i

Investigating Students’ Experiences of Learning English

as a Second Language at the University of Sindh,
Jamshoro, Pakistan

By: Irfan Ahmed

Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Education, University of Sussex

September 2012
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Table of Contents
Declaration ...................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... vii
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms .............................................................................. viii
Thesis Summary .............................................................................................................. ix
Chapter One: Introduction ............................................................................................. 1
1.1. Aim of the Research ................................................................................................................ 1

1.2. Background and Rationale ...................................................................................................... 3

1.3. Overview of Methodology ...................................................................................................... 6

1.4. Structure of Thesis................................................................................................................... 7

Chapter Two: Context of the study................................................................................. 9

2.1. Pakistan: an introduction ......................................................................................................... 9

2.2. Education policy in Pakistan ................................................................................................. 12

2.3. Higher education policies in Pakistan ................................................................................... 13

2.4. English Language Teaching policies in Pakistan .................................................................. 14

2.5. English Language Teaching at different educational levels in Pakistan ............................... 17

2.5.1. English in Schools......................................................................................................... 17

2.5.2. English in universities................................................................................................... 20

2.6. University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan (UoSJP) ............................................................... 21

2.6.1. Students at UoSJP ......................................................................................................... 22

2.6.2. UoSJP as a political space............................................................................................. 24

2.7. ESL programme at UoSJP..................................................................................................... 27

2.8. Summary................................................................................................................................ 28

Chapter Three: ESL Teaching and Learning in Higher Education .............................. 30

3.1. The Approaches to Learning and Teaching Perspective ....................................................... 30

3.2. Activity Theory ..................................................................................................................... 38

3.3. Conceptualising Identity........................................................................................................ 42

3.3.1. Gender identities ........................................................................................................... 47

3.3.2. Rural-ethnic identities ................................................................................................... 49

3.3.3. Previous learning experiences and identities ................................................................ 51

3.4. Conceptualising Community ................................................................................................. 54

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3.5. Institutional Influences and ESL ........................................................................................... 59

3.6. Summary and Research Questions ........................................................................................ 62

Chapter Four: Methodology ......................................................................................... 65

4.1. Epistemological and Ontological Stance............................................................................... 65

4.2. Methodological Orientation................................................................................................... 67

4.3. Case Study as a research strategy .......................................................................................... 68

4.4. Positionality........................................................................................................................... 70

4.5. Data Collection...................................................................................................................... 72

4.5.1. Documentary Review.................................................................................................... 72

4.5.2. Observation ................................................................................................................... 73

4.5.3. Interviews...................................................................................................................... 75

4.6. Sampling................................................................................................................................ 78

4.7. Data Analysis......................................................................................................................... 84

4.7.1. Translating the data....................................................................................................... 85

4.8. Reliability and Validity ......................................................................................................... 87

4.8.1. Triangulation ....................................................................................................................... 88

4.9. Ethical Considerations........................................................................................................... 89

4.10. Limitations of the Study ........................................................................................................ 91

4.11. Summary................................................................................................................................ 91

Chapter Five: Institutional influences on the ESL programme.................................... 93

5.1. Field of Higher Education in Pakistan................................................................................... 93

5.2. English Language Teaching Programmes in Higher Education............................................ 94

5.3. UoSJP’s position in the field of higher education ................................................................. 95

5.4. Institutional influences of UoSJP on the ESL programme.................................................... 99

5.4.1. University’s Entry Requirements.................................................................................. 99

5.4.2. Offering ESL as a support programme ....................................................................... 100

5.4.3. Large Class Sizes ........................................................................................................ 101

5.4.4. Teaching...................................................................................................................... 102

5.4.5. Relations between ESL teachers and the administration ............................................ 103
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5.4.6. Assessment.................................................................................................................. 105

5.4.7. Quality Enhancement Cell (QEC)............................................................................... 108

5.4.8. Learning Resources..................................................................................................... 109

5.5. Summary.............................................................................................................................. 110

Chapter Six: Students’ interactions with teachers and peers in the community of ESL
classroom ....................................................................................................... 112
6.1. Teachers’ pedogogic strategies and their interaction with students in the community of ESL
classroom ........................................................................................................................................ 112

6.2 Effects of large classes on student-student and student-teacher interactions in the community
of ESL classroom............................................................................................................................ 121

6.3. Summary............................................................................................................................. 125

Chapter Seven: Students’ identities, previous learning experiences and the ESL
programme..................................................................................................... 127
7. 1. Gender identities and students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme .................... 127

7. 2. Rural-ethnic identities and students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme ............ 132

7.3. Previous learning experiences and ESL programme ........................................................... 136

7.4. Interrelation of identities ..................................................................................................... 140

7.5. Summary.............................................................................................................................. 141

Chapter Eight: Conclusion ......................................................................................... 142

8.1. My theortical understaning ...................................................................................................... 142

8.2. Summary of findings ........................................................................................................... 142

8.3. Implications of Research..................................................................................................... 152

8.3.1. Implications for policy makers ................................................................................... 152

8.3.2. Implications for teachers............................................................................................. 155

8.3.3. Implications for further research................................................................................. 157

8.4. Reflections on my research.................................................................................................. 158

Bibliography ............................................................................................................... 161

Appendices .................................................................................................................. 181
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Figures
Figure 1. Map of Pakistan .....................................................................................................................10

Figure 2. Location of UoSJP.................................................................................................................21

Figure 3. Vygotsky’s triangular model of a complex, mediated act .....................................................38

Figure 4. Engeström’s model of activity system...................................................................................38

Figure 5. Conceptualising students’ learning activity in ESL programme using Activity theory ........40

Figure 6. Conceptualising students’ learning experiences using identity, community and institutional
influences. .............................................................................................................................................41

Tables
Table 1.Difference in costs in major types of educational institutions .................................................16

Table 2. Questionnaire data showing students’ personal information ..................................................81

Table 3. Teachers interviewed for the study .........................................................................................84

Appendix
Appendix I. Students’ Questionnaire .................................................................................................. 181

Appendix II. Students’ Interview guide............................................................................................. 185

Appendix III. Teachers’ Interview guide............................................................................................ 189

Appendix IV. Number of students at different faculties at UoSJP .................................................... 191

Appendix V: Distribution of Seats according to district of domicile (Rural and Urban areas) at UoSJP
............................................................................................................................................................ 197

Appendix VI. Districts of Sindh Province [Source: http://www.census.gov.pk]................................ 205

 vi

Declaration

I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in
part, to another University for the award of any other degree.

Signature: __________________________________

Irfan Ahmed
 vii

Acknowledgements

It would not have been possible to write this doctoral thesis without the help and support of
the kind people around me, to only some of whom it is possible to give particular mention
here.

This thesis would not have been possible without the help, support and patience of my
principal supervisor, Dr Sayed Yusuf, not to mention his advice and unsurpassed knowledge
of the field. His good advice, support and friendship have been invaluable on both an
academic and a personal level, for which I am extremely grateful. In finishing this thesis, I
feel sad that I am going to lose a wonderful supervisor, but feel very happy that I will always
have him as a lifelong friend, an elder brother.

I would also like to thank my second supervisor, Dr. Andrew Blair for his limitless degree of
patience and understanding. He has well performed his role as a critical friend during the
course of my PhD.

Amongst my fellow postgraduate students, the effort made by Sajjad Al-Hawasawi in

promoting a stimulating and welcoming academic and social environment will stand as an
example to those that succeed him. I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends in
the Department of Education, University of Sussex as well as in the Institute of English
Literature and Linguistics, University of Sindh, Pakistan for their direct and indirect support.

In particular, I am thankful to seven teachers and all those students who participated in this
study. It would have been impossible to continue this study without their support and
cooperation.

Above all, I would like to thank my parents, brothers and sisters for their unequivocal support
throughout, as always, for which my mere expression of thanks likewise does not suffice.
 viii

List of Abbreviations and Acronyms

A-level Advanced Levels

AKU Agha Khan University
ALT Approaches to Learning and Teaching
CoP Community of Practice
CSP Civil Services of Pakistan
EAP English for Academic Purposes
EFL English as Foreign Language
ELT English language teaching
ELTR English Language Teaching Reforms
ESL English as Second Language
ESP English for Specific Purposes
GDP Gross domestic product
GOP Government of Pakistan
HEC Higher Education Commission
HSCE Higher Secondary Certificate Examination
IBA Institute of Business Administration
IELL Institute of English Language and Literature
IELTS International English Language Testing System
IGCSE International Examinations at International General Certificate of Secondary
Education
IT Information & Technology
JSKM Jeay Sindh Tahreek Movement
LUMHS Liaquat University of Medical & Health Sciences
MQM Mutahida Qaumi Movement
MUET Mehran University of Engineering and Technology
NCE National Committee on English
QEC Quality Enhancement Cell
R-SPQ-2F Revised Two-factor Study Process Questionnaire
SALUK Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur
SAU Sindh Agriculture University
UoSJP University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan

Pakistani Rupee (PRs) is converted into British Pound (£) according to the UKFOREX,
exchange rates i.e., £1 = PRs. 153, dated 23rd September 2012.
 ix

UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX

Irfan Ahmed

Doctor of Philosophy

Investigating Students’ Experiences of Learning English as Second

Language at the University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan

Thesis Summary
The recent emphasis on the importance of English language teaching and learning in public
universities in Pakistan has resulted in the introduction of a new English as Second Language
(ESL) programme including revised teaching approaches, content and assessment. However,
to date, no rigorous and independent evaluation of this new programme has been undertaken
particularly with respect to students’ learning and experiences. This thesis seeks to address
this gap by examining the effects of the new ESL programme on students’ learning
experiences, as well as teachers’ perspectives and the broader institutional context.

The study uses a qualitative case study approach basing its findings on the responses of
purposively sampled students (n=17) and teachers (n=7) from the Institution of English
Literature and Linguistics (IELL), University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan (UoSJP). Semi-
structured interviews, observations and document review were used as the main tools to
collect a wide variety of data.

The analysis of the data was informed by different theories including Symbolic Interactionism,
Community of Practice, and Bourdieusian notions of habitus, field and capital. These theories
offered an approach which bridges the structure and agency divide in understanding students’
learning experiences. The study employed the concepts of institutional influences to examine
the impact of UoSJP’s policies and practices on the teaching and learning of the ESL
programme. The concept of community, which is understood as the community of the ESL
classroom, is used to examine the interactions of students-students and students-teachers. The
notion of identity was used to examine the interaction of students’ gender, rurality, ethnicity
and previous learning experiences with different aspects of the ESL programme.

In relation to institutional influences, the study found that UoSJP’s institutional policies and
practices are shaped by its position in the field of higher education, and in turn, these
influences shape teaching and learning in the ESL programme. Specifically, UoSJP defines its
capital as higher education for all, which in practice translates as admitting students who have
been rejected by other universities and/or cannot afford private universities’ high fees. In
order to meet the language needs of disadvantaged students from non-elite English and
vernacular medium schools, UoSJP offers the ESL programme. This initiative aims to
improve students’ English language skills in their first two years, and to fulfil requirements
set by the Higher Education Commission (HEC). However, the university’s treatment of the
ESL programme significantly impacts on teaching and learning in terms of its policies and
practices, in relation to faculty hiring, teacher training, relationship between the
administration and ESL teachers, number of students in ESL classrooms, assessment criteria,
ESL quality assurance, and learning support resources like up-to-date libraries.
 x

In relation to the community of ESL classroom, the study found that participation plays an
important part in defining students’ roles and their relationship with teachers and peers in the
classroom. Teachers’ pedagogic strategies and large classes were found to be influential
factors affecting students’ participation in the classroom. It was found that teachers use
different pedagogic strategies, which define them as facilitators or knowledge transmitters
accordingly. The facilitators allow students’ full participation in the classroom by listening to
their opinions, respecting their arguments, appreciating their feedback, acknowledging their
contributions to the class, and demonstrating empathy to their problems. When in class with
these teachers, students feel encouraged, confident and motivated to participate in the
classroom. By contrast, the knowledge transmitters prefer monologue lectures when teaching
ESL, and strongly discourage students’ participation. Students are usually not allowed to ask
questions or express their concerns to these teachers. In their presence, students revealed that
they lacked confidence, and felt discouraged and demotivated from participating in the
classroom. Moreover, in the context of large classes only students sitting on the front-benches
are given opportunities of participation, while those at the back of the classroom are
considered to be educationally weak, inactive, therefore ignored in interactive activities. The
treatment of these students by teachers and students at the front of the class alike limits their
participation in the classroom.

In relation to identities, the study found that students frequently foreground their gender
identities, rural-ethnic identities and identities as medical or engineering students in
interaction with different aspects of the ESL programme. Some aspects of ESL textbooks
including units which depict stereotypical gender roles conflict with female students’ gender
identities; units which are based on exclusively Western, urban contexts conflict with
students’ rural-ethnic identities, and units that are based on graph-comprehension conflict
with students’ identities as medical students. While others aspects of ESL textbooks
particularly those units that are constructed on experiences and activities which are
exclusively associated with men in Pakistan such as driving complement female students’
gender identities; and those units which are set in a village, and focus on the culture and life
of villages complement students rural-ethnic identities. Moreover, it was found that female
students struggled in maintaining their role as ESL learners in comparison with their gender
roles as sister and daughter.

This thesis provides new insights into students’ learning experiences and ESL in higher
education. It also contributes to and enhances the literature on higher education in Pakistan.
Furthermore, it enables policy-makers to reflect upon their policies, as well as provides
suggestions to the UoSJP and its teachers.
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Chapter One: Introduction

As English has become a global language, its importance in higher education has increased
significantly. In order to meet the demands of globalisation, national governments often
prioritise the development of English language teaching and learning in higher education, and
the government of Pakistan is no exception. Among the many initiatives of Pakistan’s Higher
Education Commission (HEC), the new English as Second Language (ESL) programme,
introduced for all public sector universities in 2006, remains the most prominent. This
initiative was introduced following the research findings of the National Committee on
English (NCE), which highlighted the poor state of English language teaching and learning in
public sector universities.

The new ESL programme sought to address students’ language weaknesses, and to provide
teachers with sustainable ways of tackling students’ language problems. Following this, four
major multi-disciplinary universities including the University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan
(UoSJP) adopted the new ESL programme. The programme has now been running for six
years in these universities; however, no rigorous evaluation has yet been carried out in order
to examine the effects of the programme on students’ learning from their own perspective.

This thesis seeks to address this lack of evaluation by examining the effects of the new ESL
programme on students’ learning experiences, with a focus on their perspectives as well as
teachers’ perspectives and the broader institutional context. A qualitative case study approach
is used in order to gain an in-depth understanding of the programme by observing and
interviewing purposively-sampled students (n=17) and teachers (n=7) from the Institution of
English Literature and Linguistics (IELL), UoSJP. The study analyses students’ learning
experiences in the ESL programme, and is informed by Symbolic Interactionism, Community
of Practice, and Bourdieusian notions of habitus, field and capital. These diverse theoretical
perspectives, combined with methodological rigor, offer rich insights into students, teachers
and the institutional context of the ESL programme.

1.1. Aim of the Research

The aim of the study is to explore the effects of the ESL programme on students’ learning
experiences in higher education. In order to do this, the study investigates how students from
diverse gender, region, ethnicity and educational backgrounds interact with various aspects of
 2

the ESL programme. It also examines how students interact with peers and teachers in ESL
classrooms; how these interactions are influenced by the institution; and how these
interactions affect their learning experiences.

While the importance of traditional approaches to investigating students’ learning

experiences in ESL programmes is acknowledged, a sociological approach is adopted in this
study. Traditional approaches include the analysis of assessment methods (Genesse and
Upshur 1996; O'Malley and Pierce 1996; Brown 2004), teachers’ pedagogical approaches
(Hughes 2003; Bunts-Anderson 2004), students’ learning approaches (Ming 2004; Lucas and
Rojo-Laurilla 2008; Xiu-juan 2008; Zhenhong and Zhin 2009; Noor 2010), and conventional
curriculum analysis (Jahanbakhsh 1996). By contrast, the sociological approach adopted in
this study uses a ‘structure and agent’ perspective to examine students’ learning experiences
through concepts of ‘identity’, ‘community’ and ‘structural (institutional) influences’.

The study uses the concept of identity in relation to students and teachers in the ESL context,
community in order to analyse student-student and student-teacher interactions in ESL
classes; and institutional influences to examine the impact of UoSJP’s policies and practices
on the teaching and learning of the ESL programme. This method of evaluation allows new
dimensions of the ESL programme and students’ learning experiences to be explored. Using
Symbolic Interactionism, Community of Practice, and Bourdieusian notions of habitus, field
and capital, this study aims to discover aspects of students’ learning experiences in the ESL
programme which are otherwise ignored in traditional curriculum analysis. In order to
achieve this, the structural and agentic forces that shape student-teacher interactions in the
ESL programme are viewed as interlinked.

This study therefore provides an original contribution to knowledge in the following ways:

1. By providing a theoretical framework for the future analysis of students’ learning

experiences in different educational contexts (see Chapter 3);

2. By contributing to literature on ESL and students’ learning in higher education;

3. By contributing to literature on ESL teaching and learning in Pakistan.

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1.2. Background and Rationale

English has dominated the official discourse in Pakistan as in other developing countries as
the language of development since its independence from British India. Since the 1990s, the
Education for All discourse and the increased use of English in the global market have
contributed a universalistic dimension to the teaching and learning of English in Pakistan. In
official planning and policy documents, English is commonly portrayed as a passport to
success, associated with social mobility, and seen as key to national progress. Since national
progress and prosperity are linked with the expansion of higher education (Wood 2007), the
government of Pakistan places a strong emphasis on the development of English language
teaching and learning in this sector (Shamim 2010).

According to the most recent policy document (i.e., Ministry of Education 2007), the
Pakistani government aims to produce communicatively competent English speakers in order
to meet the demands and challenges of the higher education, as well as the local and global
job markets in a rapidly evolving world. This is reflected by the large budget allocated by the
HEC for the research, planning and implementation of English language teaching reforms in
the country (Shamim 2010). Subsequently, the HEC established the NCE in 2003 to assess
the teaching and learning situation in higher education.

The NCE’s findings suggested a general sense of dissatisfaction with the existing level of
graduates’ English proficiency in public sector universities. The findings also revealed that
the majority of teachers do not have formal qualifications or training in English language
teaching, and that syllabi are outdated. Assessment practices were also found to be
inadequate; students are given minimal opportunities to develop academic literacy since
teaching and learning focuses on good performance in examinations, which are in turn
exclusively based on content knowledge. Additionally, a low level of oral and written
feedback on assigned written work was found.

The NCE’s findings also suggested that learners in the higher income bracket (upper third of
the population) consistently out-performed learners in the lower income bracket (lower two-
thirds of the population) in the English. The positive correlation of high family income with
students’ higher levels of proficiency in English was attributed to their earlier education in
private English medium schools compared to students in the lower income bracket, who had
largely studied in vernacular medium schools (Khalique 2007; Rassool and Mansoor 2009).
 4

These findings indicated the urgent need for developing relevant and high quality English
language programmes for learners in public sector universities, in order to enable them to
compete with other students (Rahman 1999, 2001; Mansoor 1996, 2003; Mansoor et al. 2005;
Shamim 2010). In order to achieve this aim, the HEC introduced a new ESL programme
which was specifically designed for general multi-disciplinary public sector universities. The
HEC strongly recommended that all public sector universities adopt this programme. Four
major public sector universities, including UoSJP, introduced the programme in 2006.

The purpose of the programme is to improve students’ English language skills, in order to
ensure that students can cope with the demands of higher education, with specific objectives
focusing on strengthening students’ writing, reading, speaking, listening and grammar skills.
More general objectives include building students’ confidence by providing them with
opportunity to interact in the classrooms, and making their language learning experience
enjoyable and productive. Although the programme was introduced six years ago, no
evaluation has yet been carried out by the HEC or by independent researchers; the current
study represents the first attempt to evaluate the new ESL programme at UoSJP. The focus of
the study is to understand the programme from students’ perspectives, and it is therefore
guided by the following overarching research question:

How do students experience learning in the ESL programme in higher education?

This question is further divided into following three sub-questions (see Chapter 3 for a more
detailed discussion of this sub-division):

1. How do institutional influences shape students’ learning in the ESL programme?

2. How do students interact with teachers and peers in the community of ESL classroom?

3. How do students’ identities and previous learning interact with the ESL programme?

There are three rationales guiding this study. Firstly, the government has introduced a policy
to improve the English language teaching and learning in higher education, and it is therefore
important to review it to examine its strengthens and weaknesses. As an HEC-funded PhD
scholar, it seems logical for my research to analyse the strengthens and weaknesses of the
HEC’s policies and initiatives. This thesis therefore enables policy-makers to reflect upon
their policies, as well as provides suggestions to the UoSJP and its teachers.
 5

Secondly, the issues related to ESL education in higher education have largely been neglected
by mainstream research in Pakistan. Moreover, minimal published research has contributed to
an understanding of students’ experiences of ESL learning in higher education of Pakistan.
Existing research in this area has used quantitative research strategies, and has approached
the issue at a national level (Rahman 1999, 2001; Mansoor 2003; Shamim 2010), which
failed to offer an in-depth understanding of students’ learning experiences. By contrast, this
study uses a qualitative case study approach, involving purposively-sampled students from
diverse backgrounds, in order to evaluate the ESL programme from their perspectives. The
findings therefore provide new insights into students’ learning experiences and ESL in higher
education. The thesis also contributes to and enhances the literature on higher education in
Pakistan.

The final rationale for conducting this study is motivated by personal reasons. My experience
as a student and an English language teacher at UoSJP provides a unique opportunity to
reflect upon the research context. In this study, I position myself as an ‘ex-insider’. On one
hand, I have gained experience of both learning as an English language student and teaching
as an ESL teacher. Consequently, I am familiar with both the research participants and the
research context; having shared the social world of participants, insights and sensitivity to
things both said and unsaid are potentially available to me (Hockey 1993: 119).

On the other hand, however, as a researcher I have adopted an ontological and

epistemological stance which allowed me to retain an observer’s eye for analysis and
explanation, while also observing and understanding the issues from participants’
perspectives. This gave me an advantage in understanding the issues in a thorough but
unbiased way (see Chapter 4 for detailed discussion).

As a teacher, I had always wanted to contribute to the profession of teaching, and this study
enabled me to attempt this as a researcher. The practice of classroom teachers conducting
research is also supported by the notion of Teacher Training Agency (Powell and Tod 2004).
This research not only contributes to knowledge, and therefore to policy and practice, but is
also a reflection of
 6

[the researcher’s] noble intentions which are underpinned by a moral concern with
making a worthwhile contribution. That is really important […] because there are
many personal costs involved in doing research and, if you are going to put up with
them, then it is very important to feel you are making a contribution that matters.

(Pollard 2005:2)

1.3. Overview of Methodology

This study adopts a case study approach, drawing data from documentary material, in-depth
semi-structured interviews and observations. A thorough review of printed and electronic
documents related to the ESL programme, published by the UoSJP and the HEC, was
conducted. This review particularly focused on documents which state the aims and
objectives of the ESL programme, while textbooks (i.e. Howe et al 2006; Eastwood 2006)
were also analysed.

Seventeen students from the Institute of English Literature and Linguistics (IELL) were
selected for the study using purposive sampling. These students were selected from 200
students who responded to a questionnaire focusing on demographic information. The
selection of these seventeen students takes into account gender, region, ethnicity, and family
backgrounds. Students study on the ESL programme in their first two years (equivalent of
four semesters) of undergraduate study. Half of the selected students were in their second
year (the fourth semester), and the remaining half were in their third year (the sixth semester)
at the time of fieldwork (September 2010 to March 2011). Students from these semesters
were selected in order to analyse experiences in all four semesters. Additionally, seven
teachers of different genders, age, and experience were interviewed, all of whom were
involved in teaching the ESL programme in different semesters. Interviews with teachers and
students were open-ended and lasted between 60 and 90 minutes. All interviews were
conducted in regional languages (i.e. Urdu and Sindhi), audio-recorded, translated, and
transcribed.

To corroborate interview data, observations were also carried out. The aim was to discover
the nature of social reality by understanding agents’ perceptions, understandings, or
interpretations of the social world. This was done by participating both actively (i.e.,
conducting classes and being involved in class activities) and passively (i.e., sitting in classes,
randomly observing the groups of students, and participating in teachers’ informal meetings)
with the groups of students and teachers (see Chapter 4 for detailed discussion).
 7

1.4. Structure of Thesis

The thesis consists of eight chapters. This chapter has outlined the research rationale, the
overarching research question, the research methodology and the structure of the thesis.
Chapter 2 introduces the context of the study, and begins with a brief outline of the
geographical, historical and economic context of Pakistan. This is followed by a discussion of
general educational policies in Pakistan, and a more specific examination of English language
teaching policies at different levels of education. After this, the University of Sindh is
introduced, with a particular focus on its students, and its political and social contexts. The
chapter concludes with a discussion of the aims and objectives of the ESL programme
analysed in this study.

Chapter 3 reviews the relevant literature in the field of ESL in higher education. The chapter
reviews different research perspectives which have been used to analyse students’ ESL
learning experiences in different contexts. In particular, the Approaches to Learning and
Teaching perspective and Activity theory are reviewed, and their limitations considered.
After this, the sociological concepts of identity, community and institutional influences are
discussed. Identity is conceptualised in relation to gender, ethnicity, rurality and previous
learning experiences; community is conceptualised and discussed in relation to the teachers’
pedagogic strategies and work space and its relation to the ESL programme; and institutional
influences are conceptualised in relation to the ESL programme. The chapter concludes by
outlining the key research questions guiding the study.

Chapter 4 discusses the methodology of this study. This begins with a discussion of my
epistemological and ontological position, and also includes: a consideration of my
methodological orientation; the choice of case study as the research strategy; my positionality
in the process of data collection; choice of data collection tools; the validity and reliability of
these tools; strategies of data analysis; and the sampling approach. The chapter ends with a
discussion of ethical issues related to the methodological approach, and a consideration of the
study’s limitations.

In Chapters 5, 6, and 7, the empirical findings are presented, responding to each of the three
research questions. Chapter 5 is an analysis of the institutional influences affecting teaching
and learning in the ESL programme; Chapter 6 examines teachers’ pedagogic strategies and
class size in relation to student-student and student-teacher interactions in the community of
 8

the ESL classroom; and Chapter 7 investigates students’ gender identities, rural-ethnic
identities, and identities constructed due to students’ previous learning experiences in
interactions with different aspects of the ESL programme.

Chapter 8 concludes the thesis by summarising and highlighting the main findings of the
study, and offers suggestions to researchers, policy makers, and teachers based on these
findings. It ends with reflections on the theoretical and methodological approaches adopted,
and on the research process as a whole.
 9

Chapter Two: Context of the study

This chapter introduces the education system of Pakistan, with a particular focus on English
language teaching. The chapter begins with a brief introduction to the history, geography and
economy of Pakistan, national education policies and, more specifically, English language
teaching policies. It continues with a review of English language teaching at various stages of
education in Pakistan. After this UoSJP, the university focused on in this study, is introduced,
with a focus on its students and the political influences shaping the institution. The chapter
concludes with a detailed discussion of the ESL programme, and its aims and objectives.

2.1. Pakistan: an introduction

Pakistan, officially known as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, is located in South Asia. The
southern coastline stretches 1,046km along the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Oman, while it is
bordered by Afghanistan and Iran in the west, India in the east, and China in the far northeast.
Pakistan has a population of 170 million residing in four provinces: Punjab (55.6%), Sindh
(23%), Baluchistan (7.4%), Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, formerly called the North West Frontier
Province (NWFP),(13.4%), and the capital Islamabad (0.6%) (World Bank 2009). Moreover,
Pakistan has the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) with a population of 3.18
million (Census 1998). According to the published report of the last census (1998), 67.5% of
the population lived in rural areas. Only Sindh province had roughly equal rural and urban
populations (51.2% and 48.8% respectively).

Pakistan shares disputed territories with Afghanistan and India. Afghanistan disputes the
legitimacy of its border with Pakistan. Likewise, Pakistan and India are in dispute over the
territories of Jammu and Kashmir since 1947. Jammu and Kashmir are divided between
Pakistan and India by the Line of Control, a UN-monitored border (Library of Congress
2005).
 10

Figure 1. Map of Pakistan

Source: http://www.welt-atlas.de/map_of_pakistan_5-758 [accessed on 2nd May 2012]

Pakistan was created after the division of British India in 1947. It was found on the basis of
two-nation theory, which argued that the primary identity of Indian Muslims is defined by
religion, rather than their language or ethnicity. Following this theory, Indian Hindus and
Muslims are seen as two distinct nationalities, regardless of ethnic or other commonalities
(Hoodbhoy and Nayyar in Durrani 2008). As a result, the majority of Pakistan’s population is
Muslim. Around 96.3% of Pakistanis are Muslim (of whom approximately 95% are Sunni
and 5% Shia); 3.7% are non-Muslims, which is made up of 1.6% Christians, 1.6% Hindus,
and 0.3% belonging to other religions (Library of Congress 2005).

Pakistan is a plural society in ethnic and linguistic terms. Although each of the four provinces
is considered to represent a major ethnic group, the mapping of provinces and principal
ethnic groups is far from universal (Haqqani 2003). Each ethnic group is primarily
concentrated in its home province; Sindhis in Sindh, Balouhis in Balochistan, Punjabis in
Punjab, Pakhtuns in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and most Mohajirs (also known as Urdu speakers
 11

are migrators from India during the partition of British India) residing in urban Sindh.
Pukhtuns and Punjabis, however, are found throughout Pakistan (Cohen 2005). Language is
considered to be an important marker of ethnicity in the country. According to the 1998
census, Punjabis constitute 54.6%, Pakhtuns 15.42%, Sindhis 14.1%, Urdu speakers 7.57%,
Balochs 3.57%, and others 4.66% (Government of Pakistan 1998).

Since independence in 1947, the economic growth rates of the country have been impressive
but also have fluctuated significantly. These fluctuations have occurred mainly as a result of
successive government policies and practices (c.f. Andrus and Mohammed 1958). However,
shifts in international aid and foreign capital flows have influenced economic growth by
affecting changes in government spending and budget deficits. The economy suffered
significantly during the 1990s, but recovered in 2002-2004 following a shift in government
policies; support for the ‘war on terror’ led to the resumption of international lending.
According to World Bank data, in 2003, Pakistan’s gross domestic product (GDP) was $68.6
billion, gross national income (GNI) per capita was $430, and purchasing parity power (PPP)
per capita was $2,060.

Pakistan’s education system scores poorly on educational achievement indicators. According

to the Ministry of Education (2002) the overall literacy rate is 49%, (61.3 % male, 36.8%
female). Independent sources place the overall literacy rate at 45.7%, (59.8% male, 30.6%
female) (Library of Congress 2005). The education system of Pakistan is divided into five
levels: primary (grades one to five); middle (grades six to eight); matriculation (grades nine
and ten, culminating in the Secondary School Certificate); intermediate (grades eleven and
twelve, culminating in the Higher Secondary School Certificate); and university, leading to
graduate and advanced degrees. The education system is comprised of 157,158 primary
schools (including 27,000 religious madrassas), 30,418 middle-level schools, 16,590
secondary schools, 1,604 higher secondary schools, 747 secondary technical/vocational
institutions, 677 degree colleges, 144 universities (64 public and 80 private), and 24 teacher
training institutes (Bano 2007a; UNESCO 2010).

The country’s overall enrolment rate for those aged 5 to 24 is 36% (41.2% males and 30.4%
females) (Library of Congress 2005). According to the Federal Bureau of Statistics (2008)
about gross 63% of Pakistanis enrolled in primary and middle levels, 44% in matriculation
and intermediate levels, and 4.7% in the institutions of higher education in 2008. The literacy
 12

and enrolment rate tend to be higher in urban areas. According to UNESCO (2010) only
45% females are literate compared to 69% males in Pakistan.

2.2. Education policy in Pakistan

A number of government policy documents have sought to address educational needs over
time. The education policy document (Ministry of Education 2007) analysed in this study is
the one on the bases of which the latest published education policy (Ministry of Education
2009) was made, highlights the shortcomings of previous policies, and draws attention to the
unacceptable educational conditions in the country. Notably, the policy argues that the
existing education system has failed to address the need of large groups of children and adults.
For example, there is a large out-of-school population among children; this is made up of
children who never go to school, those who start school but drop out, and those who continue
in school but are ill-equipped for higher education.

Although previous government policies have acknowledged these challenges, repeated

failures to address these shortcomings have created a credibility gap. The latest policy affirms
the government’s renewed commitment to Education for All under the Dakar Framework of
Action (2000), and to ensure the provision of quality education. To this end, the government
committed to an investment of 4% of GDP to the education sector, and promised to increase
this to 6% in 2015. The latest policy defines quality education in terms of high standards of
curriculum, assessment, teachers, and teaching environment (Ministry of Education 2007,
2009).

Equity has been considered as a key factor in improving the quality of education in the latest
government policy. Three areas have been considered in relation to equity: gender
segregation, geographic disparities (e.g. urban vs. rural areas), and economic disparities. The
policy acknowledges the poor state of women’s education in the country; according to
Ministry of Women’s Development, female illiteracy stands at approximately 37%, and while
73.6% have completed primary education, only 19% have completed education up to
matriculation (X class), 8% have completed intermediate, and 6.4% have attained universities
(5% have attained Bachelor’s degrees and 1.4% Masters degrees) (Ministry of Education
2007, 2009).

Economic productivity, security and socio-cultural factors are given as explanations for the
poor state of female education in Pakistan. In order to address this, the latest policy
 13

recommends free elementary education for girls; hiring and training teachers with a focus on
reducing gender gaps; providing additional resources for provinces with wide gender gaps;
and encouraging research to collect and analyse gender disaggregated data in order to inform
policy.

The latest policy also acknowledges the dramatic difference between education services in
rural and urban areas, which serve to further widen the gap between urban elites and the
comparatively marginalised rural population. The policy also addresses the disparities within
urban slums and more elite areas, and identifies low quality education in public sector
schools in both rural and urban slum areas. Ghost schools, unqualified teachers, and a
curriculum which is poorly adapted for rural areas are highlighted as some of the main
reasons for these disparities; the policy calls for urgent, incentive-based interventions to
improve the quality of education service delivery in disadvantaged areas.

Additionally, the latest policy highlights the widely-known phenomenon of children from
wealthy families attending private schools, and children from poorer families attending public
schools, which lends an almost apartheid-esque character to the education sector. The current
education system reinforces socio-economic class divisions. Poverty forms the key barrier to
accessing quality education, and is simultaneously fuelled by the poor quality education
accessed by economically disadvantaged children. In order to tackle this situation, the latest
policy recommends increased political and financial support for schools in rural and other
neglected areas; additionally, it declares that local governments must provide scholarships,
stipends and loans to students from disadvantaged backgrounds (Ministry of Education 2007,
2009).

