I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb, like Gravity’s Rainbow after
it, exposes an erotic investment in the fantasies of military domination and
nuclear annihilation. From the opening shots of one plane refueling another
to the final shot of Major Kong straddling the nuclear warhead as he plum-
mets earthward, the cartoonish phallic images show that military technology
has become a fetish. The characters’ lewd Dickensian names (Merkin Muffley,
Buck Turgidson, DeSadeski, Jack D. Ripper) are no more subtle, suggesting
(respectively) emasculation, arousal, sadism, and misogynistic sexual vio-
lence. The most explicit connection between sexual pathology and nuclear
war, however, is articulated by the “obviously . . . psychotic” Ripper, who
explains his reasons for launching the attack: “I can no longer sit back and
allow Communist infiltration, Communist indoctrination, Communist sub-
version, and the international Communist conspiracy to sap and impurify all
of our precious bodily fluids.” Ripper’s fantasy of a Communist fluoridation
plot turns out to be a displacement of a deeper sexual phobia, expressed in
Ripper’s refusal to let women drain him of his semen:
I first became aware of it, Mandrake, during the physical act of love. Yes,
a, uh, a profound sense of fatigue, feeling of emptiness followed me . . .
Loss of essence. I can assure you it has not recurred, Mandrake. Women
sense my power, and they seek the life essence. I do not avoid women,
Mandrake, but I do deny them my essence.
For Ripper, Purity of Essence means Peace on Earth, while sexual contact
correspondingly means impotence or castration. And if Ripper expresses the
phobic side of the Cold War’s strange love, Strangelove himself represents its
id, its celebratory fusion of sex and violence. Emerging late in the movie,
seemingly from the shadows, Strangelove is a virtual cyborg whose involun-
tary twitches, Nazi salutes, and address of Muffley as “Mein Führer” reveal
a lack of basic human naturalness. It is he who gleefully anticipates the
apocalypse with the fantasy of an underground sex colony with a ratio of
ten women to every man: “I hasten to add that since each man will be required
to do prodigious service along these lines, the women will have to be selected
for their sexual characteristics, which will have to be of a highly stimulating
nature.” Walter Benjamin, in assessing F.T. Marinetti’s proto-fascist call for
a poetry of war, remarked that humanity’s “self-alienation has reached such
a degree that it can experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of
The Postwar Satire Boom 259
the first order.”39 The Nazi scientist Strangelove experiences that pleasure; the
film analyzes it.
Robert Altman’s M*A*S*H (1970), from a screenplay by Ring Lardner, Jr.,
does not address the nuclear threat like Strangelove, but rather the fiasco of
American military intervention in Asia. The film is nominally set in Korea,
but the context of reception was the Vietnam War, and the opening shot of
the military helicopter would have resonated powerfully with the images of
the war that Americans were watching nightly on TV. The reference to the
ongoing fighting was in fact so obvious that 20th Century Fox insisted on
opening with the quotations from MacArthur and Eisenhower to establish the
Korean setting.40 Yet just as Kubrick ironizes his opening disclaimer about the
stated position of the US Air Force, so Altman ironizes these epigraphs.
The heroic tone of MacArthur’s heroic farewell address, already rendered
suspect by appearing at the end of a ruminative and elegiac title sequence,
loses any remaining authority when juxtaposed to the single sentence from
Eisenhower, “I will go to Korea” – a 1952 campaign slogan that probably hints
at MacArthur’s calamitous (and virtually treasonous) insubordination to
Truman. The subplot of Ho-Jon’s effort to avoid conscription alludes to
Americans’ rising resistance to the draft,41 while the use of kitschy Japanese
versions of American pop songs speaks to the servicemen’s experience of
cultural dislocation.
Despite this political subtext, however, the movie’s satire is mainly
cultural, and both its commercial success and the controversy that it
caused stem from its reception in an American society that was increas-
ingly anti-war and anti-authoritarian. The critique of American foreign
policy remains implicit, but the movie openly mocks religion, the senti-
mentalization of war, and the bureaucratic apparatus of the military-
industrial complex. As free-spirited jokers, Hawkeye, Trapper John, and
Duke score a series of victories over oppressive authorities. The religious
Burns and Houlihan are mocked for their piety and hypocrisy when they
undress each other while invoking God’s will. Duke hands Ho-Jon a porn
magazine to replace the Bible that Burns has given him. The film, mean-
while, desentimentalizes war not through traditional battle episodes but
by the blood-soaked surgery scenes. Here the doctors’ cool, casual wit
appears as an aspect of their courage and realism (Figure 13). When Duke
needs Dago’s assistance, he pulls the chaplain away from administering
last rites, saying, “This man’s still alive and that man’s dead. And that’s
a fact.” The reality of saving lives outweighs the fiction of the afterlife.
In this regard the film does not so much dislodge old models of manly
heroism as relocate them in the figure of the doctor as rebel-outsider.
260 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
reality, and the meaning of the acronym of the movie’s title is never
explained in the film.
Altman’s improvisatory, impressionist style contributes to the de-
romanticizing of war. The vérité elements – the overlapping dialogue, the
moving camera, the unbalanced framing, the sudden transitions – establish
everyday life in the presence of death, randomness and incoherence eroding
discipline and hierarchy, accident winning out over plot. At the same time this
unstructuredness opens the film to an antic energy that descends from the
Marx Brothers (especially the anti-war satire of Duck Soup and the football
sequences of Horse Feathers). Hawkeye and Trapper John are college-
educated, golf-playing, martini-sipping versions of the leering, wisecracking
Groucho, and they temper his mania with smart 1960s cool. When, during
sex, Lieutenant Dish reminds Hawkeye that he has a wife, Hawkeye’s non-
sense-logic is pure Groucho: “If my wife were here, I’d be with her.”
Yet while Hawkeye and Trapper may appeal to the audience in their
rejection of repressive sexual strictures, the sexual politics of the movie
come across today as misogynistic: privileged men engage in the repeated
sexual humiliation of women for entertainment. Women’s professional abil-
ities are dismissed; Hawkeye and Trapper John tell the nurses in the Japanese
hospital they need “at least one nurse who knows how to work in close
without getting her tits in the way” so that they can get their golf game in
by the end of the day. Indeed, the irreverence of the protagonists often slides
into a sadism that the audience is encouraged to enjoy: as often happens in
satire, once a kind of license is unleashed, it can hardly be contained and
deployed for only respectable purposes.
The “suicide” of Painless Waldowski, however, complicates things. It may
be an adolescent joke to serve up Dish to the preternaturally endowed Painless
in order to restore his sexual confidence, but both Painless’s nickname and his
planned suicide refer to the lyrics of the theme song, which is reprised on
camera at the scene of the suicide by a black serviceman. Indeed, the treat-
ment of Painless’s death-wish by his friends also picks up on the tone of the
opening sequence, which delicately combines stoic acceptance and ironic
detachment. (To say that suicide “brings on many changes” is an under-
statement taken to the point of denial; compare Parker’s “Resumé.”) Painless,
who has diagnosed himself as a latent homosexual because of a bout of
impotence, occupies the uncertain position of the post-Freudian male recog-
nizing an end to his privilege and power. The macho antics of his friends may
succeed in “resurrecting” the Pole, but they only mask the more profound
emasculation brought on by modern, mechanized war. This is in fact the place
of the individual subject in the opening sequence – a small, nameless,
262 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
incapacitated victim at the mercy of the rescue helicopter. The plaintive theme
song, with its desperate stoicism, becomes almost a lullaby.
The rebellion and defiance of Strangelove’s laughter is replaced in M*A*S*H
by small acts of self-protection and resignation, despite the nominally happy
ending of the homecoming. In a parallel shift, the high spirits of Tom Lehrer’s
1959 march “We Will All Go Together” are supplanted by resentment and
bitterness in Randy Newman’s 1972 shuffle “Political Science.” Newman’s song,
with its gritty musical idiom and New Orleans rag-band instrumentation,
expresses the 1970s’ white male resentment – the voice of a once-triumphant
superpower brought low by the debacle of Vietnam. Unappreciated by allies,
the American speaker of “Political Science” is a Trump voter avant la lettre – or
what used to be called a Nixon voter. He wants to reassert dominance through
the phallic aggression of dropping “the big one”:
We give them money, but are they grateful?
No, they’re spiteful and they’re hateful.
They don’t respect us, so let’s surprise them.
We’ll drop the big one and pulverize them.42
Unlike 1959, it is no longer “we” who are being incinerated but only “they” –
and NATO allies are obliterated along with enemies (“Boom goes London /
Boom Paree / More room for you / More room for me”). The worn-out
citizen’s indifference to mass death gives his destructive fantasy the form of an
impulsive experiment, indeed a modest proposal: “Let’s drop the big one and
see what happens.” Like Lehrer, Kubrick, and Altman, Newman turns nuclear
incineration into black comedy, but irreverence and mischief have been
replaced by the low heat of a misanthropic bitterness.
