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 Means of
Chemical Belligerent Effect
Projection
Benzyl iodide French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Benzyl chloride French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Bromoacetone French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Lethal
Bromobenzylcyanide French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Bromomethylethylketone German Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Lethal Artillery shell
Benzyl bromide German Lachrymatory Artillery shell
French
Chlorine German Lethal Cylinders
British (cloud gas)
French
American
Chlorosulfonic acid German Irritant Hand grenades,
light minenwerfer
Chloroacetone French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Chlorobenzene (as solvent) German Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Chloropicrin British Lethal Artillery shell
French Lachrymatory Trench mortar
bombs
German Projectors
American
Cyanogen bromide Austrian Lethal Artillery shell
Dichloromethylether German Lachrymatory Artillery shell
(as solvent)
Diphenylchloroarsine German Sternutatory Artillery shell
Lethal
Dichloroethylsulfide German Vesicant Artillery shell
French Lethal
British Irritant
American
Ethyldichloroarsine German Lethal Artillery shell
Ethyliodoacetate British Lachrymatory Artillery shell,
4-in. Stokes’
mortars,
hand grenades
French (In mixtures. See Lachrymatory
Hydrocyanic acid
below)
Methylchlorosulfonate German Irritant Minenwerfer
Monochloromethylchloroformate French Lachrymatory Lachrymatory
Phosgene British Lethal Projectors,
French trench mortars,
German artillery shell,
American cylinders
 Means of
Chemical Belligerent Effect
Projection
Phenylcarbylaminechloride German Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Irritant
Trichlormethylchloroformate German Lethal Artillery shell
Stannic chloride British Irritant Hand grenades
French Cloud forming Artillery
American Projectors
4-in. Stokes’
mortar bombs
Sulfuric anhydride German Irritant Hand grenades,
minenwerfer,
artillery shell
Xylyl bromide German Lachrymatory Artillery shell

TABLE I—Continued
Means of
Chemical Belligerent Effect
Projection
Mixtures[4]
Bromoacetone (80%) and French Lachrymatory Artillery shell
Chloroacetone (20%) Lethal
Chlorine (50%) and British Lethal
Cylinders
Phosgene (50%) German
Chlorine (70%) and Lethal
British Cylinders
Chloropicrin (30%) Lachrymatory
Chloropicrin (65%) and Lethal
British Cylinders
Hydrogen sulfide (35%) Lachrymatory
Chloropicrin (80%) and British Lethal Artillery shell
Stannic chloride (20%) French Lachrymatory Trench mortar bombs
American Irritant Projectors
Chloropicrin (75%) and Lethal Artillery shell
Phosgene (25%) British Lachrymatory Trench mortar bombs,
projectors
Dichloroethyl sulfide (80%) German Vesicant
and Chlorobenzene (20%) French Lethal Artillery shell
British
American
Ethyl carbazol (50%) and Sternutatory
German Artillery shell
Diphenylcyanoarsine (50%) Lethal
Ethyldichloroarsine (80%) and Lethal
German Artillery shell
Dichloromethylether (20%) Lachrymatory
Ethyliodoacetate (75%) and Artillery shell,
Alcohol (25%) British Lachrymatory 4-in. Stokes’ mortars,
 Means of
Chemical Belligerent Effect
Projection
hand grenades
Hydrocyanic acid (55%)
Chloroform (25%) and British Lethal Artillery shell
Arsenious chloride (20%)
Hydrocyanic acid (50%),
Arsenious chloride (30%), French Lethal Artillery shell
Stannic chloride (15%) and
Chloroform (5%)
Phosgene (50%) and
British Lethal Artillery shell
Arsenious chloride (50%)
Dichloroethyl sulfide (80%) German Vesicant
and Carbon tetrachloride (20%) French Lethal Artillery shell
British
American
Phosgene (60%) and British Lethal
Artillery shell
Stannic chloride (40%) French Irritant
Methyl sulfate (75%) and Lachrymatory
French Artillery shell
Chloromethyl sulfate (25%) Irritant

(2) To simulate the presence of a toxic gas. This may be done either by
using a substance whose odor in the field strongly suggests that of the gas
in question, or by so thoroughly associating a totally different odor with a
particular “gas” in normal use that, when used alone, it still seems to imply
the presence of that gas. This use of imitation gas would thus be of service
in economizing the use of actual “gas” or in the preparation of surprise
attacks.
While there was some success with this kind of “gas,” very few such
attacks were really carried out, and these were in connection with projector
attacks.