2.3. Higher education policies in Pakistan

The latest policy (Ministry of Education 2007, 2009) also emphasises the importance of
higher education for the socio-economic development of the country. Meeting the needs of a
growing population and fulfilling economic demands have long been goals of the higher
education sector in Pakistan. However, a lack of political will and available funds have
produced a small, low-performing higher education sector. Other factors have significantly
affected the quality of university education, including the poor quality of secondary level
education, students’ limited English language skills, and the unstable socio-political
environment of universities. At the beginning of the twentieth century, only 2.9% of the
 14

university age population (17-23 years old; approx. 21 million people) in Pakistan had access
to university education. According to the latest data collected in 2007, enrolment in public
higher education institutions is approximately 30% per year, which is equivalent to enrolment
in private sector universities.

The formation of Higher Education Commission (HEC) in 2002 was a significant moment in
the development of higher education sector. The HEC gained a high level of political support
and substantial budgetary allocations to initiate an extensive reform process. To improve
access, the HEC focused on physical infrastructure development as well as the development
of technological infrastructure; the latter was seen as particularly important to facilitate
modern approaches such as distance education methodologies. To raise participation in
higher education, the HEC has also focused on quality improvement in faculty, research and
learning environments, curricula, governance, assessment, accreditation of institutions, and
industrial linkages. Equity issues have been approached chiefly through the provision of
need-based scholarships for marginalized groups.

18% of the education budget (constituted as 4% GDP) was allocated for higher education in
order to finance specific programmes, disciplines and areas established by the HEC in order
to achieve these aims. Additionally, these initiatives were identified as priority national
programmes, and a particular emphasis was placed on development human resource
capacities to meet national requirements. For example, based on its population, Pakistan is
said to require over half a million qualified engineers; total enrolment at engineering
universities stands at currently 26,000 (Ministry of Education 2007, 2009). Engineering
universities have therefore been identified as a priority for improvement, and one billion
rupees (£6.82 million) has been reserved for the development and improvement of standards
for all engineering universities in the country. Investments are also being made in software
and in obtaining licenses for design software; other initiatives include the establishment of
new universities, linking professional universities with industry, introducing e-books for
universities, and launching English language reform projects.

2.4. English Language Teaching policies in Pakistan

English has become the language of international research, trade, commerce and
communication, and policies in Pakistan acknowledge its indispensable role in education.
 15

English language is therefore a compulsory subject from the Class 1 in public primary
schools, and is also the medium instruction for science and mathematics in secondary and
middle school, for science and technology at intermediate level, and for all subjects at
university level.

However, a chronological review of policies related to English suggests inconsistencies

between policies and practice. For example, according to Article 251 of the 1973 Constitution
of Pakistan:

(1) The National Language of Pakistan is Urdu and arrangements shall be made for
its being used for official and other purposes within fifteen years from the
commencing day.

(2) Subject to Clause (1) the English Language may be used for official purposes
until arrangements are made for its replacement by Urdu.

However, this date came and went, as had many other dates before it, and English remains as
firmly entrenched in the corridors of power in Pakistan as it was in 1947. This is largely due
to the value placed upon English by elites in the country, who choose English over Urdu in
the name of efficiency and modernization (Rahman 1996, 1999). The privileged position of
English can be explained by several factors: Rahman (2006), for example, characterises the
Civil Services of Pakistan (CSP) as an anglicised body of men who were greatly influenced
by British tradition. Additionally, Cohen (1994: 162) suggests that

The officers of armed forces were also anglicised [...] it was the British generation
that dominated the Pakistani army till 1971.

Rahman (1996) further argues that the elites of Pakistan have continued to privilege English
in order to differentiate themselves from the masses; as a class-marker, English-medium
education allows elites to maintain a competitive edge in the national and international job
market in comparison to those who have attended Urdu-medium or traditional Madrassa
education.

According to Rahman (1999), Pakistan’s initial stated policy was supportive of Urdu, and
also aimed to create a low-cost, subordinate bureaucracy as vernacular education is less
expensive than English-medium education (see Table 1). The ruling anglicised elite in post-
independence Pakistan invested in a parallel system of elitist schooling, which was defined
 16

by the use of English-medium to teach all subjects (excluding Urdu). This, in turn, created a
new generation who had a direct stake in privileging English.

The armed forces also created cadet colleges from the 1950s onwards, which were supported
financially by the State, and run in the same manner as elite British public schools. In the
1960s, students from ordinary schools, who largely came from vernacular-medium schools,
protested against these bastions of privilege; the government accordingly appointed a
commission to investigate their grievances. The report of this commission agreed that elite
schools violated the constitutional assurance that ‘all citizens are equal before law’
(Paragraph 15 under Right No. Vl of the 1962 Constitution).

However, the Commission was also convinced that these schools would produce candidates
well-suited for positions in the military and the civilian sectors of the country’s services
(GOP 1966: 18, in Rahman 1996). The system therefore saw minimal reform, and in modern-
day Pakistan, these elite schools are firmly entrenched in the education system. Although
they are primarily financed by income from tuition fees, the government continues to provide
land and generous financial support in order to build large campuses for these schools (see
Table 1).

Table 1.Difference in costs in major types of educational institutions

Schools Average cost per Sponsor (s) Cost to the State

student per year

State run English PRs.90,061 [£ 588.63] Parents + State (average of PRs. 14,171 [£92.62]
medium cadet/public (tuitions and all 6 cadet colleges and 1 (average of 5 cadet colleges)
schools facilities) public schools)
Elite English medium PRs. 96,000 [£627.45]
Schools for ‘A’ level; Parents None
PRs. 36,000
[£ 235.29] for other
levels (only tuition)
Vernacular medium PRs. 2264.50 [£14.79] State PRs. 2264.5 [£14.79]
schools (only tuition)
PRs. 5,714 [£37.34] Philanthropists + religious Minimal – subsidies on
Madrassas (includes boarding organisations computers, books etc. in some
and lodging ) madrassas
Source: Rahman 1999.
 17

Inconsistencies in previous higher education language policies are also evident when
reviewing various education commissions set up by different governments (Mansoor 2003).
Since independence in 1947, all relevant policies and reports of education commissions and
committees (1957-1998) have promoted an official language policy of maintaining English as
the medium of instruction in higher education. However, this policy has been presented as an
interim arrangement; the long-term language policy in all reports of educational policies,
education commissions and committees has been to introduce Urdu as the official medium of
instruction in higher education as soon as teaching materials have been developed in the
national language.

Although Urdu was declared as the official medium of instruction for public schooling (Class
1-12) soon after independence, the period assigned to the transfer from English medium to
Urdu medium in higher education has varied from fifteen years (Sharif Commission 1959) to
between five and seven years (University Grants Commission 1982). In spite of the
endorsement of this policy by every regime, students, teachers, parents and other education
stakeholders have generally observed that the problems regarding learners’ language
difficulties in English have not been adequately addressed. Additionally, it has been noted
that sufficient, quality Urdu materials for higher education have not been developed
(Mansoor 2003). The most recent educational reports, the Report of the Education Sector
Reforms (2001) and the Task Force on Higher Education (2002) set up by former president
General Musharraf, have failed to address the issue of language policy in higher education.

2.5. English Language Teaching at different educational levels in Pakistan

2.5.1. English in Schools

Schooling in Pakistan is divided on the basis of medium of instruction, i.e. English-medium

schools, vernacular-medium schools, and Madrassas. The following sections involve a
detailed discussion of these schools, with a focus on their implications for English language
teaching.

The English-medium schools

As mentioned earlier, English-medium schools fall into one of three categories in Pakistan:
state-supported elite public schools, private elite schools, and non-elite private schools.
 18

Among the state-supported elite public schools, the great public schools, the federal
government model schools, and the armed forces schools are most prominent. These schools
offer affordable, quality education exclusively to children of government employees and
army personnel. Other parents are required to pay much higher fees in order to register their
children at these schools. For example, in the Fauji Foundation ― a military-controlled
school in Rawalpindi ― following rates per month are charged for army personnel: PRs.150
(£0.98) for retired army non-commissioned ranks; PRs.310 (£2.02) for retired officers; PRs.
260 (£1.69) for serving non-commissioned ranks; PRs. 450 (£2.94) for serving officers. By
contrast, civilians are charged PRs.1000 (£6.53) per month from class 6 to 10. Elite private
English-medium schools similarly provide quality education exclusively for children from
affluent families. The tuition fees at these schools range from between PRs. 1,500 (£9.80) to
over PRs. 7,000 (£45.75) per month. High admission fees are also charged, ranging from PRs.
15, 000 (£98.03) to PRs. 50,000 (£326.79).

All subjects at state-supported and private elite English medium schools are taught in
English, which is also used as the language of communication within and outside the
classroom. High standard syllabi are followed in these schools; rather than using books
produced by the Pakistani Textbook Boards, private elite schools use English-medium books
and courses which lead to the Cambridge International Examinations at International General
Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE) and General Certificate of Education at
Ordinary (O-level) or Advanced Levels (A-level). Some of these books, originally produced
for Western schools, are reprinted for a Pakistani school context with minor changes (e.g.
names, attire of individuals). Evidently, these texts socialise students into an English-
speaking, Western culture, and the focus remains on developing students’ ability to use
English accurately and appropriately.

Although state-supported elite schools follow the examination system of Pakistan, their
textbooks are of a similar quality to those used in private elite schools. Moreover, these
schools are able to hire well-qualified teachers by offering very attractive salary packages.
Most of the teachers in these schools are confident English-speakers (i.e., they speak English
at home, with friends and at work), so they speak in English to their students both inside and
outside the classroom.
 19

Rehman (1996) has referred to non-elite private schools as so-called English medium schools;
although these schools claim to teach most subjects in English, their teachers are usually
neither English-medium school graduates, nor qualified to teach English (Rehman 2001). The
low salaries offered by non-elite private schools tend to attract teachers who are not
sufficiently qualified to work elsewhere, and who may have been educated in similarly poor-
quality non-elite private schools. These schools have been set up in order to meet the demand
for English-medium education from the middle and lower classes, with fees ranging from
PRs. 500 (£3.26) to PRs. 1500 (£9.8) per month. Although this is far higher than the average
state vernacular school (which offer free education), the fees are significantly lower than elite
private English-medium schools.

Vernacular-medium schools

A 1982 report (in Naqvi 1999), evaluating English teaching in 20 vernacular- (Urdu) medium
high schools in Lahore, found extremely poor English language skills among students.
According to the report, students could not speak or understand spoken English, nor could
they read English for pleasure or write creatively using the language; their skills were limited
to reading their lessons and simple sentences. The report also found disparities between
schools in cities and schools in villages and small towns, with students in urban areas
demonstrating better English language skills (Naqvi 1999). More recently, Khalique (2007)
has argued that in most vernacular medium schools, English is viewed as an alien,
intimidating language, with teachers’ lack of ability and confidence resulting in students
developing minimal (if any) English language skills.

Madrassas

The Madrassa system constitutes 30% of the total non-profit institutions that operates in
parallel to the formal education system, and provides Islamic education based mainly upon
the Holy Quran and the Hadith (teachings of the prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him)
(Bano 2007b). Enrolment is free of charge and most Madrassas provide free room and board
as well. Maktabs, Madrassa primary schools, are usually attached to mosques, and provide
basic Islamic education which focuses on the reading and memorization of the Quran.
Secondary school Madrassas provide advanced instruction in Islamic education. In an attempt
to improve the integration of the Islamic and formal education systems, contemporary
 20

subjects such as English, mathematics, general science and computer science have recently
been introduced into the Madrassa curriculum (Ahmad 2004). Madrassas are largely
autonomous and have their own administrative system, although they do receive grants from
the central government. There are several official bodies that regulate the Madrassas and
award certificates. Urdu and Arabic are the languages of instruction in the Madrassas.

According to Malik (1996) the Madrassas were intended to conserve the traditional Islamic
world view. In the 1980s, however, it was alleged that Madrassas in both Pakistan and
Afghanistan received significant financial support from the United States (Weaver 1995).
European governments, Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf states all reportedly viewed
these schools as recruiting grounds for anti-Soviet mujahedin fighters (Blanchard 2007).
Madrassas, particularly those located on the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan, were used to
produce an army of young people to fight against Soviets in Afghanistan in the name of
religion. This generation, unaware that they were indirectly fighting for Western interests,
were taught to hate English and all other languages and concepts associated with the Western
world, which they were told is the greatest enemy of Islam. In other words, English became a
symbol of non-/anti- Muslim identity, and was therefore viewed with hostility (Malik 1996;
Amin 1998).

2.5.2. English in universities

As discussed earlier, English is the medium of instruction in all universities in Pakistan.

Private and public sector universities all offer a variety of English language programmes;
private universities usually offer specialised English for Specific Purposes (ESP) and English
for Academic Purposes (EAP) programmes. In some private universities, pre-sessional
English courses are taught exclusively. By contrast, public sector universities tend to offer
ESL programmes which are taught parallel with other subjects to provide students with basic
English language skills. As students from unprivileged classes— who have studied in non-
elite English-medium or vernacular-medium schools (as noted above)— join public sector
universities (Rahman 1999; Mansoor 2003), it is considered important to offer ESL
programmes in order to enhance their English language skills. This is so that they are able to
cope with the demands of higher education; the stated aims of these programmes include to

develop [students’] ability to communicate effectively, enable [them] to read

effectively and independently any intermediate level text, make [their] experience of
 21

learning English more meaningful and enjoyable, enable [them] to use grammar and
language structure in context

(Curriculum for English 2008: 16).

It is compulsory at most public sector universities for all newly enrolled students to take the
ESL programme which, in most cases, runs parallel with other major subjects at Bachelor and
Masters levels.

2.6. University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan (UoSJP)

UoSJP was established in 1947, and is the second oldest university in Pakistan. The main
campus of the university is located at Jamshoro, about 15 kilometres from Hyderabad on the
western bank of the River Indus (See Figure 2).

Figure 2. Location of UoSJP

Source: www.map.google.co.uk [accessed on 2nd May 2012]

The university accommodates approximately 19,000 students in 43 teaching

institutes/centres/departments functioning under six academic faculties: Natural Sciences,
Arts, Islamic Studies, Law, Commerce and Business Administration, Pharmacy, and
Education. The Faculty of Natural Sciences is the largest, with 22 departments and 7,852
students, followed by the Faculty of Social Sciences with 17 departments and 4,467 students.
Likewise, the Faculty of Arts has seven departments with 1,400 students, the Faculty of
 22

Commerce and Business Administration has two departments with 2,582 students, the
Faculties of Islamic Studies has three departments with 305 students, and the Faculties of
Pharmacy, Education and Law each have one department with 887, 1,354, and 39 students
respectively (see Appendix IV for details). Moreover, four Law Colleges and 74 Degree and
Post-Graduate Colleges (including 16 Private Colleges) are affiliated to the university.
According to University’s official website, around 70,000 regular students are enrolled in
affiliated colleges.

2.6.1. Students at UoSJP

UoSJP accommodates a diverse range of students from all over Pakistan. However, the
majority of the students are from nearby Hyderabad and from rural areas of interior Sindh.
Generally, these students can be divided into three categories based on their region of origin
(i.e., urban or rural areas), their ethnicity (i.e., Sindhis or Urdu speakers) and their choice of
the university (i.e. UoSJP or another university as their first choice).

Students from urban and rural areas

District quotas are used to promote access to the university for candidates for rural areas (see
Appendix V). These quotas largely govern the distribution of candidates in every department,
institute and faculty at UoSJP; for example, there are 41 available places on the BA English
Literature and Language, of which 26 are reserved for candidates from rural areas and 15 for
candidates from urban areas. There is also a higher ratio of rural students compared to urban
students in other departments across the university. The district quotas mean that a majority
of students who enrol at UoSJP every year are from rural areas, while those who enrol from
urban areas are mainly from Hyderabad and municipalities of other major districts.

Students of different ethnicities (Sindhi and Urdu speakers)

The majority of students enrolled at UoSJP are either Sindhis or Urdu speakers; although the
university does not collect data on students’ ethnicity, personal experience and observation
would suggest that Sindhis constitute the largest ethnic group in most of the university
departments. Another means of gaining an insight into the proportion of students from
different ethnic backgrounds is to analyse the district quota aspect of the admission process.
According to the 1998 census, approximately 93% of the rural population of Sindh is made
up of Sindhis, in comparison to 1.62% of Urdu speakers (see Appendix VI). Excluding the
 23

urban regions of Hyderabad (see Appendix VI), urban areas of Sindh (as defined by UoSJP’s
seat allocation policy – see Appendix V) are also dominated by Sindhis. Given the proportion
of rural vs. urban students enrolled in the university discussed above, this suggests that the
majority of students at UoSJP are from a Sindhi background (Rind 2008).

Students on their choice of university

Although there are no official statistics on students’ choice of admission at UoSJP, there is a
general assumption that significant proportion of students join UoSJP after being rejected
from the nearby medical university (Liaquat University of Medical and Health Sciences,
LUMHS) or engineering university (Mehran University of Engineering and Technology,
MUET). For example, one teacher who participated in this study (TM7) described these
students in the following manner:

We have a vast variety [diversity] of students here. First, we have those who are not
able to find any place in medical, engineering or any other professional fields; they
rush back to Sindh University, because university is a kind of solace, a rescue for
these leftover students […]
(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

Sixteen out of the seventeen students interviewed for this study had been rejected from
various medical universities prior to enrolling at UoSJP, while one had been rejected from an
engineering university. Additionally, findings from a small-scale study conducted at the
Faculty of Pharmacy, UoSJP for my Masters dissertation in 2008 also suggested that the
majority of students enrolled in this faculty had also joined after being rejected from medical
universities.

More specifically, the 2008 study revealed that, out of 349 students, 70% had enrolled at
UoSJP after being rejected from medical universities, 21% joined UoSJP ‘by chance’, and
only 9% joined UoSJP as their first-choice university. One explanation for the UoSJP’s
unpopularity as a first-choice university may be related to its low position in national
university rankings. It is 28th out of 64 universities in the HEC general ranking, and 9th out of
24 multi-disciplinary universities in the country.
 24

2.6.2. UoSJP as a political space

UoSJP operates in a highly politicised environment. This sub-section offers an insight into
some of the key political events which shaped Sindh as a province as well as its higher
education institutions, particularly UoSJP.

There are 49 higher education institutions in Sindh, of which three are public sector, multi-
disciplinary universities (UoSJP, Karachi University, and Shah Abdul Latif University
Khairpur [SALUK]). Students from all over the Sindh enrol in these three universities; as
mentioned above, many of these students have previously been rejected from medical or
engineering colleges, or they are unable to attend private universities due to financial or
academic reasons. Admissions to all of these public universities are based on a quota system
similar to UoSJP’s, with a specific number of places reserved for applicants from different
districts of Sindh.

While this quota is seen to provide opportunities to students from all over the province, it also
fuels inequalities based on ethnicities at public universities. The organisation of the system
has led to particular ethnic groups becoming dominant at the different universities. For
example, Karachi University reserves the maximum number of places for students from
predominantly Mohajir districts of Karachi, SALUK reserves the maximum number of places
for students from northern areas of Sindh, which are highly populated by Sindhi speakers,
and UoSJP reserves the maximum number of seats for applicants from Sindhi-dominated
districts in southern Sindh and Hyderabad. These universities have therefore become
dominated by particular ethnic groups, to the exclusion of students from other ethnic
backgrounds (Rahman 1999). The antagonism between Urdu speakers and Sindhis in these
institutions can be understood from a historical perspective, and in particular, in relation to
political tensions originating in Sindh after the partition of British India in 1947.

Sindh witnessed the emergence of the Sindhi Nationalist Movement in 1967, which had been
inspired by the Bangali Language Movement of 1952 (initiated by the students of University
of Dhaka) and Bangali Nationalist Movement. These two movements had led to the partition
of East Pakistan into the independent state of Bangladesh in 1971 (Choudhury 1972), and
inspired by these movements, nationalists in Sindh started the Sindhi Nationalist Movement.
This movement was primarily established in opposition to the ‘One Unit’ policy, which
entailed the imposition of Urdu as national and official language by the central government,
 25

and as a reaction to a significant population of Urdu speakers settling in Karachi and

Hyderabad, the two major cities in the Sindh (Jaffrelot 2002:22).

The movement was secular and heavily influenced by leftist Marxist ideology, with members
referred to as comrades. In 1972, the movement was strengthened through the establishment
of a formal political party, Jeay Sindh, which aimed to liberate Sindh from Pakistan and to
create an independent state, Sindhuedesh. The party was later renamed Jeay Sindh Tahreek
Movement (JSKM) by militant groups mostly made up of students from universities such as
UoSJP and Sindh Agriculture University (SAU). In fact, the current leaders of JSKM were
originally studied at these universities, and started their political activities while still students.
The movement was widely known at these universities, and gained high levels of support
from students at that time; however, involvement in the movement was restricted to Sindhi
speakers. Urdu speakers were viewed unfavourably, and therefore rarely enrolled in these
universities.

The Sindhi Nationalist Movement reached its peak during the dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq
(1978-1988). Although Zia-al-Huq banned all students’ organisations in 1984, JSKM
strongly resisted the military regime, and gained significant support. In response, the military
regime promoted the militant party formed by a small group of Urdu speakers, the Mutahida
Qaumi Movement (MQM), aiming to combat opposition to the regime by dividing it along
ethnic lines. During this period, MQM emerged as a highly disciplined political party, and in
the 1988 election, it won almost all the Sindh Provincial Assembly seats in Karachi— the
largest city of Sindh.

However, once in power, allegedly MQM politics was marked by opportunism and a failure
to address popular social agendas. By 1991, MQM had, in partnership with the Sindh
provincial government, unleashed a reign of terror in Karachi and Hyderabad (Fazila-
Yacoobali and Jan 1996). JSKM and other Sindhi nationalist parties resisted the MQM’s
activities; this sparked ethnic violence in the major cities of Sindh, and resulted with many
people killed on both sides. The clashes also resulted in the division of the cities of
Hyderabad and Karachi into Sindhi and Urdu speaking areas. Hospitals, schools, colleges and
universities were also divided accordingly; Sindhis would not receive treatment at a hospital
in an Urdu speaking area, and vice versa.
 26

UoSJP is located in Jamshoro, which is predominantly a Sindhi area. Consequently, only

Sindhis enrolled at the university, and in 1990s, it was unthinkable for an Urdu speaker to
join UoSJP. However, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, tensions between the
ethnic groups eased, resulting in increased access to UoSJP for Urdu speakers. Currently, a
notable proportion of the UoSJP student population is made up of Urdu speakers. However,
lingering tensions between the two ethnic groups are still evident in students’ attitudes and
every day practices, who are divided along ethnic lines within and beyond the classroom.

The emergence of comrade culture—dirty student politics― at UoSJP has been a notable
outcome of its political past. In political science, comrade is associated with left-wing
political orientation. However, it has a rather different manifestation and inflection in the
context of UoSJP. Historically, the ‘comrades’ of JSKM and their political activities were
widely supported by Sindhi students in 1990s, as these comrades were fighting against the
military regime and resisting MQM. However, a new generation of comrades indulged in
unethical, even criminal activities due to their strength and authority (Butt 2011; Paracha
2010).

Over time, other well-known political parties introduced their student equivalents at UoSJP,
and the student members of these political parties similarly adopted the ‘dirty politics’ of
existing comrades. The focus of comrades and student politics at UoSJP has therefore
become centred on opportunism and the pursuit of power. Notably, this form of student
politics has had an impact on teaching and learning at the university. For example, one of the
student participants in my study (SM4) was a former member of one of the student parties.
Before joining the Institute of English Literature and Linguistics (IELL), this student had
studied at the Faculty of Pharmacy for two years, where he became deeply involved in
political activities. For him, being a comrade meant adopting an identity which gave him
power, prestige and access. In the following comment, SM4 outlines some of the reasons
students are motivated to get involved with politics at university:

[...] the reasons of this comradeship are that students have some interests. For
example, they can easily get marks, and can easily move in the university. Being a
comrade fulfils their all needs, like if they go to canteen nobody will ask them for
money. They can live comfortably at hostels by dominating other students.
Sometimes, they take extortion money from other students. If they like something
they snatch it, and the other students cannot even complain because they cannot
fight with them. If other students have to live and study at university, they have to
submit before comrades. So these are some of the interests which make a student a
comrade.
 27

(Interview with TM4 on 27.11.10)

The agendas of political parties clash with those of the university, and unsurprisingly, these
political activities result in students’ poor attendance to classes. In order to maintain the
party’s position at the university, and their own position within the party, student members
are expected to regularly march on campus, chanting loud (usually discriminatory) slogans,
brandishing their weapons, and occasionally firing these weapons into the air. Additionally,
comrades frequently boycott students’ university education, forcibly preventing students from
attending classes, stopping buses from entering the campus, and damaging university
property. Evidently, these activities are highly disruptive to the teaching and learning
processes at the university.

2.7. ESL programme at UoSJP

Until the end of 2006, English as second language was taught under the title of English
Compulsory in the first four semesters of all BA/BSc programmes at UoSJP. The course was
based on English literature including: literary essays, poems, short novels, and Shakespearean
plays. As a student, I observed that teachers used literature to teach language via traditional
teaching methods. For example, they mostly adopted an examination-oriented approach,
focusing on topics which would be examined. The examination and assessment system itself
was poor, with the same questions repeated every year, and examinations did not specifically
assess any particular aspects of English language learning. This approach towards English
language teaching meant that students lacked the interest and motivation to attend classes
regularly, or to take part in any discussion or activities during lessons (although these rarely
occurred).

Following HEC’s recommendations, UoSJP adopted the new ESL programme in 2006. The
ESL programme is divided into four courses: 300, 301, 400, and 401. Students take these
courses in their first two years (equivalent of four semesters) of undergraduate study. These
courses are taught as compulsory, but have been designated as a minor in the curriculum.
Consequently, they have fewer credit points and teaching hours, with classes taught twice a
week. An average of 22 classes enables the ESL courses to be taught in one semester.
 28

The courses are based on two books - English for Undergraduates by D. H. Howe, T. A.
Kirkpatrick and D. L. Kirkpatrick (2006) and Oxford Practice Grammar by John Eastwood
(2006). The former book is used by teachers in the class, whereas the later one is used as
practice book. The programme claims that it focuses on all aspects of the English language,
namely listening, speaking, reading, writing and grammar. According to the recent HEC
report on the Curriculum for English (2008:15-16), the specific objectives of the ESL
programme are as follows: to develop students’ ability to understand and use English to
express ideas and opinions related to their real life experiences inside and outside the
classroom; to give reasons justifying their views; to understand and use signal markers; to
extract information and make notes from lectures; and to ask and answer relevant questions to
seek information, and clarification. The general objectives of ESL programme include:
integrating the class as a whole without any gender, race or ethnic bias by encouraging the
communication among students of different backgrounds and giving them equal opportunity
to interact in the class; boosting students’ confidence by ensuring their participation in the
class; and making their learning experiences enjoyable by giving them maximum
opportunities for classroom interaction.

The HEC-recommended methodology to fulfil these objectives requires teachers to apply

variety of techniques including guided silent reading and communication tasks. It is also
recommended that teachers should adopt ‘a process approach’ to teach writing skills with a
focus on composing, editing and revising drafts both individually and with peer and tutor
support (Curriculum for English 2008:16). These recommendations mean that the advised
teaching methodology is a significant departure from previous approaches to ESL higher
education programmes in Pakistan.

2.8. Summary
The new ESL programme introduced by the HEC aims to improve English language teaching
and learning at public higher education institutions in Pakistan. It was hoped that the ESL
programme would improve upon earlier courses by developing students’ English language
skills, and bringing diverse students together by providing them with opportunities to interact
with each other and with teachers in the classroom.

UoSJP was one of the public sector universities to introduce the new ESL programme. As
UoSJP attracts diverse students of different gender, ethnicity, regions and educational
 29

backgrounds, it was expected that the new programme would benefit the university with its
interactive courses. However, although the new ESL programme was introduced six years
ago, it is yet to be evaluated, and this study is motivated by the need to evaluate the
programme from students’ perspectives. The following chapter attempts to develop a
theoretical framework which facilitates data analysis so that the ESL programme’s impact on
students’ learning experiences can be evaluated.
 30

Chapter Three: ESL Teaching and Learning in Higher Education

This chapter reviews the relevant literature on ESL in higher education, and provides three
important perspectives in this thesis. Firstly, it offers an insight into the different research
traditions, perspectives and concepts which have been used to analyse teaching and learning
in ESL in higher education. Secondly, the chapter narrates the story of my research journey to
find the appropriate research perspectives to understand students’ ESL learning experiences
in higher education. Finally, the insights offered by the chapter support the formulation of
research questions which guide this study.

The chapter begins with a discussion on the Approaches to Learning and Teaching (ALT)
perspective, which has widely been used to analyse students’ ESL learning experiences in
higher education. My research journey began by adopting this perspective.

3.1. The Approaches to Learning and Teaching Perspective

The ALT perspective has its foundation in the qualitative research tradition of Marton and
Säljö’s (1976) Phenomenography, which was later used to develop quantitative
questionnaires by Entwistle and Ramsden (1983) and Biggs (1987). The analysis of students’
learning experiences in ESL programmes in higher education has been heavily influenced by
this perspective (White 1999; Gabillon 2002; Bunts-Anderson 2004; Ming 2004; Hauck and
Hurd 2005; Xiu-juan 2008; Lucas and Rojo-Laurilla 2008; Zhenhong and Zhin 2009; Noor
2010).

ALT emerged as a reaction to traditional, behaviouristic approaches to learning second

languages such as B. F. Skinner’s Stimulus-Response Theory and Robert Lado’s Contrastive
Analysis Hypothesis (Ashwin 2009). From a behaviouristic perspective, language is
perceived as a system of habits, and second language learning proceeds by producing a
response to a stimulus and receiving either positive or negative reinforcement. In other words,
second language learning consists of learners imitating what they hear and developing habits
in the second language by regularly practising it.

According to this view, the learners are thought to relate what they know in their first
language to what they recognise in the second language. Positive transfer occurs as a result of
similarities between the first language and second language, with habits developed in the first
language easily transferring to the second language. On the other hand, negative transfer is
 31

caused by differences between the first language and the second language, with errors
occurring due to the use of habits developed in the first language in learning second language.
The focus of teaching is therefore based on areas in which the first and second language
differs, since these areas are the most challenging for learners.

This approach is known as Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis (Lado 1957), which does not pay
attention to individual differences or changes that might occur in learning styles (Richardson
1987). Little effort was made to research how the process of understanding takes place, or to
explain the more sophisticated and complex learning which must occur for language to be
acquired. Instead, emphasis was placed on attempts to quantify behavioural responses
(Wittrock 1992). Second language learning was seen as mechanistic, and attention was
focused on higher cognitive processes (Cowman 1998:900).

By the late 1960s, cognitive psychology began to examine how individual learners receive
and process information (Richardson 1987). In contrast to behaviourist theory, which
suggests that humans react to outside conditions and stimuli, cognitive psychologists
suggested that learners internalise their environment by processing information from the
outside world. In the cognitive view, second language learners are thought to creatively use
their skills of cognition in order to understand the second language on their own. Learners
observe a pattern and construct their own rules accordingly, and then go back and change the
rules if required. In this approach to second language acquisition, learners benefit from their
mistakes because they are playing an active role in the second language learning process, and
learning first-hand how the language works (Biggs and Telfer 1987; Dart 1998).

Phenomenography
Within cognitive psychology, Marton and Säljö (1976) strongly reacted against the
behaviouristic notion of the fixity of learning with their phenomenographic approach. Marton
and Booth (1997:208) have concisely defined phenomenography as ‘a change in someone’s
capability for experiencing something in certain ways’. The phenomenographic view of
learning developed as a reaction to earlier psychological research methods, which were seen
as failing to provide insights into the way students ‘[…] experience, conceptualise, perceive
and understand various aspects of, and phenomena in, the world around them’ (Marton
1986:31). Consequently, the phenomenographic perspective rejects a quantitative view of
 32

learning as too ‘detached’ (Entwistle 1984:13). Learners and learning are instead seen from a
qualitative view, and likened to changing individual perspectives about the world or a second
order perspective (Case 2000). This is differentiated from most perspectives used in
traditional research, which are based in the perspective of the researchers.

Phenomenography focuses on learners’ experiences of phenomena (learning) in higher

education. Three dimensions of learners’ experiences are emphasised in phenomenography:
learners’ conceptions about learning, learners’ motivation, and learners’ approaches to
learning. These three dimensions, when positive, should be related to optimum learning
outcomes (Marton and Säljö 1976, 1984). The phenomenographic research of Marton and
Säljö (1976) also introduced the distinction between deep and surface approaches to learning,
and Pask (1976) identified holistic and serialist learning strategies.

These concepts came from naturalistic experiments using phenomenography, in which

students were required to learn complex material under controlled conditions. For example, in
Marton and Säljö’s study, learners were asked to read an academic article and answer
questions about it afterwards. These instructions left the specific demands of the task
somewhat ambiguous. The learners’ descriptions of how they went about studying suggested
differences in levels of processing. However, the deep learning process was found to be
associated with an intention — to understand— while surface learning was accompanied by
an intention to reproduce. The coexistence of intention and process suggested that the
categories might better be described as approaches to learning (Marton and Säljö 1976), and
implied differing ways of interpreting the requirements of the task as it was presented within
a specific learning context.

A number of studies have used phenomenography as a theoretical framework to understand

different dimensions of ESL teaching and learning in a diverse range of contexts. For
example, Gabillon (2002) used the phenomenographic approach to understand French
students’ beliefs regarding second language and its impact on their learning experiences.
White (1999) similarly used phenomenography to understand the expectations, shifts in
expectations and emergent beliefs of Japanese and Spanish students who were learning ESL
using a self-instructed distance programme. Zhenhong and Zhin (2009) used the
phenomenographic approach to investigate the learners’ conception of online ESL education
 33

in higher education in China, while Noor (2010) adopted this approach to explore the reading
approaches of ESL learners’ reading an academic expository text at University of
Kebangsaan Malaysia. Bunts-Anderson (2004) also used a phenomenographic approach to
understand ESL teachers teaching conceptions and to understand how teachers’ conceptions
effect the teaching-learning interactions in the classroom.

Phenomenographic investigation importantly moves away from the assumption that students’
learning is a stable personality characteristic. Additionally, the studies described above all
emphasise the choices made by students in selecting approaches to their learning task, and
indicated that the way in which students learn is a result of their interpretation of the learning
context. The basic principle behind phenomenographic research is therefore that

…learning should be seen as a qualitative change in a person’s way of seeing,

experiencing, understanding, conceptualising something in the real world

(Marton and Ramsden 1988:271).

Learning approaches adopted by students can be taken as an indicator of whether or not

meaningful learning has occurred (Kember et al. 1997). Although phenomenographic
research is more descriptive than prescriptive, the research approach and its findings have
shown that the learning approaches the learners adopt are related to their perception of
different variables that constitute an educational programme (Ramsden 1992; Watkins 2001).