Satiric News
Bruno – with real interviewees in front of a real camera in a form that sits at
the crossroads of prank, hoax, and satire. In Borat (2006) and Who Is
America? (2018), the fictional character’s interviews and stunts expose the
distasteful views of actual politicians and ordinary people.
The explosion of parodic news today was also made possible by a new
irreverence in the TV comedy of the 1990s. In the 1970s, a few shows
attempted political satire, but the reassuring frame of the sitcom blunted
their edge, and All in the Family’s bigoted curmudgeon Archie Bunker
(“crusty but benign,” to use a phrase from Network) became a hero to the
very working-class conservatives whom he was intended to satirize.47 But in
the 1980s David Letterman remade the staid form of Johnny Carson’s
late-night routines by offering “snark as the . . . antidote to the Reagan era’s
cant”;48 in the 1990s, Seinfeld and The Simpsons scorned the anodyne humor
of The Cosby Show and Cheers. Seinfeld’s motto of “No hugging, no learning”
marked a new ironic sensibility for a top-ranked sitcom, while The Simpsons
nested aggressive satire in various realms of life – politics, economics, reli-
gion – within the ultimately reassuring frame of a dysfunctional but loving
suburban family. The success of The Simpsons, more than any other show,
opened a market for irreverent animation, clever comedy, and television satire
in general.49
The boom in fake TV news also arose from broader changes in the overall
media environment. In the 1980s, cable news channels changed the nature of
the news cycle itself, saturating the public sphere with day-long political talk;
soon right-wing talk radio (Rush Limbaugh in 1988) and TV (Fox News in
1996) began to use news programming for nakedly partisan propaganda.
The initial response on the left came not from journalists, however, but
from humorists, who fashioned themselves as comic pundits. Bill Maher
launched his talk show Politically Incorrect in 1993; in 1996, Saturday Night
Live writer (and later US senator) Al Franken’s book Rush Limbaugh Is a Big
Fat Idiot parodied the insult-ridden style of Limbaugh’s best-sellers.
With the rise of the World Wide Web (early 1990s), Facebook (2004),
Twitter (2006), and the iPhone (2007), the media environment altered
further. Constantly updated blogs and feeds, and an ever-more-plugged-in
public, made news and commentary available instantaneously. Broadcasting
was replaced by “narrowcasting” – a multiplicity of news outlets serving
a public splintered into demographic niches. In today’s media environment,
people increasingly watch news “clips,” both real and fictional, outside of the
initial broadcast context, coming upon them through social media feeds,
emails, and interlinked websites. With the “TV program” transformed into
“digital content,” sketch comedy and parodic news gain an advantage over
266 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
longer narrative forms that are less easily cut and spliced.50 Thus Colbert’s
2006 address to the Washington press corps initially aired on the little-
watched C-Span, but it reached approximately 2.7 million viewers in its first
forty-eight hours on YouTube. Today in 2018, the webpage of the Washington
Post is likely to feature a “story” that is simply a link to a clip of a sketch that
itself is a spoof of a press conference held earlier in the week. Saturday Night
Live, a show that thrived on the riskiness of uncensored live broadcast, now
survives by being cut, spliced, posted, circulated, and re-watched on Sunday
morning.
A final set of events that enabled the rise of the daily fake news show was the
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. As noted in Chapter 2, the horror of
the attacks led many journalists and intellectuals to renounce the irreverent
spirit of the 1990s, declaring – even calling for – a death of irony. Political
leaders discouraged dissent, and the news media largely abdicated its role of
criticizing those in power. Yet irony didn’t die. On September 15, the cover of
Private Eye depicted an aide informing George W. Bush of the attacks with the
words, “It’s Armageddon, Sir,” and the president responding, “Armageddon
outahere!” (Figure 14). On October 3, America’s The Onion, a Wisconsin
college humor magazine that had recently gone national, declared,
“A Shattered Nation Longs to Care about Stupid Bullshit Again,” spoofing
the rash of commentary that consecrated Americans’ sudden moral serious-
ness. A subsequent headline went further, announcing the imminent show-
down between Osama bin Laden and George W. Bush: “Privileged Children
of Millionaires Square off on World Stage.” The article drew unnerving
equivalences between the two wealthy scions of oil families who both had
discovered religion in midlife after dissolute, misspent youth and several
failures in business ventures sponsored by wealthy family members and
friends.51
Even more than Private Eye and The Onion, however, the fake news shows
of Jon Stewart, Stephen Colbert, and their successors – Trevor Noah,
Samantha Bee, John Oliver, Seth Myers – have proved to be the signature
satiric form of the early twenty-first century. The Daily Show, which Stewart
took over in 1999, and its spin-off, The Colbert Report, launched in 2005,
functioned simultaneously as sources of the news, satiric commentaries upon
it, and parodies of the way that it is covered.52 Stewart offered direct com-
mentary on various falsehoods, hypocrisies, and outrages from the recent
news cycle, but his position was less that of the traditional newscaster than of
the viewer’s surrogate.53 He paused or replayed news clips so that he could
“talk back” to politicians, anchors, reporters, and pundits – seizing their
authority on behalf of his audience. His tone was one of amused detachment,
Satiric News 267
Figure 14 “Bush Takes Charge,” Private Eye, Issue 1037, Sept. 21, 2001.
Reproduced by kind permission of Private Eye magazine www.private-
eye.co.uk. Photo credit: Paul J. Richards/AFP.
By September 15, 2011, the satirical British magazine Private Eye was
demonstrating that despite proclamations to the contrary, irony and
dissent were alive and well.
268 Satire and Popular Culture since 1900
stewart: Now, this is theater. It’s obvious. How old are you?
carlson: Thirty-five.
stewart: And you wear a bow tie.57
fact-checkings, scoldings, challenges, jokes, and insults that tried to hold him
to account only confirmed for his supporters what they admired in him: that
he was malicious, dangerous, and accountable to no one.
When the 2016 election began, satiric news from the left seemed trium-
phant, and its service to democracy in correcting the errors and oversights of
the right-wing and mainstream press appeared invaluable. Yet just a few
weeks after the election, pundits were wringing their hands as they tried to
assess the impact of fake news stories, Internet rumors, Fox News propa-
ganda, Breitbart conspiracy theories, Wikileaks, and Russian interference on
public opinion. The election seemed to close a chapter in the history of satire,
marking a point at which the transgressive performances of Stewart and
Colbert, having grown increasingly tame during the Obama years, had
become fully absorbed into the machinery of partisan debate, and parodic
news had become just one more variety of political talk. As if to recognize the
end of this chapter, on December 1, 2016, The New York Times reviewed
a new oral history of The Daily Show. The review was titled, “When Fake News
Was Funny.”61
Epilogue
On January 7, 2015, two men wearing masks and bearing Kalashnikov assault
rifles entered the office building of the French satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo
and proceeded to massacre twelve people including cartoonists, editors,
writers, copy editors, police officers, and a maintenance worker. Another
police officer was killed on January 8, and four Jewish civilians were murdered
at a kosher supermarket on January 9. During the murders, the killers, Saïd
and Chérif Kouachi, reportedly shouted, “We have avenged the prophet
Muhammad.” They themselves were eventually killed by French law enforce-
ment, along with a third gunman, Amedy Coulibaly, in two separate raids.
The Charlie Hebdo killings were part of a larger pattern of rising terrorist
violence across Western Europe, but they also culminated a series of attacks
and threats made specifically in response to the magazine’s publication of
cartoons depicting Muhammad, whose representation, according to some
strict interpretations of Islam, is in itself blasphemous. In 2007 the magazine
had republished drawings that, when first printed in Denmark’s newspaper
Jyllands-Posten, had set off demonstrations worldwide. In November 2011,
the Charlie Hebdo offices were firebombed in response to a “Charia Hebdo”
issue that put a cheerful Muhammad on the cover declaring, “100 lashes if you
have not died laughing.” In 2013, the magazine’s editor-in-chief, Stéphane
“Charb” Charbonnier – one of the January 2015 victims – had been placed by
al-Qaeda alongside Salman Rushdie and the Somali-Dutch feminist Ayaan
Hirsi Ali on a “Wanted: Dead or Alive” list. But the murderousness of the
2015 attack produced unprecedented public outrage. In France, and through-
out Western democracies, politicians, religious leaders, writers, artists, and
millions of ordinary citizens took to the streets in vigils and demonstrations,
culminating in a rally of about two million people, including forty world
leaders, on January 11 in Paris. The sentence “je suis Charlie” spread world-
wide on t-shirts, Facebook posts, and email signatures, serving as a slogan of
political liberty and a declaration of solidarity with the victims (Figure 15).
This feeling of solidarity, and the belated recognition of the risks that the
satirists of Charlie Hebdo took in insisting on their freedom to publish and to
272
Epilogue: Charlie Hebdo, Satire and the Enlightenment 273
praise for the content of the magazine, but as recognition of the courage the
satirists displayed in insisting on their right to publish in the face of death
threats. PEN’s bestowal of the award, it explained, did not entail an endorse-
ment of the magazine’s views. Others, however, took up a more robust line of
defense, claiming not simply that Charlie was not racist but that it was actively
anti-racist – a voice for liberty and equality. The award thus exposed a
political fault line between two groups of writers, artists, and intellectuals,
both of which claimed to espouse progressive principles. How could this be?