Gases Used
Table I gives a list of all the gases used by the various armies, the
nation which used them, the effect produced and the means of projection
used.
Table II gives the properties of the more important war cases (compiled
by Major R. E. Wilson, C. W. S.).
 The gases used by the Germans may also be classified by the names
of the shell in which they were used. Table III gives such a classification.

Markings for American Shell

In selecting markings for American chemical shell, red bands were
used to denote persistency, white bands to denote non-persistency and
lethal properties, yellow bands to denote smoke, and purple bands to
denote incendiary action. The number of bands indicates the relative
strength of the property indicated; thus, three red bands denote a gas more
persistent than one red band.
The following shell markings were actually used:
1 White Diphenylchloroarsine
2 White Phosgene
1 White, 1 red Chloropicrin
1 White, 1 red, 1 75% Chloropicrin, 25% Phosgene
white
1 White, 1 red, 1 80% Chloropicrin, 20% Stannic
yellow Chloride
1 Red Bromoacetone
2 Red Bromobenzylcyanide
3 Red Mustard Gas
1 Yellow White Phosphorus
2 Yellow Titanium Tetrachloride

TABLE II
Physical Constants of Important War Gases
Liquid
Vapor
Density
Melting Boiling Pressure
Molecular at 20° C.
Name of Gas Formula point, point, at 20° C.
Weight under
°C. °C. (mm.
Own
Hg)
Pressure
 Liquid
Vapor
Density
Melting Boiling Pressure
Molecular at 20° C.
Name of Gas Formula point, point, at 20° C.
Weight under
°C. °C. (mm.
Own
Hg)
Pressure
Bromoacetone C₃H₅BrO 136.98 1.7(?) - 54 126 9(?)
Carbon monoxide CO 28.00 (Gas) -207 -190 (Gas)
Cyanogen bromide BrCN 106.02 2.01 52 61.3 89
Cyanogen chloride ClCN 61.56 1.186 -6 15 1002
Chlorine Cl₂ 70.92 1.408 -101.5 33.6 5126
Chloropicrin Cl₃C(NO₂) 164.39 1.654 - 69.2 112 18.9
Dichloroethyl sulfide (CH₃CHCl₂)S 169.06 1.274 12.5 216 .06
Diphenylchloroarsine (C₆H₅)₂AsCl 264.56 1.422 44 333 .0025
Hydrocyanic acid HCN 27.11 .697 - 14 26.1 603
Phenyldichloroarsine C₆H₅AsCl₂ 210.96 1.640 ... 253 .022
Phosgene COCl₂ 98.92 1.38 ... 8.2 1215
Stannic chloride SnCl₄ 260.54 2.226 - 33 114 18.58
Superpalite CCl₃COOCl 197.85 1.65 ... 128 10.3
(
Xylyl bromide CH₃)C₆H₄CH₂Br 185.03 1.381 -2 214.5 ...