Limitations of Phenomenography
Marton (1994) has further defined phenomenography as an

…empirical study of the limited number of qualitatively different ways in which

various phenomena in, and aspects of, the world around us are experienced,
conceptualised, understood, perceived and apprehended. […] These differing
experiences, understandings, and so forth are characterised in terms of categories of
description, logically related to each other, and forming hierarchies in relation to
given criteria. Such an ordered set of categories of description is called the outcome
space of the phenomenon or concept in question
(Marton 1994:424).

The product of phenomenographic research is therefore a set of descriptive categories

whereby understandings of a particular concept, event, and so on, are logically and
hierarchically linked in order to establish a typology. In other words, the goal of
phenomenographic research is to achieve an outcome space that contains all
 34

conceptualisations of a relevant concept in a structured format. Greasley and Ashworth (2007)

have criticised the contradictions inherent in phenomenography. On the one hand, researchers
recognise the need to focus on the students’ experiences reflected on and discussed by the
students themselves; on the other hand, the outcome space is the researchers’ construction;
the researchers understand students’ accounts of their learning as falling into a number of
categories (deep/surface), which few (if any) students would devise themselves.

Moreover, Ashworth and Lucas (2000) and Richardson (2000) point out the lack of detail
available on the actual, engaged process of phenomenographic research. They argue that,
while there is considerable literature on the outcome of phenomenographic research, little
attention is paid to the actual process of this form of research. Entwistle (1997), who
developed his works on phenomenographic findings, has expressed similar reservations.

Some qualitative research, claiming to be phenomenographic, has been conducted

without the necessary rigour, either in design or analysis. One of the reasons for that,
however, may be the lack of precise descriptions of what is necessarily involved in
phenomenography. The practical details of the research procedures used in
identifying categories were not explained sufficiently fully in the early publications
to allow other researchers to ensure the quality of their own methods. And still the
path from interviews through inference to categories can be difficult to follow,
leaving the findings unconvincing. It is thus quite a challenge for researchers coming
fresh to the field to see, and utilise effectively, the crucial strengths of the approach

(Entwistle 1997: 128).

Development of Phenomenographic findings via Quantitative Learning Inventories

Following the phenomenographic research carried out by Marton and Säljö (1976) and Pask
(1976), Entwistle and Ramsden (1983) and Biggs (1987) adopted a quantitative approach to
their studies, and introduced learning inventories in order to assess distinctions between
different learning approaches. The main function of these inventories is to operationalize the
various constructs which have emerged from qualitative insights from phenomenography,
and to generate quantitative scores on specific dimensions or scales which can show the
different aspects of learning (Richardson 2000; Coffield et al. 2004).

Biggs’ (1987) Study Processes Questionnaire (SPQ), which was later revised and became
known as the Revised Two-factor Study Processes Questionnaire (R-SPQ-2F) (Biggs et al.
2001), is an example of these inventories. Entwistle and Ramsden’s (1983) Approaches to
Studying Inventory (ASI) is another, and these inventories, particularly Biggs’ SPQ and R-
 35

SPQ-2F, have been used in various contexts with students of different nationalities, including
Pakistani students (Siddiqui 2006).

In the context of ESL, a number of researchers have used these learning inventories to
analyse students’ learning approaches to different dimensions of ESL. For example, Xiu-juan
(2008) used Biggs’ R-SPQ-2F to explore the influence of project-based learning on the deep
approach of learning among ESL learners. Likewise, Lucas and Rojo-Laurilla (2008) used R-
SPQ-2F to explore Filipino college freshmen’s approaches to learning in relation to a lack of
motivation in learning ESL and related experiences in using English outside the language
classroom. Ming (2004) used Entwistle and Ramsden’s ASI to understand Malaysian
students’ motivation to learn ESL in the institutions of higher education.

The research carried out using these quantitative learning inventories focuses on students’
perceptions of different variables, such as: teaching, assessment, workload, time to study,
clarity and aims of syllabus/task, work space, learning resources, and interaction with peers
and teachers. The findings conclude that students’ perceptions of these variables significantly
influence their learning experiences (Ramsden 1987, 1984, 1979; Beattie et al. 1997; Witkins
and Biggs 2001; Entwistle et al. 2002; Matthews 2003). The findings further suggest that,
when students perceive these variables positively, they are more likely to attempt to develop
an understanding of course material (deep approach to learning) rather than simply
reproducing knowledge for the sake of assessment (a surface approach to learning).

It is worth noting that the ALT perspective— and specifically the phenomenographic
approach— has emerged in response to earlier psychological methods of research, which did
not provide insights into how students ‘experience, conceptualise, perceive and understand
various aspects of, and phenomena in the world around them’ (Marton 1986:31). From the
ALT perspective, importance is placed on the students (the agents), and the ways in which
they process or change knowledge.

The present study initially began by adopting an ALT perspective, in which the focus was to
explore students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme by analysing their learning
approaches. One of the motivating factors for adopting this perspective was the value placed
upon ALT in higher education research, and the fact that researchers studying ESL contexts
had found this approach particularly useful (e.g. Ming 2004; Xiu-juan 2008; Lucas and Rojo-
 36

Laurilla 2008). However, it is important to consider the limitations of the ALT perspective.
Although this approach places an emphasis on students’ perceptions, it does not move beyond
these insights to consider the ways in which students’ perspectives, perceptions,
conceptualisation and comprehension of different variables in educational settings are also
structured and shaped by contextual factors.

An important critique of ALT is therefore based on its removal of the individual learner from
his/her rich, complex and multiple contexts (Mann 2001; Haggis 2003; Case 2008; Ashwin
2009). The learner is instead constructed as passively shaped by past experience, and
passively amenable to reconstruction as a deep learner through a new set of moulding
processes which occur within the university: the learner, according to ALT, is ‘a human being
without agency’ (Haggis 2003:95). There is little acknowledgement that learners are also
people who may have any number of reasons to reject institutional agendas. Learners may be
resistant or unable to engage with assumptions of higher education, for example due to a
sense of alienation (Mann 2001), perceived risk or personal cost, or conflicting philosophical
or cultural perspectives (Case 2008).

In the new higher education, the learner may be a person who is experiencing
tremendous difficulty in the face of unexplained norms and values; he or she may
not know, for example, that facts are seen by many lecturers as the vehicle for the
more abstract forms of conceptualisation that are expected, but not modelled or
defined. In addition, he or she may be exhausted from part-time work or parenting,
distracted by family or financial problems, or lacking the fundamental confidence,
self-esteem or health to engage in the ways that are assumed to be both desirable and
possible

(Haggis 2003:96).

However, in spite of its many limitations, one of the main contributions of the ALT
perspective, particularly phenomenographic research, it foregrounds the concept of variability
in learning a second language. Unlike the past behaviouristic approaches to ESL learners,
which perceive ESL learning as a mechanically fixed process, ALT and phenomenography
foreground ESL learners as individuals who have multiple ways of constructing their
understanding of ESL and approaches to their learning.

This study therefore draws this important notion of variability from the ALT perspective.
However, ALT is not adopted as a theoretical framework in its entirety for two main reasons.
Firstly, the quantitative learning inventories approach conflicts with my interpretivist
epistemological stance and qualitative methodological orientation. As the quantitative
 37

learning inventories approach is based on questionnaires, there is little or no room for

individual interpretation. The aim of the present study is to gain a holistic account of
students’ experiences from their perspective and within their context, which cannot be done
using questionnaires alone. Mitchell (1994) and Richardson (2000) have also questioned the
psychometric validity of questionnaires such as Bigg’s SPQ, R-SPQ-2F, and some versions
of the Entwistle’s ASI. More importantly, Mitchell (1994) raises the issue that survey
instruments do not actually measure conceptions, but instead only measure the way in which
students respond to questionnaires: ‘they are not sampling learners’ behaviour, but learners’
impressions’ (p. 8). Although Interpretivists place an important emphasis on learners’
impressions, learning inventories are not primarily intended to offer an insight into this.

Similarly, the phenomenographic research approach aims to reveal students’ relationship with,
or experiences of, different phenomena in an educational setting. The different ways in which
phenomena under investigation are experienced or understood are highlighted by this
perspective, while social and contextual issues are relegated to the background. Using this
approach, I may gain insights into the different variables that interact to create learning
experiences in ESL. However, I may risk losing sight of the bigger picture, or the social and
contextual factors which shape these variables and students’ learning experiences.

To address this issue, and to understand students’ learning experiences in the ESL
programme from a structure and agent perspective, I sought a theoretical framework that
would incorporate the theory of variability from ALT into a more context-specific approach.
In order to do this, I adopted Activity Theory as a sensitising theory that would sharpen my
understanding that individuals practice their agency, but not in context of their own making.
Activity theory accepts students’ learning variability, and facilitates the analysis of their
learning experiences from their perspectives, and in their own context. The following section
briefly introduces Engeström’s (1987) Activity theory. After this, I discuss recent studies
which have used Activity theory in order to understand teaching and learning in educational
programmes in general, and ESL programmes in particular. Finally, the theory’s relevance as
an important step in finalising the theoretical framework to understand students’ learning
experiences in the current study is discussed.
 38

3.2. Activity Theory

Activity theory was developed from the work of Vygotsky (1978). Vygotsky’s triangular
model of ‘a complex, mediated act’ (Vygotsky 1978:40) was fundamental in illustrating the
relationship between the human agent and objects of their environment, as mediated by
cultural means, tools and signs. As the model in Figure 3 depicts, the mediation process is
two-way (represented by two-sided arrows); human beings actively shape the forces which
are active in shaping them, and this process

…lies at the heart of the many attempts to develop our understanding of the
possibilities for interventions in processes of human learning and development

(Daniels 2004:121).

Figure 3. Vygotsky’s triangular model of a complex, mediated act

Mediating Artefacts

Subject Object

Leont’ev (1981) developed a second generation of Vygotsky’s model, which distinguished

between individual action and collective activity. Leont’ev viewed the activity system as
incorporating three hierarchical processes, driven by different individual or communal
motives. These ideas were further developed by Engeström (1987), illustrated in Figure 4.

Figure 4. Engeström’s model of activity system

Artefacts and Signs

Subject Object Outcome

s

Rules Community Division of Labour

 39

(Source: Engeström 1987:78)

Within the Activity theory approach, learning and other human activities are understood as
integrated into a larger system, or an activity. An activity is a theoretical entity, discerned,
described and used by the researchers to consider the socially-based nature of human activity.
The interacting constituents of an activity continuously develop into new forms which
together create an activity. Used in this way, Activity theory serves as a clarifying and
descriptive tool rather than a strongly predictive theory (Nardi 1996), and does not prescribe
any particular way of understanding learning or a fixed ontology (Berglund 2002, 2004;
Havnes 2002).

A number of researchers have used Activity theory in order to understand ESL teaching and
learning in different contexts, and a review of the literature suggests it proved useful as a
theoretical approach. For example, using the written protocols of ESL learners, Roebuck
(2000) used Activity theory to analyse the ways in which students carrying out written tasks
in groups. Phillips (2006) used Activity theory to understand the impact of his teaching of
ESL in an examination of Webquests. Based on the responses of four students, he found the
theoretical framework of Activity theory helpful in order to understand his own teaching
practices, new ways to design or redesign the course, and ways to encourage collaborative
learning among students. Likewise, McCafferty (2002) used Activity theory to demonstrate
how gestures enable the language learner and teacher to facilitate communication, and to
utilize elements of the setting and each other in order to transform their interactions. These
transformations included the invention of new tools and practices, new problem-solving
activities and the establishment of new social groundings.

Lantolf and Pavlenko (2001) have also used Activity theory to document the way in which
learning strategies of different language learners are largely determined by their histories,
which in turn influence their motives and goals for language learning. They argued that
teachers cannot assume that all learners are there for the same reasons, and that learning is
about mediated participation within a community of learners. This mediation fundamentally
involves the ways language learners negotiate their multiple identities between two or more
languages. Based on their findings, Lantolf and Pavlenko (2001) asserted that activity is a
 40

distributed process that must take into account individual learners and the countless agencies
which have an effect on individuals’ lives.

Ashwin (2009) proposes the use of Activity theory as an analytical tool to analyse relations
and identify contradictions within an educational programme, in order to see how these
relations and contradictions support or undermine students’ learning and teachers’ teaching
experiences. His analysis focuses on understanding the interaction of students and teachers
within an educational programme from a structure-agent perspective. Ashwin (2009)
maintains that generating the structure of an activity system (whether for learning or teaching)
is an empirical matter, which means that the researcher must discover different variables
through research and use Activity theory for further analysis. My generic model of students’
learning activity in the ESL programme at UoSJP, based on preliminary findings, can be seen
in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Conceptualising students’ learning activity in ESL programme using Activity

theory

Artefacts & Signs

Teaching, Assessment, Textbooks, Physical
Space, other learning resources

Objective Outcome
Subject To gain knowledge, New Knowledge,
Students identities: Gender identities,
Rural-ethnic identities improve practices, Practices, Academic
pass exam, pass time, grade
maintain good image
in the class

Rules Community Division of Labour

Institutional rules, Role of student-as-learner vs. other roles;
Student as Newcomer vs. Old
Assessment criteria, role of student vs. teachers’ role
timers, Student vs. Teachers
tacit rules
as facilitators or knowledge
transmitters

This model includes elements of Activity theory reinterpreted for my own understanding.
These elements include the reinterpretation of the ‘subject’ as student identities; ‘artefacts’ as
teaching, assessment, textbooks, physical space and other learning resources; the ‘object’ as
 41

gaining knowledge, improving practices, passing exam, passing time, and maintaining good
image in the classroom; ‘rules’ as institutional rules, assessment criteria, and tacit rules;
‘community’ as peers and teachers; and ‘division of labour’ as students as learners vs. other
roles, and students as learners vs. the teachers’ role.

After placing these variables in different nodes, the initial analysis highlights the importance
of the sociological constructs of identity and community. Moreover, each node of Activity
theory is the product of another Activity theory (Engeström 1987), which suggests that each
node in the Figure 5 is shaped by structural influences (or the institutional influences in this
case). I decided to use these three concepts (identity, community and institutional influences)
for further analysis. This focus was chosen largely due to the fact that it would not be
possible to consider all the elements represented in Figure 5 by analysing them individually.
Moreover, this individual approach to analysis would represent a return to traditional ways of
analysing assessment (Genesse and Upshur 1996; O'Malley and Pierce 1996; Brown 2004),
teaching (Hughes 2003; Bunts-Anderson 2004), and syllabus (Jahanbakhsh 1996).

As mentioned earlier, while the contribution of these traditional analytical approaches to

assessment, teaching and syllabus are acknowledged, a structure-agency perspective is
adopted in this thesis in order to examine students’ learning experiences from a sociological
approach. Therefore, I focused on the notions of identity, community and institutional
influences in this study (see Figure 6).

Figure 6. Conceptualising students’ learning experiences using identity, community and

institutional influences.

Institutional Influences

Students’
Learning
Experiences

Students’ Community of
Identities ESL Classroom
 42

In summary, Activity theory in this study serves as one of the steps of my research journey.
Like Phenomenography and Biggs’ R-SPQ-2F, Activity theory helped me in developing my
theoretical understandings of how students’ experiences second language learning in higher
education and how these experiences can be analysed. It helped me in identifying different
factors that affect students’ learning experiences and provided me with the options of identity,
community and institutional influences as important perspectives that I decided to use in
analysing students’ learning experiences.

3.3. Conceptualising Identity

In the present study, the notion of identity is understood in terms of the extent to which it is
shaped by structure, but also the extent to which agents can exercise choice and agency in
constructing identity. Identity is also used to refer to multiple, contradictory and contested
understandings of self in relation to agencies. For the purpose of this study, three categories
of identities (gender, rural-ethnic and identities related to previous learning) are considered.
These categories are further explained in relation to ESL in the following sections. Before
this, relevant literature which has contributed to my conceptualisation of identity is reviewed
in this section.

Several researchers have asserted that in almost all ESL teaching situations, teachers and
researchers do not simply deal with language, or with learners and their cognitive and
affective characteristics, but also take into account the relational aspects of ESL learning
(Arnold 1999; Jackson 2008; Parkinson and Crouch 2011). Arnold (1999:18) argues that ESL
learning and use is a transactional process, which he defines as an act of reaching out beyond
the self to others. As such, it is intimately connected with learner’s emotional self. The way
in which individuals consider who they are is significantly formed by their social identity, or
…that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his [or her]
membership in a social group (or groups), together with the value and emotional
significance attached to that membership
(Tajfeld 1978:63).

A social perspective on ESL highlights the fact that learners are not anchored to a fixed state,
but are conditioned by social forces which affect their sense of self (Arnold 1999). This
conceptualisation of the self begins with an assumption that there is a reciprocal relationship
 43

between the self and society (Stryker 1980). Stets and Burke (2005:128) elaborate this
concept further:
…the Self influences society through the actions of individuals thereby creating
groups, organizations, networks, and institutions. And, reciprocally, society
influences the self through its shared language and meanings that enable a person to
take the role of the other, engage in social interaction, and reflect upon oneself as an
object

Based on this understanding that the self emerges in and is reflective of society, Brewer
(2001) argues that a social understanding of the self means that the society in which the self
is acting must also be understood. Moreover, the idea that the self is always acting in a social
context in which other selves exist must be taken into consideration.

A review of the literature suggests that the concept of self and identity has been adopted in
numerous ways in the social sciences. For example, according to the traditional symbolic
interactionist perspective, known as the situational approach to self and society, society is
viewed as constantly in the process of being created through the interpretations and
definitions of actors in particular situations (Blumer 1969). Individuals identify the factors
which need to be considered for themselves, act on the basis of these identifications, and
attempt to fit their lines of action with others in particular situations to accomplish their goals.
From this perspective, it is assumed that individuals can freely define situations, which means
that society is always thought to be in a state of flux with no real organization or structure
(Stets and Burke 2005:129). By contrast, the structural approach does not see society as
tentatively shaped (Stryker 1980), but assumes that society is stable and durable, as reflected
in the ‘patterned regularities that characterize most human action’ (Stryker 1980: 65). These
contradictory approaches nevertheless share the notion that identity is embedded in social
interactions; while the former perspective overemphasises individual agency, the latter
questions individuals’ capacity to make choices.

There are researchers who suggest a third way, acknowledging the deterministic features of
structure but also leaving room for individual choice. For example, Giddens (1991) has
suggested that even in the most extreme life conditions, space for individual choice remains.
Cultural anthropologist Mathews (in Block 2007: 865) has similarly argued that identities are
not innate personality traits, but assumed and worked out by individuals. Identities are
constructed in a ‘cultural supermarket’, which is not free from social constraints, and
individuals face these constrains in different ways.
 44

There are social structures within which individuals exist (be these state
governments, peer groups, or educational systems) that limit the availability of
choice to individuals. […] there are individuals living within social structures that do
not allow them to make as many choices (e.g., societies where the roles of men and
women are circumscribed by tradition)

(Mathews, in Block 2007:865).

Giddens’ (1991) and Mathews’ contribution to this discussion is that although identity is
conditioned by social interaction and social structures, it simultaneously conditions social
interaction and social structures. In short, it is constitutive of and constituted by the social
environment. These authors reject the notion that structure can fully determine behaviour and
thought, but at the same time, they do not portray identity as simply a matter of individual
agency.

Individuals do not carve out an identity from the inside out or from the outside in, as
it were; rather, their environments impose constraints whilst they act on those
environments, continuously altering and recreating them

(Block 2007:866).

This approach to self has given various dimensions to the concept of identity; as multiple,
complex, conflicting, and relational. Stets and Burke (2005:134) define these dimensions of
identity in following terms:

i. Identity is multiple: As the self emerges in social interaction within the context of a
complex, organized and differentiated society, it has been argued that the self must also
be complex, organized and differentiated, in line with the idea that self reflects society
(Stryker 1980). This idea is rooted in James’ (1980) notion that there are as many
different selves as there are different positions in society, and so different groups who
respond to the self. This is where identity enters into the notion of the overall self. The
overall self is organized into multiple parts (identities), each of which is tied to aspects of
the social structure. One has an identity, an ‘internalized positional designation’ (Stryker
1980:60), for each of the different positions or role relationships one holds in society.
Therefore, the self as son is an identity, as is the self as colleague, friend, and any of the
other numerous possibilities corresponding to the various roles one may play. These
identities can be the meanings one has as a group member, as a role-holder, or as a person.

ii. Multiple identities (conflict and enhancement): Individuals’ multiple identities can create
the basis for internal and social struggle over which is their true identity. Multiple
 45

identities within an individual can therefore conflict with each other, or experienced as
being in tension and opposition to each other (Benet-Martinez et al. 2002; Settles 2004;
Benet-Martinez and Haritatos 2005). The theoretical developments relating to identity
have converged around two main ways in which people experience multiple identities: (1)
conflicting identities, in which identities oppose and compete with each other (Goode
1960; Benet-Martinez and Haritatos 2005), and (2) enhancing identities, in which
identities facilitate and complement each other (Thoits 1983; Brook et al. 2008).

A number of researchers have demonstrated the conflicts of multiple identities in different

ways. For example, Verkuyten and Pouliasi (2006) found that immigrants experience a
conflict between their ethnic and national identities. Similarly, Settles (2004) discovered
that people experience conflict between role identities (e.g. work and family) when they
feel they cannot meet multiple role requirements in terms of time, behaviour and/or
resources. A number of studies have also explored the concept of identity enhancement
(Edwards and Rothbard 2000; Ruderman et al. 2002). For example, Ruderman et al (2002)
found positive interdependencies between work and family identities for professional
women, noting that these identities can enable them to be both better professionals and
better parents. For Edwards and Rothbard (2000), identity enhancement includes
situations in which an individual finds that his/her identities are in agreement or
complement with one another. Identity enhancement therefore arises when an individual
feels his/her identities are complementary or synergistic, and allow him/her to fulfil
diverse identity-based expectations.

iii. Identity is relational: The majority of interactions take place between individuals who
occupy positions (statuses) in groups or organizations in society. Interaction therefore
does not take place between whole people, but between aspects of themselves in relation
to their roles and memberships to particular groups or organisations – or between
particular identities. When talking to his/her partner, an individual will adopt their spouse
identity; when talking to his/her students, an individual will adopt their teacher identity.
The assumption underlying these examples is that any identity is always related to a
corresponding counter-identity (Stets and Burke 2005)

Based on this assumption, claiming an identity in an interaction also entails an alternative

identity being claimed in response. The teacher identity is therefore played out in relation
 46

to the student identity, and so on. In each of these cases, certain topics are more or less
likely to be discussed depending on their relevance to the identity being adopted in a
given situation. There are also various styles of interaction which are more or less
appropriate in different situations for different identities; these modalities are usually
easily negotiated and with little reflection.

Identity clearly exists in many forms, reflecting many ways in which people connect to other
groups and social categories, e.g. age, gender, nationality, race, ethnicity and so on (Deaux
2001; Block 2007). Research from a social practice perspective conceptualises these
categories as socially determined. For example, in language and gender studies, the concept
of biological sex has been challenged by poststructuralist approaches which perceive gender
as multi-layered, graded and grounded in social interaction and activity (Cameron and Kulic
2003; Cameron 2005). Deaux (2001) argues that it is unhelpful to view gender as a single
social category. Instead, the concept of gendered identities recognizes the multiple identities
which may be influenced by one’s gender. Occupations (e.g. nurse, teacher, student) and
relationships (e.g. wife, sister, mother) often have gendered implications; similarly, an
individual’s identity as a woman may differ radically depending on whether she views herself
as a feminist (political identity) or as a more traditional woman.

Adopting the notion of gendered identities therefore enables an acknowledgement of the idea
that multiple identities are shaped by gender, and that social identities can intersect and
overlap with one another. This concept is known as intersectionality, and discussions have
often focused on the intersections of race and gender, exploring what it means, for example,
to be a black female as opposed to being a black male or a white female. Deaux (2001)
argues that gender does not necessarily carry the same meanings for members of different
ethnic groups. Similarly, ethnicity may be experienced differently for women as compared to
men. However, advocates of intersectionality also suggest that it is not possible to clearly
distinguish between experiences related to race and those related to gender. These identities
are instead viewed as inextricably bound together in individuals’ lives.

As discussed earlier, this study focuses on three categories of identity: gender, rural-ethnic
and identities related to previous learning. These categories are conceptualised in relation to
language and identity in the following sections.
 47

3.3.1. Gender identities

In their comprehensive review on gender and language, Pavlenka and Piller (2008) highlight
various studies which have linked gender with different aspects of second language teaching
and learning. They argue that the earlier research of Lakoff (1975), Thorne and Henley
(1975), and Maltz and Borker (1982) conceptualised language and gender according to
notions of difference, dominance and deficit. Difference views women-as-a-group and men-
as-a-group as speakers of difference genderlects, developed through socialization in same-
gender peer-groups, while dominance views women-as-a-group as linguistically oppressed
and dominated by men-as-a-group. Meanwhile, deficit refers to the phenomenon by which
women were seen as inferior language users and oftentimes as the muted group who speaks a
powerless language.

However, these notions have been criticised by postmodernists such as Cameron (1992) and
Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (1992) for their essentialist assumptions about men and women
as homogeneous categories, their lack of attention to the role of context and power relations,
and their insensitivity to the ethnic, racial, social and cultural diversity which mediates
gendered behaviours, performances and outcomes in educational contexts (Pavlenka and
Piller 2008:58). Cameron (1992, 2005) and Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (1992)
conceptualise identity as a socially constructed and vibrant system of power relations and
varied practices, rather than as inherent property of particular individuals, which, according
to Pavlenka and Piller (2008:58), means that

…women and men are no longer seen as uniform natural categories where all
members have common behavioural traits. Rather, these labels function as
discursive categories imposed by society on individuals through a variety of
gendering practices and accompanying ideologies about normative ways of being
men and women. It is these practices and ways in which individuals adopt or resist
them

Following this approach, gender is further categorized according to age, race, class, and
sexuality in order to understand how particular groups of people are privileged or
marginalized (Cameron 2005).

A number of studies have adopted this approach in order to understand the connections
between gender and different aspects of second language teaching and learning. Several
studies have revealed how gender practices mediate immigrants’ access to educational and
interactional opportunities (Warriner 2004; Kouritzin 2000; Goldstein 1995 Peirce 2000;
 48

Peirce et al. 1993). Gatekeeping practices (including lack of day care for children,
inconvenient locations, no driving skills/permission to drive, inconvenient timings of the
classes, interaction with opposite sex) were the commonly cited factors which hindered or
prevented women’s participation in second language classes. For example, Goldstein (1995)
found that these gatekeeping practices prevent young women from being in the same
classroom as men; Kouritzin (2000) argued that some immigrant communities require family
care be given exclusively by female members; and Peirce et al. (1993) discovered that some
women could not go to ESL classes because their husbands did not want their wives to
become more educated than themselves.

Other studies have attempted to understand how gender ideologies and practices shape female
learners’ desires, investment and actions in terms of second language learning. For example,
Sunderland’s (2000) findings suggest that in some contexts, female learners were more
inclined to study second language than male learners, and outperformed them, while
Kobayashi’s (2002) study suggested that marginalized young Japanese women are more
interested than men in studying second languages in order to increase their limited choice of
employment opportunities. These women see second language learning as means of
empowerment, and as a means of taking adopting a critical perspective on their lives and
society.

Some studies focus on understanding how gender shapes interactions in the classroom,
seeking to identify those participants who speak out in class, those who remain silent, and
explanatory factors behind these differing behaviours. For example, Miller (2003) suggests
that female learners from ethnic or racial minorities are most likely to be rendered invisible or
inaudible within the classroom. In his study of immigrant students in an Australian school,
Miller (2003) found that blonde, fair-skinned Bosnian girls were easily accepted by the
teachers and peers, and perceived as competent speakers of English. By contrast, Chinese
girls who had enrolled at the same time were often excluded from social interactions and
positioned as incompetent.

Julé (2004) has also highlighted the importance of teachers’ assumptions about learners from
different cultures. In her study of a Canadian classroom, she found that a middle-class white
female Canadian teacher firmly believed that Punjabi culture placed female students in
particular at a disadvantage, and that these students had to be ‘saved’ from this. These studies
 49

highlight the fact that in some contexts, female students are ignored or marginalised in the
classroom interactions not simply as a result of their gender, but also due to their race,
ethnicity, or their membership of a minority group.

Several studies have explored how gender has been represented in second language
programmes (Siegal and Okamoto 1996; Poulou 1997; Rifkin 1998; Shardakova and
Pavlenko 2004). Language textbook stereotypes which place men in the public domain and
women in the home continued well into 1980s; the situation improved in most Western
countries in the 1990s, with the development of non-sexist guidelines for educational
materials. However, recent reviews of ESL and EFL texts published around world reveal that
many foreign and second language textbooks continue to reproduce gender biases (Pavlenka
and Piller 2008:64).

To summarize, gender identities can be viewed as socially constructed, as society imposes

specific gendered practices relating to being a man or being a woman. All over the world,
these gendered practices discriminate against certain groups, and limit their access to (among
other things) education and employment. Within the context of ESL teaching and learning,
gender discrimination may be evident in gender representation in textbooks, and/or in
women’s limited ability to participate in activities within and beyond the classroom. As
discussed above, gender ideologies drive women’s desire to learn ESL, in order to increase
their employment opportunities and to empower them.

These factors indicate the importance of gender-related issues in the ESL teaching and
learning process to the current study. They also suggest that course designers and policy
makers alike should bear gender-related issues in mind while new syllabi, teaching
approaches and broader policies are being developed. Similarly, the factors explored in this
section suggest that researchers and evaluators should consider gender as a key variable in
understanding learners’ experiences and evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of any ESL
programme.

3.3.2. Rural-ethnic identities

Arnold et al (2007) maintain that a key obstacle to developing policy for rural schools is the
definition of ‘rural’ itself. It has been defined in reference to a set of characteristics, including
lower socioeconomic status, lower educational levels, higher proportions of indigenous
 50

people, specific occupational health and safety risks, a relatively close relationship with
nature, specific cultural attitudes, poor access to services and smaller population centres.
Waldorf (2007) argues that being rural as opposed to urban is an attribute easily attached to
individuals who have limited access to resources, of lower economic status, and who are
poorly educated.

A number of studies link the concept of rurality with identity. These studies have used
different dimensions, including discourses of rurality to construct new rural identities
(Halfacree et al. 2002; Svendsen 2002; Svendsen 2004), gender and rural identity (Shorthall
and Byrne 2009), and cultural heritage and rural identities (Ching and Creed 1997). The
notion of rurality has been used differently in all of these studies. In fact, these studies
suggest that rurality is a context-specific notion, which has different meanings to agents in
various contexts. Similarly, rural identities constructed in various contexts have different
connotations for agents as well. For example, in Denmark, villages in rural areas have been
seen as places where ideal societies can be established, and rural people feel proud of their
rural identities (Svendsen 2004). Likewise, Shorthall and Byrrne (2009) characterise rural
Ireland as a context in which women have greater power and authority than elsewhere.

However, in the context of Pakistan (and particularly in the Sindh), rurality and village life
are associated with poverty (Baulch 2002), poor education (Sawada and Lokshin 1999; The
Daily Observer 2009), and a lack of facilities and resources (Freeman 1982). More
importantly, rurality is characterised by the class divisions of the feudal landlord vs. the
agricultural labourers (Naimullah 2003). The feudal system has prevailed in the Sindh for
centuries (Herring 1979), and has two key characteristics. Firstly, agricultural labourers bind
themselves to Zamidars (feudal lords) in order to receive a loan for a limited period; until that
period is complete (and often even beyond this), these labourers are treated as bonded serfs.
Secondly, Zamidars block any external interventions which could improve the labourers’
quality of life, or help them to escape or challenge the Zamidars’ authority. The education
system in the province is the most notable victim of this, as the Zamidars have blocked any
attempts to improve the quality of education provision in the rural villages of the Sindh (Qazi
2004). Being rural in the Sindh is therefore characterised by a low socio-economic status,
being poorly educated, oppressed and lacking confidence.
 51

Rurality in the Sindh is also tied to ethnicity. Most of the rural villages of Sindh are populated
by Sindhis (Census 1998), and there are very few multi-ethnic villages as geographic
communities usually share the same language (Tropman et al. 2000). These aspects of
rurality in the Sindh are all highly pertinent to the current study; as they not only highlight
factors which may motivate students to access higher education and study English, but may
also negatively affect their participation in the classroom (see Chapter 7.2 for details).

3.3.3. Previous learning experiences and identities

Different disciplines require students to adopt different learning approaches (Becher 1994),
and with these learning approaches, students develop specific learning experiences
(Middendorf and Pace 2004). Students’ identities as learners are said to become consolidated
over time within specific disciplinary settings of a field of knowledge (Ashwin 2009); it is
therefore unsurprising if they under-perform in activities and exercises within a new field of
knowledge. In the present study, there is a focus on students’ comprehension of graphs,
charts, diagrams and maps (hereafter ‘graphs’ will be used to refer to all of these terms), and I
will argue that students in this study under-perform in graph comprehension activities due to
their previous learning experiences and fields of knowledge. For example, when students
interact with graph comprehension activities in ESL textbooks, students construct identities
based on their previous fields of knowledge (e.g. medicine or engineering), which may hinder
their learning abilities. This section reviews literature on graph comprehension on ESL
programmes in relation to learners’ previous learning experiences, their identities in relation
to different disciplines, and the ways in which these two areas are relevant to this study.

Research into the use of graphs in ESL has emerged relatively recently (Katz et al. 2004; Xi
2005; Yu et al 2007). These studies have stressed the important relationship between graph
comprehension and learner characteristics, such as learners’ field of knowledge (e.g. whether
they have studied sciences or arts), and their previous graphic knowledge (whether they have
studied in fields of knowledge such as mathematics, statistics and commerce, which promote
the use of graphs). Several models of graph comprehension have been proposed in the field of
cognitive psychology (e.g. Kintsch 1988; Carpenter and Shah 1998; Freedman and Shah 2002;
Peebles and Cheng 2003; Shah et al. 2005), and these models have been used by many
second language researchers to analyse learners’ graph comprehension.
 52

For example, in their study of graph comprehension in the International English Language
Testing System’s (IELTS) academic writing task, Yu et al (2007) use Carpenter and Shah’s
(1998) Knowledge-Based model. According to this model, graph comprehension is
influenced not only by the display characteristics of a graph (Lewandowsky and Spence 1989;
Shah and Carpenter 1995; Shah et al. 1999), but also by the learner’s field of knowledge
(Curcio 1987), graphical literacy skills, explanatory and other scientific reasoning skills e.g.
spatial reasoning (Feeney et al. 2004; Trickett and Trafton 2006; Stewart et al. 2008). This
emphasis on learner characteristics in graph comprehension is also supported by empirical
evidence. For example, Carpenter and Shah (1998:97) noted that

…individual differences in graphic knowledge should play as large a role in the

comprehension process as does variation in the properties of the graph itself.

Similarly, Friel et al (2001) found learner characteristics, including prior knowledge or bias
of the graphic information, as a crucial factor affecting graph comprehension. Xi (2005) also
found that learners’ previous familiarity with graphs affected their oral reproduction of
graphical information. Finally, Aberg et al (2006) found that learners’ graphic knowledge had
the strongest correlation with strong mathematics / science achievements.