The answer, of course, is that people interpreted the cartoons differently.
Interpretation, intention, irony, meaning, authorship, caricature, and satire
suddenly became topics whose relevance reached far beyond the seminar
room. One side looked at the cartoons and saw crude caricatures that traded
in old, harmful, and unfunny stereotypes. The other saw a buoyant juvenile
rebelliousness in the spirit of counterculture periodicals like Mad and The
Realist. Those who condemned Charlie Hebdo pointed to Muhammad’s
prominent hooked nose, as well to other offensive images published in the
magazine. Charlie’s defenders read those images as parodic racist imagery
coming from the left – much like the 2008 Barry Blitt New Yorker cover that
represented Barack Obama as a turbaned Kenyan and Michelle as an Angela
Davis-style black militant. Charlie’s accusers interpreted the Muhammad
cartoons as taking aim at France’s downtrodden Arab immigrant population,
while supporters interpreted them as sallies against the tyrannical fundament-
alism of terrorists and their sponsors. One side saw the cartoons as “hitting
down,” picking on the victims of imperialism and oppression; the other saw
them as “hitting up,” taking on powerful and violent forces of reaction. Both
claimed to speak on behalf of the powerless.
The differing interpretations resulted at least in part from the different
contexts in which people framed their readings of the cartoons, and from
different understandings of satire’s nature and its history. Charlie’s attackers
viewed satire as a conservative mode used to enforce traditional norms by
marginalizing the weak and the deviant. For them, the most salient historical
precedent for Charlie was the caricature of Jews by the German tabloid Der
Stürmer in the 1930s; in this view, caricature’s reduction and dehumanization
constitutes “a refusal to understand otherness.”2 Charlie’s defenders, on the
other hand, called attention to the magazine’s record of fighting racism and
Islamophobia in France, its commitment to the rights of Muslims, its stance
against Israeli military action in Gaza, and its support from the anti-racist
organization SOS Racisme and from French-Arab intellectuals such as Kamel
Daoud. They noted that the victims included Charlie’s Algerian-French copy
editor, Mustapha Ourrad, and the survivors included the Moroccan-born
Epilogue: Charlie Hebdo, Satire and the Enlightenment 275
columnist Zineb El Rhazoui. Finally, they offered their own theory and history
of satire. Instead of invoking Der Stürmer and right-wing caricature, they
cited the long history of French anti-clerical and anti-authoritarian satire, the
tradition of Rabelais, Voltaire, and Daumier. They pointed out the magazine’s
origins in the 1968 student and labor protests and in the counterculture of the
1960s. (Its name comes from Peanuts’ Charlie Brown.) With this history and
this context, satire becomes a liberal rather than a conservative force.
In choosing one interpretation, frame of reference, or historical account
over another, political sympathies and solidarities come into play. Those who
called Charlie racist saw only empty self-congratulation in the January
marches and the je suis Charlie slogan, an affirmation of the readiness of the
West to create a bugbear of radical Islam in order to affirm its own bourgeois
values. For them the magazine spoke for a white, conservative, xenophobic
establishment whose political vision they rejected. Charlie’s defenders, mean-
while, tended to feel that it is not only legitimate but also necessary to reject
the imposition of religious strictures on non-believers. They would be likely,
indeed, to be sympathetic to any artwork or argument, whether sophomoric
or sophisticated, that chips away at the power of irrationalism and dogma-
tism. They insisted on separating fundamentalist violence from the Muslim
faith it presumed to speak for. They invoked Stéphane Charbonnier’s own
theory of satire: his aim, he said, was to “banalize” Islam, to render it mundane
just as centuries of French satire had removed the aura of untouchability from
Catholicism.
The opposing sides, however, shared one thing: a desire to stabilize the
meaning of the satire. In the debates about the Charlie cartoons, context,
history, and irony were almost always invoked to limit or contain how the
magazine might be read. Charlie Hebdo was either racist or it was anti-racist.
Yet of all literary and artistic modes, satire is especially provocative, volatile,
and prone to controversy. Caricature in particular, as the psychoanalytic critic
Ernst Kris suggested years ago, “is a play with the magic power of the image,”
and unless the ego recognizes belief in that magic and controls it, caricature
will not appear as “a joke but rather a dangerous practice.”3 Indeed, religious
strictures against representation, including the very strictures against the
representation of Muhammad that Charlie Hebdo defied, have roots in this
ancient belief in the destructive power of satire.
In activating this primitive kind of magical thinking, the Charlie Hebdo
satirists revealed a rift within contemporary liberalism itself, one that is
widening in Western politics as liberalism is confronted, both from without
and within, with resurgent forms of nationalism, fundamentalism, and reac-
tion. The political future of Western democracies now seems hazier than it has
276 Epilogue: Charlie Hebdo, Satire and the Enlightenment
for some time. Charlie Hebdo’s defenders stood for an Enlightenment version
of liberalism: secular, rational, individualist. Charlie’s accusers, in contrast,
favored a liberalism sometimes called (however imprecisely) identity politics
or cultural relativism; indeed, for some time a portion of the left has been
abandoning values such as reason, science, cosmopolitanism, free speech, and
individual rights.4 As the debate over Charlie Hebdo revealed, the cultural and
political role of satire in these debates is not an incidental or secondary matter,
but an utterly central one. To put it another way, the question, “Were the
Charlie covers racist?” turned out to be a surrogate for the older and more
vexing question: “What is Enlightenment?” That question, in turn, might
prompt another, the question that began this book: “What is satire?”
Notes
What Is Satire?
1. Samuel Johnson, A Dictionary of the New English Language, ed. E.L. McAdam
and George Milne (Mineola: Dover, 2005), p. 357. Google Books. Web.
2. The Onion Book of Known Knowledge: A Definitive Encyclopaeda of Existing
Information (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 2013), p. 174.
3. Because of Rochester’s reputation as a rake, printers often attributed bawdy
poems to him in order to increase sales, making attribution particularly
difficult. Harold Love, “Introduction,” The Works of John Wilmot, Earl of
Rochester, ed. Harold Love (New York: Oxford, 1999), p. xxvi.
4. Love, “Explanatory Notes,” Works, pp. 414, 476, 416.
5. Claude Rawson, Satire and Sentiment 1660–1830 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1994), pp. 3–4.
6. Paul Davis, “Introduction,” in John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, Selected Poems,
ed. Davis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 3.
7. Ralph Verney, quoted by Love, “Explanatory Notes,” Works, p. 420.
8. James Grantham Turner, Libertines and Radicals in Early Modern London:
Sexuality, Politics, and Early Modern Culture 1630–1685 (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 219.
9. Salman Rushdie, Joseph Anton: A Memoir (New York: Random House, 2012),
pp. 43, 124, 396.
10. Salman Rushdie, The Satanic Verses (1988. New York: Random House, 2008),
p. 109.
11. Rushdie, Joseph Anton, p. 124.
12. Pete Wells, “As Not Seen on TV,” New York Times, November 12, 2012,
D4. Web.
13. Quoted in Joshua Wolford, “That Hilarious Guy Fieri Restaurant Review Has
over 45,000 Facebook Shares,” Web Pro News, November 16, 2012, Web; see
also Katie Baker, “Guy Fieri Battles Scathing New York Times Review by Pete
Wells,” Daily Beast, November 16, 2012, Web; J. Bryan Lowder, “Postcards
from Camp,” Slate, April 8, 2013, Web.
14. A lipogram is a work that omits a particular letter entirely. George Perec’s
novel La Disparition avoids all use of the letter e; Les Revenentes uses no
vowels except for e.
277
278 Notes to pages 8–15
15. Harry Levin, Playboys and Killjoys: An Essay on the Theory and Practice of
Comedy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 199–200.
16. Howard D. Weinbrot, Menippean Satire Reconsidered: From Antiquity to the
Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005),
pp. 1–6.
17. Alastair Fowler, Kinds of Literature: An Introduction to the Theory of Genres
and Modes (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 107.
18. Jonathan Greenberg, Modernism, Satire, and the Novel (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 2, 9, 13.
19. Linda Hutcheon, Irony’s Edge: The Theory and Politics of Irony (New York:
Routledge, 1995), p. 5.
20. Steven E. Jones, Shelley’s Satire: Violence, Exhortation, and Authority
(DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1994), p. 8.
21. Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere:
An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1989); Michael Warner,
Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone Books, 2002).
22. Randal Johnson, “Editor’s Introduction,” in Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of
Cultural Production, ed. Johnson, trans. Richard Nice et al. (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 2.
23. Alvin Kernan, The Cankered Muse: Satire of the English Renaissance (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), pp. 54–62.