TABLE III
German Shell
Nature of
Name of Shell Shell Filling
Effect
B-shell [K₁ shell (White B or BM)] Bromoketone Lachrymator
(Bromomethylethyl ketone)
Blue Cross (a) Diphenylchloroarsine Sternutator
(b) Diphenylcyanoarsine Sternutator
(c) Diphenylchloroarsine,
Ethyl carbazol
C-shell (Green Cross) (White C) Superpalite Asphyxiant
D-shell (White D) Phosgene Lethal
(a) Superpalite
Green Cross Asphyxiant
(b) Phenylcarbylaminechloride
Superpalite 65%,
Green Cross 1 Asphyxiant
Chloropicrin 35%
 Nature of
Name of Shell Shell Filling
Effect
Superpalite,
Green Cross 2 Phosgene, Asphyxiant
Diphenylchloroarsine
Green Cross 3 Ethyldichloroarsine,
(Yellow Cross 1) Methyldibromoarsine, Asphyxiant
Dichloromethyl ether
K-shell (Yellow) Chloromethylchloroformate Asphyxiant
(Palite)
Xylyl bromide,
T-shell (Black or green T) Lachrymator
Bromo ketone
Mustard gas,
Yellow Cross Vesicant
Diluent (CCl₄, C₆H₅Cl, C₆H₅NO₂)
Yellow Cross 1 See Green Cross 3
 CHAPTER III
DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEMICAL WARFARE
SERVICE