All these studies emphasise that learners’ graph comprehension is significantly influenced by
their previous learning experiences and their field of knowledge. Ashwin (2009) argues that
students develop these learning experiences over time with in the disciplinary settings of their
field of knowledge. Each field of knowledge requires a different way of learning, which
subsequently exposes learners to particular knowledge patterns (Middendorf and Pace 2004).
Knowledge patterns may be unique to certain fields of knowledge, and ‘can impact on the
development of [students] as learners’ (Ashwin 2009:79).

Becher (1994) categorised the academic disciplines into four broad intellectual categories:
‘hard pure’, ‘soft pure’, ‘hard applied’, and ‘soft applied’ disciplines. Becher suggested that a
hard pure discipline, such as physics or chemistry, involves a cumulative and atomistic
knowledge which involves the learning of specific facts, principles, and concepts. Soft pure
disciplines, such as history and anthropology, involve a holistic and reiterative knowledge,
which requires learning to be focused predominantly on the understanding and interpreting of
ideas, and establishing a coherent argument. Examples of hard applied disciplines include
computing and engineering, and involve purposive and pragmatic knowledge. Soft applied
 53

disciplines including education and ESL are also considered purposive and pragmatic;
however, these disciplines involve the application of inferred knowledge.

However, Smith and Miller (2005) have criticised this approach, and have argued that
Becher’s (1994) model does not take into account the possibility that disciplines may vary
along his continuum depending on the area of focus within that discipline. As Dressen-
Hammouda (2007:233) has argued, the most important aspect of these debates is the idea that
a learner’s mastery of a particular field of knowledge is a complex process, which involves
learning relevant ‘discoursal’ forms as well as a wide range of specialist knowledge patterns.
These knowledge patterns are acquired as a student’s identity is developed in relation to a
particular field of knowledge. This identity is reinforced over time, and significantly affects
learning experiences. For example, Ivanic (1998) argues that

…knowing how to reproduce written academic norms is not an issue of literacy as

much as it is one of identity, where students struggle as writers because they are also
struggling to learn the beliefs and practices of their disciplines

(in Hammouda 2007:233)

Overall, then, students are seen to develop particular learning experiences and construct
identities within the disciplinary settings of a field of knowledge. Within the context of this
study, students had spent two and a half years studying biology or maths as specialised
subjects before joining the IELL of UoSJP. At the intermediate level (the A-level equivalent
in Pakistan), students had chosen biology or maths as their major subjects in order to join
medical or engineering universities respectively. This involved studying these subjects for
two years at school level, and six months in private institutions in preparation for the medical
or engineering university’s pre-entry test. During this period, students will have inevitably
developed certain learning experiences which are specific to these subjects.

In this study, it was observed that students recall their previous learning experiences while
interacting with ESL exercises which are based on graph comprehension, and in these
interactions, they foreground identities of being ‘medical’ or ‘engineering’ students. The
focus of the current study is to understand these interactions, and the implications of these
interactions for their learning experiences.
 54

3.4. Conceptualising Community

Learners construct different identities, which are socially, culturally, politically and
historically situated, within ESL classrooms. For example, ESL classrooms at UoSJP are
viewed as important sites in which learners acquire English language skills in a formal or
instructional setting, and in which teachers support students to gain particular linguistic and
academic competencies. In order to acquire these competencies, students’ participation in
classroom activities is seen as essential (Morita 2004; Hirst 2007; Barnawi 2009).

Classroom participation implies that students are engaged actors on socio-cognitive planes,
where cognitive and social properties are reciprocally connected and essential to solve given
problems. Socio-cognitive interactions are inevitably more complicated in a classroom made
up of linguistically and culturally diverse students (Hirst 2007). Morita (2004: 573) points out
that ‘understanding how these students participate in their new academic communities and
acquire academic discourses in their second language has become critical’. The crucial
importance of acquiring academic discourses on ESL programmes requires in-depth analysis;
however, for this analysis to take place, the notion of community within an ESL classroom
must first be conceptualised.

The notion of community, as with the concept of identity, has been defined in many different
ways; however, early conceptualisations of community were predominantly structuralist. For
example, Ferdinand Tönnies, a German sociologist, defined community as Gemeinschaft.
Gemeinschaft is a social configuration in which individuals are as oriented to the wider
association as they are to their own self-interest. Individuals are regulated by common
beliefs about appropriate behaviour, the responsibility of members of the association to each
other, and to the association at large. Associations are therefore marked by a unity of will
(Haris 2001). Moreover, Gemeinschaft community involves ascribed status, i.e., individuals
are given a status by birth. For example, the child of a farmer will assume their parent’s status
until death.

Reacting against this structuralist conceptualisation of community, a number of researchers

(including Cohen 2001) developed an approach which views individuals as symbolically
constructing communities. Lave and Wenger (1991) are also among the cognitive
anthropologists who developed Community of Practice (CoP), an approach which considers
both structure and agency when conceptualising community. Like Tönnies’ Gemeinschaft,
 55

individuals in Lave and Wenger’s CoP are oriented to the larger association as much as to
their own self-interest, but unlike Gemeinschaft, individuals develop themselves personally
and professionally through the processes of sharing information and experiences with the
group.

Wenger explains CoP in the following terms:

…communities of practice are groups of people who share a concern or passion for
something they do and learn how to do it better as they interact regularly

(cited in Toohey 2000:1).

Wenger et al (2002) maintain that CoPs exist everywhere, and people belong to them in
numerous contexts, whether at work, at school, at home, or through their hobbies. Each CoP
has a core where power exists, and the power of knowledge which prevails within that CoP.
People become core members of some CoPs by being involved in their practices over an
extended period of time, thus gaining more power. But these people may belong to other
CoPs more peripherally, and often try to move towards the core in order to access power.
Smith (2009) maintains that a CoP involves much more than the technical knowledge or skill
associated with undertaking some task. Members are involved in sets of relationships over
time, and communities develop around things which matter to people. The fact that members
are organised around a particular area of knowledge and / or activity gives them a sense of
joint enterprise and identity. For a CoP to function, it needs to generate and appropriate a
shared repertoire of ideas, commitments and memories. It also needs to develop various
resources such as tools, documents, routines, vocabulary and symbols that in some way carry
the accumulated knowledge of the community (Lave and Wenger 1991).

Describing Lave and Wenger’s conceptualisation of learning, Hank (1991:41) has noted that,

…rather than looking to learning as the acquisition of certain forms of knowledge,

Lave and Wenger have tried to place it in social relationships — situations of co-
participation. […] Rather than asking what kind of cognitive processes and
conceptual structures are involved, they ask what kinds of social engagements
provide the proper context for learning to take place.

Learners are therefore not seen to acquire structures or models through which they
understand the world, but rather they participate in frameworks which are structured.
Learning involves participation in a CoP; in this sense, participation
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refers not just to local events of engagement in certain activities with certain people,
but to a more encompassing process of being active participants in the practices of
social communities and constructing identities in relation to these communities

(Wenger 1999:4).

A number of researchers have used CoP in the context of ESL. For example, Morita (2004)
used CoP to explore socialization experiences related to academic discourse on an ESL
programme in a Canadian university. The study examined the ways in which ESL learners
negotiated their participation and membership in their new ESL classroom communities, and
particularly in open-ended class discussions. Using a case study approach, Morita (2004)
illustrated that students faced major challenges in negotiating competence, identities, and
power relations, a negotiation which was required in order for students to participate and be
recognized as legitimate and competent members of their ESL classroom communities.
Morita (2004) also found that students attempted to shape their own learning and
participation by exercising personal agency and actively negotiating their positionalities,
which were locally constructed in a given classroom.

Barnawi (2009) similarly used CoP to explore Saudi students’ English language learning
experiences at a North American university. According to Barnawi (2009), membership in a
CoP situated in an English-medium academic classroom always alters as newcomers
(students who have no or minimal experience of attending English medium schools and have
no access to the power associated with English language skills) interact with old-timers
(students who have been to English-medium schools, and already have the access to the
power associated with English language skills). This interaction involves language learning
and socialization, whereby competency and membership are required in order to participate
in the discourse community (Lave and Wenger 1991; Morita 2004). Here the process of
participation— legitimate peripheral participation— has significant implications for the
membership in the discourse community.

Wenger (2000) argues that the notions of ‘peripherality’ and ‘legitimacy’ are vital as both
notions facilitate newcomers’ actual participation in the classroom in order to help them
move to the centre of the community, which in turns enables them to access greater power.
Peripherality provides ‘an opening, a way of gaining access to sources for understanding
through growing involvement’ (Lave and Wenger 1991: 37). This idea suggests that
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individuals can be members of the CoP in various ways, and their roles and positions in the
community are subject to change over place and time.

Meanwhile, legitimacy affects the way in which individuals gain access to particular CoPs
(Barnawi 2009). Newcomers must be given a sufficient sense of legitimacy in order to be
seen as viable potential members. Wenger (1998:101) argues that

only with legitimacy can all their inevitable tumbling and violations become
opportunities for learning rather than cause for dismissal, neglect, or exclusion.

Legitimacy therefore also plays a vital role in the teaching and learning process, as it
facilitates access to power. The higher the level of legitimacy granted to learners in a certain
classroom setting, the more they will be able to negotiate and construct their identities in the
CoP (Toohey 2000).

Teachers play a vital role in the CoP, as they act as power holders and are able to grant any
level of legitimacy to learners. This usually depends on the roles teachers play in the
classrooms. A number of studies have been carried out in order to understand teachers’
perceptions of teaching and their roles in the classrooms (e.g. Samuelowicz and Bain 1992;
Prosser et al 1994; Kember and Kwan 2002). Although different classifications are used in
each study, they all conceptualise teaching at a spectrum, with teaching as ‘helping students
develop conceptions’ at one end, and teaching as ‘transmitting the concept of
syllabus/teachers’ knowledge’ at the other (Prosser et al. 1994: 223-25). Teachers in the
former category perform the role of facilitators or collaborators, working together with
students to construct new knowledge and understanding of various concepts. This approach
leads in to classes which are student-centred. By contrast, teachers in the latter category
perform the role of knowledge transmitters. This involves simply passing linguistic
knowledge on to students, and it is assumed that if students learn all the vocabulary and
grammar delivered by teachers, they will learn the language. This approach leads to classes
which are teacher-centred; teachers are the experts, and control everything that happens.

Christiansen (2010) has used CoP to examine different pedagogic strategies that teachers use
to shape students’ learning experiences in higher secondary schools. She concluded that, with
their different pedagogic strategies, teachers can create classroom communities of practice, in
which students become practitioners of content, by investing time and passionate interest in
their subject. During this time, teachers can act as facilitators, ensuring equal access and
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inclusion to all students. A successful facilitator of a classroom community of practice will

scaffold, providing explicit instruction as they model and then coach students to do activities
themselves. After students begin to master basic skill sets, the role of the teacher recede to
provide mentoring and supporting choice on the part of the student. This gradually allows the
student to migrate into more central, generative roles within the CoP. Providing choice and
giving power are highly effective practices to motivate and engage students in the content
area.

However, there are numbers of issues that significantly affect teachers’ pedagogic strategies
and their role as facilitator in a classroom community of practice. In her study of learner-
centred education in developing countries, Schweisfurth (2011:425) argues that:

The practical barriers [in creating learner-centred education] are daunting when teacher capacity is
limited, when teachers themselves have not experienced it personally, and where classroom
resources are low and pupil: teacher ratios are high.

Among other issues, high ratio of student: teacher in the classroom / large class(es) is one of
the most significant factor that affect teachers’ pedagogic strategies and the dimension of the
classroom community of practice (Bligh 1972; McKeachie 1986; MacGregor et al. 2000;
Cuseo 2007). McKeachie (1986: 181) argues that

[Class] size and [teaching] method are almost inextricably intertwined. Thus, the
research on class size and that on lecture vs. discussion overlap. Large classes are
most likely to use lecture methods and less likely to use discussion than small
classes.

Carbone and Greenberg (1998) found that students identified a lack of interaction with
teachers as the factor they are least satisfied with in a large class. Teachers expressed similar
frustrations; following interviews with more than 300 teachers at five different colleges in
USA, Ratcliff (1992: 65) concluded that ‘the sheer size of lecture classes often militated
against direct interaction with most students’. Kuh et al. (1991: 362) similarly reported that,
in large class settings, a ‘compact of disengagement’ exists between faculty members and
students, conveying a mutual message: ‘you leave me alone, and I will leave you alone’.
Cuseo (2007: 10) suggested that in large classes,

[…] a vast majority of students in class go through the entire term without
experiencing a single interactive episode with the teachers, whether it be person-to-
person verbal exchange inside the classroom or a written exchange of ideas outside
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the classroom [e.g., receiving written feedback from the instructor on returned
exams]

Even when willing to give high level of legitimacy to students, teachers fail to do so due to
their inability to interact with all students in a large class. Given that participation in the form
of student-student and student-teacher interaction plays a vital role in second language
learning experiences, class size therefore becomes a crucial factor in classroom community of
practices (Cuseo 2007; Christiansen 2010).

The current study uses the CoP to conceptualise the ESL classroom from students’
perspective. This means that the focus is on how students understand the community of ESL
classroom; how they define the role of teachers in the community; how teachers’ pedagogic
strategies enhance or limit students’ opportunities to participate, and therefore increase or
decrease their legitimacy in the community; how large classes affect student-student and
student-teacher interactions, and how these interactions affect students’ participation and
legitimacy in the community.

3.5. Institutional Influences and ESL

As observed earlier, students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme are influenced by
numerous variables (i.e., teaching, examination, syllabus, physical space and so on). However,
these variables are not free from structural influences. In the context of the current study,
structure refers to the institution (i.e. UoSJP), and structural influences are conceptualised as
institutional influences on the ESL programme. These institutional influences are highlighted
by analysing the position of UoSJP in the field of higher education of Pakistan, the
university’s policies and practices, and the impact of these policies on ESL teachers’ teaching
approaches, examination criteria, the physical space (i.e., the classroom) as well as other
variables.

A number of studies have examined the institutional (i.e., universities and other institutes of
higher education) influences on the teaching and learning in higher education in general
(Barratt-Pugh 2007; Ashwin 2009) and on ESL programmes in particular (Gao 2005;
Flowerdew and Miller 2008; Kelly 2010). Some studies have focussed on analysing the
relationships between specific variables within the institution, and the impact of these
relationships on learning and teaching. These studies refer to institutional influences as
institutional culture. For example, Marginson (2008) discovered a link between institutional
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culture and the position of institution in the field of higher education. Exploring the global
field of higher education and drawing on Bourdieu (1993), Marginson divides the field of
institutions of higher education along two axes. The first axis is a continuum from elite
research universities to commercial vocational education, and the second axis is continuum
based on the institution’s focus on global or local markets.

Within the field of higher education, different institutions develop their own cultures which
are strongly influenced by their positions in the field, and which highly influence the teaching
and learning within these institutions. Kezar (2006) found that the size of a university can be
an important institutional influence that greatly impacts the way in which students engage
with a programme. Similarly, Gibbs and Dunbar-Goddett (2007) established a link between
assessment and institutional culture, arguing that different approaches to assessment on
different programmes are related to institutional culture. Jones et al (1999) discussed the
relationship between the use of English and institutional culture, noting that there were few
differences in the quality of English that produced in two different institutional cultures;
however, the ways in which it was produced did differ.

Another relationship has been established by Crozier et al. (2008), between entry requirement
for students and institutional culture. Using Bourdieu’s (1990:56) notion of ‘habitus’, they
argue that the implicit understanding of institutions influences who can be ‘legitimate’
students within particular programme within particular university. Henkel (2000) has
discussed the relationship between teachers’ identities and institutional culture, describing
differences in her examination of academic identities in different universities. Likewise, other
studies have analysed the impact of students on institutional cultures. These studies suggest
that, for a number of reasons, students of different social classes tend to attend different types
of higher education institutions (Ashworth 2004; Brennan and Naidoo 2008; Crozier et al.
2008), which also effect the institutional cultures.

Ashwin (2009) has conducted research integrating all of the above-mentioned variables, and
linking it within institutional culture. Ashwin (2009) used a Bourdieusian structural approach
to conceptualise the influence of macro-structure (i.e. the influence of higher education on the
policies of a university; the influence of university policies on its departments; the influence
of departments on the structure of the programmes offered) on the micro-structure (i.e. the
interaction between students and teachers) in higher education. He suggests that using the
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Bourdieusian notions of habitus, field and capital, it is possible to consider the position of
different institutions in the field of higher education, and how these positions impact on their
institutional habitus. This notion of institutional habitus was borrowed from the works of
McDonough (1997) and Reay (1998). McDonough (1997) develops the concept of
institutional habitus as a link between institutions and the wider socio-economic context, and
it is this link which, she argues, differentiates institutional habitus from institutional culture.
She argues that the formation of institutional habitus constitutes a complex mixture of agency
and structure, and could be understood as the impact of a cultural group or social class on an
individual’s behaviour as it is mediated through an organisation (McDonough 1997).

McDonough (1997) further claims that institutional habitus is established over time and
develops its own history. It is, therefore, capable of change, but by dint of its collective nature,
institutional habitus is less fluid than individual habitus (Bourdieu 1993: 78 describes it as ‘a
power of adaptation’). McDonough (1997) argues that institutional habitus is developed in
relation to each institution’s position in the field of higher education. Each institution has a
form of capital (economic, cultural, and social capital, which take on different forms of
symbolic capital) which are developed or maintained in the field of higher education. The
ways in which institutions attempt to develop or maintain their capital inform notions of what
is ‘reasonable’. In her study of how schools in the United States influence their students’
choice of college, McDonough (1997) argues that institutional habitus informs an
institution’s sense of its students expected identities, the courses they will offer, and which
progression routes constitute reasonable uses of the capital developed by students.

Ashwin (2009) argues that institutional habitus can be articulated in different forms of
expression, which constitute institutional settings for the development of students as learners.
These forms of expression include: the selection criteria for entry to a university and onto a
programme within university; the particular form of the programme offered by institutions;
institutional teaching and learning quality regimes, which include the general standards of
institution; teaching standards; examinations criteria; curriculum; and the quality of learning
space (i.e. the size of classrooms, the quality of libraries or laboratories, etc.). All these forms
of expression determine the ways in which institutions perceive the role of students. Some
institutions perceive students as ‘consumers’ (Naidoo and Jamieson 2006), while others adopt
approaches to develop ‘independent learners’ (Smith 2007). Ashwin (2009) argues that
institutional settings do not act in a deterministic way, but instead, different students can
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respond to the same institutional setting in different ways, depending on the relationship
between students’ identities as learners and their other personal identities.

This review indicates the importance of institutional influences on teaching and learning in
higher education institutions. It suggests that an institution’s position in the field of higher
education plays a vital role in developing its policies and practices. These policies and
practices influence the entry requirements for students to gain access to universities and on
programmes within these universities; teaching approaches; examinations criteria; the use and
production of language; and other aspects that affect teaching and learning in higher
education. The current study therefore analyses these important influences on the policy and
practice of the ESL programme, in order to thoroughly examine students’ learning
experiences in the ESL programme.

3.6. Summary and Research Questions

The ESL teaching and learning in higher education have been examined in various ways.
Many of these ways have been based in the psychological tradition of research, known as the
Approaches to Learning and Teaching (ALT) perspective. The ALT perspective is based in
the phenomenographic research traditions of Marton and Säljö (1976), which was further
developed by Entwistle and Ramsden (1983) and Biggs (1987) using quantitative learning
inventories. A number of researchers have also used the ALT perspective in order to
understand teaching and learning in the context of ESL (Goodfellow 1999; White 1999;
Gabillon 2002; Ming 2004; Bunts-Anderson 2004; Carroli 2008; Xiu-juan 2008; Lucas and
Rojo-Laurilla 2008; Felix 2009; Zhenhong and Zhin 2009; Noor 2010).

Initially, I intended to adopt the ALT perspective as the main theoretical framework for the
present study. The ALT perspective has been importantly critiqued for its individualistic
approach to understanding students’ learning in ESL; nevertheless, unlike previous
behaviouristic and neurological approaches to understanding ESL teaching and learning, the
phenomenographic research tradition has tried to consider issues relating to context. These
contextual issues are only covered to a very limited extent in phenomenographic research, but
this research tradition can be credited with moving from a notion of fixity to the notion of
variability in ESL learning. I therefore aimed to locate myself within this theory of variability
in learning, but at the same time sought to use this notion of variability within a more
context-specific understanding of ESL teaching and learning. In particular, I was interested in
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understanding how certain variables impact upon ESL teaching and learning from students’
perspective. I therefore needed to find a theory which could explain the different variables
affecting teaching and learning in the context of ESL.

To this end, I found Engeström’s (1987) Activity theory to be a sophisticated tool for the
analysis of individuals’ experiences of learning from their perspective and within their own
context. Moreover, a number of researchers have also found Activity theory to be a useful
framework for understanding ESL teaching and learning (e.g. Roebuck 2000; Lantolf and
Pavlenko 2001; Gallego and Cole 2001; McCafferty 2002; Phillips 2006). I therefore used an
Activity theory framework to generate a model of students’ learning activity in the ESL
programme by identifying different variables. This model highlighted important factors such
as students’ identities, the community within the ESL classroom, and institutional influences
on different variables that shape students’ learning experiences.

However, Activity theory does not offer conceptual insights into the notions of identity,
community and institutional influences. My use of Activity theory in the current study has
therefore been limited to explaining variables in students’ learning experiences; it has not
been adopted as an overarching theoretical framework for my thesis. In fact, it is used as one
of the research steps in my research journey of finding appropriate perspectives to
understanding students’ learning experiences. Nevertheless, my brief interactions with
Activity theory were useful in enabling me to finally decide to focus upon the use of identity,
community and institutional influences for further analysis (see Figure 6). This theory also
allowed me to identify variables such as gender, ethnicity, rurality, previous learning,
physical space, and teachers’ role.

Based on these variables, I decided to use the concept of identity in relation to students and
teachers in ESL context; the concept of community to examine interactions in the field space
of ESL, and the concept of institutional influences in order to understand how the policies
and practice of ESL are shaped by UoSJP’s position in the field of higher education. As I
intended to understand students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme from a structure
and agent perspective, I conceptualised identity, community and institutional influences using
theories, such as Symbolic Interactionism, Community of Practice, and Bourdieusian notions
of habitus, field and capital, which have defined these concepts using this structure and agent
perspective.
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Following this approach, my overarching research question — how do students experience

learning in the ESL programme in higher education? — is answered using the following
sub-questions.

1. How do institutional influences shape teaching and learning in the ESL programme?

2. How do students interact with teachers and peers in the community of ESL classroom?

2.1. How do teachers’ pedagogic strategies affect teacher-student interaction in the

community of ESL classroom?

2.2. How does large class affect student-teacher and student-student interactions in the
community of ESL classroom?

3. How do students’ identities and previous learning interact with the ESL programme?

3.1. How do students’ gender identities interact with the ESL programme?

3.2. How do students’ rural-ethnic identities interact with the ESL programme?

3.3. How does students’ previous learning interact with the ESL programme?

Each of these questions is addressed in the findings chapters (Chapters 5, 6, and 7

respectively). Before the findings of the study are discussed, however, the following chapter
outlines the methodology adopted in order to answer these research questions.
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Chapter Four: Methodology

This chapter reviews the methodological approach used in this study. The chapter starts with
a discussion on the epistemological and ontological stance that informs this study. Case study
as a research strategy and its link to the methodological orientation of this study is then
discussed. The chapter then outlines the different data collection tools employed, the
sampling strategy, the approach to data analysis, the validity and reliability, and ethical issues.
Finally, the limitations of the study are considered.

4.1. Epistemological and Ontological Stance

In order to understand students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme in question, it is
crucial to first interrogate my own assumptions about the nature of knowledge and the world,
and how, as a researcher, I express or interpret reality. This process of interrogation began
with questions including ‘what is knowledge?’, and ‘how is it acquired?’; seeking answers to
these questions led to a discovery of epistemology. Heylighen (1993) asserts that
epistemology essentially attempts to answer basic questions such as, ‘what distinguishes true
(adequate) knowledge from false (inadequate) knowledge?’

In the context of research, such questions translate into issues of scientific methodology: how
can one develop theories or models that are better than competing theories? My primary
focus in this study is not to develop a theory or model, but to select theory/ies or model/s
which support a holistic account of students’ learning experiences from their perspectives,
and within their context. This approach can be seen in my experience of moving from ALT to
Activity theory, and then to the sociological constructs of identity, community and
institutional influences (as discussed in Chapter 3). The departure from ALT was influenced
by the approach’s detachment of the individual from his/her context; from my perspective,
knowledge of students’ learning experiences is inadequate when not understood within its
specific context. This approach defines my epistemological position as Interpretivist, due to
my underpinning assumption that

all human actions are meaningful and have to be interpreted and understood within
the context of social practices. In order to make the sense of the social world, the
researcher needs to understand the meanings that form and are formed by interactive
social behaviour

(Scott and Usher 1996:18).

 66

However, I acknowledge the fact that interactive social behaviours are also formed within
social structures.

As an interpretivist, I believe that in order to understand an individual’s behaviour, attempts

should be made to view the world from that individual’s viewpoint. However, any
individual’s viewpoint is inevitably shaped by their particular context. The researcher must
obtain access to the individuals’ context in order to interpret their reality from their point of
view, and within an interpretive framework, the researcher attempts to make sense of what
he/she is researching. Bryman (2008) labels this process double hermeneutic; through the
process of social research, both the subject (the researcher) and the object (other participants
in the study) of the research share the position of interpreter or sense seeker. This means that
a researcher must understand how participants view their reality, but also make sense of what
s/he makes out of participants’ reality and how s/he defines his/her findings in the light of
existing literature. As Bryman (2008:14) asserts,

…when social scientists adopt an interpretivist stance, they are not simply laying
bare how members of a social group interpret the world around them. The social
scientists will almost certainly be aiming to place the interpretations that have been
elicited into a social scientific frame. There is a double interpretation going on: the
researchers are providing an interpretation of others’ interpretation. Indeed, there is a
third level of interpretations going on, because the researchers’ interpretations have
to be further interpreted in terms of the concepts, theories, and literature of the
discipline.

Bryman (2008) maintains that the questions of social ontology cannot be detached from
issues related to conducting social research. He argues that ontological assumptions and
commitments feed into the formulation of research questions and the way in which research
is carried out. Following an interpretivist approach, constructivism forms the basis of the
ontological position from which I approach reality, as well as the ontological assumptions
which have guided the formulation of my research questions in this study. Unlike objectivism,
which argues that social phenomena and their meanings have an existence that is independent
of social actors, constructivism asserts that social phenomena and their meanings are
continually accomplished by social actors. It implies that social phenomena and categories
are not only produced through social interaction, but are also in a constant state of revision,
and therefore produce multiple and amendable realities (Fry et al. 2009). This approach is
therefore particularly appropriate for this study, which seeks to understand the how and why
of students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme.
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4.2. Methodological Orientation

The current study is conducted from a qualitative methodological orientation, for two key
reasons. Firstly, a qualitative approach complements my ontological and epistemological
stance; as an interpretivist, I have to understand participants’ reality from their point of view,
which is made possible with a qualitative research approach. Following constructivist
ontological assumptions, students are viewed as constructing their own realities, which are in
turn shaped by social structures. According to these assumptions, these students’ realities will
be best understood by talking to and observing them, in order to gain an insight in their
understandings of the world and the world in which they construct their realities. A
qualitative research approach would enable this to be achieved, as it facilitates in-depth
analysis of phenomena.

Secondly, students’ learning experiences in an ESL programme have never been studied from
a structure and agent perspective within the context of Pakistan. As Strauss and Corbin (1990)
claim, a qualitative research approach can be a better way to understand phenomena which
are little known about.

Overall, a qualitative approach is particularly appropriate when researcher determines that

quantitative measures cannot adequately describe or interpret a situation (Bryman 2008). The
aim of the current study is to understand students’ learning experiences from their perspective
and within their own context, which is only possible if the researcher talks to the individuals,
understands their opinion, observes their situations, and interprets their interpretations. This
can only be done by qualitative methodological approach. The ability more fully describe a
phenomenon using qualitative data is an important consideration from both the researcher’s
perspective, and the reader’s perspective, as Lincoln and Guba (1985:120) have observed:

If you want people to understand better than they otherwise might, provide them
information in the form in which they usually experience it.

Qualitative research reports are typically rich with detail and insights into participants’
experiences of the world, and may also be ‘epistemologically in harmony with the reader’s
experience and […] thus more meaningful’ (Stake 1978:5).

Different researchers use a variety of strategies in the process of qualitative inquiry. The
current study uses case study as a research strategy in order to analyse students’ learning
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experiences in ESL programme. The following section discusses the use of case studies as a
research strategy in more detail, and the way in which it is used in the current study.

4.3. Case Study as a research strategy

According to Yin (2009), case study research is a comprehensive research strategy for
understanding complex issues or objects, and for extending previously unexplored research
areas as well as strengthening existing research. The unit of analysis can vary from an
individual to an institution or a corporation, and case studies involve the detailed, contextual
analysis of a limited number of events or conditions and their relationships. Case strategies
are therefore

the preferred strategy when “how” or “why” questions are being posed, when the
investigator has little control over events, and when the focus is on a contemporary
phenomenon within some real-life context.[…] [This] method allows investigators
to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life events

(Yin 2003: 1).

Case studies provide a systematic way of examining events, collecting data, analysing
information and reporting results. Consequently, the researcher is able to gain a sharpened
understanding of how and why events in question happen as they usually do, and important
areas for greater focus in future research. Sturman (1994:61) suggests that

while the techniques used in the investigation may be varied, […] the distinguishing
feature of the case study is the belief that human systems develop a characteristic
wholeness or integrity and are not simply a loose collection of traits. As a
consequence of this belief, case study researchers hold that to understand a case, to
explain why things happen as they do, and to generalise or predict from a single
example requires an in-depth investigation of the interdependencies of parts and of
the patterns that emerge.

In the current study, the unit of analysis (the case) is the ESL programme, which has been
analysed through the diverse students’ perspectives. However, the voices of other
stakeholders (teachers and administrators) are also included, and other sources of information
beyond students are also considered.

Stake (1995) emphasizes that the number and type of case study depends on the purpose of
the inquiry. An instrumental case study is used to provide initial insights into an issue; an
intrinsic case study is undertaken to gain a deeper understanding of the case; and a collective
case study involves the study of a number of cases, carried out in order to inquire into a
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particular phenomenon. The current study uses an intrinsic case study design, which extends
to 17 students (see Table 2), and in which students’ voices are focused upon in order to gain
an in-depth understanding of the ESL programme.

Yin (2009:5) categorises three forms of case study: exploratory, descriptive, and explanatory.
He defines these in the following manner:

- Exploratory case study: ‘aimed at defining the questions and hypotheses of a subsequent
(not necessarily case) study’.

- Descriptive case study: ‘presents a complete description of a phenomenon within its

context’.

- Explanatory case study: ‘presents data bearing on cause-effect relationships— explaining

which causes produced which effects’.

The current study does not deal with any cause-effect relationships among variables, nor does
it test any hypotheses. Instead, the focus of the current study is to understand and describe
students’ learning experiences from their perspectives and within their own context; the
descriptive case study approach is therefore adopted. This approach offers the flexibility of
using different sources for data collection, data analysis and the ways of narrating the reports,
and it also complements my use of intrinsic case study to provide insight into students’
learning experiences.

Jensen and Rodgers (2001:237) propose a typology of case studies that include the following:

- Snapshot case studies: Detailed study of one research entity at one point in time.
- Longitudinal case studies: Quantitative and/or qualitative study of one research entity at
multiple points of time.
- Pre-post case studies: Study of one research entity at two points of time separated by a
critical event.
- Patchwork case studies: A set of multiple case studies of the same research entity, using
snapshot, longitudinal, and/or pre-post designs.
- Comparative case studies: A set of multiple case studies of multiple research entities for
the purpose of cross-unit comparison.

Being an intrinsically descriptive case study, the current study adopts the snapshot approach
in order to study multiple students in the ESL programme. The nature of the current study
 70

would ideally involve the detailed analysis of multiple students; however, time and funding
restraints meant that only one period of fieldwork was possible, which thus reduced the scope
of the study. These limitations also affected the sampling strategy (see section 4.6), which
focuses only on students in their fourth semester and sixth semesters of their undergraduate
studies. The fourth semester is the last semester in which the ESL programme is taken, and
students of sixth semester had already completed the ESL programme. Sampling several
students in these semesters therefore allowed students’ learning experiences in the ESL
programme to be analysed as a whole.

Overall, the chosen approach to case study research importantly offers access to a holistic
view of students’ learning experiences, and also sheds light on key issues. The use of pre-post
case studies (i.e., studying case studies at the beginning and the end of the ESL programme),
or longitudinal case studies (i.e., following cases throughout the ESL programme), or
comparative case study (i.e., comparing learning experiences of students in ESL Programme
across different universities) could have provided equally interesting insights; however, as
mentioned above, time and funding restraints meant that these approaches to case study
research could not be adopted. The current design is therefore more feasible than other
approaches given the practical research context, and moreover, offers important insights into
students’ learning experiences and suggests new possibilities for future research.

4.4. Positionality
My positionality (insider vs. outsider) within this research had important implications for the
study as a whole. I am familiar with the context of English language learning at UoSJP both
from the perspective as a learner and an ESL teacher (having taught at the university from
2005 to 2007); I therefore position myself as an ex-insider (Jahanbakhsh 1996) within this
study. The position of ex-insider is advantageous for research in many ways, offering a
unique perspective and pre-existing understanding of both the individuals and the context
being studied. As Sechutz (1976: 108) has noted,

The insider researcher has, as a member of the in-group, access to its past and
present histories. S/he is a party to the nuances and idioms within their shared
language; the hierarchical position of members within the group is clearly defined.

As an (ex-)insider researcher, I share research participants’ social world, which meant that
disorientation or culture shocks were not an issue:
 71

The expectation is that the context will be understood and appreciated in a way not
open to an outsider researcher. Insights and sensitivity to things both said and unsaid
and to the culture(s) operating at the time of the research - all these are potentially
available to the insider researcher

(Hockey 1993:119).

My position as an (ex-)insider researcher also enabled me to develop ‘enhanced rapport’ with

respondents (Hockey 1993:119). Students and teachers alike seemed willing to share often
intimate life details, and this may have been due to a perception that I was empathetic to their
experiences (as a former student and teacher at their university). Finally, teachers’ and
administrators’ support for the study was arguably a reflection of my known, insider status; I
was freely granted access to lessons and to students, and could also easily involve teachers
(my former colleagues) in my research.

However, there are challenges associated with an insider researcher position. For example,
Hockey (1993) cautions against presumptions that an insider researcher’s partial knowledge
reflects the full picture of the research context, and also warns against ‘over-familiarity’ and
‘taken-for-granted assumptions’. Admittedly, I did undertake this research with many
presumptions about the context, teachers, learners and their learning processes. Crucially, I
assumed that I already knew and understood the research context, and in particular, the
challenges learners’ faced; I therefore initially intended to work on an intervention to address
these challenges.