24. Kathryn Hume, “Diffused Satire in Contemporary American Fiction,”
Modern Philology 105.2 (2007), p. 303.
25. Cf. FS, iv; Alvin Kernan, The Plot of Satire (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1965), p. 9.
26. Edward W. Rosenheim, Swift and the Satirist’s Art (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1963), p. 31.
27. Hume, “Diffused Satire,” p. 305
28. David Worcester, The Art of Satire (New York: Russell & Russell, 1960), p. 38.
For longer syntheses of the canonical view, see DSM, pp. 1–4;
Steven Weisenburger, Fables of Subversion: Satire and the American Novel,
1930–1980 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995) pp. 14–22.
29. Ezra Pound, “The Serious Artist,” Literary Essays (New York: New
Directions, 1968), p. 45.
30. Patricia Meyer Spacks, “Some Reflections on Satire,” in Satire: Modern Essays
in Criticism, ed. Ronald Paulson (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1971),
p. 363.
31. W.H. Auden, “Notes on the Comic,” The Dyer’s Hand and Other Essays
(New York: Random House, 1962), p. 385.
32. Kernan, Plot, p. 13.
33. Leonard Feinberg, Introduction to Satire (Ames: Iowa State University Press,
1967), p. 11.
Notes to pages 15–26 279
34. Robert Hume, “‘Satire’ in the Reign of Charles II,” Modern Philology 102
(2005), p. 361.
35. See Pope’s “Imitations of Horace, Epistle 2.1”; Swift’s “Verses on the Death of
Dr. Swift.”
36. P.K. Elkin, The Augustan Defence of Satire (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), p. 3.
37. Manhattan, directed by Woody Allen, written by Woody Allen and Marshall
Brickman (United Artists, 1979).
38. Kenneth Burke, Attitudes Towards History (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1987), p. 49.
39. William Hazlitt, “The Pleasure of Hating,” Selected Writings (New York:
Penguin, 1985), p. 399.
40. Wyndham Lewis, Men Without Art (New York: Russell & Russell, 1964), p. 108.
41. Sherman Alexie, “Evolution,” The Business of Fancydancing: Stories and
Poems (New York: Hanging Loose Press, 1992), p. 48.
42. Aaron Matz, Satire in an Age of Realism (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2010).
43. Lewis, Men Without Art, p. 226.
44. Mohsin Hamid, How to Get Filthy Rich in Rising Asia (New York: Riverhead,
2014), p. 196.
45. Rawson, Satire and Sentiment, p. 5.
46. Dawn Powell, The Diaries of Dawn Powell: 1931–1962, ed. Tim Page (South
Royalton, VT: Steerforth, 1999), p. 75.
47. Stanley Fish, How to Write a Sentence: And How to Read One (New York:
Harper, 2011), p. 3.
48. Sigmund Freud, Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious, trans. James
Strachey (New York: Norton, 1989), pp. 174–75.
49. George Schuyler, Black No More: Being an Account of the Strange and
Wonderful Workings of Science in the Land of the Free, A.D. 1933–1940
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989), pp. 90, 93, 101–02.
50. Evelyn Waugh, The Essays, Articles, and Reviews of Evelyn Waugh, ed.
Donat Gallagher (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1983), p. 73.
51. Niall Rudd, “Notes,” The Satires of Horace and Persius (Harmondsworth:
Penguin), p. 163.
52. William Butler Yeats, “Swift’s Epitaph,” The Collected Poems of W.B. Yeats,
ed. Richard Finneran (New York: Scribner, 1996), p. 246.
53. https://twitter.com/simon_schama/status/552805450350362625.
54. Derek Walcott, The Fortunate Traveler (New York: Farrar, Strauss, and
Giroux, 1981), p. 60.
55. Freud, Jokes, p. 178.
56. Percy Bysshe Shelley, “Sonnet: England in 1819,” Complete Works of Percy
Bysshe Shelley, Vol. 3 (New York: Gordian Press, 1965), p. 293.
57. Italo Calvino, The Uses of Literature: Essays, trans. Patrick Creagh (New York:
Harcourt, 1986), p. 64.
280 Notes to pages 27–33
23. Harry’s Bar and American Grill, The Best of Bad Hemingway (San Diego:
Harcourt, 1989).
24. Simon Dentith, Parody (New York: Routledge, 2000), pp. 7, 7–8, 8.
25. Dan Harries, Film Parody (London: British Film Institute, 2000), p. 9.
26. Wendy Cope, “A Nursery Rhyme,” Making Cocoa for Kingsley Amis (London:
Faber & Faber, 1986), p. 18.
27. Genette classifies parody and pastiche as “playful” and travesty and caricature
as their “satirical” counterparts. Gerard Genette, Palimpsests: Literature in
the Second Degree (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), pp. 27–28.
28. Louis Menand, “Parodies Lost,” The New Yorker, September 20, 2010, pp.
107–110.
29. Dentith, Parody, p. 9.
30. Blazing Saddles, directed by Mel Brooks, written by Mel Brooks, Andrew
Bergman, Richard Pryor, Norman Steinberg, and Al Uger (Warner Brothers,
1974).
31. Kenneth Koch, “Variation on a Theme by William Carlos Williams,” Thank
You and Other Poems (New York: Grove, 1962), p. 68.
32. Bourdieu, Field, p. 31.
33. Quoted in Leon Weiseltier, “Washington Diarist,” The New Republic,
December 3, 2008.
34. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, trans. Jack Lindsay (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1962), p. 126.
35. Monty Python’s Life of Brian, directed by Terry Jones, written by Graham
Chapman, John Cleese, Terry Gilliam, Eric Idle, Terry Jones, and Michael
Palin (Cinema International/Orion/Warner Brothers, 1979).
36. Bevis Hillier, Cartoons and Caricatures (London: Studio Vista, 1970), p. 34.
37. Ronald Paulson, Representations of Revolution: 1789–1820 (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1983), p. 181.
38. “Cartoon,” Oxford English Dictionary. Web.
39. E.M. Forster, Aspects of the Novel (New York: Harcourt, 1955), p. 67.
40. Forster, Aspects, p. 71.
41. Jay Clayton, Charles Dickens in Cyberspace: The Afterlife of the Nineteenth
Century in Postmodern Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003),
p. 149.
42. Forster, Aspects, p. 71.
43. William Hazlitt, Lectures on the English Comic Writers and Fugitive Writings
(London: Dent, 1963), pp. 43, 76.
44. Lewis, Men Without Art, p. 113.
45. Angus Fletcher, Allegory: The Theory of a Symbolic Mode (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1964), pp. 2, 3, 8, 325, 358.
46. Jayne Elizabeth Lewis, The English Fable: Aesop and Literary Culture
1651–1740 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 9.
282 Notes to pages 43–51
Classical Origins
1. Homer, The Iliad, trans. Robert Fagles (New York: Viking, 1990), pp.
106, 107.
2. William S. Anderson, Essays on Roman Satire (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1982), p. 35; cf. AS, pp. 30–40.
3. Thomas Jemielity, “Ancient Biblical Satire,” CS, pp. 15–30. On Yahweh’s
laughter, see Wood, Irresponsible Self, p. 7.
4. Edith Hall, “Introduction: Aristophanic Laughter across the Centuries,”
Aristophanes in Performance, 421 BC–AD 2007: Peace, Birds and Frogs
(London: University of Oxford Press, 2007), p. 1.
5. Jeffrey Henderson, “Introduction,” Three Plays by Aristophanes: Staging
Women (New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 37–38.
6. William Arrowsmith, “The Birds,” Aristophanes: Three Comedies (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969), p. 5.
7. Michael Silk, Aristophanes and the Definition of Comedy (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2000), pp. 102, 119, 35.
8. Henderson, “Introduction,” pp. 13–14.
9. Lois Spatz, Aristophanes (Boston: Twayne, 1978), p. 95.
10. Douglas M. McDowell, Aristophanes and Athens: An Introduction to the Plays
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 240–241.
11. Spatz, Aristophanes, p. 92.
12. Alan Sommerstein, “Introduction,” in Aristophanes, Lysistrata and Other
Plays, ed. Sommerstein (New York: Penguin, 2002) p. 133.
13. Mary C. Randolph, “The Structural Design of the Formal Verse Satire,”
Philological Quarterly 21 (1942), p. 373.
14. For a sustained argument against the Horatian/Juvenalian distinction, see
DSM, pp. 30–31.
15. Anderson, Essays, pp. 32–33.
16. Kirk Freudenburg, Satires of Rome: Threatening Poses from Lucilius to Juvenal
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 75ff.
17. Freudenburg, Satires of Rome, p. 32.
18. Rudd, “Introduction,” The Satires, p. xix.
19. Anderson, Essays, p. 39.
20. “Burns’ Heir,” The Simpsons, season 5, episode 18, written by Jace Richdale,
April 14, 1994.
21. Freudenburg, Satires of Rome, p. 17.
22. Peter Green, “Introduction,” in Juvenal, The Sixteen Satires, ed. Green,
p. xxix.