Modern chemical warfare dates from April 22, 1915. Really,

however, it may be said to have started somewhat earlier, for
Germany undoubtedly had spent several months in perfecting a
successful gas cylinder and a method of attack. The Allies, surprised
by such a method of warfare, were forced to develop, under
pressure, a method of defense, and then, when it was finally decided
to retaliate, a method of gas warfare. “Offensive organizations were
enrolled in the Engineer Corps of the two armies and trained for the
purpose of using poisonous gases; the first operation of this kind
was carried out by the British at the battle of Loos in September,
1915.
“Shortly after this the British Army in the field amalgamated all the
offensive, defensive, advisory and supply activities connected with
gas warfare and formed a ‘Gas Service’ with a Brigadier General as
Director. This step was taken almost as a matter of necessity, and
because of the continually increasing importance of the use of gas in
the war (Auld).”
At once the accumulation of valuable information and experience
was started. Later this was very willingly and freely placed at the
disposal of American workers. Too much cannot be said about the
hearty co-operation of England and France. Without it and the later
exchange of information on all matters regarding gas warfare, the
progress of gas research in all the allied countries would have been
very much retarded.
While many branches of the American Army were engaged in
following the progress of the war during 1915-1916, the growing
importance of gas warfare was far from being appreciated. When the
United States declared war on Germany April 6, 1917, there were a
few scattered observations on gas warfare in various offices of the
different branches, but there was no attempt at an organized survey
of the field, while absolutely no effort had been made by the War
Department to inaugurate research in a field that later had 2,000
men alone in pure research work. Equally important was the fact that
no branch of the Service had any idea of the practical methods of
gas warfare.
The only man who seemed to have the vision and the courage of
his convictions was Van H. Manning, Director of the Bureau of
Mines. Since the establishment of the Bureau in 1908 it had
maintained a staff of investigators studying poisonous and explosive
gases in mines, the use of self-contained breathing apparatus for
exploring mines filled with noxious gases, the treatment of men
overcome by gas, and similar problems. At a conference of the
Director of the Bureau with his Division Chiefs, on February 7, 1917,
the matter of national preparedness was discussed, and especially
the manner in which the Bureau could be of most immediate
assistance with its personnel and equipment. On February 8, the
Director wrote C. D. Walcott, Chairman of the Military Committee of
the National Research Council, pointing out that the Bureau of Mines
could immediately assist the Navy and the Army in developing, for
naval or military use, special oxygen breathing apparatus similar to
that used in mining. He also stated that the Bureau could be of aid in
testing types of gas masks used on the fighting lines, and had
available testing galleries at the Pittsburgh experiment station and an
experienced staff. Dr. Walcott replied on February 12 that he was
bringing the matter to the attention of the Military Committee.
A meeting was arranged between the Bureau and the War
College, the latter organization being represented by Brigadier
General Kuhn and Major L. P. Williamson. At this conference the War
Department enthusiastically accepted the offer of the Bureau of
Mines and agreed to support the work in every way possible.
The supervision of the research on gases was offered to Dr. G. A.
Burrell, for a number of years in charge of the chemical work done
by the Bureau in connection with the investigation of mine gases and
natural gas. He accepted the offer on April 7, 1917. The smoothness
with which the work progressed under his direction and the
importance of the results obtained were the result of Colonel
Burrell’s great tact, his knowledge of every branch of research under
investigation and his imagination and general broad-mindedness.
Once, however, that the importance of gas warfare had been
brought to the attention of the chemists of the country, the response
was very eager and soon many of the best men of the university and
industrial plants were associated with Burrell in all the phases of gas
research. The staff grew very rapidly and laboratories were started at
various points in the East and Middle West.
It was immediately evident that there should be a central
laboratory in Washington to co-ordinate the various activities and
also to considerably enlarge those activities under the joint direction
of the Army, the Navy and the Bureau of Mines. Fortunately a site
was available for such a laboratory at the American University, the
use of the buildings and grounds having been tendered President
Wilson on April 30, 1917. Thus originated the American University
Experiment Station, later to become the Research Division of the
Chemical Warfare Service.
Meanwhile other organizations were getting under way. The
procurement of toxic gases and the filling of shell was assigned to
the Trench Warfare Section of the Ordnance Department. In June,
1917, General Crozier, then Chief of the Ordnance Department,
approved the general proposition of building a suitable plant for filling
shell with toxic gas. In November, 1917, it was decided to establish
such a plant at Gunpowder Neck, Maryland. Owing to the inability of
the chemical manufacturers to supply the necessary toxic gases, it
was further decided, in December, 1917, to erect at the same place
such chemical plants as would be necessary to supply these gases.
In January, 1918, the name was changed to Edgewood Arsenal, and
the project was made a separate Bureau of the Ordnance
Department, Col. William H. Walker, of the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, being soon afterwards put in command.
 While, during the latter part of the War, gas shell were handled by
the regular artillery, special troops were needed for cylinder attacks,
Stokes’ mortars, Livens’ projectors and for other forms of gas
warfare. General Pershing early cabled, asking for the organization
and training of such troops, and recommended that they be placed,
as in the English Army, under the jurisdiction of the Engineer Corps.
On August 15, 1917, the General Staff authorized one regiment of
Gas and Flame troops, which was designated the “30th Engineers,”
and was commanded by Major (later Colonel) E. J. Atkisson. This
later became the First Gas Regiment, of the Chemical Warfare
Service.
About this time (September, 1917) the need of gas training was
recognized by the organization of a Field Training Section, under the
direction of the Sanitary Corps, Medical Department. Later it was
recognized that neither the Training Section nor the Divisional Gas
Officers should be under the Medical Department, and, in January,
1918, the organization was transferred to the Engineer Corps.
All of these, with the exception of the Gas and Flame regiment,
were for service on this side. The need for an Overseas force was
recognized and definitely stated in a letter, dated August 4, 1917. On
September 3, 1917, an order was issued establishing the Gas
Service, under the command of Lt. Col. (later Brigadier General) A.
A. Fries, as a separate Department of the A. E. F. in France. In spite
of a cable on September 26th, in which General Pershing had said
“Send at once chemical laboratory, complete
equipment and personnel, including physiological
and pathological sections, for extensive
investigation of gases and powders....”
it was not until the first of January, 1918, that Colonel R. F. Bacon of
the Mellon Institute sailed for France with about fifty men and a
complete laboratory equipment.
Meantime a Chemical Service Section had been organized in the
United States. This holds the distinction of being the first recognition
of chemistry as a separate branch of the military service in any
country or any war. This was authorized October 16, 1917, and was
to consist of an officer of the Engineers, not above the rank of
colonel, who was to be Director of Gas Service, with assistants, not
above the rank of lieutenant colonel from the Ordnance Department,
Medical Department and Chemical Service Section. The Section
itself was to consist of 47 commissioned and 95 non-commissioned
officers and privates. Colonel C. L. Potter, Corps of Engineers, was
appointed Director and Professor W. H. Walker was commissioned
Lieutenant Colonel and made Assistant Director of the Gas Service
and Chief of the Chemical Service Section. This was increased on
Feb. 15, 1918 to 227 commissioned and 625 enlisted men, and on
May 6, 1918 to 393 commissioned and 920 enlisted men. Meanwhile
Lt. Col. Walker had been transferred to the Ordnance and Lt. Col.
Bogert had been appointed in his place.
At this time practically every branch of the Army had some
connection with Gas Warfare. The Medical Corps directed the Gas
Defense production. Offense production was in the hands of the
Ordnance Department. Alarm devices, etc., were made by the Signal
Corps. The Engineers contributed their 30th Regiment (Gas and
Flame) and the Field Training Section. The Research Section was
still in charge of the Bureau of Mines, in spite of repeated attempts to
militarize it. And in addition, the Chemical Service Section had been
formed primarily to deal with overseas work. While the Director of the
Gas Service was expected to co-ordinate all these activities, he was
given no authority to control policy, research or production.
In order to improve these conditions Major General Wm. L.
Sibert, a distinguished Engineer Officer who built the Gatun Locks
and Dam of the Panama Canal and who had commanded the First
Division in France, was appointed Director of the Chemical Warfare
Service on May 11, 1918. Under his direction the Chemical Warfare
Service was organized with the following Divisions:
Brigadier General Amos A.
Overseas
Fries
Research Colonel G. A. Burrell
Development Colonel F. M. Dorsey
Gas Defense Colonel Bradley Dewey
Production
Gas Offense Colonel Wm. H. Walker
Production
Medical Colonel W. J. Lyster
Proving Lt. Col. W. S. Bacon
Brigadier General H. C.
Administration
Newcomer
Gas and Flame Colonel E. J. Atkisson
The final personnel authorized, though never reached owing to
the signing of the Armistice, was 4,066 commissioned officers and
44,615 enlisted men; this was including three gas regiments of
eighteen companies each.
General Sibert brought with him not only an extended experience
in organizing and conducting big business, but a strong sympathy for
the work and an appreciation of the problem that the American Army
was facing in France. He very quickly welded the great organization
of the Chemical Warfare Service into a whole, and saw to it that each
department not only carried on its own duties but co-operated with
the others in carrying out the larger program, which, had the war
continued, would have beaten the German at his own game.
More detailed accounts will now be given of the various Divisions
of the Chemical Warfare Service.