These initial assumptions meant that my research was initially adopted from a strongly
behaviourist position; however, learning more about epistemological and ontological issues
within research led me to revise my position. As discussed in Chapter 3, my research strategy
was eventually firmly grounded in a constructivist approach. Rather than assuming prior
knowledge of students and their learning experiences, I moved to conceptualise students as
constructing their own realities, and sought to understand these constructed realities from
their perspectives. This new starting point also led me to reconsider my methodology;
interrogating the assumptions of my insider research positionality was therefore essential to
the development of the study as a whole.

Positioning myself as an insider also raised the issue of power relations, especially when
administrating questionnaires and conducting interviews with students who often viewed me
 72

primarily as a teacher. In these situations, Bryman (2008) has argued that respondents usually
anticipate what the researcher wants to hear in their answers, rather than expressing their
honest views. As far as possible, I attempted to avoid this outcome by creating a friendly
atmosphere so that respondents felt at ease, and also assured them of anonymity and
confidentiality. My researcher positionality is considered in relation to other aspects of
methodology in the following sections.

4.5. Data Collection

In order to analyse students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme, data were collected
using documentary review, observation and interviews. The following sections discuss these
tools in more detail, with a particular focus on how they enabled the collection of the data
required to answer my research questions.

4.5.1. Documentary Review

Bowen (2009) defines documentary review as a systematic examination of documents

(including syllabi, assignments, lecture notes, course evaluation results, and institutional
policies) in order to identify instructional aims, needs and challenges and describe an
institutional activity. It is a means of data collection by reviewing existing documents,
whether internal to a programme or institution (e.g. records of ESL programme components
implemented in UoSJP) or external (e.g. records of evaluations, training programmes, HEC
policies affecting the ESL programme). However, Bowen (2009) emphasises that analysis
should involve a critical examination, rather than a mere description, of the documents.

In the context of the current study, documentary review includes all the documents which
offer an insight into UoSJP as an institution in terms of its position in the field of higher
education, its policies and practices, and the effects of its policies and practices on students’
learning experiences in the ESL programme. I therefore analysed documents related to the
following areas: the field of higher education in Pakistan; the practices and policies of HEC
on education in general and on the English language programme in higher education in
particular; the position of UoSJP in the field of higher education; and the policies and
practices of UoSJP regarding the ESL programme.
 73

Scott (1990) has noted that access to internal documents which are not in the public domain
can be limited. However, documents reviewed for the current study are all open to the public,
and as most of the documents are available online, no difficulty was faced in accessing them.

The current study uses document review as a support tool to collection data for three main
reasons:

(1) Understanding the official position of the institution: Reviewing official documents
provided an insight into the official position of the institution, and further enabled me to
understand the contradictions between this official position and actual practices of the
institution. This in turn allowed me to reflect upon institutional policies that are in tension
with its official position, and the implications of these inconsistencies for students’ learning
experiences.

(2) Determining whether programme implementation reflects programme plans: Identifying

differences between official policy and actual implementation in the ESL programme through
documentary review evidently has important implications. These insights highlight
contradictions between explicit rules and actual practices, and once again allow the impact of
these contradictions on students’ learning experiences to be considered.

(3) Supporting the development of other data collection tools: The review of existing
documents not only offers a better understanding of the ESL programme and the institutional
context, but also supports the identification and formulation of questions for interview guides.
The documentary review carried out in this study was particularly useful for the interview
guide used with teachers.

4.5.2. Observation

As a research method, observation allows data collection on issues which cannot otherwise be
collected through questionnaires or interviews (Bryman 2008). It is a particularly suitable
method of data collection when research participants are uncomfortable or unwilling to
answer questions about a particular subject. For example, many people feel uncomfortable
when asked about racial prejudice, and self-reports may not provide the most honest
reflections. A researcher may therefore choose to observe interactions of participants from
different racial backgrounds; in this case, observations are likely to offer more accurate data.
 74

Sensitive social issues therefore are better suited for observational research (Brown 2004).
Moreover, observations provide a useful opportunity to learn more about the context in which
the study is conducted; Jorgenson (2002) has noted that understanding a context through
observations is crucial before designing and conducting questionnaires or interviews.

While I subscribe to the view that it is important to talk to students in order to understand
their realities, I also acknowledge that students may not be able to express their views about
many aspects and issues within an interview context for numerous reasons. This meant that it
was particularly important to observe students and their worlds; however, these observations
were evidently subjective. This adds a further issue for consideration, namely the ability to
witness first-hand the behaviours and activities described by participants in interviews. This
was achieved through active and non-participant observations with students and teachers in
the research context. Active participation involved conducting classes and taking part in the
class activities, while examples of non- participant observations include sitting in classrooms,
observing student groups and being present during teachers’ informal meetings. Through
these different forms of participation, I aimed to observe and experience the research context
as a participant, while still acting as an observer focused on understanding, analysis and
explanation.

This approach was faced by a number of challenges. For example, my presence during
lessons initially made students self-conscious, and their behaviour unsurprisingly altered in
reaction to my scrutiny. However, their sense of unease was addressed by talking to the
students frequently after lessons, and altering my seating patterns (i.e. sitting with different
groups of students rather than at the back of the classroom).

Observations were carried out for two main reasons in this study: in order to understand the
context of ESL classes; and to understand and explore sensitive issues which participants
were uncomfortable to discuss in interviews. Through observations, I therefore focused on
understanding:

- Interactions between ESL teachers and administrators

- Interactions between ESL teachers and students of different genders, regions and
ethnicities in the classroom

- Interactions between students of different genders, regions and ethnicities.

 75

Various approaches to the observation process were adopted at different stages of fieldwork.
Fieldwork was begun by carrying out general observations of IELL, and its library. Also
three other libraries of Faculty of Pharmacy, Institute of Business Administration (IBA), and
Information & Technology (IT) department were observed. The purpose was to see the
number of ESL related books in these libraries and whether students use these books or not.
In particular, ESL lessons in IELL were observed through non-participant observations,
which was useful for two reasons. Firstly, non-participant observations offered a fresh
perspective on the context; although I had formerly been an ESL student and teacher,
observing classroom interactions in this way provided a new way of considering ESL
teaching and learning patterns. Secondly, this approach allowed me to make contact with
students. As mentioned earlier, students were initially uncomfortable in my presence in the
classes, but by familiarizing myself with the students, I managed to make students feel more
comfortable and open. I established contacts with students during this process, who began to
view me as a friend rather than a teacher, and this supported the development of mutual trust
with students. Their later willingness to respond to questionnaires and to volunteer for
interviews reflected this increased rapport and trust.

Later observations focused on issues which had been raised during interviews. Snapshot
observations were conducted intermittently, after approximately every third interview with
students and teachers. These snapshot observations focussed primarily on issues which
students and teachers had raised during their interviews, and in turn contributed to the
development of interview guides for subsequent interviews.

4.5.3. Interviews

Bryman (2008) has noted that interviews are probably the most widely-employed qualitative
research method, and offer deep insights into how respondents view the world. ‘Qualitative
interviews’ include unstructured and semi-structured interviews (Bryman 2008:436).
Unstructured interviews closely resemble everyday conversations (Burgess 1984), in which
the researcher at most uses a brief set of prompts covering a certain range of topics. This
approach was not suitable for the current study; although the fluidity of unstructured
interviews can be an advantage, researchers have little control over the interview process.
The totally unstructured nature of these interviews may lead to the discussion being diverted
from the main themes of the research; particularly in the context of time and financial
restraints, this can be impractical.
 76

By contrast, the semi-structured interviews were considered to be much more suitable for this
study. Through the use of an interview guide, the researcher can ensure that the maximum
amount of relevant information can be covered within limited time; however, the semi-
structured format of the interview means that respondents are also given the freedom to
respond in a way that may raise previously unanticipated topics and questions. Semi-
structured interviews are therefore a valuable means of understanding how research
participants view the world, which is vital for this study.

Interview guides for student interviews (see Appendix II) included a list of fairly specific
topics related to students’ perspectives on the UoSJP; their motivations for studying in the
ESL programme; their perceptions of ESL teachers, as well as the assessment, syllabus,
workload, work space, and other learning resources; their interactions with teachers and peers
in ESL classrooms; and their perception of themselves, their peers and their teachers.
Interviewees had a great deal of freedom in terms of formulating their answers, and questions
did not rigidly follow the order and form of the interview guide. The guide was finalised after
pilot interviews with two students; the first was a student from Saudi Arabia who was doing a
pre-sessional English language course at the University of Sussex, UK, and the second was a
student from Pakistan in his third year of a Bachelors of Commerce at UoSJP. Once in the
field, each interview was transcribed immediately after it had been conducted. This strategy
supported the identification of important issues raised by the respondent, and based on this
initial analysis, questions in the guide were added, removed or altered for subsequent
interviews. Every interview therefore followed a slightly altered interview guide, and this
approach meant that a variety of data were collected from different respondents.

The interview guide for teachers (see Appendix III) included questions which related to:
teachers’ understandings of teaching in general; their perceptions of ESL teaching at UoSJP;
their views on the ESL programme, and its examinations criteria, syllabus, workload, class
size, and group activities; their relations with students of different genders, ethnicities, and
educational backgrounds; and their relations with university administrators. This guide was
finalised after pilot interview with a fellow doctoral student at the School of Education,
University of Sussex, who had previously taught English language at UoSJP.

Piloting the interview guides proved highly useful, as the initial interview guides were based
around many theoretical, technical terms and expressions from literature which respondents
 77

in pilot interviews struggled to understand. Consequently, a lot of the interview time was lost
through the explanation of these terms and expressions, leaving minimal time to listen to and
record participants’ responses. These terms and expressions were therefore replaced with
more common words and phrases in the interview guide developed for fieldwork;
additionally, most of the questions were rephrased and reordered in order to improve the flow
of conversation. All three pilot interviews were partially transcribed, translated (the interview
with the Pakistani student was conducted in Sindhi) and analysed, which helped to identify
emerging themes.

Students’ interviews lasted 48 minutes on average, (see Table 2) and teachers’ interviews
lasted 44 minutes on average (see Table 3). All student and teacher interviews were
conducted at IELL, UoSJP; teachers were interviewed in their own IELL offices, and a
former colleague kindly offered the use of his office for student interviews.

Students were asked to provide contact details and dates for availability in the questionnaires
(in Appendix I) if they were interested in volunteering for an interview. Teachers were also
requested to suggest times and dates for their interviews. The interview process began with
students; after interviewing two students, one teacher was interviewed. Although this pattern
was not strictly followed throughout the research process, the approach helped to access
teachers’ perspectives on issues raised by students in their interviews, and vice versa. This
meant that a dialogue of sorts could be established between students’ and teachers’
perspectives during the transcription and analysis process.

Several challenges arose when conducting interviews with students in particular. Firstly, most
of the students were initially uncomfortable with the idea of audio-recording the conversation.
As a qualitative researcher, I was not only interested in what respondents say, but also the
ways in which they express themselves (e.g. tone, pauses, facial expressions) Audio-
recording interviews was therefore important in order to fully include non-verbal data in the
analysis, as it provided a complete account of the exchanges within the interview setting.
Moreover, intense concentration is required of the researcher within an interview context in
order to listen to participants’ answers, follow up on interesting points, to prompt when
necessary, to highlight inconsistencies in responses and so on. The added distraction of
keeping accurate notes on this process can be avoided by recording the interview, and so I
 78

managed to convince and reassure students that the recording would only be used for research
purposes, and their identities would remain anonymous.

A second challenge was conducting one-to-one interviews with female participants. In

Pakistan, it is culturally unacceptable for men and women who are not related to be left alone
in private. I addressed this problem in two ways; firstly, I conducted collective interviews
with two or more female participants at a time, and secondly, when interviews with lone
female participants were conducted, the door and windows of the office were kept open. This
was successful in the end that female participants appeared comfortable, but the interview
process was also disrupted as the office used for interviews was located near busy corridors.
Disturbance was therefore unavoidable; additionally, a steady stream of students came to the
office looking for the lecturer who had given up his office space for my interviews.
Interviews were therefore stopped and re-started numerous times, which negatively affected
the flow of the conversation. The quality of the recording was also affected, leading to
difficulties during the transcription process.

In addition to these challenges when carrying out student interviews, almost all the teachers
were initially reluctant to participate in interviews. However, as an ex-insider I was able to
access these teachers off-campus; before asking them to participate in interviews, I was
therefore able to meet many of the teachers informally. These informal meetings allowed me
to develop rapport with the teachers, talking about my experiences as a PhD student in the
UK, and the purposes and objectives of my research. Once I had familiarized myself with
teachers in this way, I felt more confident when asking them to participate in interviews. For
more senior teachers who I could not meet informally, I prepared a brief outline of my
research, a letter requesting them to participate in an interview, and a consent form signed by
myself, with assurances that their identities and responses would remain anonymous. During
the interview process with teachers, I found (contrary to my expectations) that recently-
appointed female teachers participated enthusiastically and openly. Overall, it seemed that
newer teachers were more comfortable than senior teachers to talk about issues related to
ESL.

4.6. Sampling
A sample is a finite part of a population whose properties are studied to gain information
about the whole (Webster 2003). In social research, it can be defined as a set of people
 79

(respondents) selected from a larger population for the purpose of a survey or an in-depth
investigation. Yin (2009) argues that the concept of sampling is quite rare in case studies, as
cases are selected specifically due to the researcher’s interest or due to their uniqueness or
typicality. However, in the current study, a specific sampling approach was crucial as I aimed
to identify multiple cases of diverse characteristics from a target population. These multiple
cases are not unique, but they are typical in the sense that they represent different
characteristics including gender, ethnicity, region, and educational and family background.
This selection aims to analyse the learning experiences of diverse students in the ESL
programme, in order to maximise the variety of responses in the final report.

Purposive sampling was therefore applied to access the target population in the current study.
The general population of interest to the study includes all the students and teachers in the
ESL programme at UoSJP. However, the target population for the purposes of this study
included seven ESL teachers of different genders, varying ages and levels of experience, and
seventeen students in their fourth and sixth semesters from the Institution of English
Literature and Language (IELL). IELL was selected due to my status as an ex-insider in the
faculty, which allowed easier access to lessons, students and teachers.

As mentioned in Chapter 2, students take the ESL programme in their first two years
(equivalent of four semesters) as undergraduates, and so students from the fourth semester
(who are in the final semester of the ESL course) and sixth semester (who have completed the
ESL courses) were selected so that experiences in all four semesters could be analysed.
Questionnaires were administered to these students, with the purpose of selecting diverse
cases for an in-depth investigation. Questionnaires sought information on students’ age,
gender, ethnicity, family, educational background, and their academic grades on the ESL and
other courses (see Appendix І). The data from questionnaires, particularly students’ grades,
were verified using their result reports.

On average, 110 students enrol in the ESL programme at IELL every year. In the first phase
of the data collection, around 200 students from the fourth and sixth semesters were
requested to voluntarily respond to questionnaires. With the consent of class teachers, I
distributed questionnaires among students in the classrooms, and asked them to fill in the
questionnaires. After analysing students’ responses, purposive sampling was used to select 30
students to participate in the in-depth stages of research.
 80

These 30 students were selected on the basis of their gender, ethnicity, region, educational
and family backgrounds, and their grades in the ESL courses. However, only 20 students
appeared for the interviews, and from this group, only 17 students’ interviews were fully
transcribed and used for analyses (see Table 2 for more information on these students). Table
2 also outlines: student codes (e.g. S = Student, M/F = Male or Female); the length of the
usable interview information (in minutes); students’ academic year (second or third year);
gender; their previous major (e.g. medicine (Med) or engineering (Eng)); age; ethnicity;
region (incl. the name of the area, plus rural (R) or urban (U)); family education; the kind of
school they attended (e.g. elite English medium schools (EEM), non-elite English medium
schools (NEE) or vernacular medium schools (VM)). Information is also included on
students’ average overall results (from three semesters for second year students, and four
semesters for third year students); their overall average results in the ESL courses; whether
they were employed; and if so, the nature of their occupation, and number of hours worked
per day.

This information enabled a focus on particular aspects of the respondents’ identities, and a
consideration of the ways in which these factors affect their learning experiences. The
sampling approach adopted in this study aimed to consider a selection of cases which would
lead to findings with potentially wider resonance beyond the specific research context. The
seventeen cases were selected in terms of various characteristics in order to include
maximum variation (Flyvbjerg 2006), and to ‘cover some of the main dimensions of
suspected heterogeneity in the population’ (Hammersley 1992: 90), to which the findings can
be transferred.
 81

Table 2. Questionnaire data showing students’ personal information

study group

results (%)
instruction

Hours per
Results in
Schooling
Length of
interview

Previous

Ethnicity

ESL (%)
Overall

Type of
Gender

Med of
Region
Codes

Work

Work
Year

Age

day
Family Education

Father: Undergraduate
Mother: Matriculation
Elder brother: Graduate Younger
01 SF1 63m 3rd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Badin(R) brothers: In school NEE Eng 76 72 No - -
Father: Graduate
Mather: Graduate
02 SF2 66m 3rd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Hyderabad(U) Younger brothers: Undergraduate NEE Eng 79 81 Yes 2 Teaching
Father: Undergraduate
03 SM3 3rd m Med 18-23 Sindhi Moro(R) Mother: Uneducated VM Sindhi 70 71 Yes 2 Teaching
Father: Undergraduate
55m Elder brother: Undergraduate
04 SM4 3rd m Med 23-25 Sindhi Jacobabad (R) Mother: Uneducated VM Sindhi 60 63 Yes 2 Teaching
Father: Matriculation
05 SM5 59 Two Elder brothers: Undergraduate
m 2nd m Med 18-23 Sindhi Dadu (R) Mother: Uneducated VM Sindhi 72 72 No - -
Father: Graduate
06 SF6 2nd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Hyderabad(U) Mather: Undergraduate EEM Eng 74 72 Yes 3 Teaching
Father: Graduate
Elder brothers: Graduate
23m Elder Sister: Graduate
07 SF7 2nd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Hyderabad(U) Mother: Undergraduate EEM Eng 76 70 Yes 3 Teaching
Father: Graduate
08 SF8 2nd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Larkana(U) Mather: Intermediate NEE Eng 72 69 No - -
Father: Matriculation
39m Mather: Uneducated
09 SF9 2nd f Med 18-23 Baloch Larkana(R) Elder brother: Undergraduate VM Sindhi 70 69 Yes 3 Teaching
 82

instruction

Hours per
Results in
Schooling
Length of
interview

Previous

Ethnicity

ESL (%)
Overall

Type of
Gender

Med of
Region

results
Codes

group

Work

Work
study
Year

Age

(%)

day
Family Education

Father: Graduate
Mather: Undergraduate
Younger brothers and sisters : In
10 SF10 46m 3rd f Med 18-23 Sindhi Larkana(U) school EEM Eng 72 65 No - -
Father: Graduate
Mather: Intermediate
11 SF11 3rd f Med 18-23 Urdu Hyderabad(U) Elder Sister: Graduate EEM Eng 65 64 No - -
Father: Graduate
Mather: Undergraduate
Elder brother: Graduate
12 SF12 3rd f Med 18-23 Urdu Hyderabad(U) Younger Sister and brother: In school NEE Eng 72 72 No - -
Father: Graduate
13 SF13 3rd f Med 18-23 Urdu Hyderabad(U) Mather: Graduate NEE Eng 75 73 No - -
Father: Graduate
70m Mather: Intermediate
Younger brother and sister:
14 SF14 3rd f Med 18-23 Urdu Hyderabad(U) undergraduate NEE Eng 73 75 No - -
Marketing
Father: Graduate and sales
Mather: Intermediate representa
Younger brothers and sisters: In tive of
15 SM15 24m 2nd m Med 18-23 Punjabi Lahoro(U) school VM Sindhi 71 74 Yes 6 books
Father: Uneducated
Mather: Uneducated
16 SM16 39m 3rd m Med 18-23 Sindhi Mithi(R) Younger brother : In school VM Sindhi 70 76 No - -
Father: Undergraduate
Mather: Intermediate
17 SM17 51m 2nd m Eng 18-23 Sindhi Dadu(R) Three Elder brothers: Graduate VM Sindhi 74 81 Yes 5 Teaching
 83

There are approximately 31 teachers in the IELL who can teach ESL courses. In this study,
teachers with over eight years’ teaching experience are referred as senior (n = 9), those with
one to four years’ experience are referred to as junior (n = 12) and those who have less than
one year of teaching experience are referred to as novice (n=10). It was observed that mainly
novice teachers taught ESL courses in IELL and other departments of UoSJP. This may be
explained by novice teachers’ lack of prior teaching experiences (inferred from data analysis
detailed in Chapter 5); it is therefore possible that before going on to teach major courses,
ESL classes provide an opportunity to practice and improve their teaching skills. ESL may be
used in this way as it is a minor course, and progress reports from the course are not sent to
Quality Enhancement Cell (QEC) for evaluation (see Chapter 5 for detailed discussion).

The reasons behind the allocation of novice teachers to the ESL programme are not the focus
of the current study, but it is nevertheless important to consider how students perceive these
teachers’ pedagogic strategies to teaching and their general attitudes, and how students view
these teachers in the community of the ESL classroom.

It is also important to note that classroom observations were only carried out in novice
teachers’ lessons as a result of issues relating to access. Eight novice teachers’ classes were
observed, but only four were interviewed (TF1, TF2, TF2, and TM4). Similarly, it was not
possible to observe junior teachers’ lessons as their timetabled lessons conflicted with other
research activities, but interviews were eventually carried out with two junior teachers (TM5
and TF6). Only one senior teacher (TM7) was interviewed. A total of four female and three
male teachers were therefore interviewed, of different ages and with varying levels of
teaching experience (see Table 3). All 31 teachers on the ESL programme, including the
seven involved in this study, were Sindhi speakers.
 84

Table 3. Teachers interviewed for the study

Minimum
Length Teaching
of Teaching Teaching Hours per
Code Interview Gender Age Qualification From experience status week
M.A English Less than Research
TF1 42 m F 25-27 Literature UoSJP one year Associate 15-20
M.A English Less than Research
TF2 42 m F 25-27 Literature UoSJP one year Associate 15-20
M.A English Less than Research
TF3 57 m F 25-27 Literature UoSJP one year Associate 15-20
M.A English Less than Research
TM4 41 m M 25-27 Literature UoSJP one year Associate 15-20
M.A English
TM5 50 m M 30-35 Literature UoSJP Four years Lecturer 15-20
M.A English
TF6 30 m F 30-35 Literature UoSJP Four years Lecturer 15-20
PhD English Fifteen Assistant
TM7 43 m M 40-45 Literature UoSJP years Professor 15-20

Overall, the data collection tools adopted enabled the collection of data relevant to the
research questions guiding the study. Although several challenges arose as a result of the data
collection tools adopted, as discussed above, various strategies were used to overcome these
difficulties. The purposive sampling strategy enabled a variety of students to be selected for
data collection, representing different genders, ethnicities, and educational and family
backgrounds. The teachers selected for the study similarly represented different genders, ages
and levels of teaching experiences. The following section outlines the different strategies
adopted for data analysis.

4.7. Data Analysis

Questionnaires were analysed manually, and MS Excel was used to compile the data. Since
the questionnaires were only used in order to identify the cases for further in-depth research,
no statistical analysis was required. Findings from questionnaires have been partially
presented in Table 2 (see above), and references to the questionnaire data are made
 85

throughout the finding chapters in terms of students’ ethnicity, rurality, and their educational
and family background.

Documents were analysed by reading, re-reading and identifying the patterns, which were
further organised into themes. These themes were then identified in order to be analysed from
an Activity theory perspective. As mentioned earlier, documentary analysis mainly
contributed to identifying institutional influences on the ESL programme.

Most of the interviews with students were conducted in Urdu or Sindh (the two most
commonly used languages at UoSJP) in order to put respondents at ease, and to improve their
level of understanding during interviews. This approach meant that interviewees could
respond to the questions freely, without any language barriers. Selected interviews were
translated and transcribed for further analysis. After this, data were compressed, categorized,
and organised into themes prior to the process of interpreting and extracting meaning
(Bryman 2008). As the interviews were semi-structured, the questions were written in order
to emphasise certain themes. This approach helped to code and organize the data by
identifying significant themes and patterns and relating them to the research questions.

4.7.1. Translating the data

Conducting interviews in Sindhi and Urdu and presenting findings in English meant that
certain language-related issues had to be addressed. Birbili (2000) has discussed several
potential issues related to the use of different languages for data collection and the
presentation of findings. For example, the researcher has to make a number of translation-
related decisions, which may have a direct impact on the validity of their research and the
way in which it is reported. Birbili (2000) further suggests that the quality of the translation
depends on a number of factors; when the researcher also acts as translator, the quality of the
translation is influenced by the factors including the researcher’s knowledge of the language
and the culture of the people under study, and the researcher’s fluency in the presentation
language. My position as an insider was helpful here, in terms of identifying contextual and
cultural aspects of participants’ responses, as well as the languages in which they responded.
Translations from Urdu and Sindhi to English were therefore informed by this awareness of
respondents’ context, culture and language.

Temple (1997) has argued that one of the major difficulties encountered when conducting
research in one language and presenting it in another is the question of conceptual
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equivalence or the comparability of meaning. He has argued that, during translation, even an
apparently innocuous, familiar term for which there is a direct lexical equivalent may carry
emotional connotations in one language that may not occur in another. In this situation,
Temple (1997: 610) therefore argues that an emphasis should be placed on ‘obtaining
conceptual equivalence without concern for lexical comparability’. I believe that my position
as an insider also meant that I was able to address this challenge; the process of gaining
comparability of meanings was facilitated by my proficient understanding of Urdu, Sindhi
and English, as well as my ‘intimate’ knowledge of the study context and culture (Frey 1970).
These linguistic and cultural factors are essential if the full implications of certain terms for
participants are to be understood, and if the cultural connotations of particular words are
made explicit to readers of the research.

An essential question before translating interviews therefore related to how exactly I would
approach translation. Wolcott (1994) maintains that this decision is central, as research
reports usually present participants’ responses as direct quotations, with little indication of
the translation process. Direct quotations are evidently an important tool when presenting
participants’ views, reflecting issues they have prioritised and the way in which they have
expressed these issues. A choice between ‘literal’ or ‘free’ translation was therefore required.
A literal translation (e.g. translating data word-by-word) could be seen as more fully
representing what participants have said, and give readers a sense of the ‘foreignness’ for the
response.

However, this literal approach can hamper the readability of the text, which can in turn
disengage the reader from the text and, importantly, inhibit their ability to follow ‘what’s
going on’ (Honig 1997:17). At the same time, researchers who decide to go for the more
elegant option of free translation must bear in mind the implications of creating quotations
that read well, and how far they move from participants’ original meaning. In this study, I
decided to adopt a mixed approach which aimed to maintain the naturality of quotations, but
to simultaneously ensure that they were ‘readable’ in the final report. Following this approach,
I felt comfortable using direct quotations from participants to support my arguments in the
findings chapters.

Brislin et al (1973: 46) have also suggested that ‘consultation’ with other people during the
translation process can be an important technique for eliminating translation-related problems:
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Consultation with other people involves discussions about the use and meaning of
words identified as problematic with people who are bilingual or having a number of
people sitting around a table jointly making decisions about the best terms to use.

Using this technique, I consulted participants by showing them the translations of their
interview transcripts. Although I did not receive many suggestions from students, teachers
offered more contributions, which significantly enhanced my understanding of the different
Sindhi terms and expressions and my English translations of them. Moreover, several fellow
doctoral students at various universities in the UK were also consulted regarding translation.

4.8. Reliability and Validity

Bassey (1999:77) has argued that while reliability and validity are vital in surveys and
experiments, they are not particularly relevant concepts in case study research. Analysis
reliability is the extent to which findings can be replicated, given the same circumstances,
and validity is related to the accuracy of research findings. Validity can be analysed in a
number of ways; internal validity is concerned with cause-and-effect relationships, while
external validity is concerned with the extent to which these cause-and-effect relationships
can be generalised to other contexts.

However, these concepts are problematic in case study research (Lincoln and Guba 1985). A
case study is, by nature, the study of a singularity chosen primarily based on the researcher’s
interests. This means case studies are typical in terms of empirically demonstrability, and so
the question of external validity is not relevant. Theory-seeking case studies may involve
fuzzy cause-and-effect relationships, which support an examination of internal validity;
however, the current study involves descriptive study, and so cause-and-effect relationships
are not considered.

As an alternative to reliability and validity, Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggest the concept of
trustworthiness for case studies. Verifying the trustworthiness of the current study occurred at
five stages of the research. Firstly, during data collection, prolonged engagement with the
data source had to be ensured. In order words, this meant I had to spend a sufficient amount
of time on a particular case in order to be fully immersed in its issues, to build the trust of
respondents, and to avoid misleading them. This was achieved by spending an extended
period of time in the field, during which I talked to and observed participants within and
beyond the classroom, and also engaged them in in-depth discussions regarding the research
focus.
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Secondly, I had to ensure that the raw data had been adequately checked with my sources.
This involved checking interview transcriptions with each interviewee, in order to provide
respondents with the opportunity to clarify their responses. Following assurances that their
responses would remain anonymous, most of the students in this study were satisfied with
their transcripts. However, several teachers chose to alter some of their responses.

A third check for trustworthiness in my study involved sufficient triangulation of the raw data;
in order to identify significant features of the case, I combined data which had been collected
from different sources and which had been collected using different methods of inquiry. The
analytical statements made to illuminate these significant features are therefore more credible
due to the use of multiple sources and research methods (see section 4.7.1 for a more detailed
discussion of triangulation).

Fourthly, my academic supervisors and colleagues offered critical perspectives and

challenges at all stages of my research, which Lincoln and Guba (1985) have labelled ‘peer
debriefing’. Accessing peers’ critical perspectives in this way is a crucial means of ensuring
that the research processes and outcomes are being constantly interrogated.

Finally, during the writing stage, I had to ensure that the research account provided was
sufficiently detailed in order to encourage the reader’s confidence in my findings. It was also
particularly important to have an adequate ‘audit trail’ in my case records; ideally, systematic
record-keeping throughout the research process means that an auditor could check the
research stage-by-stage to certify that the conclusions are justified.

4.8.1. Triangulation

As mentioned above, triangulation plays an important role in the credibility of a research

study, and can be achieved through data triangulation, theoretical triangulation, and
methodological triangulation (Denzin 1970). In the current study, data triangulation carried
out by collecting data from a variety of participants; as well as students of different genders,
ethnicities, regional and educational backgrounds, teachers and administrators were also
involved in the study.

Theoretical triangulation was achieved through the use of more than one theoretical
perspective to interpret data. As discussed in Chapter 3, an ALT perspective, Activity theory
and the sociological concepts of identity, community and institutional influences all informed
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the study. Finally, methodological triangulation was ensured by using more than several
research tools: questionnaires, interviews, observations and documentary review. These three
approaches to triangulation were adopted in order to lend maximum credibility to the final
research report.

4.9. Ethical Considerations

Ethical issues arise at variety of stages in social research. They cannot be ignored as they
relate directly to the integrity of a piece of research (Roberts 2005). Discussions about the
ethics of social research lead to considerations of the role of values within the research
process, such as:

How should we treat the people on whom we conduct research? And are there
activities in which we should or should not engage in our relations with them?

(Bryman 2008: 113).

Professional associations such as the British Sociological Association (BSA) and the Social
Research Association (SRA) have formulated codes of ethics for social research. Ethical
principles in social research are much-discussed, and often revolve around similar sets of
issues; Diener and Crandall (1978) have usefully categorized these issues into three broad
types.

The first set of issues relates to whether research places participants at risk of any harm. Here,
harm can include psychological harm, harm to participants’ development, a loss of self-
esteem, stress, and inducing research participants to perform reprehensible acts. The BSA
Statement of Ethical Practices (2002:122) also encourages researchers to

…anticipate, and to guard against consequences for research participants which

can be predicted to be harmful and to consider carefully the possibility that the
research experience may be a disturbing one.

The issues relating to harm are addressed in this study by maintaining the confidentiality of
participants and their records, i.e. participants’ identities and responses have been
anonymised to ensure confidentiality. Moreover, students’ unfavourable opinions of teachers
were not revealed to the teachers in question. Although this may have generated interesting
data (by providing an opportunity for teachers to respond to criticisms), it was decided that
disclosing these opinions may have negatively affected teachers’ self-esteem.
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A second issue relating ethics in social research relates to the informed consent of
respondents for participation in the study. The concept of informed consent includes the
requirement that, even if people know they are being asked to participate in research, they
must be fully informed about the research process. This was ensured in the current study by
informing the participants both orally and in writing the purpose of this research. Participants
then indicated whether they wanted to take part in the study by accepting or refusing to fill in
the questionnaire (Appendix I). The questionnaire included a consent form with two sections;
in the first section, I assured participants that their identities and responses would be kept
anonymous and that the data would only be used for the purpose of this research. I also
signed and dated this section to indicate the authenticity of my claims. The second section of
consent form requires participants to sign if they are satisfied with the first section, and if
they are willing to complete the questionnaire. At the end of questionnaire, participants were
asked if they would like to participate in an interview. Participants were given the
opportunity to participate by providing their contact details, or to refuse by leaving this
section blank.

Finally, a set of ethical issues relate to the invasion of privacy in research. The BSA
Statement (2002:122) suggests this in the following statement:

…covert methods violate the principles of informed consent and may invade the
privacy of those being studied.

Bryman (2008) maintains that the research participant does not surrender the right to privacy
by providing informed consent. During this study, I therefore ensured that participants’
informed consent was not taken advantage of. For example, all interview transcripts were
returned to participants in case they wished to retract any statements from use in the final
research.

Overall, the conduct of this study has carefully considered avoiding these ethical
transgressions. This study can therefore be said to have abided by the general code of ethics
in the Statement of Ethical Practices (2002), and has been further guided by the University of
Sussex Research Code of Ethics. All participants were well-informed about the purpose of
the research before their involvement, which remained entirely voluntary. All participants
were assured that their identities and responses would remain anonymous and would only be
used in the current study. Participants’ informed consent was ensured through the provision
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of oral and written information on the research process and signed assurances of
confidentiality and anonymity along with a consent form. Great care was taken during data
collection and presentation to avoid any harm to the participants. Finally, the cultural context,
and in particular, norms relating to acceptable interactions between men and women, were
respected during one-to-one interviews with female participants.

4.10. Limitations of the Study

There are number of limitations of the case study approach as a research strategy. The case
study approach has been defined as an in-depth investigation of single or multiple cases that
enables the researcher to access a holistic view of the phenomenon under study. It is
generally accepted that case study findings cannot be generalized to a population beyond
cases similar to those studied (Yin 2009); however, by adopting a purposive sampling
strategy in the current study, I have tried to include a diverse sample which could contribute
to the wider relevance of the research findings. Following this approach, the study provides a
detailed analysis of various factors which affect students ESL learning experiences. The
factors considered in relation to students’ learning experiences in this study could also form
the basis of future quantitative research with a larger sample of students.