23. On Juvenal and empire, see Victoria Rimmel, “The Poor Man’s Feast,”
The Cambridge Companion to Roman Satire, ed. Kirk Freudenburg
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 84.
24. Anderson, Essays, p. 278. Cf. Rimmel, “Feast,” p. 86.
284 Notes to pages 68–77
25. “Pee,” South Park, season 13, episode 14, written by Trey Parker, November 18,
2009.
26. Anderson, Essays, p. 310.
27. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria X–XII, trans. H.E. Butler (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1961), p. 55.
28. Joel C. Relihan, Ancient Menippean Satire (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1993), p. 12.
29. Quoted in W. Scott Blanchard, Scholars’ Bedlam: Menippean Satire in the
Renaissance (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1995), pp. 33–34.
30. Relihan, Ancient, p. 32.
31. Weinbrot, Menippean, p. 1.
32. Relihan, Ancient, p. 29.
33. Weinbrot, Menippean, pp. 67, 63. Cf. Relihan, Ancient, p. 17.
34. Izaak Walton, The Compleat Angler (London: Macmillan, 1925), p. 11; see
Weinbrot, Menippean, p. 43.
35. Lucian, “Icaromenippus, an Aerial Expedition,” The Works of Lucian of
Samosata, Vol. III, trans. H.W. Fowler and F.G. Fowler (London: Oxford
University Press, 1949), p. 142.
36. Lucian, “Icaromenippus,” p. 137.
37. Lionel Casson, “Introduction,” Selected Satires of Lucian (New York: Norton,
1968) p. xv.
38. Monty Python’s The Meaning of Life, directed by Terry Jones, written by
Graham Chapman, John Cleese, Terry Gilliam, Eric Idle, Terry Jones, and
Michael Palin (Universal Pictures, 1983).
39. Lucian, “Icaromenippus.”
40. Paul L. MacKendrick, “The Great Gatsby and Trimalchio,” Classical Journal
45.7 (1950), p. 307.
41. Weinbrot, Menippean, p. 43.
42. Frank Palmeri, Satire in Narrative: Petronius, Swift, Gibbon, Melville, and
Pynchon (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 37.
43. Palmeri, Satire in Narrative, p. 22.
44. Charles Knight, “Listening to Encolpius: Modes of Confusion in the
Satyricon,” University of Toronto Quarterly, 58.3 (1989), p. 340.
45. Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953), p. 30.
46. Tim Whitemarsh, “Class,” The Cambridge Companion to the Greek and Roman
Novel, ed. Tim Whitmarsh (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 80.
23. Walter Reed, An Exemplary History of the Novel: The Quixotic Versus the
Picaresque (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 124.
24. Erasmus, The Education of a Christian Prince, trans. Neil M. Cheshire and
Michael J. Heath, ed. Lisa Jardine (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1997) p. 61; cf. Cascardi, Cervantes, Literature, p. 21.
25. Milan Kundera, The Curtain: An Essay in Seven Parts (New York:
HarperCollins, 2006), p. 8.
26. Cascardi, Cervantes, Literature, p. 244.
27. Fuentes, Buried Mirror, p. 177.
28. Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of
Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Vintage, 1988), p. 29.
29. Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda had, between the publications of
Cervantes’s two books, published his own sequel and therefore Cervantes’s
Quixote must, in Book Two, repeatedly assert the reality of his own
adventures and the inauthenticity of those recounted by Avellaneda.
30. Joseph Hall, “Prologue, Satires: Book I,” The Works of Joseph Hall, with Some
Account of his Life and Sufferings (Oxford: D.A. Talboys, 1839), p. 156. Google
Books. Web.
31. Raman Selden, English Verse Satire 1590–1765 (London: George Allen &
Unwin, 1978), pp. 46, 49.
32. Kernan, Cankered Muse, pp. 1, 44.
33. I owe this reference to David Currell.
34. Kernan, Cankered Muse, pp. 81, 81.
35. Kernan, Cankered Muse, pp. 1, 44, 45.
36. Manley, Literature and Culture, p. 373.
37. Selden, English Verse Satire, p. 46.
38. Manley, Literature and Culture, p. 390.
39. John Marston, “Prologue, Book III,” The Scourge of Villanie, quoted in
Kernan, Cankered Muse, p. 96.
40. Hall, “Satire III,” The Works of Joseph Hall, p. 263.
41. Selden, English Verse Satire, p. 52.
42. Kernan, Cankered Muse, p. 115.
43. Feinberg, Introduction to Satire, pp. 72–73. On Combe and his Romantic
successors, see Marcus Wood, Radical Satire and Print Culture 1790–1822
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 265–266.
44. See James S. Baumlin, “Generic Context of Elizabethan Satire: Rhetoric,
Poetic Theory, and Imitation,” Renaissance Genres: Essays on Theory,
History, and Interpretation, ed. Barbara Kiefer Lewalski (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1986); Heather Dubrow, “‘No Man Is an Island’:
Donne’s Satires and Satiric Tradition,” SEL: Studies in English Literature 19
(1979), pp. 71–83; Selden, English Verse Satire, pp. 59–61.
45. Kernan, Cankered Muse, p. 8.
46. Manley, Literature and Culture, p. 394.
Notes to pages 97–106 287
22. Brown, Fables, pp. 137, 143; Valerie Rumbold, Women’s Place in Pope’s World
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 167.
23. Brown, Fables, p. 149.
24. Joseph Spence, Anecdotes, Observations, and Characters of Books and Men
(London: W. Scott, 1890), p. 131. Internet Archive. Web.
25. On the lapdog as sexual toy, see Felicity A. Nussbaum, The Brink of All
We Hate: English Satires on Women 1660–1750 (Lexington: University
Press of Kentucky, 1984), p. 141.
26. Weinbrot, Eighteenth-Century Satire, p. 117.
27. Rumbold, Women’s Place, p. 70.
28. Thorne, Dialectic, p. 256.
29. Sontag, Against Interpretation, p. 280.
30. Ritchie Robertson, Mock-Epic Poetry from Pope to Heine (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2009), p. 99.
31. Rumbold, Women’s Place, p. 1; Nussbaum, Brink, p. 162.
32. Nussbaum, Brink, p. 30. On Gould, pp. 25–30; on Egerton, pp. 31–34.
33. Nussbaum, Brink, p. 148.
34. Robert Halsband, The Life of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1960), pp. 131–132.
35. Review of Lord Hervey’s Memoirs, The Quarterly Review 82 (1848), p. 508.
Google Books. Web.
36. Halsband, The Life, p. 142.
37. George E. Haggerty, Men in Love: Masculinity and Sexuality in the Eighteenth
Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), p. 71.
38. Simon Dickie, Cruelty and Laughter: Forgotten Comic Literature and the
Unsentimental Eighteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2011), p. 41.
39. Robert Halsband and Isobel Grundy, “Notes,” in Mary Wortley Montagu,
Essays and Poems and Simplicity, a Comedy, ed. Halsband and Grundy
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), p. 273.
40. Robertson, Mock-Epic Poetry, p. 99.
41. Weinbrot, Formal Strain, esp. pp. 25–29.
42. Lawrence Lipking, Samuel Johnson: The Life of an Author (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1998), p. 70; Weinbrot, Formal Strain, p. 173.
43. Lipking, Samuel Johnson, p. 70.
44. Weinbrot, Eighteenth-Century Satire, p. 182, cf. Formal Strain, pp. 210–217.
45. Leo Damrosch, Samuel Johnson and the Tragic Sense (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1972), p. 153.
46. Damrosch, Samuel Johnson, p. 152.
47. Thomas Lockwood, Post-Augustan Satire: Charles Churchill and Satirical
Poetry 1750–1800 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1979), p. 175.
48. Charles Churchill, “Epistle to William Hogarth,” Poems of C. Churchill
(London: Dryden Leach, 1763), p. 146. Internet Archive. Web.
Notes to pages 150–162 291
49. Gary Dyer, British Satire and the Politics of Style, 1789–1832 (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2006), esp. pp. 21–38.
50. James Engel, “Satiric Spirits of the Later Eighteenth Century: Johnson to
Crabbe,” CS, p. 239.
51. Steven E. Jones, Satire and Romanticism (New York: St. Martin’s, 2000), pp. 3,
5; Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Notes and Lectures Upon Shakespeare and Some
of the Old Poets and Dramatists: With Other Literary Remains of
S. T. Coleridge, Volume 2 (London: W. Pickering, 1849), p. 241. Google
Books. Web. Cf. Lockwood, Post-Augustan, p. 171.
52. Jones, Shelley’s Satire; Dyer, British Satire.
53. Wood, Radical Satire and Print Culture 1790–1822, p. 215 ff.
54. Quoted in Dyer, British Satire, p. 16.
55. Frederick L. Beaty, Byron the Satirist (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois
University Press, 1985), p. 5.
56. Matthew Arnold, “The Study of Poetry,” Essays in Criticism (Boston: Allyn
and Bacon, 1896), p. 23. Internet Archive. Web.