Administration Division
The Administration Division was the result of the development
which has been sketched in the preceding pages. It is not necessary
to review that, but the organization as of October 19, 1918 will be
given:
Director Major General Wm.
 L. Sibert
Staff:
Medical Officer Colonel W. J. Lyster
Ordnance Officer Lt. Col. C. B.
Thummel
British Military Mission Major J. H. Brightman
Colonel H. C.
Assistant Director
Newcomer
Office Administration Major W. W. Parker
Relations Section Colonel M. T. Bogert
Personnel Section Major F. E. Breithut
Contracts and Patents Captain W. K.
Section Jackson
Finance Section Major C. C. Coombs
Requirements and Progress Capt. S. M. Cadwell
Section
Confidential Information Major S. P. Mullikin
Section
Captain H. B.
Transportation Section
Sharkey
Training Section Lt. Col. G. N. Lewis
Procurement Section Lt. Col. W. J. Noonan
The administrative offices were located in the Medical
Department Building. The function of most of the sections is
indicated by their names.
The Industrial Relations Section was created to care for the
interests of the industrial plants which were considered as essential
war industries. Through its activity many vitally important industries
were enabled to retain, on deferred classification or on indefinite
furlough, those skilled chemists without which they could not have
maintained a maximum output of war munitions.
In the same way the University Relations Section cared for the
educational and research institutions. In this way our recruiting
stations for chemists were kept in as active operation as war
conditions permitted.
Another important achievement of the Administration Section was
to secure the order from The Adjutant General, dated May 28, 1918,
that read:

“Owing to the needs of the military service for a

great many men trained in chemistry, it is
considered most important that all enlisted men who
are graduate chemists should be assigned to duty
where their special knowledge and training can be
fully utilized.
“Enlisted men who are graduate chemists will
not be sent overseas unless they are to be
employed on chemical duties....”