There are also limitations to be considered in relation to the snapshot case study approach. As
discussed earlier, snapshot or cross-sectional case studies focus on cases at a particular point
in time. Unlike longitudinal case studies, in which researchers engage in repeated
observations of cases, snapshot case studies attempt to collect all relevant data in a limited
period of time. There is therefore always a danger that the researcher may fail to fully
understand the research context. However, I attempted to avoid this situation by using
multiple sources for data collection. Moreover, a fairly extended period of time was spent in
the field with participants (i.e. six months), and I sought repeated information and
confirmation on key issues from various participants, in order to ensure that I reported them
accurately in the final report.

4.11. Summary
This chapter has outlined the methodology of this study, including my epistemological and
ontological position, and my adoption of the qualitative research approach in light of my
interpretivist and constructivist assumptions. My decision to use a case study approach to the
research was also considered, followed by a discussion of my researcher positionality. The
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implications of my position as an ex-insider were considered in relation to my choice and use

of data collection tools (documentary review, interviews and observation), and these in turn
were discussed in light of my epistemological stance and methodological orientation.

The chapter also considered my approach to data analysis. As interviews were conducted in
regional languages, issues relating to translation were also importantly discussed. The chapter
then outlined the sampling strategy, and the characteristics of participants. The chapter
concluded with a consideration of ethical issues and the limitations of the study.

Overall, the adopted methodology was arguably successful in offering a complete picture of
students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme at UoSJP. These findings are presented
in the following three chapters; the next chapter focuses on the analysis of the institutional
influences on teaching and learning in the ESL programme.
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Chapter Five: Institutional influences on the ESL programme

This chapter analyses institutional influences on the ESL programme, in relation to the
students’ learning experiences. The chapter begins with an outline of the field of higher
education in Pakistan, followed by a discussion of the increasing demand of ESL in higher
education; the position of UoSJP in the field of higher education; and the way in which this
influences the ESL programme. These influences are analysed by examining the university’s
entry requirements for students; the introduction of ESL as a support programme; class sizes;
teaching; relations between ESL teachers and administrators; assessment; the quality
enhancement cell (QEC); and other learning resources.

5.1. Field of Higher Education in Pakistan

As section 3.7 of chapter 3 argued, each institution of higher education operates with a field
of higher education. To understand the position of these institutions, it is important to first
understand the field itself. In this study, higher education in Pakistan is conceptualised as a
field in which different institutions play their part. These institutions aim to position
themselves according to their capital (whether economic, social or symbolic), with different
policies and practices within the field. Additionally, institutions define higher education in
various ways, with each emphasising the particular form(s) of capital they excel in, and
suggesting that this is the most important in the field.

The higher education of Pakistan has been institutionalised into the HEC (Higher Education
Commission) by the Government of Pakistan and as a government-influence institution; the
HEC defines the rules of the game, and ensures that universities abide by these rules.
However, in practice, higher education institutions in Pakistan only follow HEC’s
recommendations to a limited extent, and primarily act in order to safeguard their capital. For
example, although the HEC sets the general criteria for quality assurance in higher education
institutions, universities interpret these criteria according to their resources and limitations
(Memon et al. 2010).

The HEC’s recommendations include the hiring of qualified faculty members, and the
promotion of research and regular publication of research. However, some universities follow
these recommendations less rigorously than others. For example, elite universities such as
the Agha Khan University (AKU) (the top-ranking university in Pakistan) or Quaid-i-Azam
 94

University (ranked sixth in Pakistan) focus on the production of quality graduates, and
therefore have a palpable interest in hiring high-quality faculty members, conducting and
publishing research, and so on.

By contrast, multi-disciplinary universities such as UoSJP (ranked 28th among Pakistan’s

universities) focus on producing the maximum number of graduating students, and so
accommodate the vast majority of applicants. Little interest is shown in hiring quality
teachers, or in research, publications etc. (see section 5.4 for detailed discussion). These
universities’ definitions of higher education reflect their attempts to assert their superior
position in the field. For example, AKU asserts that the aim of higher education is to produce
high quality graduates following principles of ‘quality, access, impact and relevance’ (AKU
2011a). However, only those who can afford this higher education can access it. By contrast,
UoSJP promotes a model of accessible higher education which is ‘for everyone’ (UoSJP
2011a) (see section 5.3 for detailed discussion).

5.2. English Language Teaching Programmes in Higher Education

Almost all universities in Pakistan offer various English language programmes. Elite
universities such as AKU offer professional English for Academic Purposes (EAP) and
English for Specific Purposes (ESP) programmes for their students, as well as specialised
English language programmes for teachers. These programmes aim to promote advanced
English language skills among learners (AKU 2011b). Other universities, including UoSJP,
have introduced the ESL programme in order to improve students’ basic English language
skills. The aims of these ESL programmes are two-fold. Firstly, due to UoSJP’s relatively
open admissions policies, the majority of applications with weak educational and English
backgrounds get admission (see section 5.3 for detailed discussion). The programme
therefore aims to improve students’ basic English language skills so that they can follow the
English-medium teaching and textbooks on their university courses. Secondly, major public
sector multi-disciplinary universities are now required by the HEC to provide ESL
programmes; the introduction of ESL at UoSJP was therefore in compliance with these
requirements.

The HEC has played an active role in enhancing the quality of English language teaching and
learning in public sector universities. A discussed in Chapter 1, the HEC formed the National
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Committee on English (NCE) in 2003 in order to assess the situation of English language
teaching in public sector universities. The NCE recommended the following:

English support programmes should be set up in institutions and universities where

they do not exist, […] develop text-books and materials catering local needs and
culture, update testing and assessment procedures, strengthen research, and set up
on-line and computer assisted language learning programmes in English teaching

(HEC 2011).

In response, the HEC launched the first exclusive language-based project in Pakistan, English
Language Teaching Reforms (ELTR, July 2004) in order to

bring qualitative improvement in English language teaching and learning in order to

build capacity for effective and sustainable development of English Language
Teachers in higher education in Pakistan

(HEC 2011).

The HEC has further acknowledged that it is imperative to enhance the quality of English
language teaching community through strategic training programmes’ in order to achieve
qualitative improvement in the higher education sector (HEC 2011). English language
programmes were therefore made compulsory in all undergraduate programmes at public
universities. In the first phase of the ELTR, a number of English language teaching courses,
workshops, seminars, national and international conferences were organised; new and revised
courses were also introduced. In response to the fact that the majority of English teachers in
higher education had ‘only a Masters in English Literature’ and ‘no formal training in English
language teaching’ (HEC 2011), the second phase of ELTR included a number of English
language training sessions for English language teachers, with priority given to teachers at
public sector universities.

5.3. UoSJP’s position in the field of higher education

UoSJP is currently 28th in the general HEC rankings, and ninth out of the 24 multi-
disciplinary universities in Pakistan. As discussed in Chapter 2, the majority of UoSJP’s
students come from interior Sindh and Hyderabad. UoSJP is located between Liaquat
University of Medicine & Health Sciences (LUMHS) and Mehran University of Engineering
& Technology (MUET). These universities are both well-known professional institutions in
the Sindh, and the majority of UoSJP students have been rejected by these two universities,
with UoSJP positioned as their second-choice university (Rind 2008).
 96

Both LUMHS and MUET focus on the production of ‘independent professional learners’
(Smith 2007), and so applicants must meet strict entry requirements to gain admission to
these universities. For example, in order to qualify for the LUMHS pre-entry test, candidates
must have scored a minimum of 60% in their Higher Secondary Certificate Examination
(HSCE), and at least 55% for the MUET pre-entry test. In-depth knowledge of subjects
including Biology, Maths, Physics, Chemistry and English is also required for students to
compete in these pre-entry tests. If candidates fail to secure admission in their first attempt,
they must re-sit their HSCE Part 1 or Part 2 examinations in order to be eligible for re-taking
the MUET and LUMHS pre-entry test. The admission procedure is highly competitive, with a
large number of students applying for a limited number of seats every year. In 2008, 6,024
candidates sat the MUET pre-entry test; 975 (16%) were offered places. Similarly, 4,451
candidates took the LUMHS pre-entry test in 2008, and 451 (10%) were offered admission.

In addition to these demanding academic requirements for applicants, a considerable degree

of financial security is required. Students who gain admission on merit to LUMHS can expect
to pay around PRs. 200,000 (£1,307.18) in fees for five years, while students who are self-
funding will pay around PRs. 2,100,000 (£13,725.49) for fees over the same period. At
MUET, fees for students who gain admission with merit are approx. PRs. 200,000 (£1,307.18)
for four years, and PRs. 500,000 (£3,267.97) for self-funded students. These figures evidently
do not include accommodation and other living costs. In short, admission to these universities
is restricted to students who are with strong academic and financially secure backgrounds,
and students with lower educational abilities and / or limited financial resources are excluded.

By contrast, UoSJP accommodates students from many disadvantaged groups. In 2010, 8,376
candidates sat the UoSJP pre-entry test, and 3,686 (44%) were successful, on the Jamshoro
campus alone. According to official [university] 2010 statistics, there were approximately
19,000 students enrolled at UoSJP’s Jamshoro Campus; 70,000 full time students enrolled in
affiliated colleges; and 30,000 distant learners appearing privately for annual examinations
from various affiliated colleges. In 2010, the university therefore provided education and
conducted examinations for over 122,000 students on its various campuses including those at
Mirpurkhas and Badin, and figures for subsequent years are comparable. Moreover, fees
range from PRs. 6, 000 (£39.21) to PRs. 10,000 (£65.35) (according to the discipline) per
annum for students admitted on merit, and up to PRs. 70,000 (£457.51) for the whole course
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if they gain self-funded admission. Two teachers participating in this study offered the
following descriptions of UoSJP and its students:

We have a vast variety [diversity] of students here. First, we have those who are not
able to find any place in medical, engineering or any other professional fields; they
rush back to Sindh University, because university is a kind of solace, a rescue for
these leftover students [...] Then, we have the students mostly from village side
whose [educational and financial] background is not good. Most of them are here in
the search of Bachelor or Masters Degrees so that they can be able to get good jobs
that are based upon graduation or post-graduation. But when look at their
[educational] background; it is not satisfactory, [...] Most of the students, especially
from village side are disappointing in their [educational] backgrounds

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

It’s a good university, but basically it is for the students of [educationally and
financially] lower background, … because most of the students come from
backward (unprivileged) areas. They easily fit in here. Otherwise they don’t get
good platform (for higher education) anywhere else. May be because of the entry
problems, or may be because of their family problems, so this is a good platform for
them [...] But again we have (educationally) good students as well, and they mostly
go to good departments, like IBM, Pharmacy, IT. You know our Sindh University
has different departments with different standards, so different students with
different backgrounds go into different departments. Means everybody has some
chance here

(Interview with TF2 on 06.10. 2010)

The teachers present UoSJP as an institution which offers opportunities to everybody, from
students rejected from other universities (described as ‘leftover’ students by TM7) to
underprivileged students. Students who have been rejected from other universities are said to
find ‘solace’ in UoSJP (TM7), while underprivileged students view the university as a
platform to gain degrees which improve their social status (TF2).

Leftover students who have been rejected from medical and engineering universities join
UoSJP largely because re-sitting university pre-tests significantly reduces their chances of
admission. Not only do candidates have to re-take their HSCE exams and secure a minimum
of 60% in HSCE exams, but ten marks are deducted from their cumulative score at
intermediate level if they are taking the pre-test for the second time. Their ability to compete
with first-time candidates is therefore considerably diminished. Additionally, many students
described the pressure they faced from parents in order to join a university rather than re-
applying to the entry test of medical or engineering universities. The following quotations are
from students described as ‘leftover’ by TM7:
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After rejection from medical university, my father forced me to join this university,
particularly English department. The job opportunities for girls are there if you get
degree from this department

(Interview with SF8 on 22.10.10)

My first option was medical, and when I was rejected, that [UoSJP] was the last
option, and it is because of my parents... because they say “you have to go, you have
to study something, so its best [option] rather than repeating [HSCE and pre-entry
test preparation] to waste your time”

(Interview with SF10 on 27.10.10)

SF11: I didn’t choose Sindh University, but my father wants me to join it…

SF12: I didn’t want to come here too, but I didn’t have any other choice. Because
my aunt has strongly recommend me to join English department, and my cousin has
done her MBA from here as well so I came here

SF13: I was rejected from medical, so because of my destiny I came here

SF14: I also didn’t have any intention to come here, but like all others I came here
accidently

(Interview with SF11, SF12, SF13, and SF14 on 02.11.10)

Students from underprivileged areas, and particularly from rural areas, join UoSJP due to
poor educational backgrounds and limited financial resources. Having attended vernacular-
medium schools, these students’ competency in subjects such as Maths, Biology, Chemistry,
Physics and English is limited (Rahman 1999; Khalique 2007). Additionally, these students
are from poor families, and so cannot afford the fees charged by professional medical,
engineering and other high-ranking multi-disciplinary universities in Karachi and other major
cities. However, due to the district quota, these students have the opportunity to gain
admission to UoSJP. The quota maximises their chances of admission to UoSJP, as they only
have to compete with students from the same district (see Appendix V). UoSJP is therefore a
viable higher education option for students from underprivileged areas, as the following
quotations confirm:

SM3: As far as I am concerned, I am from poor family, and I am not in a position to

go to a good university. That was the reason that I was compelled to come to Sindh
University. If my family could have afforded then I would have gone to a good
university [...]

SM4: Same here Sir, I belong to lower middle class, so financially I was forced to
join Sindh University. My family didn’t have money to get me into Medical
University, and my father is working in this university, so he asked me to join this
university
 99

(Interview with SM3 and SM4 on 30.10.10)

There are many reasons, particularly financial reasons. I couldn’t go to medical

university, so Sindh University was the only option for the people of interior Sindh
to get education. There are no seats for Sindhi students in Karachi University […]
and you know that it is very expensive to live there too, so it was the only option for
me

(Interview with SM5 on 12.10.10)

In light of the above discussion, it can be inferred that UoSJP legitimises its position in the
field of higher education based on capital related to ‘higher education for all’. By contrast,
elite universities which focus on producing professional doctors or engineers have a more
selective approach to higher education, with opportunities only available to students with
particular academic and financial backgrounds. While UoSJP’s inclusive approach to
admissions is clearly a positive source of capital, there are also challenges associated with
this approach. The following section considers some of these limitations and challenges by
analysing various dimensions of UoSJP, with a particular focus on the ESL programme.

5.4. Institutional influences of UoSJP on the ESL programme

The institutional influences of UoSJP are analysed in this section by examining the
university’s entry requirements for students; the introduction of ESL as a support programme;
class sizes; relations between ESL teachers and administrators; assessment; the QEC (quality
enhancement cell); and other learning resources. The following discussion considers how the
university’s capital (higher education for all) is embedded in these components, with
particular reference to the ESL programme.

5.4.1. University’s Entry Requirements

Since UoSJP attracts students from disadvantaged groups, their entry is facilitated by
lowering the entry requirements in three ways. Firstly, students with HSCE scores as low as
45% are eligible to take the university’s pre-entry test compared to minimum 60% for
medical universities. Secondly, the pre-entry test has been made significantly less challenging
than those at the nearby medical and engineering universities (Smith 1995). And finally,
district and other special quotas provide the weakest candidates with access to some of the
university’s best departments. This admission policy affects the ESL programme in several
ways, including class sizes (section 5.4.3), teaching quality (section 5.4.4), and assessment
quality (see section 5.4.6).
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5.4.2. Offering ESL as a support programme

As mentioned above, many candidates are accepted at UoSJP with minimal consideration of
their educational background. Many candidates therefore lack the basic skills required to
cope with the demands of higher education. Most of them have limited English language
skills, as highlighted by TM7:

[...] we have the students mostly from village sides whose [educational and
financial] background is not good. [...] when we look at their [educational]
backgrounds; it is not satisfactory, especially when we are concerned with English
language [skills]. If we see our education system, we can see that if not from 1st
class [grade], then at least from 6th class [grade] everybody learn English language.
So right from 6th to Intermediate, they spend 7 years [in learning English]. But
when we look at these students from the point of view of proficiency in English, we
get very much disappointed [...]

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

SM4 is a student from a rural area, and who gained admission to the IELL through the district
quota. He defines his educational and English background in the following manner:

The problem is that I have a background of being a ‘villager’, where the concept of
proper education is rare. You go to school once in a month. There was no English
teaching in the schools. And you know that schools at villages teach in Sindhi. So,
whatever I have learned about English before coming to university is the result of
my own efforts, my own self study of grammar books [...]

(Interview with SM4 on 30.10.10)

In response to the limited English language skills of the majority of students, and particularly
those from rural areas, the introduction of a supportive English language course seems logical.
However, as mentioned earlier, this was not the only motivation for the introduction of
English language courses at UoSJP; the initiative was also undertaken due to HEC
requirements. The English language course was introduced as English Compulsory in 1990s,
and was taught parallel to other subjects. The course was based on English literature, and
taught in the traditional grammar-translation method. In 2006, this course was revised, and
became a new interactive ESL programme which aimed to meet students’ needs as well as
the newly-introduced HEC requirements (Curriculum for English 2008). The following
quotation is TM5’s response to a question about the purpose of introducing the new ESL
programme, and any problems associated with its implementation at UoSJP:

See the majority of students come here are from rural areas, and have weak [English
language] background. […] In many cases, I have observed that the students come
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from rural areas have rich ideas. But the problem is that these students are unable to
express these ideas orally. Ex-Vice Chancellor realised this problem and he thought
that the weakness of these students who cannot speak, write, or read, they should be
given help in the form of this course. The previous course was called compulsory
English, but it was literature based. The language in that course was equal to nothing.
So he introduced new course that is language based, and above all it is skilled based.
There are drawbacks as well, but the course is good. But then the classes! Though
the classes were divided into two groups, still these are large. This is the biggest
difficulty we teachers face. Class that have 70 or 80 students is still very large

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

5.4.3. Large Class Sizes

As discussed above, UoSJP’s capital is based in granting entry to large number of candidates
in spite of limited university resources. It is therefore unsurprising that there is a high number
of students per classroom and low number of teachers per students. However, an excessively
high number of students per classroom, e.g. 150 to 200 can be seen to reflect the university’s
interests which are driven by profit, rather than the quality of education in relation to ESL
programme specifically. Any interactive programmes, such as the ESL programme, are
inevitably ineffective in such settings (Loo 2007). Large class sizes therefore form a barrier
to a sense of community developing among students, while interactions between students and
teachers are severely restricted. These limitations also notably affect teachers’ pedagogic
strategies and their perceived role in the community (See chapter 6 for elaborated discussion).
TM7 described his concern about the effectiveness of the ESL programme in light of the
large classes:

One of the major difficulties that have been there for ages is the large sizes of class.
It has been said that the ideal size of the class should be 25 to 40, but we have to
take the classes where two hundred students are sitting under one roof. So that is the
first problem that a teacher cannot pay attention to individual students. It is not
possible in one class, not even in the whole month, so taking feedback is also a
problem. As I told you that we have adopted this new syllabus of English [ESL
programme], so I think that this [ESL programme] itself is a much help in this
regards. Unlike the old English Compulsory course, it [new ESL programme] is
activity based, and very interactive […] But again the problem is that, as I said that
it’s interactive and communicative, which means that a teacher has to interact with
every student in the class, which is impossible because we are teaching two hundred
students in the same class, so how a teacher can interact with all of them in fifty
minute class. It is always those a few students, who are already very intelligent and
interested, and they always dominate the class; they put other students behind; they
are always willing and prompt to raise their hands to respond to the teachers. So it is
only a few students who by their own are benefiting from this programme. But the
other students, the majority of the students, ideally speaking, are not getting any
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advantages of this programme, which I think is very much befitting to our demands
and needs only if we have small class sizes

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

5.4.4. Teaching

In relation to the ESL programme the university tends to hire new teachers with limited
consideration of their previous teaching experience; the only criteria for permanent faculty
members are that they must have a first-class postgraduate degree, and they must succeed in
their job interview. Temporary teachers (who are hired to teach exclusively on the ESL
programme) are only required to have a second-class postgraduate degree and to pass a walk-
in interview (UoSJP 2011b). Once they have passed their job interviews, applicants
(temporary and permanent faculty alike) begin teaching as soon as they have been appointed,
with no induction or teacher training beforehand. TM5 describes the issues below:

I have four year teaching experience, but I still think I need training. See a new
teacher before getting into the class, must have some training. He/she should have
some skills that are necessary for teaching, but [university’s] administration doesn’t
realise it. They just send us in the classes after appointments, and they think that we
are perfect teachers and we just go into the class and start teaching perfectly. It is not
like that, they should arrange training for teachers. I think there should be particular
training to teach English language and then there should be a general training to be a
good teacher. It is not only happening here [IELL], if you go to any department of
the university, you will find no such teachers’ training have been organised. See
there are many teachers who don’t know the modern methods of teaching, so they
are stuck with the old traditional way of teaching

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

When asked about the university administration’s lack of attention to teacher training, TM5
gave the following response:

May be they don’t want to spend money. They think it’s not important. And most
probably they don’t want to spare us for a day. If there will be any training, then
who will take classes? They want us to work like machines from the beginning. If
there will be training then who will teach in the classes, because they don’t have the
substitutes. See, there are some good training organised by independent bodies and
other organisations, and you know I was selected for one as well, but they didn’t
allow me, because who will take my classes then?’ [smiles ironically]

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

This quotation from TM5 indicates that the university does not organise any training, nor
does it allow faculty members to attend training provided by external organisations, including
the HEC. This is largely due to the high teacher-student ratio; there are 31 faculty members
(both permanent and temporary) at the IELL who are responsible for teaching ESL courses to
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almost 8,000 first and second year students across all university departments, an average
teacher-student ratio of 1:258. Additionally, permanent faculty members also teach major
subjects (i.e., those related to literature and linguistics) to the IELL students in morning and
evening sessions. Since teachers’ timetables are already tightly packed, there is little time to
devote to training sessions. These teachers are therefore required to conduct regular classes
with whatever skills and resources they have available to them. According to TM5,

the system of university in this connection is very passive. They want us to be good
teachers, they want us to be regular, but they never give us the facilities. We ask
them, and we keep asking them, we keep writing letters to them for overhead
projectors, this multimedia thing, computers in the classes, but there is no response
from them. On the other hand, they say that you have to enhance the standard of
English language among students; on the contrary we see that they are doing nothing.
Verbally they agree to help, but if we miss one class, and they come to know, they
become very angry. But they themselves don’t realise that what they are doing with
education

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

Novice teachers are expected to regularly teach large classes, with limited or no facilities, and
to simultaneously fulfil the HEC and university’s aim of enhancing the standards of English
language among students. Under these circumstances, teachers resort to teaching methods
outlined by TM7 below (see Chapter 6 for a more detailed discussion).

[...] the tools that we call the AV [audio-visual] aids that are used in language
classes, we almost have nothing, no technological support. We only got black board;
in few cases we now got white boards and the markers. So we are still living in the
old system, where they say ‘chalk, talk and walk’. So this has been our methodology

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

5.4.5. Relations between ESL teachers and the administration

The ESL courses are kept as minor in the curriculum of the university, and these are treated
accordingly. Notably, fewer credit hours per week are devoted to the ESL courses, with only
two 50-minute classes assigned for ESL courses per week. TM7 unsurprisingly described the
task of teaching language skills effectively to a class of 200 students in fifty minutes as ‘next
to impossible’. Adding to these difficulties, the timetabling of ESL courses creates further
logistical problems for teachers. TM5 described it in following words:

I have to teach [ESL courses] in other departments. So sometimes I go by my

motorbike and sometimes I have to walk. So, sometimes I have to leave the class 10
minutes earlier or reach in the next class 10 minutes late. […] Let me tell you that
the time of the first class that is always English class in most of the departments is
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9am. And the students and teachers buses arrive in the campus sometimes at 9:15 or
9:20am. But administration forces us to reach in the classes at 9 sharp. If teachers’
buses are arriving at 9:15 how come we reach in the classes on time? You know I
personally went to the Dean, and told him that the teachers and students buses come
late, but he doesn’t care. See, they just give us the time table and don’t care about
how teachers reach and when they reach [on the campus]

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

UoSJP does provide transport for students and teachers; the arrangements are fairly
sophisticated, and cover distances of up to 40km away from the Jamshoro campus. However,
in practice, the management of transportation is largely ineffective, which leads to buses
carrying students and teachers arriving late on the campus.

In light of this erratic transport service, most teachers prefer not to have classes timetabled for
the first period. However, the Deans of Faculties, responsible for managing timetables, tend
to schedule ESL courses in this first period. This reflects the subject’s low prioritisation in
comparison to major subjects, and means that ESL teachers using university transport
invariably arrive late for their classes. It is important to note that the majority of ESL teachers
are unable to afford personal modes of transport, and so are reliant on the university transport
services; temporary teachers are paid PRs. 400 (£2.61) per hour, earning an average of PRs.
10,000 (£65.35) per month, while junior permanent teachers earn PRs. 24,000 (£153.86) per
month.

Ultimately, the logistical issues which teachers face mean that a 50-minute ESL lesson soon
becomes a 40-minute lesson; since at least ten minutes are required to record students’
attendance in a large class, lesson time soon drops to no more than 30 minutes. Similar
problems arise when ESL teachers must travel between departments in order to teach
successive classes, as TM7 observed:

Yes there are back to back classes, so one of the two classes has to lose some time.
[…] It is a difficult thing to keep this fact in mind, because time tables are made by
the Deans of Faculties, and Deans are responsible of maintaining all the departments
of their Faculty. But it can be done, but I think that nobody has ever concerned about
these five-ten minutes that students will lose. And I think it’s again because of the
lack of communication between teachers and administration at faculty level

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

This quotation highlights the lack of communication between ESL teachers and the university
administration, which suggests an antagonistic relationship. None of the university
administrative staff were willing to discuss this issue with me, and so this relationship is
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characterised from teachers’ responses and my own observations. For example, TM7 further
asserted that

to me, they [university’s administration] seem very much unconcerned with what
we are teaching, what our syllabus, our course outline, our timing, and our class
ratio is. They don’t seem to be interested in these things. If they are interested, they
are interested in admitting more and more students, and sending them to us to teach,
no matter what ever their number is, and then they say it’s all our job to
accommodate them in our prevailing facilities, which I think are not even sufficient
to teach the half number of students. So there is no check and balance as the part of
these people that they must be concerned with academic things

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

When asked about the effects of this communication gap between teachers and the university
administration on his teaching, TM7 gave the following response:

It does make difference to our teaching. I am still stuck with my first point of large
classes. So tell me who will solve this problem of large classes? First they
[university’s administration] have to provide us more teachers. Now this is not the
job of our [IELL] director. He cannot provide us more teachers, he can only request
in writing to them, but it is again these administration people who have the power to
create more seats and recruit new people. Then, they have to provide us some more
space [class rooms], like some more rooms should be there and they must be well
equipped with AV aids. It’s only then the results would be better. But if they are
only concerned to throw the bulk of students to our department and leave us to
handle all these students without any facility, then it does affect our teaching and the
results won’t be desirable.

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

5.4.6. Assessment

The university’s capital – higher education for all – is also reflected in its assessment criteria.
Since the university has an inclusive admissions policy, average assessment standards are
perhaps unsurprising, as this ensures that students from poor educational backgrounds and
lacking general academic skills can still gain degrees. This approach also has implications for
ESL assessment, which is based on (1) their attendance in the classes [10 marks], (2) a final
presentation/assignment [10 marks], and (3) a final unseen paper based examination [80
marks]. In following discussion, these assessment methods are considered in more detail, and
it is argued that the ESL assessment criteria reflect the university’s overall attitude towards
the ESL programme.

1. As discussed in the previous section, the low prioritisation of the ESL programme
adversely affects the quality of teaching (see Chapter 6 for detailed discussion). In turn, this
leads to students’ lack of motivation to attend classes (see Chapter 7 for detailed discussion).
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Assigning marks based on attendance is therefore one of several strategies to encourage

students to attend classes, and one which has been largely successful in maintaining
attendance rates. However, attendance alone does not guarantee learning, as TM5 observed:

One thing I have noticed that students treat English [ESL] courses as a burden on
them and their only purpose is to pass this course. They don’t consider these classes
as important, so they just come in the class for time pass or for attendance […]

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

2. In order to encourage students’ participation in classes and to develop their confidence,

they are required to give assessed ten-minute presentations (10 marks) at least once a
semester. As mentioned in Chapter 2, 26 ESL classes are conducted on average per semester;
it is therefore hardly feasible for 200 students to each give ten-minute presentations every
semester. This poorly-conceived approach to assessment suggests that the university’s
language policy, which promotes students’ participation in ESL classes, conflicts with its
admission policy, which promotes the entry of large number of students.

Once the impracticality of the presentation-as-assignment in large classes was acknowledged

by the university, an alternative assignment was suggested. If teachers are unable to hear
presentations from all the students, they can instead set students a 2,000 word written
assignment. These assignments have become particular common among ESL teachers in light
of their large class sizes and limited contact time per semester. However, teachers remain
overwhelmed by their workload, and so feedback on these assignments is rarely provided for
students:

As I said earlier, teachers come, they deliver lectures, we listen and they leave.
Exams are taken, results are announced, 50 to 59 marks out of hundred are given, we
get happy and the end. So, there are hardly any class activities. Teachers say ‘this is
your assignment, do it at home, give it back at this date, and you will get marks’. We
don’t get any feedback. We just need to copy certain things from books and submit
to the teachers, and we cannot even get those papers back for feedback. We cannot
even see how much marks we got on these assignments

(Interview with SM16 on 09.11.2010)

3. At the end of every semester, students must sit a written examination. The paper includes
multiple choice questions (MCQs), filling in blanks, writing summaries and essays, and
responding to open-ended questions. TM7 reflected fairly favourably on this written
examination:
 107

Well again the things are not ideal there. But if we compare our system with the one
that was there some ten years ago, we are well placed, well trained, and the format
of paper has also improved. Because now it is self-explanatory, it doesn’t only rely
on memory skills of students. But students are asked to do things looking at the
paper there and then. Unlike past, there are no chances of cheating [copying] there
anymore. So there are some positive things, but still things can be further improved

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

However, other teachers expressed concerns that, in contrast to the aims of the assessment in
the course outline, which emphasises that four English language skills should be assessed
(listening, speaking, writing, reading), this examination only assesses writing skills:

We have to assess the four skills in this course, right? But simply we are assessing
one. We are simply assessing their writing skills. It’s ok but what about the other
three skills. They [university’s administration] are not doing anything about it

(Interview with TF1 on 29.09.10)

I am not happy, because it is still in written form, and we only test their writing
skills. We don’t assess their other skills, as we don’t have equipment. There should
be some AV aids that we can use to assess their different skills

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

Although both TF1 and TM5 indicate an interest and a willingness to innovate their
assessment methods, they maintain that university’s administration does not support them in
this. TM5 further highlights challenges to new assessment methods arising from a lack of
facilities:

Sometimes we think to do that [introduce new assessment methods] but again the
lack of facilities! If I have to carry on the examination the way I told you [assessing
through activities in the class], then I have to get some stuff photocopied that I have
to pay by my own, and that I can’t do it from my salary. See, we don’t even have a
photocopy machine, and you know if we have to get prints of question paper, we
have to buy our own papers. Only printer is available in the department. So how
could we do that?

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

Moreover, TM5 argues that even with all the required facilities, he would not be able to
assign grades to students’ assignments. As the university follows a universal examination and
grading policy, it does not allow individual teachers to assign marks on classroom activities.
He argues that not assigning marks affect the motivation of students to take these assessments.
TM5 further notes that teachers’ workload and responsibilities mean that it is not feasible for
them to actively promote the case for innovative assessment methods to the university
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administration; when teachers have attempted to introduce new initiatives, the administration
remains unsupportive:

No, I don’t think so that they will permit us, because they follow uniformity in their
policy regarding exams. If I do it, they will notice it and will ask me why I did that.
So, we need permission from them. Actually the overall policy is like that. You
know we should give them policies, but we are not that much active that we suggest
them some innovation. [...] We believe that they won’t listen to us, and it will take
year for them to listen to us. We keep sending them reminders again and again but in
the end when the response comes, it is mostly negative, and if it is positive, then
they ask us to give more details. So they keep us busy in these things

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

In summary, UoSJP’s assessment policy seems to focus on encouraging class attendance and
participation, and the university’s approach to assessment does seem to have improved over
time. However, the assessment policy at UoSJP seems to be failing to achieve desired results,
chiefly because the policy is more suited to small class sizes (e.g. the end-of-semester
presentation / assignment). Although the quality of the written exam has improved over time,
it continues to assess reading and writing skills alone. Listening skills are excluded from
assessment criteria largely due to a lack of AV aides in classrooms. Finally, no support is
provided to teachers seeking to introduce interactive assessment methods. In order to
maintain a uniform assessment system across the university, the administration appears to
penalise teachers who do not follow the prescribed pattern.

5.4.7. Quality Enhancement Cell (QEC)

In line with HEC’s quality assurance policy, UoSJP established the Quality Enhancement
Cell (QEC) in 2006. The official, overarching aim of the QEC is to ‘develop the programme
of activities to institutionalize a quality culture in higher education and commitment to
continuous quality improvements’ (UoSJP 2011c), while one of the specific objectives is ‘to
review the quality standards and the quality of teaching and learning in each subject area’
(UoSJP 2011c). However, in practice, TM7 noted that QEC is limited to ‘paperwork’. When
asked about how QEC deals with issues specifically related to the ESL programme, TM7
gave the following response:

Well, it is just paperwork there [QEC]. We haven’t so far got any feedback or
suggestion from them. For last four-five years we have been filling forms and
sending them reports on whatever we are doing in the classes as well as addressing
our concerns. But we haven’t heard anything from them whether we are going right
 109

or wrong; whether they would like us to add certain things or to remove certain
things. So, no such words came from them. I don’t know what good they are for!

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

Similarly, the following quotation from TM5 describes his opinion on the HEC’s promotion
of ESL programmes, and the implementation of their policies through the QEC:

It is important only in paperwork. Everything, whether you are doing it or not, your
paperwork should be proper that they will send to HEC and tell them that everything
is going well. And this Quality Enhancement Cell [QEC] that has been introduced is
only for paperwork. They just send us certain paper that we have to fill and send
them back. That’s it. It’s about what subjects we are teaching, the topics, number of
lectures and so on. […] Yes, they ask us to give them the information about English
courses, but we only send them the information of major classes. They never bother
to ask us why we are not sending them the information of English courses and never
have we bothered to do it. See this paper work take time, and we already have very
busy schedule, so we complaint to our director that whether we should do these
paper work or we take classes. Filling one STR [student teacher’s report], takes
more than two hours. So if we keep on filling these things, then we cannot teach
properly, as you know we already have a lot of burden of classes and other activities

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

These quotations reflect that the standard of ESL programme is apparently so low that the
teachers do not ‘bother’ to send their progress reports to the QEC; moreover, this oversight
has not been noticed by the quality assurance body. In spite of official policy statements, then,
it seems that the university has minimal interest in the quality of the ESL programme. As
mentioned earlier, the designation of the ESL courses as minor introduced to satisfy HEC
criteria has meant that it does not receive adequate support from the university on many
levels. Teachers’ performance is one of these negatively affected areas, as teachers do not
devote an adequate amount of their time to the programme, and invest minimal effort in
improving its quality.