57. John Hollander, “Rev. of Not Much Fun: The Lost Poems of Dorothy Parker,”
Yale Review 85.1 (1997), p. 157.
58. T.S. Eliot, The Waste Land: A Facsimile and Transcript of the Original Drafts,
ed. Valerie Eliot (New York: Harcourt, 1971), p. 39.
59. W.H. Auden, Collected Poems (New York: Random House, 1976), p. 201.
60. Walcott, Fortunate Traveler, p. 60.
6. D.W. Jefferson, “Tristram Shandy and the Tradition of Learned Wit,” Essays
in Criticism 1.3 (1951), pp. 225–248.
7. Benjamin, “The Storyteller,” Illuminations, 87.
8. Palmeri, “Narrative Satire in the Nineteenth Century,” CS, p. 352.
9. D.A. Miller, The Novel and the Police (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1988), p. 60; Charles Dickens, Bleak House (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1953), p. 3.
10. Clayton, Charles Dickens, p. 148.
11. George Orwell, A Collection of Essays (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1954),
p. 56.
12. Robert Alter, Partial Magic: The Novel as a Self-Conscious Genre (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1975), p. 89.
13. Maria DiBattista, “Introduction,” in Virginia Woolf, Orlando, ed. DiBattista
(New York: Harcourt, 2006), p. lxi.
14. Edward Mendelson, “Encyclopedic Narrative: From Dante to Pynchon,”
MLN 91.6 (1976), p. 1269. On Melville and Sterne’s similaries,
Carole Fabricant, “Tristram Shandy and Moby-Dick: A Cock and Bull Story
and a Tale of a Tub,” Journal of Narrative Technique 7.1 (1977), pp. 57–69.
15. Matz, Satire in an Age of Realism, p. 170.
16. James Joyce, Ulysses (New York: Random House, 1986), p. 345.
17. Hugh Kenner, Samuel Beckett: A Critical Study (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1968), p. 37. Cf. M. Keith Booker, Flann O’Brien,
Bakhtin, and Menippean Satire (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press,
1995).
18. Flann O’Brien, At Swim-Two-Birds (Normal, IL: Dalkey Archive, 1998), pp.
6, 33.
19. Flann O’Brien, The Third Policeman (Normal, IL: Dalkey Archive, 1999), pp.
92, 145.
20. Samuel Beckett, Murphy (New York: Grove Wiedenfeld, 1957), p. 178.
21. Samuel Beckett, Molloy, Malone Dies, The Unnamable: Three Novels by
Samuel Beckett (New York: Grove, 1958), p. 80.
22. Beckett, Molloy, p. 41.
23. Brian McHale, Postmodernist Fiction (New York: Routledge, 1987), p. 172.
24. Tom LeClair, The Art of Excess: Mastery in Contemporary American Fiction
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press), p. 14.
25. Hannah Arendt, On Violence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1970),
p. 81.
26. Alan Nadel, Containment Culture: American Narrative, Postmodernism, and
the Atomic Age (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), p. 182.
27. Henry Louis Gates, Signifying Monkey: A Theory of Afro-American Literary
Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 255.
28. Leo Bersani, The Culture of Redemption (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1990), pp. 181–182.
296 Notes to pages 229–246
4. Raymond Williams, quoted in Iain Topliss, The Comic Worlds of Peter Arno,
William Steig, Charles Addams, and Saul Steinberg (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2005), p. 7.
5. Topliss, Comic Worlds, esp. pp. 39–44.
6. H.L. Mencken, “From a Critic’s Notebook,” Prejudices: Fourth, Fifth, and
Sixth Series (New York: Library of America, 2010), pp. 80–81.
7. Quoted in Marion Rodgers, Mencken: The American Iconoclast (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 1, 122.
8. Richard Wright, Black Boy (New York: Harper, 2015), p. 284.
9. See Sharon Hamilton, “American Manners,” The Oxford Critical and
Cultural History of American Magazines, Vol. 2, ed. Peter Brooker and
Andrew Thacker (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp.
224–248; Faye Hammill and Karen Leick, “Modernism and the
Quality Magazines,” in Critical and Cultural History, ed. Brooker and
Thacker, pp. 176–196; David Earle, Re-Covering Modernism: Pulps,
Paperbacks, and the Prejudice of Form (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009).
10. Quoted in Hammill and Leick, “Quality Magazines,” p. 183
11. Rodgers, Mencken, pp. 3, 184.
12. Ernest Hemingway, The Sun Also Rises (New York: Scribner, 2006), p. 49.
13. H.L. Mencken, A Mencken Chrestomathy (New York: Random, 1982), p. 584.
First published in the 1920 edition of The American Language.
14. H.L. Mencken, “Gamalielese,” On Politics: A Carnival of Buncombe, ed.
Malcolm Moos (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), p. 42.
15. Mencken, “In Memoriam: W.J.B.” Prejudices: Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Series,
pp. 214–215, 216, 217, 219.
16. Both attributions are ubiquitous, though I can find original sources for
neither. Even if spurious, they have become part of the Parker persona.
17. Nina Miller, Making Love Modern: The Intimate Public Worlds of New York’s
Literary Women (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 89.
18. Miller, Making Love Modern, p. 4.
19. Dorothy Parker, “Reading and Writing,” New Yorker, September 15, 1928,
The New Yorker Digital Archive. Web.
20. Jessica Burstein, “A Few Words about Dubuque: Modernism,
Sentimentalism, and the Blasé,” American Literary History 14.2 (2002), p.
236; on Bourdieu, p. 234.
21. Burstein, “A Few Words,” p. 240.
22. See Topliss, The Comic Worlds, p. 188.
23. John Hollander, “Dorothy Parker and the Art of Light Verse,” Yale Review
85.1 (1997), pp. 157–158.
24. On compression and seriality as techniques of sophistication, see Burstein,
“A Few Words,” pp. 237ff.
25. Tom Lehrer, “We Will All Go Together When We Go,” An Evening Wasted
with Tom Lehrer (Cambridge, MA: Lehrer Records, 1959).
298 Notes to pages 253–265
26. Steven Kercher, Revel with a Cause: Liberal Satire in Postwar America
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).
27. James D. Bloom, The Comic Jewish Shaping of Modern America (Westport,
CT: Praeger, 2003), p. 49.
28. Kercher, Revel, pp. 63, 145.
29. Paul Krassner, “The Parts that Were Left Out of the Kennedy Book,”
The Realist 74 (May 1967), p. 18.
30. Art Simon, Dangerous Knowledge: The JFK Assassination in Art and Film
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996), p. 64.
31. Gerald Nachman, Seriously Funny: The Rebel Comedians of the 1950s and
1960s (New York: Pantheon, 2003), p. 10.
32. Jonathan Miller, Alan Bennett, both quoted in Humphrey Carpenter, A Great
Silly Grin: The British Satire Boom of the 1960s (New York: Public Affairs,
2002), p. 97.
33. Quoted in Carpenter, Great Silly Grin, p. 131; on Ross’s New Yorker, p. 49; on
Mad, p. 156. Cf. Kercher, Revel, p. 183.
34. Kercher, Revel, p. 120.
35. Stephen Wragg, “Comedy, Politics and Permissiveness: The ‘Satire Boom’
and its Inheritance,” Contemporary Politics 8.4 (2002), pp. 319–334.
36. J. Hoberman, “When the Nazis Became Nudniks,” The New York Times,
April 15, 2001.
37. Henriksen, Dr. Strangelove’s America, p. 318.
38. Robert Brustein, “Out of This World,” The New York Review of Books,
February 6, 1964.
39. Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,”
Illuminations, p. 242.
40. Helene Keyssar, Robert Altman’s America (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1991), p. 57.
41. Keyssar, Robert Altman’s, p. 58.
42. Randy Newman, “Political Science,” Sail Away (New York: Reprise Records,
1972).
43. Nace, “Interactive Satire,” n.p.
44. Amber Day, Satire and Dissent: Interventions in Contemporary Debate
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011), p. 7.
45. Real Life, directed Albert Brooks, written by Albert Brooks, Monica Johnson,
and Harry Shearer (Paramount Pictures, 1979).
46. Day, Satire and Dissent, p. 107.
47. David Marc, “Foreword,” Satire TV: Politics and Debate in the Post-Network
Era, ed. Jonathan Gray, Jeffrey P. Jones, and Ethan Thompson (New York:
NYU Press, 2009), p. x.
48. Tom Carson, “The Legacy of David Letterman, Icon of the Grizzled
Generation,” Rev. of Letterman: The Last Giant of Late Night by Jason
Zinoman, The New York Times, April 10, 2017.
Notes to pages 265–276 299
49. Jonathan Gray, Jeffrey P. Jones, and Ethan Thompson, “The State of Satire,
the Satire of the State,” in Satire TV, ed. Gray, Jones, and Thompson,
pp. 23–24.
50. Geoffrey Baym, From Cronkite to Colbert: The Evolution of Broadcast News
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 147.