While this undoubtedly created a great deal of feeling among the

men who naturally were anxious to see actual fighting in France, it
was very important that this order be carried out in order to conserve
our chemical strength. The following clipping from the September,
1918, issue of The Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry
shows the result of this order.

“Chemists in Camp
“As the result of the letter from The Adjutant
General of the Army, dated May 28, 1918, 1,749
chemists have been reported on. Of these the report
of action to August 1, 1918, shows that 281 were
 ordered to remain with their military organization
because they were already performing chemical
duties, 34 were requested to remain with their
military organization because they were more useful
in the military work which they were doing, 12 were
furloughed back to industry, 165 were not chemists
in the true sense of the word and were, therefore,
ordered back to the line, and 1,294 now placed in
actual chemical work. There were being held for
further investigation of their qualifications on August
1, 1918, 432 men. The remaining 23 men were
unavailable for transfer, because they had already
received their overseas orders.
“The 1,294 men, who would otherwise be
serving in a purely military capacity and whose
chemical training is now being utilized in chemical
work, have, therefore, been saved from waste.
“Each case has been considered individually, the
man’s qualifications and experience have been
studied with care, the needs of the Government
plants and bureaus have been considered with
equal care, and each man has been assigned to the
position for which his training and qualifications
seem to fit him best.
“Undoubtedly, there have been some cases in
which square pegs have been fitted into round
holes, but, on the whole, it is felt that the
adjustments have been as well as could be
expected under the circumstances.”

Research Division
The American University Experiment Station, established by the
Bureau of Mines in April, 1917, became July 1, 1918 the Research
Division of the Chemical Warfare Service. For the first five months
work was carried out in various laboratories, scattered over the
country. In September, 1917, the buildings of the American
University became available; a little later portions of the new
chemical laboratory of the Catholic University, Washington, were
taken over. Branch laboratories were established in many of the
laboratories of the Universities and industrial plants, of which Johns
Hopkins, Princeton, Yale, Ohio State, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Harvard, Michigan, Columbia, Cornell, Wisconsin, Clark,
Bryn Mawr, Nela Park and the National Carbon Company were
active all through the war.
At the time of the signing of the armistice the organization of the
Research Division was as follows:
Col. G. A. Burrell Chief of Research Division
Dr. W. K. Lewis In Charge of Defense Problems
Dr. E. P. Kohler[5] In Charge of Offense Problems
Dr. Reid Hunt Advisor on Pharmacological Problems
In Charge of Editorial Work and Catalytic
Lt. Col. W. D. Bancroft
Research
Lt. Col. A. B. Lamb[6] In Charge of Defense Chemical Research
Dr. L. W. Jones[7] In Charge of Offense Chemical Research
Major A. C. Fieldner In Charge of Gas Mask Research
Major G. A. Richter In Charge of Pyrotechnic Research
Capt. E. K. Marshall[8] In Charge of Pharmacological Research
Dr. A. S. Loevenhart[9] In Charge of Toxicological Research
Major R. C. Tolman In Charge of Dispersoid Research
Major W. S. In Charge of Small Scale Manufacture
Rowland[10]
In Charge of Mechanical Research and
Major B. B. Fogler[11] Development
Captain G. A. Rankin In Charge of Explosive Research
Major Richmond In Charge of Administration Section
Levering

The chief functions of the Research Division were:

 1. To prepare and test compounds which might
be of value in gas warfare, determining the
properties of these substances and the conditions
under which they might be effective in warfare.
2. To develop satisfactory methods of making
such compounds as seemed promising (Small
Scale).
3. To develop the best methods of utilizing these
compounds.
4. To develop materials which should absorb or
destroy war gases, studying their properties and
determining the conditions under which they might
be effective.
5. To develop satisfactory methods of making
such absorbents as might seem promising.
6. To develop masks, canisters, protective
clothing, etc.
7. To develop incendiaries, smokes, signals, etc.,
and the best methods of using the same.
 Fig. 4.—American University Experiment Station,
showing Small Scale Plants.