5.4.8. Learning Resources

Libraries can play an important role in supporting and enhancing students’ experiences of
second language learning (Parkes 2006). However, the state of various department libraries at
UoSJP reflects the poor state of the ESL programme. During fieldwork, I visited libraries in
the IELL, Faculty of Pharmacy, Institute of Business Administration (IBA), and Information
& Technology (IT) department. In the IELL library, three books related to English language
learning (i.e. High School English Grammar & Composition by Wren & Martin (2010);
English Grammar in Use by Raymond Murphy (1994); and Practical English Usage by
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Michael Swan (2002)) were found. No similar books were found in any of the other libraries
visited, in spite of the fact that all these departments offer ESL courses. Institutional
influences are therefore also negatively affecting the way in which students can learn; in this
case, the lack of ESL books in department libraries means that students are unable to
reinforce their learning through personal reading. Officially, the IELL has provided a further
reading list (along with the objectives and a detailed outline of the ESL programme) as part
of a Self-Assessment Report for the QEC. Clearly, students are unable to access these books
through the department library, and moreover, certain books on the reading list (e.g. Emery
(1999) English Fundamentals Generative Grammar; Christopherson and Sandved (1969) An
Advanced English Grammar; Turton (1995) ABC of Common Grammatical Errors) are not
easily available anywhere in Pakistan.

5.5. Summary
This chapter has demonstrated the ways in which UoSJP’s institutional policies and practices
are shaped by its position in the field of higher education, and in turn, how these institutional
influences shape teaching and learning on the ESL programme. It considered how UoSJP
operates within the field of higher education in comparison to other universities of Pakistan,
and revealed that UoSJP defines its capital, higher education for all, by offering admission to
students who have been rejected by other universities and/or cannot afford private
universities’ high fees. This approach evidently provides disadvantaged groups with access to
higher education. However, it has also reduced the quality of education offered by the
university, which has mainly occurred as a result of the university’s attempt to accommodate
a large number of students with limited resources. This is partly reflected by the large class
sizes (150 to 200) across the university.

In order to meet the language needs of disadvantaged students from non-elite English and
vernacular-medium schools, UoSJP offers the ESL programme. This initiative aimed both to
improve students’ English language skills in their first two years, and to fulfil requirements
set by the HEC. However, the university’s treatment of the ESL programme significantly
affect teaching and learning in the ESL programmes, in terms of its policies and practices, in
relation to faculty hiring, teacher training, the relationship between the administration and
ESL teachers, the number of students in ESL classes, the assessment criteria, ESL quality
assurance, and learning support resources including libraries.
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The university’s policies and practices importantly influence students’ motivation to study in
the ESL programme, as well as their participation in classes, their relationships with teachers,
and their examination performance. Teachers’ relationships with the university administration,
their teaching approaches and performance, their attitudes towards students and their
perceptions of the programme quality are all similarly affected. The following chapter
focuses on findings related to institutional influences on interactions between students and
those between students and teachers in the community of the ESL classroom.
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Chapter Six: Students’ interactions with teachers and peers in the

community of ESL classroom

This chapter analyses students’ interactions in the community of the ESL classroom, with a
focus on understanding how students interact with teachers and peers. Insights into the
community of the ESL classroom are mainly gained from students’ perspectives, but
teachers’ perspectives are also considered. The chapter is divided into two main sections. The
first section focuses on teachers’ pedagogic strategies which enhance or limit students’
opportunities to participate in the classroom, and how these strategies increase or decrease
students’ legitimacy in the community. The second section focuses on how large class sizes
affect student-student and student-teacher interactions, and how students’ participation and
legitimacy in the community is affected by this.

6.1. Teachers’ pedogogic strategies and their interaction with students in the
community of ESL classroom

As mentioned in Chapter 4, the majority of ESL teachers can be described as novice, as they
have no previous teaching experience and have not received any training. I have focused
exclusively on analysing these teachers’ pedagogic strategies in this section for two reasons.
Firstly, it was found that the ESL courses were only taught by novice teachers, and so these
were the only teachers referred to by students in their interviews. Secondly, as mentioned in
Chapter 4, I was only able to carry out classroom observations of these teachers during the
fieldwork period due to time constraints and issues relating to access.

The analysis of the data collected from students, teachers and classroom observations suggest
that, although the novice teachers are inexperienced, have not received teacher training, and
operate within the same restraints (e.g. large classes, limited class time, lack of AV aids),
pedagogic strategies differ significantly between these novice teachers. It is mainly because
some of these novice teachers acknowledge the fact that they are not well trained as teachers.
At the same time they also realise the fact that they are not expert in the field of ESL as their
last degree was in English Literature. Therefore, they consider ESL classroom as opportunity
to improve their teaching skills; at the same time learn new things from students. Therefore,
they use pedagogic strategies which allow students maximum opportunities to participate in,
and so give students a high level of legitimacy in the community of the ESL classroom. I
refer to these novice teachers as facilitators in the further discussion.
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By contrast, other novice teachers, although they realise the fact that they are not trained
teachers and experts in ESL, focus on maintaining their authority as teachers in the classroom.
They believe that they can only maintain their authority in the classroom if students do not
challenge their knowledge and position. Therefore, they choose those strategies which limit
students’ participation in classroom, thereby reducing their status from full participants to
peripheral participants in the community of the ESL classroom. I refer to these novice
teachers as knowledge transmitters in the further discussion.

It was also found that facilitators and knowledge transmitters have different aims for the ESL
programme. According to students, facilitators aim to ‘learn’ and ‘improve [their] teaching
practices’ when they teach ESL courses, and while knowledge transmitters adopt a more
didactic approach thus aim to ‘teach only’ and ‘maintain their authority as teachers in the
classes’ (SF2, SM4, SF14, SM17).

For facilitator, teaching is viewed as a learning experience in which they understand students’
different responses to their teaching strategies, and improve their teaching practices to
facilitate students’ learning. These teachers view classes as an opportunity to both teach
students and to learn from them, as expressed by TF1:

Teaching is more like a learning experience [...] We are actually putting ourselves in
the position of students [...] where we are not actually telling them, but learning
something about them

(Interview with TF1 on 29.09.10)

These teachers therefore consider ESL classes as an opportunity to improve their teaching
and class management skills. TM5 has been teaching for four years, but also described his
approach to teaching as a process:

When I was newly appointed, I took my first class [without any experience] and it
was not good, because it was my first experience of teaching [...] we can get
confidence with the passage of time, slowly and gradually and we learn [teaching]
techniques with the passage of time, and we slowly understand the nature of students,
how they want to learn, how we can teach them […] All this knowledge comes
when we give more oppertunities to students to talk, to share their ideas, to give us
feedback on how we teach […]

(Interview with TM5 on 29.10.10)

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With this approach, these teachers allow students to participate as much as possible, in order
to hear their opinions, to learn from their knowledge and to gain feedback on teaching
strategies. They frequently interact with students, and respect their opinions:

[…] for [novice] teachers like me it necessary to [frequently] interact with students,
because they [students] are accustomed with modern [teaching] methods that they
have experienced in schools if they studied in good [private elite English medium]
schools [...] Although I have [subject] knowledge, I still want that students should
talk so that I learn new knwoledge from them. So, I am there in the class not only to
teach but also to learn from students [...]

(Interview with TM4 on 29.10.2012)

Students reacted positively to teachers who follow this approach, explaining that they felt
comfortable and confident in their classes. As SM17 notes, students perceive the facilitators
as a part of a community in the ESL classroom in which everybody interacts with each other
in order to gain new knowledge of English language:

Though all these [novice] teachers are in the process of learning, but some act in a
way that make me feel comfortable in their presence […] I have found that some of
these teachers come in the [ESL] class for the sake of learning like us. […] they
appreciate us if we share something new in the class. They apprecaite if we ask them
questions. Even if they don’t know anything they say that “Ok I have noted that, and
I will confirm it, and I will tell you again tomorrow” […] it is like we all are
students and we all are learning together.

(Interview with SM17 on 17.11.10)

Facilitator teachers demonstrate a flexible approach to discussions with students in ESL

classes, acknowledging the fact that the students are up-to-date with new English language
knowledge acquired via the internet and other forms of technology. This acknowledgement
motivates them to adopt flexible attitudes in their teaching. Unlike traditional, authoritarian
teachers (Harber and Davies 1998:98), facilitators display a willingness to listen to students,
and appreciate it when students share new knowledge in the class. Although some teachers
feel disappointed for their lack of familiarity with this knowledge, they nevertheless remain
positive and encourage students to introduce new knowledge to the class:

I give positive expressions when students share some new facts that I don't know […]
Ofcourse I would be little disoppointed with myself because as a teachers I should
have known these facts. But I show my happy surprise for the sake of students so
that they remain encouraged and keep bringing new knowledge in the class. […] I
ask them that they should bring references so that we can share it with all. […] they
feel good and encouraged […]

(Interview with TF2 on 05.11.10)

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Although this approach appreciates students who share new knowledge with the class, it only
legitimises the membership of a few highly active students, and can demotivate other students
(Soureshjani and Riahipour 2012). As legitimate membership in the community of the ESL
classroom requires constant participation (Morita 2004; Hirst 2007; Barnawi 2009), active
students frequently participate in classes in order to maintain their legitimacy in the
community.

I have to [regularly] talk [participate in activities] in the class so that they [students
and teachers] should know that I am an intelligent student. You know that if you
stop talking then you will lose your image as intelligent student […]

(Interview with SF1 on 23.09.10)

This usually has negative effects on students who do not participate, either because they lack
confidence or because they miss opportunities. These students therefore feel less important as
members in the community. TF2 admits that frequently praising a few particular students
may lead to other students feeling insignificant in comparison. She therefore frequently
communicates with quieter students:

[…] there are other students who feel as if they are let down and only that one
student knows the most. So this situation is problematic, but I personally try my best
to keep things in balance. Like one day there was a nice assignment of a student that
I have showed to the whole class and at the same time I told them ‘don’t feel that
you cannot do that, you can do better than that’. So, I have to make such comments
which bring a kind of harmony among students

(Interview with TF2 on 05.11.10)

TF2’s approach therefore motivates more students to work hard and explore new aspects of
the subject, using alternative learning resources including the internet. Students work hard in
order to participate and share their knowledge in the class, and so earn teachers’ praise and
approval:

[...] Madam X and sir Y do that [praise students]. They always get very happy when
someone tells the class a new thing [related to English language]. They also
appreciate that student a lot. [...] they are not like others who get angry if you tell
them new thing. Like they ignore you and sometimes mock at you, so... but they (X
and Y) are very nice. I personally didn’t say something new in the class yet, but I
always try that I should bring something new in the class so that they also appreciate
me. Sometimes, I also prepare for the topic before going in their classes [...] I use
our [course] books mostly, but sometimes I use internet as well. You know you can
get good examples there [...]

(Interview with SF10 on 27.10.10)

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Moreover, it was found that facilitators were more alert and sympathetic to students’ potential
problems, as their own experiences as students were still fresh in the memories. TM4
highlighted this aspect of his ESL teaching experience in the following account. When
interacting with Kabutar (Pseudonym), a male student from a rural background, TM4 was
reminded of his own experiences of university as a student from a rural area. Kabutar
reminded TM4 of his younger self, and so through pedagogic strategies such as appreciation,
encouragement and active acknowledgement of Kabutar’s talent in the class, TM4 gave the
student legitimacy and reinforced his membership in the community.

[...] you know I am from Sindhi [vernacular] medium school of my village, so when
I came here [as a student] in the first year, I was quite shocked to see students
participating, and talking and asking questions in the classes. They have no fear at
all [...]. In the primary and secondary schools of villages you always have a fear of
teachers. You are always required to remain silent or say what they want you to say.
But there [at university] it was no such fear among students […] I wanted to perform,
participate and raise questions in the classes, but with this background I couldn’t.
But it happened with me only for two years. After the second year, I started
participating. Like I kept asking myself what is difference between those who are
participating and me? They are human being like me. I knew English but I could not
speak properly, and it happened with practice […]. So I think that you can change
yourself even if you are from backward [rural] areas or from Sindhi medium schools.
[...] In the first semester, I didn’t realise that there are certain students who have the
talent but they don’t participate. But when exams were conducted and I checked
copies, I found a copy of a student that was extra ordinary. I read his name and you
know his name was a typical village name Kabutar. The next day, I went into the
class and asked ‘who is Kabutar?’ He raised his hand, and you know he dressed like
a villager, and was sitting at one corner. In fact, I never noticed him before. But then
I called him on the [teachers’] dice [desk] and told him in front of the whole class
that he wrote exceptionally well, and told him that he was very intelligent. I praised
him and tell him that he should talk in the class and feel free to say whatever he likes.
And you know then he started participating in the class […] I see myself in him,
because when I appear in exams I always do well, but I couldn’t speak in the class.
So, I always try to encourage such students.

(Interview with TM4 on 27.11.10)

Naturally, Kabutar was extremely grateful to TM4, appreciating his patience, encouragement
and attention in the class. SM3’s description of TM4 confirmed the teacher’s supportive
attitude towards students who shared his background:

Yes, there are some teachers like teacher X who appreciate students like us
[villagers]. Actually we need more attention. I told you before that our schooling is
not good, so we don’t have confidence to participate in the classes, but if someone
[teacher] pushes us and appreciates our work, or gives us chance to talk then that
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person always has a lot of respect in our eyes. We feel good in the classes of these
teachers, and always work hard

(Interview with SM3 on 30.10.10)

Overall, facilitators use pedagogic strategies which encourage interactions with students.
They do this by allowing students to participate as fully as possible, by listening to their
opinions, weighing their arguments, and respecting their feedback. By acting as facilitators in
the class, these teachers work together with students to construct new shared knowledge and
understandings of ESL. Students feel comfortable, confident, encouraged and motivated in
facilitators’ classes, which, according to Arnold and Brown (1999), are the basic features of a
good second language learner.

By contrast, knowledge transmitters are usually more concerned with establishing their
credibility and maintaining their authority in the classroom. These teachers believe that
admitting or showing any kind of weakness would undermine their credibility and authority
in the classes, and therefore use pedagogic strategies which are more likely to conceal their
shortcomings. This is primarily achieved by discouraging interactions of any kind in the
classroom; asking questions is therefore discouraged, and any student who violates this
implicit rule is victimised. Knowledge transmitters appear to feel that their credibility as
teachers is being challenged when students question their arguments or point out their
mistakes, or when they are unable to answer students’ questions. In order to maintain their
authority, they therefore adopt approaches which ensure that their classroom is teacher-
centred; namely, the teacher talks, the students listen, and are expected to obediently write
down everything the teacher says.

Knowledge transmitters’ lack of experience and poor subject knowledge significantly

contribute to their sense of insecurity, which results in their negative attitudes towards
students. This phenomenon was highlighted by many ESL and EFL non-native teachers from
all over the world during an online discussion at ELTchat.com, ‘Non-native English speakers
and their insecurities about teaching a language’ (ELT chat 2011). The insecurity most
commonly expressed by ESL teachers in this online discussion was the fear of being
confronted by their students in the class. These teachers shared their experiences of feeling
challenged when students ask difficult questions, or point out pronunciation, grammatical, or
factual mistakes.
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However, none of the teachers involved in the online discussion mentioned how they react in
these situations. In the present study, it was found that knowledge transmitters commonly
react aggressively to students who challenge them; unsurprisingly, this demotivates students
and decreases their desire to participate in the class. SM17 described the way in which
students feel uncomfortable and lacking confidence in knowledge transmitters’ classes, which
Arnold and Brown (1999) describe these feelings as key barriers to learning a second
language:

In this semester, we have got some [novice] teachers who don’t make us feel
comfortable in the class. They want us to remain statue in the class, and they think
that we shouldn’t even be given opportunity to move, and if somebody [students]
speaks he [she] gets criticised. These teachers don’t give us chance to ask questions
[…] if we ask them questions they feel uncomfortable […] they feel that we are
making fun of them

(Interview with SM17 on 17.11.10)

Although students primarily ask questions due to their own confusion or curiosity, knowledge
transmitters seemed to perceive questions as a challenge to their personal authority in the
classroom. This sense of insecurity means that even casual conversations of students in the
classrooms are viewed as potentially threatening, as SM17 noted:

There is, I would say, some kind of sense of complexity in these teachers. When we
talk to each other, these teachers think that we are talking about them, about their
teaching style or about their mistakes. So they have this complexity problem; and
they get emotional and angry if they see us talking to eachother in the classrooms

(Interview with SM17 on 17.11.10)

The knowledge transmitters mostly adopt a defensive approach in their teaching, which
means that they avoid admitting to making mistakes in the class, and feel insulted if any
students highlight them. In order to avoid acknowledging their mistakes, knowledge
transmitters attempt to justify their incorrect answers. These attempts seem fairly futile,
however, as students notice these strategies and identify them as part of knowledge
transmitters’ efforts to establish and maintain their credibility in the class. Moreover, students
perceive these strategies as a failure on the part of knowledge transmitters who underestimate
students’ own knowledge and understanding:

[...] If you ask some of them [novice teachers] a question and if they don’t know the
answer, they make their own answers. They think that students are ignorant and will
accept any answer. But if some student points out their wrong answers, they don’t
accept their mistake and feel insulted. [...] I think these teachers are trying to make
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their place [in the department] and show us that they know a lot more than us. But
we can see what they know and how much they know

(Interview with SM4 on 27.10.2010)

When knowledge transmitters adopt this approach in the classroom, clashes between them
and students occur. In particular, students who persistently argue when they disagree with
knowledge transmitters find themselves in trouble. Knowledge transmitters first try to ignore
these students; if they persist, the knowledge transmitters become aggressive and shout at
them. Consequently, students feel degraded and lose the confidence to participate in future.
The following quotations from SF8, SF9 and SF6 illustrate this:

SF8: Madam A was very aggressive whenever one of our classfellows asked her
some questions in the class. […] She insulted him once because he asked many
questions. Although he was a very intelligent student, the teacher’s aggressive
attitude made him quiet forever. We never saw him asking any question again

SF9: … If these teachers don't know answers they should simply say that they don't
know it, or they would tell us after comfirming the answers. Instead they get angry
at us and silent us forever!

(Interview with SF8 and SF9 on 22.10.10)

[...] at times, I can see that some teachers are explaining certain things
inappropriately. I feel like I should tell them about it. But if I would try to tell them
that they are wrong in their description then they would simply get angry and insult
me

(Interview with SF6 on 18.10.10)

This defensive approach to teaching does not enable students to progress from legitimate
peripheral participation to full participation in the community of ESL classroom. Instead,
knowledge transmitters demote old-timers of the student community to a peripheral level.
These old-timers are students who studied English in elite English medium schools and
private language institutes, and who usually participate fully in ESL classes. However, their
participation is curbed significantly in light of teachers’ aggressive attitudes. SM17 described
an incident which demonstrated how students can lose their motivation, interest and
confidence due to the attitudes of knowledge transmitters. His account also indicated the way
in which students move from full participation to the peripheral level, and so lose their
legitimacy in the community of ESL classroom:

There was a student who used to ask questions from teacher A but the response of
teacher was not very good. She just ignored him.[...] Sometimes he was insulted in
the class.[...] Initially he was a good speaker in our class, but slowly and gradually
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he was pushed away and then he stopped talking in the class.[...] this attitude of
teacher impacted him a lot and everybody noticed it [...]

(Interview with SM17 on 17.11.10)

Students are not only insulted and ignored in the classroom as a result of knowledge
transmitters’ negative attitudes; if they continue to challenge their authority, they can
allegedly even be punished through their exams:

[...] at times I find myself in a position to tell to these [novice] teachers something
that I feel they don’t know. At times they like it and encourage me, but some
teachers really get upset, [...]. The result of this is shown in the examination. My
results drop low. [...] I learned that you should never challenge some teacher at
university. [...] Yes, if they are wrong, I mean one should have this capability to
accept mistakes, one shouldn’t be egoist like you are teacher, you are at a right
position, you know things better. If a student is trying to tell you something
additional, or something you are not right at, so a teacher should be flexible in a way
that they should accept it. But some teachers usually do not accept this. They think
that they have been insulted, and they deduct marks!

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

Knowledge transmitters may attempt to increase their authority and credibility through harsh
classroom strategies, but their students are evidently not convinced. Instead, students lose
respect for these teachers; they continue to attend the classes since ESL courses are
compulsory, but lose their interest and motivation to learn the courses. Nevertheless, since
teachers assign their grades for the course, students must comply with their teaching and
learning approaches in order to attain the required grades. Within the ESL classroom of a
knowledge transmitter, a legitimate member of the community is viewed as a student who
acts according to the teacher’s interests, as SF2 reflected:

[...] I am a mouthy student, so some teachers ignore me. That’s why I think I am not
that close to them. I know some students who are closer to these teachers and get
good marks […] they are intelligent but they are diplomat [...] I mean that they try to
go as teachers want. [...] I mean… see I cannot ignore if any teacher commit a
mistake. And if I point them out they get angry. They do not like students who
challenge their authority

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

Knowledge transmitters’ strategies therefore create a classroom context in which the concept
of community is distorted, participation is discouraged, interactions restricted, and the
communication gap both among students and between teachers and students is widened.
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6.2 Effects of large classes on student-student and student-teacher interactions in the

community of ESL classroom

As discussed in Chapter 3, large classes significantly influence teachers’ pedagogic strategies,

and determine teachers’ role as facilitator or knowledge transmitter in the community of ESL
classroom (Bligh 1972; McKeachie 1986; MacGregor et al. 2000; Cuseo 2007). This section
focuses on how teachers — whether facilitators or knowledge transmitters — interact with
students in relation to large classes, and how these interactions affect students’ participation
and legitimacy in the community.

Several ESL classes are taught in the lecture hall of the Faculty of Pharmacy at UoSJP, and
the following description offers an insight into what a large ESL class means at this particular
university. The lecture hall is about 1507 sq. ft., with 27 long wooden benches fixed in nine
rows (with three benches in each row). Each bench is ideally designed to accommodate four
students, but usually seats five. The lecture hall is used by 130 first-year ESL students, who
fill the seats up to the last rows (which are around 40 ft. away from the teacher’s desk). The
hall has eight windows, and ten very noisy electrical fans. There is also an old sound system
in the hall, but teachers rarely use this as it is unreliable (Rind 2008). The following quotation
from SF2 offers her perspective on teachers’ attitudes and students’ experiences in this
learning environment:

I have studied English in small classes [in school] where every student gets
opportunity to talk to teachers. Teachers can focus on every student, and manage the
whole class. But when it comes to larger classes [in the university], it is like a big
hall you are sitting in. If there is no mic [microphone] you cannot hear the teacher if
you are sitting at back, and there is this communication problem […]. He/[she]
[teacher] never asks anybody that if they [students] understand or not; but in schools
teachers ask us or sometimes if students make faces they [teachers] understand that
students have some problem. They ask students if they [students] have some
problem. But at university, nobody cares. Teachers come [in the class], deliver
lecture and they leave. They don’t ask if anybody understand anything or not.
Nobody cares; and this is because the class is very large and they cannot focus on
each and every student

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

TM7 offered the experience of teaching and learning in large ESL classes from a teacher’s
perspective:
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One of the major difficulties that have been there for ages is the large size of classes.
It has been said that the ideal size of a language class should be 25 to 40, but we
have to take the classes where two hundred students are sitting under one roof. So
that is the first problem that a teacher cannot pay attention to individual students […]
Unlike the old English compulsory course, it [new ESL programme] is activity
based, and very interactive. But again the problem is that, as I said that it [the new
ESL programme] is interactive and communicative, which means that a teacher has
to interact with every student in the class, which is impossible because we are
teaching two hundred students in the same class, so how a teacher can interact with
all of them in fifty minutes class. It is always those a few students, who are already
very intelligent and interested, and they always dominate the class; they put other
students behind; they are always willing and prompt to raise their hands to respond
to the teachers […]

(Interview with TM7 on 16.11.10)

In these large classes, the students who participate are those who are willing to and prompt in
responding to the teacher’s questions. In order to demonstrate this willingness and
promptness, students must sit as close as possible to the teacher, i.e. on the front benches. The
physical structure of the lecture hall and the unavailability of a sophisticated sound system in
these classes mean that it is difficult for teachers and students to interact with each other.
Teachers therefore only interact with students who sit closer to their desk, which means that
these are the students who are most able to participate fully in classes. Since participation is
linked with legitimacy, it is only these students who are seen as legitimate members in the
community of ESL classroom.

SF1 was one of the students who only discovered the importance of sitting on the front
benches in order to be a legitimate member of the class during her ESL classes at UoSJP. In
her previous experiences of schooling, she revealed that her seating position had never
corresponded to the level of attention she gained from teachers. In the ESL class of 150
students at UoSJP, however, the situation is different. Teachers already see her as an active,
intelligent student who is willing to answer teachers’ questions and is ready to participate in
activities, and so she does occasionally sit on the back-benches in the hall.

However, SF1 feels that if she sits on backbenches permanently, she will lose her credibility
as a good student, and so lose her legitimacy in the community. She therefore views sitting on
the front-benches frequently as a high priority; while she accepts that it is important her
classmates should also have opportunities to sit on the front benches, she argues that it is their
choice if they do this or not. For her, it is a ‘matter of competition’, and she can only compete
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if she maintains her position as a legitimate member of the community who participates fully
in the class.

In spite of the many problems of large ESL classes, as mentioned in the previous section,
some teachers, mostly facilitators, do try to interact with all the students and to allow them to
participate in class. Even when this interaction is in the form of asking questions and gaining
feedback on the topics they teach, it is still challenging for teachers to interact with all
students in the given time. These teachers therefore also end up focusing on the students who
are prepared to participate and answer questions:

If you got 100, 150, or 200 students in your class, then the class will be dominated
always by those who already know much and ready to answer. Teachers will always
be happy when he [she] gets positive feedback from students, so he [she] will always
go to those students which he [she] thinks will provide him [her] the right answers

(Interview with TM4 on 27.11.10)

Teachers largely use seating patterns in order to ascertain which students are prepared to
answer questions, and assume that students on the back-benches are not interested in the
subject. TF1 revealed her assumption that students sit on the back-benches because they are
unwilling to participate:

There is general impression that those students who don’t want to talk [participate in
the classes], sit at back. They do that on purpose

(Interview with TF1 on 29.09.10)

Several teachers expressed fairly harsh attitudes towards students who sit on the back-
benches. TF2 suggested that some teachers frequently single out these students and ask them
rhetorical questions, often out of frustration, and mostly to embarrass these students:
As a teacher, I have to keep eye on every student, particularly to those who are at
back and not talking. So, I point them out, so that they should be forced to focus.
Sometimes, if I am in bad mood and frowning at them, then … uhhh … then they
would have bad impression [of teacher]. They would feel insulted, harassed…

(Interview with TF2 on 06.10.2010)

Teachers tend to address students on the back-benches aggressively, which can alienate them
and make them feel excluded from the ESL community. These students are also mostly
blamed for any disruptions during the lessons:
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I think backbenchers are more highlighted (in negative way) by teachers. And who
ever so sit at the back will have to face this attitide. Like if I come late and don’t get
seat at front, and have to sit at the back in the large hall, then I and all those who sit
with me will be considered responsible for any distrubance in the class. Teachers
mostly scold backbenchers, point them out, make them stand and ask them ‘what I
was teaching?’ and so on in these situations

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

Students who sit on the front-benches view themselves as legitimate members of ESL
community, which is confirmed by teachers’ attitudes towards them, because these students
have come to the class to acquire knowledge. By contrast, both students on the front-benches
and teachers believe that students on the back-benches come to classes for fun. Students feel
that sitting on the front-benches requires boldness and willingness to participate in class;
when these students sit on the back-benches, they feel ‘dark and blocked’ (SF14). SF11
discussed her experiences of sitting on both the back- and front-benches in the ESL class:

There is a huge difference. When I sit at the back, I can’t focus [on lectures],
because I get disturbed by all that talking and gossiping. It is a kind of fun, but then
you lose [concentration] as well. But sitting on the front seats means you are in the
eyes of teacher; you have to be attentive, and of course you work hard to answer
teachers’ questions and participate in the class […]

(Interview with SF11 on 02.11.2010)

SF2 similarly understood the importance of sitting on the front seats in the large ESL classes.
She believed that sitting on the front-benches will maintain her positive image in the eyes of
teachers, and that she would gain more opportunities to participate in the classes:

Teachers think that those who are sitting on the front benches are more interested [in
studies], and they are more intelligent, and want to understand more. And those who
sit at the back just want to talk [with each other on non academic topics]

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

Students like SF2, who want to maintain their legitimacy in the community of ESL class,
therefore always aim to sit on the front-benches so that they are able to fully participate in the
lesson. It was observed that students always competed to sit on the front-benches, often
arriving at the lecture hall early in order to reserve these seats.

SF2: We have particular trend that whoever so come first in the class, reserve as many front seats
as they can for their friends. So, those who come later will mostly have arguments on this
issue.

R: So you are saying that even those who sit on the back benches try to get front seats?
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SF2: Yes, because it make difference. So everybody in the class always try to sit on these front
seats.

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.2010)

To summarize, ESL classes are not only large in terms of numbers of students, but also in
terms of the physical infrastructure of the lecture halls in which they take place. In these large
classes, teachers are confronted with problems including limited time, a lengthy syllabus, a
lack of AV aids, and poorly-motivated students. Given these constraints, some teachers focus
exclusively on maintaining their authority in the classroom; however, others do try to
encourage at least some degree of student participation. It was observed that almost all
teachers focussed on students who responded to their questions promptly and were willing to
participate in the classes. These students are therefore viewed as legitimate members of the
ESL community, while the rest are ignored and are seen as unwilling students. In order to
participate fully and therefore be viewed as a legitimate member of the ESL community,
students therefore prioritised sitting on the front-benches (as close to the teacher’s desk as
possible).

6.3. Summary
This chapter has demonstrated the ways in which students’ learning experiences in the ESL
programme are shaped by their interactions with teachers and peers in the community of ESL
classroom. The findings discussed here have also revealed students’ perceptions of teachers’
attitudes and teaching approaches, the different pedagogic strategies deployed by teachers,
and the effect of these different pedagogic strategies on students’ participation and legitimacy
in the community of the ESL classroom. Some teachers were found to play the role of
facilitator or collaborator in the classroom, allowing students to participate fully in classes,
listening to their opinions, respecting their arguments, as well as appreciating students’
feedback on their teaching, acknowledging students’ contributions to classes, and
demonstrating empathy to students’ problems. When in class with these teachers, students
feel encouraged, confident and motivated to participate in the community of ESL classroom.

By contrast, other teachers work as knowledge transmitters in the classroom. These teachers
prefer monologue lectures when teaching ESL, and strongly discourage students’
participation. Students are usually not allowed to ask questions or express their concerns to
these teachers. In their presence, students revealed that they lacked confidence, and felt
discouraged and demotivated from participating in the community of the ESL classroom.
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However, it was also found that all teachers, facilitators and knowledge transmitters, shared
the common strategy of focusing on the students who sit at the front of the class for any
interactive exercises or when seeking feedback. In the context of the large ESL class, students
sitting on the front-benches are viewed as willing and motivated, while those at the back of
the classroom are considered to be educationally weak, inactive, unwilling, and demotivated.
The treatment of these students by teachers and students at the front of the class alike limits
their participation and de-legitimises them in the community of the ESL classroom. The next
chapter will further consider students’ participation and legitimacy in the community of the
ESL classroom, by analysing the ways in which their various identities interact with different
aspects of the ESL programme.
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Chapter Seven: Students’ identities, previous learning experiences

and the ESL programme

This chapter explores students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme by analysing the
way in which their various identities and previous leaning interact with different aspects of
ESL programme. In particular, the chapter focuses on understanding how students foreground
gender identities, rural-ethnic identities and identities constructed as a result of their previous
leaning (i.e. as medical or engineering students) when interacting with the ESL programme.
Additionally, the chapter consider how these identities affect their participation and
membership in the community of the ESL classroom, and the impact of these identities on
their learning experiences in the ESL programme.

The chapter is divided into four sections, with the first section analysing how students’
gender identities interact with ESL textbooks, and how students’ roles as learners interact
with their other gender roles. The second section examines the interaction between students’
rural-ethnic identities and different aspects of the ESL programme. The third section explores
students’ interaction with graph-based exercises in the ESL text books, and how their
identities as medical or engineering students affect this. The final section discusses the
interrelation of different identities, before a brief summary of the findings discussed in the
whole chapter.

7. 1. Gender identities and students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme

This section examines the way in which students’ gender identities interact with ESL
textbooks, with their roles as learners, and the impact of these interactions on their learning
experiences in the ESL programme.

Female students participating in this study perceive higher education as an opportunity to

contest the identities imposed upon them by society. Therefore, they always try to participate
in all the educational activities in the university. These students also revealed that studying
English is an important part of their university life, with the ESL programme appearing to
offer them an opportunity to build their confidence through the power of English. Moreover,
female students use English to interact with the rest of the class and to prove that they are not
simply defined by expected roles:
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Men think that we are only there to work in houses. But we can do more than that.
We can study more effectively and be an important part in building our society […]
Studying at a university requires motivation, confidence to face people, and [English
language] skills to understand the course contents. We [female students] are very
much motivated to study because we know that it will change our lives. But to get
confidence and skills we have to study English. This very idea motivates me to put
more efforts in studying English […]

(Interview with SF9 on 22.10.10)

The ESL textbooks used at the university are designed ‘to build the confidence of the
students’ by giving them the ‘opportunity to learn language and practise it in the class’
(Howe et al. 2006: іv). To generate discussions among students, the textbooks suggest a
number of activities based on pictures and images, with the aim of ‘engag[ing] the students in
meaningful communicative use of language’ and ‘mak[ing] [their] experience of English
language teaching and learning more interesting’ (Howe et al. 2006: іv).

However, it was observed that several exercises included on images which distressed female
students, and made their English learning experiences unpleasant. For example, one picture
depicted men studying, watching the business news on TV and operating computers; women
are seen cleaning, ironing and cooking. These images reflect the typically male-dominated
society and the pervasive socio-cultural norms in Pakistan, and in their depiction of women
as subordinate to men, are clearly discriminatory (Rouse 2002; Zahra 2005; Delavande and
Zafar 2011).