51. “Bush Takes Charge,” Private Eye 1037, September 21, 2001; “A Shattered
Nation Longs to Care about Stupid Bullshit Again,” The Onion 37.35,
October 3, 2001; “Privileged Children of Millionaires Square off on World
Stage,” The Onion 37.38, October 24, 2001.
52. Sophia McClennen, America According to Colbert: Satire as Public Pedagogy
(New York: Palgrave, 2011), p. 85.
53. Day, Satire and Dissent, p. 75.
54. Day, Satire and Dissent, pp. 71–72, 58; McClennen, America, p. 89.
55. McClennen, America, p. 99.
56. Baym, Cronkite to Colbert, p. 104.
57. Crossfire. “Jon Stewart.” CNN. October 19, 2004. YouTube. Web. www
.youtube.com/watch?t=601&v=aFQFB5YpDZE.
58. The Colbert Report. “The Word: Truthiness.” Comedy Central. October 17,
2005. Web. www.cc.com/video-clips.
59. Baym, Cronkite to Colbert, p. 110; Day, Satire and Dissent, p. 73.
60. The Daily Show. “Bush versus Bush.” Comedy Central. April 28, 2003. Web.
www.cc.com/video-clips.
61. John Koblin, “When Fake News Was Funny,” The New York Times,
December 1, 2016. Web.
For primary works from which I quote frequently, I cite the following editions
using parenthetical references. In most cases, parenthetical references indicate
page numbers; in other cases, I specify whether they refer to volumes, chapters,
cantos, or lines.
300
Editions Cited 301
Erasmus, Desiderius. The Praise of Folly. Robert M. Adams, trans. and ed.
New York: Norton, 1989.
Fielding, Henry. Joseph Andrews and Shamela. New York: Penguin, 1999.
Gibbons, Stella. Cold Comfort Farm. New York: Penguin, 2006.
Heller, Joseph. Catch-22. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011.
Horace. The Satires of Horace and Persius. Niall Rudd, trans. and ed. New York:
Penguin, 2005. Book, satire, and line.
Johnson, Samuel. Selected Poetry and Prose. Frank Brady and W.K. Wimsatt, eds.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. For The History of
Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia, chapter and page. For “London” and
“The Vanity of Human Wishes,” line.
Jonson, Ben. “Volpone.” Volpone and Other Plays. Michael Jamieson, ed.
New York: Penguin, 2004.
Juvenal. The Sixteen Satires. Peter Green trans. and ed. New York: Penguin, 3rd
edn, 2004. Satire and line.
Lewis, Sinclair. Babbitt. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Loos, Anita. Gentlemen Prefer Blondes and But Gentlemen Marry Brunettes.
New York: Penguin, 1998.
Lucian. Selected Satires of Lucian. Lionel Casson, trans. and ed. New York:
Norton, 1968.
Mandeville, Bernard. The Fable of the Bees: Or Private Vices, Publick Benefits.
Philip Harth, ed. New York: Penguin, 1989.
McCarthy, Mary. The Groves of Academe. New York: Harcourt Books, 2002.
Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley. “Verses Addressed to the Imitator of the First
Satire of the Second Book of Horace,” Essays and Poems and Simplicity,
a Comedy. Robert Halsband and Isobel Grundy, eds. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1977. Line.
More, Thomas. Utopia. Robert M. Adams, trans. and ed. New York: Norton, 2010.
Nashe, Thomas. The Unfortunate Traveller and Other Works. J.B. Steane, ed.
New York: Penguin, 1985.
Parker, Dorothy. The Portable Dorothy Parker. Marion Meade, ed. New York:
Penguin, 2006.
Persius. The Satires of Horace and Persius. Niall Rudd trans. and ed. New York:
Penguin, 2005. Satire and line.
Petronius. The Satyricon. P.G. Walsh, trans. and ed. New York: Oxford University
Press, 2009.
Pope, Alexander. The Poems of Alexander Pope: A Reduced Version of the
Twickenham Text. John Butt, ed. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1963. Line and, where relevant, page, canto, book, or epistle. Includes all
cited writings of Pope.
Powell, Dawn. A Time to Be Born. South Royalton, VT: Steerforth Press, 1996.
Pynchon, Thomas. Gravity’s Rainbow. New York: Penguin, 1973.
Rabelais, François. Gargantua and Pantagruel. M. A. Screech, trans. and ed.
New York: Penguin, 2006. Book, chapter, and page.
Reed, Ishmael. Mumbo Jumbo. New York: Scribner’s, 1996.
302 Editions Cited
Rochester, John Wilmot, Earl of. The Works of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester.
Harold Love, ed. New York: Oxford, 1999. Page and line. For
modernization and minor editorial modifications, Selected Poems by
John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester. Paul Davis, ed. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2013.
Sterne, Laurence. The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy. New York: Penguin,
1967. Book, chapter, and page.
Swift, Jonathan. The Essential Writings of Jonathan Swift. Claude Rawson and
Ian Higgins, eds. New York: Norton, 2010. Page. Includes all cited
writings of Swift except Gulliver’s Travels.
Gulliver’s Travels: Based on the 1726 Edition. Albert Rivero, ed. New York:
Norton, 2002. Book, chapter, and page.
Twain, Mark. The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn: A Norton Critical Edition.
Thomas Cooley, ed. New York: Norton, 1999.
Voltaire. Candide: or Optimism. Robert M. Adams, trans. and ed. New York:
Norton, 1991. Chapter and page.
Waugh, Evelyn. A Handful of Dust. Boston: Little, Brown, 1934.
Decline and Fall. Boston, Little, Brown, 1928.
West, Nathanael. A Cool Million and The Dream Life of Balso Snell. New York:
Farrar, Strauss, Giroux, 1996.
Films Cited
303
Index
304
Index 305
Cervantes, Miquel de, 34, 40, 78, Pride and Prejudice (Austen), 45,
85–93, 98, 129, 136f, 154, 187 168–171
Changing Places (Lodge), 166, 181, 182 Victorian and modern, 171–175
Charbonnier, Stéphane, 271, 275 comic folly, 86, 87
Charlie Hebdo magazine, 8, 24, 245, comic inferno, 239
272–276 comic invective, 128
Christianity in satire, 81, 84, 87, 148–149 comic satire, 93, 192, 217–220
Churchill, Charles, 150–151 commedia dell’arte, 98
circumlocution in Menippean satire, communism, 172, 232, 241, 258
217–220 community politics, 272–276
city comedy, 98–103 Compass Players, 255
classical satire complaint, 69, 78, 94, 112, 128, 148
Aristophanes, 56–62 Compton-Burnett, Ivy, 45, 51, 172,
introduction to, 55–56, 132 176–178
Menippean satire, 69–76 Conrad, Joseph, 32, 240
picaresque adventures, 203 conservatism, 104
Roman verse satire, 62–69 contrarian spirit, 110–115
A Clockwork Orange (Burgess), 30, A Cool Million (West), 206–208, 241
191, 243 Cope, Wendy, 34–35
A Clockwork Orange (film), 30 cosmic irony, 32
Cloudcuckooland, 57, 58, 71, 83, 92, 240 cosmic satire, 26
the clown, 77 counterpublics, 11, 50
Cockayne, 82 Court Wits, 129
Coetzee, J.M., 82, 180–181 Crazy Rich Asians (Kwan), 167
Cohn, Ruby, 28 Crome Yellow (Huxley), 166, 172
Colbert, Stephen, 80, 268–270 cruel humor, 29, 173, 206
Cold Comfort Farm (Gibbons), 36, Cruikshank, George, 41, 151
175–178
Cold War satire, 214, 253, 255 Dampier, William, 115
Collier, Jane, 30, 80, 112–115, 168 Darwin, Charles, 44, 241
Combe, William, 95 Decline and Fall (Waugh), 204–207
comedy Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
city comedy, 98–103 (Gibbon), 206
laughter in, 28–29 defamiliarization, 117
romantic comedy, 27–30 Defoe, Daniel, 80, 106–110, 115, 126,
sadistic comedy, 89 137, 187, 190, 202
screwball comedy, 27–30 degenerative satire, 214
situation comedy, 27–30 Dekker, Thomas, 98, 106
stand-up comedy, 27–30, 47, 254–255 DeLillo, Don, 55, 180, 234–238
threat-level of the object in, 28 Democritus, 55–56, 148
comedy of correction, 159 Dentith, Simon, 34
comedy of manners Dialogues of the Dead (Lucian), 72–73