8. To co-operate with the manufacturing divisions

in regard to difficulties arising during the operations
of manufacturing war gases, absorbents, etc.
9. To co-operate with other branches of the
Government, civil and military, in regard to war
problems.
10. To collect and make available to the Director
of the Chemical Warfare Service all information in
regard to the chemistry of gas warfare.
The relation of the various sections may best be shown by
outlining the general procedure used when a new toxic substance
was developed.
The substance in question may have been used by the Germans
or the Allies; it may have been suggested by someone outside the
station; or the staff may have thought of it from a search of the
literature, from analogy or from pure inspiration. The Offense
Research Section made the substance. If it was a solid it was sent to
the Dispersoid Section, where methods of dispersing it were worked
out. When this had been done, or, at once, if the compound was a
liquid or vapor, it was sent to the Toxicological Section to be tested
for toxicity, lachrymatory power, vesicant action, or other special
properties. If these tests proved the compound to have a high toxicity
or a peculiar physiological behavior, it was then turned over to a
number of different sections.
The Offense Research Section tried to improve the method of
preparation. When a satisfactory method had been found, the
Chemical Production or Small Scale Manufacturing Section
endeavored to make it on a large scale (50 pounds to a ton) and
worked out the manufacturing difficulties. If further tests showed that
the substance was valuable, the manufacture was then given to the
Development Division or the Gas Offense Production Division for
large scale production.
Meanwhile the Analytical Section had been working on a method
for testing the purity of the material and for analyzing air mixtures,
and the Gas Mask Section had run tests against it with the standard
canisters. If the protection afforded did not seem sufficient, the
Defense Chemical Section studied changes in the ingredients of the
canister or even developed a new absorbent or mixture of
absorbents to meet the emergency. If a change in the mechanical
construction of the canister was necessary, this was referred to the
Mechanical Research Section; this work was especially important in
case the material was to be used as a toxic smoke.
The compound was also sent to the Pyrotechnic Section, which
studied its behavior when fired from a shell, or, if suitable, when used
in a cylinder. If it proved stable on detonation, large field tests were
then made by the Proving Division, in connection with the
Pyrotechnic and Toxicological Sections of the Research Division, to
learn the effect when shell loaded with the compound were fired from
guns on a range, with animals placed suitably in or near the
trenches. The Analytical Section worked out methods of detecting
the gas in the field, wherever possible.
 The Medical Division, working with the Toxicological and
Pharmacological Sections, studied pathological details, methods of
treating gassed cases, the effect of the gas on the body, and in some
cases even considered other questions, such as the susceptibility of
different men.
If the question of an ointment or clothing entered into the matter
of protection, these were usually attacked by several Sections from
different points of view.
Out of the 250 gases prepared by the Offense Chemical
Research Section, very few were sufficiently valuable to pass all of
these tests and thus the number of gases actually put into large
scale production were less than a dozen. This had its advantages,
for it made unnecessary a large number of factories and the training
of men in the manufacturing details of many gases. As one British
report stated, “The ultimate object of chemical warfare should be to
produce two substances only; one persistent and the other non-
persistent; both should be lethal and both should be penetrants.”
They might well have added that both should be instantly and
powerfully lachrymatory.
Since most of the work of the Research Division will be covered
in detail in later chapters, only a brief summary of the principal
problems will be given here.
The first and most important problem was the development of a
gas mask. This was before Sections had been organized and was
the work of the entire Division. After comparing the existing types of
masks it was decided that the Standard Box Respirator of the British
was the best one to copy. Because we were entirely new at the
game that meant work on charcoal, soda-lime, and the various
mechanical parts of the mask, such as the facepiece, elastics,
eyepieces, mouthpiece, noseclip, hose, can, valves, etc. The story of
the “first twenty thousand” is very well told by Colonel Burrell.[12]

“The First Twenty Thousand

“About the first of May, 1917, Major L. P.
Williamson, acting as liaison officer between the