Babbitt (Lewis), 39–40, 183–185 Dickens, Charles, 42–43, 171, 175, 187,
campus novel, 179–183 190, 191–197, 211f, 214, 217–220
introduction to, 162, 165–168 Dickie, Simon, 192
Index 307
camp novel, 181, 220 myth, 10, 73, 82, 95, 185, 207, 227,
dystopia, 238–243 232, 263
introduction to, 9, 213–215
overview of, 69–76, 162 Nabokov, Vladimir, 27, 33, 35, 39, 155,
postmodern American fiction, 181
222–238, 260f the naïf, 25, 77, 153, 178, 188, 198,
subgenre of the anatomy, 78 201–208, 210
zigzaggery and circumlocution in, Nashe, Thomas, 78, 94, 98, 106,
215–220 186–187, 189
metafiction, 213 Nast, Thomas, 41
Metropolitan (film), 168 Nathan, George Jean, 246
military-industrial complex, 223, 225, National Lampoon, 255
257, 259 Network (film), 25, 262–265, 270
Milne, A.A., 250–251 Never Let Me Go (Ishiguro), 243
misanthropy, 119, 143 New Comedy, 57
mise en abyme, 80 The New Metamorphosis (Gildon),
Moby Dick (Melville), 221 188–189
mock epic (mock heroic), 39, 132–141 New Voyage Round the World
mock forms of satire, 38–41, 58 (Dampier), 115
mock interview, 38 New Yorker magazine, 42, 245–246,
mock newspaper, 38 248, 250–251, 253, 255, 274
mock satire, 10 Newman, Randy, 262
mockumentary, 38, 264 Nineteen Eighty-Four (Orwell), 29,
modernist naïfs in picaresque 239, 242
adventures, 201–208 noir thriller, 168
modernist print culture, 245–252 novel of manners, 165
A Modest Proposal (Swift), 32, 75, “A Nursery Rhyme” (Cope), 34–35
106–110, 111, 114, 120
modest proposal genre, 10, 106–110, Obama, Barack, 270, 274
240, 262 O’Brien, Flann, 46, 221, 244
Moll Flanders (Defoe), 190, 200, Old Comedy, 56–63, 70
202 Oldham, John, 129
Momus (Alberti), 79 The Onion magazine, 17, 266
Montagu, Mary Wortley, 20, 46–47, online satire, 265–266
115, 142–144, 146 oriental tale, 120–126
Monty Python, 50, 74, 230, 255 Orlando (Woolf), 220
Moore, Michael, 264 Orwell, George, 29, 44, 85, 108, 134,
moral fable, 121, 122, 192 172, 218, 239–241, 242, 253
moral norms, 13, 15, 17 ottava rima, 20, 152
moral satire, 12, 76, 94–95, 100,
202 pacifism, 59–62
More, Thomas, 78–85, 92f, 112, Pale Fire (Nobokov), 39, 155, 181
189, 240 Palmeri, Frank, 43, 159
Mumbo Jumbo (Reed), 225–228 Pamela; or, Virtue Rewarded
Mundus Alter et Idem, 83, 115 (Richardson), 193
312 Index
paper wars/satire wars, 142, 144, 150, postwar satire boom, 252–262, 267f
151–152 satiric news, 262–271
Parker, Dorothy, 20, 44, 154, 249–252 postmodern American fiction,
parochialism, 169 222–238, 260f
parodic news, 265–266, 270 postmodernism in picaresque
parody, 33, 37f adventures, 208–212, 228f
Paulson, Ronald, 13, 73, 159, 187–188 postwar satire boom, 252–262, 267f
Peacock, Thomas Love, 172, 177, 220 postwar satire in film, 255–262, 267f
Peloponnesian War, 59–60 Pound, Ezra, 13, 47
PEN America, 273 Powell, Dawn, 20, 167, 178–179,
performance in satire, 18–21, 19f 233
periodical satire, 244 Powhida, William, 47
Persius, 9, 62–63, 78, 94–95, 98 practice of satire, 9–11
Petronius, 9, 69, 71, 74–76, 98, 125, praise and blame, 13, 14f
186, 230 Praise of Folly (Erasmus), 78–85,
Philautia (self love), 90 86, 92f
philosophical satire, 132, 148, 213 Pride and Prejudice (Austen), 42,
picaresque adventures 45–46, 64, 168–171
in American West, 197–201 Private Eye, 42, 255, 266–267
introduction to, 78, 162, 186–191 prose tradition. See enlightenment
misfortune in, 187–188 satire in prose
modernist naïfs, 201–208 “prosimetric” combination, 229
post-modernism, 208–212, 228f Protestant conversion stories, 115
Quixotean hero, 191–197, 211f proto-dystopias, 241
the pícaro, 77 proto-feminist literature, 59–62
The Pickwick Papers (Dickens), 163, Proust, Marcel, 172
190, 191–197 “Proverbs of Hell” (Blake), 45
Piers Plowman (Langland), 93–94 provocation in satire, 18–21, 19f
Pithou, Pierre, 69 public sphere, 61, 105, 106, 108, 110,
The Player (film), 168 137, 147, 178, 179, 214, 245, 263,
poetic caricatures, 79 269–270
poetic satire, 93–97, 127. See also verse Punch, 42, 244
satire Puritanism, 165, 203–204, 247
Poetics (Aristotle), 57 purposeless horror, 125
political allegory, 116 Pynchon, Thomas, 49, 88, 209, 214,
political cartoons, 246 228–232, 234, 238
political fable, 239
political satire, 23–24, 265, 266–270, Quixote fictions/figures, 191, 193–195,
272–276 198, 199
Pope, Alexander, 4, 8, 38, 39, 104, Quixotean hero, 191–197, 211f
136–138, 139–141, 142–144 Qu’ranic verses, 5
popular culture (after 1900s)
introduction to, 244–245 Rabelais, François, 5, 18, 25, 56, 70, 78,
modernist print culture, 245–252 80, 85–93, 117, 136f, 169, 275
Index 313
Authors
Margaret Atwood Heidi Macpherson Christopher Marlowe Tom Rutter
Jane Austen (second edition) Janet Todd Herman Melville Kevin J. Hayes
Samuel Beckett Ronan McDonald Milton Stephen B. Dobranski
Walter Benjamin David Ferris George Orwell John Rodden and
Lord Byron Richard Lansdown John Rossi
Chaucer Alastair Minnis Sylvia Plath Jo Gill
Chekhov James N. Loehlin Edgar Allan Poe Benjamin F. Fisher
J. M. Coetzee Dominic Head Ezra Pound Ira Nadel
Samuel Taylor Coleridge John Worthen Marcel Proust Adam Watt
Joseph Conrad John Peters Jean Rhys Elaine Savory
Jacques Derrida Leslie Hill Edward Said Conor McCarthy
Charles Dickens Jon Mee Shakespeare Emma Smith
Emily Dickinson Wendy Martin Shakespeare’s Comedies Penny Gay
George Eliot Nancy Henry Shakespeare’s History Plays
Warren Chernaik
T. S. Eliot John Xiros Cooper
Shakespeare’s Poetry Michael Schoenfeldt
William Faulkner Theresa M. Towner
Shakespeare’s Tragedies Janette Dillon
F. Scott Fitzgerald Kirk Curnutt
Tom Stoppard William W. Demastes
Michel Foucault Lisa Downing
Harriet Beecher Stowe Sarah Robbins
Robert Frost Robert Faggen
Mark Twain Peter Messent
Gabriel Garcia Marquez Gerald Martin
Edith Wharton Pamela Knights
Nathaniel Hawthorne Leland S. Person
Walt Whitman M. Jimmie Killingsworth
Zora Neale Hurston Lovalerie King
Virginia Woolf Jane Goldman
James Joyce Eric Bulson
William Wordsworth Emma Mason
Kafka Carolin Duttlinger
W. B. Yeats David Holdeman
Thomas Mann Todd Kontje
Topics
American Literary Realism Anglo-Saxon Literature Hugh Magennis
Phillip Barrish British Poetry, 1945–2010 Eric Falci
The American Short Story Contemporary American Fiction
Martin Scofield Stacey Olster
Comedy Eric Weitz The Nineteenth-Century American Novel
Creative Writing David Morley Gregg Crane
Early English Theatre Janette Dillon The Novel Marina MacKay
Early Modern Drama, 1576–1642 Old Norse Sagas Margaret Clunies Ross
Julie Sanders Performance Theory Simon Shepherd
The Eighteenth-Century Novel Postcolonial Literatures C. L. Innes
April London Postmodern Fiction Bran Nicol
Eighteenth-Century Poetry John Sitter Romantic Poetry Michael Ferber
English Theatre, 1660–1900 Russian Literature Caryl Emerson
Peter Thomson
Satire Jonathan Greenberg
French Literature Brian Nelson
Scenography Joslin McKinney and
Francophone Literature Patrick Corcoran Philip Butterworth
German Poetry Judith Ryan The Short Story in English Adrian Hunter
Literature and the Environment Theatre Directing Christopher Innes and
Timothy Clark Maria Shevtsova
Modern British Theatre Theatre Historiography
Simon Shepherd Thomas Postlewait
Modern Irish Poetry Justin Quinn Theatre and Literature of the Absurd
Modernism Pericles Lewis Michael Y. Bennett
Modernist Poetry Peter Howarth Theatre Studies Christopher B. Balme
Narrative (second edition) Tragedy Jennifer Wallace
H. Porter Abbott Victorian Poetry Linda K. Hughes