The exercise accompanying this picture ostensibly aims to generate discussion among the
students and ‘to improve their speaking skills’ (Howe et al. 2006: іv), and the teacher
therefore instructed students to examine the picture and then talk about it. Before long, the
male students in the class began defending the representation of male roles in the picture as
fair and realistic in the context of Pakistani society, with a few female students vocally
contested the representation of women as discriminatory and talked about the need to
challenge social norms that confine women to the home. However, male students dominated
the discussion; the few vocal female students stopped participating in the discussion when
male students cited religious sources to legitimate their claims, while the female students who
had remained silent appeared uncomfortable during the exchanges. SF1 discussed this
incident angrily, expressing her discomfort with such pictures which generate discussions in
which male students are able to display their power:
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I was unable to say anything, though I wanted to say a lot. But they [male students]
were so confident and aggressive in their arguments that I lost my confidence to say
anything. In fact, I felt fear and remained silent all the time. There were only two
girls who were facing them all, but they [girls] also stopped arguing when they gave
religious references

(Interview with SF1 on 23.09.10)

As a result of these dynamics, female students in the ESL class start losing interest in the
topic as learners, and feel degraded as women. While they may have joined the class with the
aim of ‘improving [their] English speaking skills’, female students are eventually only
concerned with passing time until the class is over. These findings are consistent with those
of Amna (2009:426); in her study of identity and curriculum at primary education in Pakistan,
she argued that
the system that the government provides over education is another fact which
contributes to women’s illiteracy. The government of Pakistan provided policies on
the textbooks that show the preference [for] men over women, the emphasis was,
and still remains, on the male figure, the skills he needs to be successful in the
society […] The textbooks picture a boy or man as a powerful, strong, and one who
dominates every field of life, whereas the books depict a girl or a woman submissive,
timid and one who is confined to the house and children.

One of the intended outcomes of the activity discussed above was to ‘bridge the gap’ between
male and female students by encouraging them to interact with each other through discussion
(Howe et al. 2006: іv). Interactive activities like this may help to increase interactions
between students from different backgrounds and integrate the class as a whole (González-
Lloret 2003); however, this was not the case in the ESL class observed at UoSJP. Male
students’ dominance over female students in the discussion clearly exacerbated the
communication gap between them. Moreover, the (male) teacher reacted in a notably passive
way to the situation; appearing not to recognise the female students’ distress, he failed to
intervene in the discussion.

Some chapters in the ESL textbook (i.e. Howe et al. 2006) are based on experiences and
activities which are exclusively associated with men in Pakistan, such as driving. Although
women are not legally banned from driving (as in Saudi Arabia), and women in wealthy areas
of Karachi are seen driving cars, driving is culturally viewed as a male activity. It is
particularly rare for women to drive in cities in Sindh such as Hyderabad, Sukkur, or Larkana,
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and it is extremely unlikely that even women from wealthy backgrounds would drive in rural
areas of Sindh.

Accordingly, female students in this study had been discouraged from driving, and therefore
had no knowledge of traffic signals, road signs, and so on. Female students including SF1,
SF2, and SF10 viewed driving as an act which would give them the freedom of mobility and
facilitate their future professional and domestic life, and the kind of independence they had
never enjoyed due to their dependence on male family members for mobility. SF1 and SF2
noted that their brothers completely opposed the idea of women driving, arguing that the
family’s honour would be negatively affected if their sisters were seen driving around.
Meanwhile, SF10’s family asserted that it would be unsafe for her to drive on the basis that
women are exposed to exploitation when they travel in this way.

In light of this lack of exposure to driving and road awareness, female students’ interest in
one of the ESL units, ‘A traffic nightmare’ (Howe et al. 2006:3) was particularly notable. The
unit included conversations, exercises, and drills related to driving skills, traffic signals, and
road signs. SF2 noted that this unit provided a unique opportunity for her to learn about the
meaning of particular road signs, and found the chapter a useful means of acquiring basic
information about driving as well as improving her English language skills. This interest also
encouraged her to use other resources to further support her knowledge, understanding and
English language skills:

[…] I always wondered why he [her brother] changes speed suddenly on the
highway and what those particular road signs mean. If I asked him, you know how
they [men] react. But this chapter was very informative. I know a lot more about it
now, and I did search about other road signs and rules from the net as well. Now it
will be easy for me to drive if I ever get opportunity

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

SF1 similarly reflected on her enjoyment of this particular unit:

I did every exercise of this chapter. I really enjoyed it a lot and found the
information very helpful…

(Interview with SF1 on 23.09.10)

In this case, female students’ gender identities clearly interacted positively with their
identities as learners; their desire to learn about a topic previous restricted to them
encouraged them to put more effort into their language learning. Unlike the previous activity
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based around discussion of gender roles, this unit therefore successfully made female
students’ English language learning experience more pleasant and interactive, and supported
their ability to gain new knowledge and understanding.

However, female students’ enjoyment of this particular chapter seems fleeting in comparison
to their wider experiences of balancing their gender identities and their identities as students.
In particular, female students’ gender identities in relation to their families and their expected
household duties can conflict with their roles as university students. In Pakistan, women are
expected to carry out all domestic tasks, including cooking, washing and cleaning; it is
unlikely that male members of the family will carry out these tasks if there is a woman in the
family. It is even more unlikely that a woman will receive support or help with household
responsibilities when she is required to devote most of her time to her university course.

SF1 discussed her struggle to fulfil her roles as a daughter of a disabled father, and as the
only sister of seven brothers. Along with her mother, SF1 is expected to carry out all the
domestic work in the house, including making tea and preparing dinner for eight every night,
washing the family’s clothes at the weekend, cleaning the house twice a week and numerous
other tasks. Describing her daily routine, she revealed that she leaves home for university at
7:30am, returns at 4pm, and after a short nap, makes and serves tea for her family. Around
7pm, she prepares dinner, and after everyone has eaten and she has cleared away the dishes,
she finally has time to study.

It is important to note that SF1 was highly motivated to join university, which she believes
will enable her to ‘stand on [her] own feet’ rather than depending on her future husband, as
her mother has had to. SF1 is the first female member in her family, and third member overall,
to be admitted to university. Perhaps unsurprisingly, she faced resistance from her brothers
when she expressed an interest in joining university, as they argued that she was needed at
home to take care of their father and to help their mother. SF1 was only able to join the
university once she had convinced her brothers that her domestic responsibilities would not
suffer; however, this commitment to household work means that she is left with minimal time
to study and demonstrate her progress at university. As she has over six hours of class time
(made up of five fifty minute classes) every day for six days a week, she also has a limited
amount of time that she can use for extra study on campus.
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With such a tight schedule at home and at university, SF1 devotes the maximum time to the
subjects she views as most important. In particular, she prioritises major subjects over minors;
since major subjects carry more marks and credit points, good marks in major subjects means
good grades overall. As discussed earlier, the ESL courses are taught as a minor. This means
that, even though SF1 considers ESL very important in order to ‘improve [her] language
skills... [and]… gain confidence’, her heavy workload does not allow her to prioritise her
ESL work. She therefore only studies ESL topics which might be examined, or which might
be discussed in the class; consequently, she has only focused on Howe et al (2006), which is
used in the class by teachers, and has never used Eastwood (2006) since it is never used in the
class. During some semesters, SF1 has completely neglected her ESL work due to extra
responsibilities at home and at the university.

In light of the pressures faced by female students like SF1, at home in addition to the
pressures of university work, their engagement in the ESL programme can be reduced to the
bare minimum in order to pass examinations. SF1’s experiences suggest that the designation
of the ESL courses as minor (discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5), when combined with
conflicts between students’ gender identities and their identities as students, can further
compound the de-prioritisation of the subject by (female) students.

7. 2. Rural-ethnic identities and students’ learning experiences in the ESL

programme
This section examines the interaction of students’ rural-ethnic identities with different aspects
of the ESL programme including textbooks and classroom interactions with teacher and peer,
and the effects of these interactions on their learning experiences. In particular, this analysis
aims to understand how students’ rural-ethnic identities limit their participation and affect
their membership in the community of the ESL classroom.

As discussed in Chapter 3, a rural-ethnic identity in the context of Sindh usually denotes a

villager who lacks confidence and is oppressed, poorly educated, and of lower social status.
Contrary to these assumed characteristics, however, several students from rural villages
participating in this study demonstrated considerable motivation when studying in the ESL
programme. Learning English is a particular priority of these students, as it is an educational
accomplishment which can distinguish them from uneducated people in rural areas, and
moreover, can prepare them to participate in urban society. These aspirations lead to a high
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level of interest and hard work from these students in the ESL programme at UoSJP.
However, in spite of this personal motivation, their rural-ethnic identities often worked
against them. When interacting with the ESL programme, their rural-ethnic identities were
often foregrounded, and this significantly affected their ESL learning experiences.

SM3 is one the students who struggled with his rural-ethnic identity. He was struggling to
maintain his place as active intelligent student at university by working hard on his English
language skills, and practised English whenever he could. SM3 in fact approached me
himself to be interviewed for the current study, and was emphatic that the conversation
should take place in English (although we often had to use Sindhi instead). His enthusiasm to
practise his English language skills at every opportunity was apparent.

SM3 revealed that he considers university education to be an important opportunity to gain

confidence and success. In order to attract teachers’ attention, he always sat at the front of the
class; unlike other students from villages, he was always well-dressed. In particular, he
always wore a tie, which he saw as an identity marker for students who wanted to be viewed
as particularly studious. In spite of his efforts, however, SM3 admitted that he faced many
problems related to his rural-ethnic identity, which was associated with being poorly
educated. His English language skills (listening and speaking in particular) were very weak,
which seemed to be a result of his vernacular-medium education and his consequent lack of
exposure to English in the past. He told me that due to his weak listening skills, he often
struggled to understand what teachers were saying, and to decipher their accent:

[…] teachers’ speaking fluency and accent is strange and not consistent […]. Some
teachers are very fast while they speak. And personally speaking being a villager
and educated in a village school where we have no teachers speaking in English, I
sometimes don’t understand them when they speak so fast. And sometimes their
accent is not English… it’s strange…it’s different […]

(Interview with SM3 on 30.10.10)

Most of the ESL teachers did not realise that students, and particularly those who have
studied in rural vernacular-medium schools, struggled to understand their instructions in
English. This may also be due to the fact that these teachers attempted to speak in
American/British accent, but in reality remain closer to Pakistani English (Rahman 1990).
This means that teachers not only mispronounce certain words when trying to recreate an
American/British accent, but they also speak too quickly to convey the fluency of their
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speech. These linguistic quirks, combined with teachers’ use of poetic expressions from
English literature (in an attempt at elegant speech), mean that all students struggle to
understand them when they speak English, and weak listeners such as SM3 all the more so.
Students from rural villages lack the confidence to voice their concerns to teachers, so many
continue to struggle in silence. However, some teachers do realise students’ difficulties
during one-to-one interactions. For example, TF1 realised that her English instructions were
unclear to most of the rural students when she was confronted with one such student in her
class:

[…] In the beginning, I didn’t realise that [some] students don’t understand my
accent and can’t cope my speed. When I am very fluent, they don’t understand my
English [instructions], because they have never had teachers in their village schools
who have spoken in English. So, it is difficult for these students. I come to know
that when I instructed students about a topic in a class and asked them to write a
paragraph on it. In the end of the task, I asked a student if he wrote the paragraph.
He said that he did it, but when I checked his copy, he didn’t write a word. When I
asked the reason, he said he didn’t understand my instructions in English because I
spoke fast […]. You know we have limited class time, so sometimes we have to talk
fast but it is problematic for these students […]

(Interview with TF1 on 29.09.10)

Notably, TF1 only noticed this particular student because he sat at the back of the classroom,
and mostly remained silent during her lessons. Unlike SM3, most of students from rural
backgrounds tend to sit at the back of the classroom; since they do not understand teachers’
instructions, they avoid participating in classes. Another reason for their lack of participation
in the class is their Sindlish accent (speaking English in Sindhi accent), and the particular
pronunciation of certain words associated with this. Their accent and pronunciation mark
these students as belonging to certain rural-ethnic group, and leads to them being ridiculed in
by others students of same ethnic group (Sindhi speakers of urban areas) as well as other
ethnic groups (Urdu speakers of urban areas) in the class.

These students are usually labelled as villagers as soon as they speak in the class, and in some
cases, they are even criticised by teachers, who also refer to them as villagers. Consequently,
most of the students from rural villages remain silent in the class. Marked by their accent and
pronunciation, these students are left with a sense of inferiority and exclusion from the
community of the ESL classroom. SF2, a Sindhi speaker of urban Hyderabad, described this
to me:
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[…] they are Sindhis and they come from villages specially. They are not confident
in the classes because there is a touch of their mother tongue in their English. So,
whenever they speak, they are mocked or when they speak everybody laugh at them.
So, they try to remain silent. I mean they are discouraged [to participate]

(Interview with SF2 on 27.09.10)

Aside from their accent and pronunciation, another reason for students from rural
backgrounds for not participating in the classes is their limited knowledge of the context of
the units in the Howe et al. (2006). Units in Howe et al. (2006) are mostly based on a Western,
urban context, drawing examples from American and British culture in particular. For
example, Unit One is based around traffic problems for residents of beach road, Unit Two is
based on the use of technology in domestic work, Unit Three is based on wild animals such
as gorillas (which are not found in Pakistan), and so on. Students from urban areas are usually
familiar with these examples, usually because they have studied in English-medium schools,
where books originally written for Western schools are used. These texts therefore socialize
students into English-speaking Western cultures from an early age. Moreover, students from
urban backgrounds use the internet and watch foreign television channels via satellite dishes.

By contrast, students from rural villages have limited exposure to the world beyond their
villages. The poor education in vernacular-medium schools and a lack of access to electronic
media (including the internet) further limit their knowledge of the world. During class
discussions around these units, students from rural areas therefore have very little to say. For
example, during a discussion on Unit One, SM3 had little to contribute. Having been born
and raised in a small village where only a few affluent families and feudal lords have vehicles,
he had never witnessed traffic problems; indeed, there were no proper roads in his areas.
Similarly, SM16 had lived exclusively in a remote, deserted village (Tharparkar), in a house
with hardly any electronic equipment for the domestic use. Neither he nor any of his family
members had ever used a microwave oven or vacuum cleaner. This lack of contextual
knowledge meant that he was reluctant to take part in the discussion generated by Unit Two.

SM3 and SM16 were notably very enthusiastic as students, and were always willing to take
part in any activity. However, their rural backgrounds meant that their knowledge of contexts
discussed in the class was limited, and so they could not participate fully (or at all) in these
discussions. However, more familiar subject matter, such as a unit called ‘Pirani’ (Howe et al.
2006:177), did enable these students to participate in the class discussion. This unit is set in a
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village, and focuses on the culture and life of villages in Sindh. SM3 expressed his intense
interest in this unit, as it complements his rural-ethnic identity:

I like the story of Pirani a lot in that section [...] It’s very close to real life, the life
which we were accustomed to at villages. It talks about the injustice that is there.
The settings are familiar. It shows the culture of Sindh. So, I really feel that I know
it very well [...]. Since I know the context very well, I can easily write about it and I
can easily talk about it […]. Teacher initiated a discussion [in the class in the context
of this story], and I remember I participated with more confidence because I knew
these things more than those who are from cities. So, I really enjoyed this unit

(Interview with SM3 on 30.10.10)

This unit therefore provided SM3 with an opportunity to improve his English language
speaking skills by taking part in the discussion. He participated with more confidence due to
his familiarity with the contextual and cultural setting of the story, and he had many opinions
and personal experiences to share. The story of Pirani provided SM3 with a rare opportunity
to participate in the community of ESL classroom, and moreover, to gain some legitimacy in
the community.

7.3. Previous learning experiences and ESL programme

This section analyses how students’ previous learning experience interact with the ESL
exercises/activities which are based on graph comprehension, and the ways in which students
construct and foreground the identities of being medical and engineering students in these
interactions. The focus is to understand how these interactions affect students’ participation
in the community of ESL classroom, as well as their learning experiences. In doing so, this
section first focuses on students’ motivation to study biology or maths subjects in the
Intermediate (equivalent to UK A-levels) for the HSCE, which is linked with their prior
learning experiences.

As discussed in Chapter 2, parents mainly encourage their children to join professional

medical or engineering universities in contemporary Pakistan. If a child is asked what they
want to do in the future, the most common answers are to be a doctor or an engineer; it is
instilled from a young age that these professions offer the highest level of economic
prosperity. Alternative career options are therefore rarely considered, and so biology or maths
are frequently chosen as major subjects at Intermediate level in order to become eligible for
medical or engineering universities respectively. Arts subjects can also be chosen as majors,
and all major subjects are studied for two years.
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As well as studying their chosen subjects at school, many students receive private tuition in
their major subjects, and after sitting the HSCE, most students join private institutes for
around six months in order to prepare for the medical and engineering university pre-entry
tests. Of the students participating in this study, all have therefore studied either biology or
maths intensively for two and a half years. During this period, these students will have
developed certain learning experiences (Dressen-Hammouda 2007) which are associated with
biology and maths. Moreover, these students had expected to gain admission to medical or
engineering universities, but having failed to do this, they joined IELL at UoSJP; during their
first year, many of the students reported finding themselves in conflict with the new
disciplinary setting in IELL. The conflict between their previous learning experiences and the
ESL programme is of particular relevance to the present study, and it was found that this
conflict largely arose during ESL exercises which required graph comprehension. When
interacting with these exercises, students constructed their identities as medical or
engineering students; underperformance in graph comprehension is explained in relation to
being a medical student (and therefore from a biology background), while good performance
is attributed to being an engineering student (and therefore from a maths background).

Both students and teachers viewed these graph comprehension exercises as requiring
technical knowledge, and, more specifically, it was argued that engineering students already
have this technical knowledge as they have studied graphs in the past, and so are comfortable
interacting with these exercises. By contrast, it was asserted that medical students struggle
with these exercises due to their lack of previous exposure to graphs when studying biology,
and so they take more time to understand them in the ESL courses. Medical students
therefore have to focus on understanding these graphs, rather than using them as indicators to
improve their English language skills, as is intended. SF13 was one of the students with a
biology background, and struggled with graph comprehension:

We medical students had so many problems with graphs and maps. This was a very
difficult part for us. These [exercises] took a lot of time. At first, we didn't even
understand what the purpose of these exercises was… may be because we are
medical students… it was the waste of time […]. I didn't learn anything about
English in these exercises

(Interview with SF13 on 02.11.10)

SM4 similarly cited graph comprehension when asked to discuss the aspects of ESL
textbooks he found difficult:
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These books have some exercises that are typical. Like there are maps and charts
[graphs]. So, these were not clear to me […]. Yeah, when we were discussing in
group then it got clearer to me with the help of a friend […]. Personally I was not
able to do that […]

(Interview with SM4 on 30.10.10)

The group referred to here by SM4 was almost entirely made up of students from a biology
background, with one student from a maths background. This latter student was the only one
to quickly understand the graphs, and subsequently explained them to the rest of the group:

In our group we have many students from different backgrounds. Like, X [avoiding
name] is very good in these exercises. He understood them very quickly. You know,
he is an engineering student, so it’s easy for him. We are medical students. We need
some support in these exercises to understand them. And they take so much time. If I
would have done it alone, the class time would have finished but I couldn't have
understood it [graphs] […]. If I spent the whole time only to understand it [graph],
then how would I learn English?

(Interview with SM4 on 30.10.10)

These findings confirm Roth’s (2002:9) arguments, which suggest that if learners are
unfamiliar with graphs, ‘most of the reading activity is then concerned with structuring the
graph [and accompanying text] itself […] rather than with relating it to some phenomenon’.

These findings also stress the important issue of time allowed to complete certain activities
(Fischer et al. 2005; Yu et al. 2007). Students from biology backgrounds tend to take more
time to comprehend graphs than those from maths backgrounds. An average of fifteen
minutes in total is allocated for students to complete graph exercises in the class; however, it
was observed that students from biology background spent these fifteen minutes simply
trying to understand the information presented by the graphs. Students from maths
backgrounds, by contrast, were able to finish the entire exercise in the given time. Learners
who were unfamiliar with graphs due to their lack of exposure to them in their previous fields
of knowledge were therefore left feeling confused and frustrated, as evident from the
quotation from SF6 below:

Graphs are bit confusing in start. I was puzzled to see them, and then I have to go
twice to understand them, but you know how much time we have in the classes! […]
engineering students are really good in these activities, and of course only they talk
[participate] in the classes. Medical students like me are slow in these activities I
think. It is very frustrating sometimes because we didn't study them before and we
cannot understand them here. These [activities] are not for medical students, you
know what I mean. I always get bore in these activities […]
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(Interview with SF6 on 18.10.10)

This struggle to comprehend graphs also extended to novice teachers who had previously
studied biology or arts as major subjects. These novice teachers acknowledged that they
found activities involving graphs time-consuming and confusing, and realised that students
from non-maths backgrounds had similar difficulties:

There are certain exercises that are boring, lengthy… like map and graphs are given;
you have to work on them. See these are technical things. These are technical not
from language learning point of view. Like a graph is given here and how to study
that! A teacher of Science can explain a graph in a better than a teacher of arts. We
try our level best to explain, because we have studied these only at intermediate
level. But think of a person who comes from arts side […]. Those [students] who
know the graphs [participate in the classes]. May be they are engineering students.
They show interest, make their own explanations out of these graphs, and participate
in the classes

(Interview with TM4 on 27.11.10)

Overall, then, students seemed to construct and foreground the identities as medical and
engineering students when interacting with graph-based exercises in ESL textbooks. These
identities reflect students’ previous learning experiences, acquired during two and half years’
learning biology or maths. As students from maths backgrounds were familiar with graphs
from school, they seemed more comfortable with graph comprehension, and demonstrated a
high level of interest in these exercises. Indeed, these were the only students to participate in
the class during graph comprehension exercises.

By contrast, students from biology backgrounds had little or no previous knowledge of

graphs, as their biology-related topics did not require graphical literacy skills. This lack of
prior knowledge significantly affected their use of the allocated time for graph
comprehension exercises, with most of their time taken up in trying to understand the
information presented by the graphs. In spite of good English language skills and usual
confidence when participating in the class, students from biology backgrounds were observed
to be passive and uninvolved during graph exercises. As mentioned in Chapter 6, teachers
mainly focus their attention on students who respond actively and promptly in the class.
Engineering students are therefore engaged and participate in the class during graph
comprehension exercises, and receive teachers’ attention and approval, while medical
students feel ignored.
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7.4. Interrelation of identities

Although the preceding sections have discussed students’ various identities separately, this is
not to suggest that these identities are self-contained. Indeed, as social agents, students have
multiple identities which intersect and overlap during interactions with different aspects of
ESL programme. When responding to various situations, students shift from one identity to
another. For example, SF10 foregrounds her gender identity as a female student when
interacting with male students during ESL activities which require her to communicate with
them. Due to cultural norms, SF10 feels uncomfortable during these interactions, and in order
to keep a distance from male students, she avoids participating in these activities:

Being a girl I have to keep some distance from boys [male students]. You know
some boys and girls come here [UoSJP] more for dating than study […] Talking to
boys for study would also make me look like I am dating them. People make stories
you know, so I keep distance […] yes, I don't take part in these activities in which I
have to talk to boys. I mostly remain quiet if I have to.

(Interview with SF10 on 27.10.10)

SF10 therefore chooses to interact with other female students during these activities.
However, she also foregrounds her ethnic identity (Sindhi) when interacting with Urdu
speaking female students:

I keep some [communication] distance from Mohajir girls [female students] […] I
have observed that they [Mohajir female students] show attitude when any of us
[Sindhi female students] try to talk to them. They usually group with only Mohajir
girls. And when we talk to them they make fun of us. I don't like their attitude and
try to keep distance.

(Interview with SF10 on 27.10.10)

In this case, SF10’s ethnic identity takes precedence over her gender identity. While
interacting with male peers, SF10 therefore foregrounds her gender identity, rather than
choosing to enhance her identity as an ESL learner. When interacting with female peers, she
similarly limits her interactions by foregrounding her ethnic identity. SF10 did report
attempts at negotiating her ethnic identity in order to interact with Urdu speaking female
students; however, the inconsistency of her attempts meant that they were unsuccessful.
Consequently, SF10 continued to reinforce boundaries established by her ethnic identity, and
sustained the communication gap between herself and female students of other ethnic
identities. SF10’s resistance to negotiate her gender and ethnic identities therefore restricted
her interactions to students who shared her gender and ethnic identities (e.g. Sindhi female
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students), which therefore limited her participation in the community of the ESL classroom
overall.

7.5. Summary
This chapter has demonstrated the diverse ways in which students’ learning experiences in
the ESL programme are shaped by their various identities and previous learning experiences.
The chapter has presented students as social agents with multiple identities, and these
multiple identities intersect and overlap when interacting with different aspects of ESL
programme. Students’ identities are also socially structured, and can act to limit their actions
and interactions with textbooks, peers, and teachers. However, some students seem to
challenge their socially structured identities. Against certain social norms, students were
found to exercise their choice and agency when constructing identities to a certain extent.
SM3 provided an example of this, as he worked hard in order to challenge stereotypes related
to rural identities.

Students’ identities also conflict with certain aspects of the ESL programme. As discussed,
students from biology backgrounds often struggled with graph comprehension exercises in
the ESL courses due to their lack of exposure to graphs in their previous fields of knowledge.
Moreover, students’ different identities often required them to play different roles. The
domestic duties expected of SF1 due to her gender identity, for example, limited her ability to
devote sufficient time to studying and fulfilling her identity as an ESL learner, in spite of her
interest and motivation to do so.

Overall, this chapter has demonstrated the importance of students’ identities, and the different
roles associated with these identities, in shaping their learning experiences in the ESL
programme. The following chapter focuses on the implications of these findings for future
researchers, policymakers, UoSJP and ESL teachers.
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Chapter Eight: Conclusion

This thesis began by suggesting that the increasing demand for English in higher education
has brought about important changes in the HEC’s policies regarding teaching and learning
of English in the public sector universities, and that the new ESL programme has been
introduced with the aim of enhancing students’ language learning experiences. The central
research question of this thesis therefore focused on the impact of the ESL programme on
students’ learning experiences, using a case study methodology.

The aim of the thesis was to understand students’ interactions with the ESL programme
primarily from their perspectives, supplemented by the views of teachers and an
understanding of the broader institutional context. Using a sociological approach, a
theoretical framework was developed to analyse students’ learning experiences by using the
concepts of identity, community and institutional influences. Three sub-questions were
formulated, which focused respectively on issues relating to students’ identities, the
community of ESL classroom, and institutional influences on ESL teaching and learning.
These sub-questions were addressed in the preceding chapters. This final chapter takes the
reader back to the initial stage when I developed my theoretical understanding of how I
would examine students’ learning experiences. It also presents a summary of the main
findings, the implications of the research, and concludes the thesis with reflections on my
methodological and theoretical orientation.

8.1. My theortical understaning

This study explored students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme in higher
education. It suggests that learning a second language is a complex process in which number
of individual and social factors play a vital role in shaping students’ learning experiences. In
conducting this research, I have experienced many theoretical shifts, which informed my
methodological orientation and my research findings and analysis. This section narrates the
theoretical shifts returning to my argument developed in chapter 3 that students’ learning
experiences need to be understood from both a structural and agency perspective.

I started my PhD with assumptions about learning and teaching. Like any novice researchers,
I assumed that I understood all the problems that students face in the context of ESL classes
at the UoSJP mainly due to my position as an ex-insider. I have assumed that students
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experienced learning difficulties in the ESL programme because of certain behaviours, and
thus my initial focus was to consider the introduction of some interventions to change these
behaviours to enhance learning. At that stage I was unaware that I had adopted a behaviourist
approach to learning. On presenting my initial research proposal to my supervisor, I was
asked to reflect on the theoretical approaches in my research. I was asked some questions
which challenged me to explicitly consider my ontological and epistemological stance in
conducting research

Consequently I realised that instead of assuming that I knew students’ learning experiences, I
should first explore myself as a researcher. As such I used a research strategy that was firmly
grounded in constructivism. I developed an understanding that students construct their own
realities, and that the best way to understand this is from their own perspective. I thus chose
to use a qualitative research approach that would allow me to foreground students’
perspective in understanding their learning experiences. This research stance directed me
towards phenomenography theory.

However, I soon found that there were some methodological inconsistencies in the
phenomenographic research approach. In particular, I found that this approach did not
provide details of the actual engaged research process, i.e. research designs and analysis
(Ashworth and Lucas 2000; Richardson 2000). As a new researcher, it would have been a
challenge for me to effectively utilise the strengths of this research approach if details of
research design and analysis are not available (Entwistle 1997). Therefore, I followed
Entwistle and Ramsden (1983) and Biggs (1987) who developed their work using a
phenomenographic approach leading to the development of learning inventories. I thus
decided to use Biggs’ R-SPQ-2F in analysing students’ learning experiences. However, three
issues troubled me. Firstly, the R-SPQ-2F was designed for the Australian context, and its
validity in Pakistani context was an issue. In this respect, I found a study of Siddiqui (2006)
that validates this instrument in the context of Pakistani higher education. Secondly, the
learning inventory requires quantitative data analysis which was contrary to my use of a
qualitative research approach. Finally, I realised that the learning inventory may only provide
a limited perspective about students’ learning experiences.

More fundamentally, I realised that the way I was planning to conduct this research would
lead me to understand students’ leaning experiences from agent perspective only. As such I
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would ignore the structural influences on students’ learning experiences. I assumed that
students learn as individuals freed from their context. This implied that social and contextual
influences have no bearing on shaping their learning experiences. To remedy this gap, I
sought literature which is grounded in a structure and agency perspective. This time, I sought
a sensitising theory that would sharpen my understanding that individuals practice their
agency, but not in context of their own making. This understanding brought me to the
Activity theory.

I found that Activity theory is a helpful analytical tool that offers a framework to analyse
individuals’ interactions from their perspectives in their contexts. To better understand the
strengths and weaknesses of the Activity theory, I followed those studies which used it for
analysing students’ learning experiences in higher education. The way such studies used the
Activity theory highlighted the importance of concepts such as students’ identities,
community, and structural (institutional) influences that shape students’ learning experiences.
However, Activity theory as a theoretical framework does not offer a clear and sound
conceptual understanding of these concepts.

With these shortcomings, I decided to use the Activity theory to a very limited extent, i.e.
only to identify the variables that shape students’ learning experiences. Like
phenomenography or Biggs’ R-SPQ-2F, Activity theory also served as one of the stages of
my research journey to reach the final decision of using identity, community and institutional
influences in analysing students’ learning experiences (see figure 6).

The next step of my research journey was to conceptualise these three concepts in ways that
were aligned to my theoretical stance of structure and agency. To conceptualise identity, I
initially followed the traditional symbolic interactionism of Blumer (1969). This tradition
follows the assumption that individuals are free to define the situation in any way they choose
with the consequence that society is always thought to be in a state of flux with no real fixed
organizational form or structure. Identity as such is conceptualised as embedded in
interaction with others. Individuals are free to shape their interactions, and construct or,
negotiate identities. I found this understanding of identity limiting in bridging the structure
and agency divide. Thus, I studied the ‘structural approach’ of symbolic interactionism
(Stryker 1980) to find the ways in which I could bridge the structure and agency divide. I thus
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adopted an approach to identity which understood identity formation as an interactional

activity that to some extent is shaped by structure and agents’ choice.

To conceptualise the community of the ESL classroom, I initially followed Ferdinand

Tönnies’s ‘Gemeinschaft’ which is large group of people who gather to form an association
for their own self-interest. In Gemeinschafts, members are structured by mutual principles of
behaviours and responsibilities to each other and to the community at large. Members usually
have ascribed status in these communities. This understanding to community was quite
structuralist and contradicted my stance of structure and agency. Thus, I adopted Lave and
Wenger’s (1991) Community of Practice. Like Gemeinschaft, people are grouped in large
associations for their own self-interests in community of practices. However, they develop
themselves personally and professionally through the process of sharing information and
experiences within the group. This understanding enabled me to conceptualise the community
of the ESL classroom as one which is shaped by structure but also acknowledges that
individuals practice express agency in a community.

The analysis of institutional influences on the ESL programme drew upon the Bourdieusian
approach to conceptualise the influences of macro structure (i.e. the influence of higher
education on the policies of the university; the influence of university policies on its
departments; the influence of departments on the structure of the programmes offered) on the
micro structure (i.e. the interactions between students and teachers) in higher education.

These three concepts enabled me to analyse students’ experiences from a structure and
agency perspective as reflected in the finding chapters. As such my first findings chapter
titled ‘institutional influences on the ESL programme’ highlights how individuals’ actions
and choices are shaped by the structure. Likewise, the second finding chapter, i.e. ‘students’
interactions with teachers and peers in the community of ESL classroom’ provides a rich
description of how interactions between teachers and students take place within the
community of an ESL classroom. This chapter argues that structural influences shape
teachers’ pedagogic strategies and therefore their interactions with students. At the same time
some teachers practice their agency and play the role of facilitators. The third findings
chapter discusses how individuals are ascribed certain identities and how they contest these
ascribed identities. Although the detailed summary of these findings chapters is given in the
following section, the discussion above highlights the fact that using these three concepts
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enabled me to bridge the structure and agency divide in understanding students’ learning
experiences in an ESL programme in Pakistan. Institutional influences in particular enabled
me to understand the structural context of UoSJP and higher education in Pakistan more
generally which shapes how students learn. In contrast, community and identity privilege
students’ learning from their vantage points recognising that both their identities and
participation in the ESL learning community have structural determinants. In so doing, I have
shed light on students’ learning experiences from multiple lenses using a range of relevant
theoretical constructs.

8.2. Summary of findings

Chapter 5 discussed institutional influences on ESL teaching and learning. In doing so, the
field of higher education of Pakistan was conceptualised with a specific reference to English
language teaching and learning, and UoSJP was located within this field. The chapter
focussed on analysing the university’s various policies and practices that directly and/or
indirectly influence ESL teaching and learning.

With reference to UoSJP’s position in the field of higher education of Pakistan, the chapter
indicated that the university offers admission to a large number of students – a policy which
directly impacts the overall quality of education provided. In particular, it was found that the
university’s lenient admission policies lead to a large number of students with poor
educational backgrounds and limited English language skills gaining admission to various
university departments. In compliance with the HEC’s requirements, UoSJP introduced the
new ESL programme in 2006. However, its policy to offer admission to the vast majority of
applicants, in spite of limited resources, has adversely impacted the quality of ESL teaching
and learning.

The findings suggested a conflict between university’s policies and practices of the ESL,
which was observed in number of ways:

1. University policy on class sizes: It was found that class sizes (150 to 200 students in a
classroom) are too large to effectively conduct interactive ESL activities in a limited
space of time (50 minutes). In addition, no teaching support tools — audio-visual aids,
interactive white boards, overhead projectors, sophisticated sound system— are available
to teachers in these classrooms.
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2. University policy on employing ESL teachers: The findings suggested that there are fewer
ESL teachers at the university than are required. Moreover, the university’s policy
endorses the hiring of inexperienced and untrained teaching staff, with no requirement for
teacher training to be organised. Indeed, teachers reported being discouraged from
attending independent or HEC-organised training sessions due to their heavy workload
and the lack of substitute teachers to cover their classes.

3. Designation of ESL courses as minor: As minor, ESL courses have fewer credit points
and fewer teaching hours than major subject, which was found to have three implications
for teaching and learning: (a) students devote less time and attention to minors (b)
teachers put in less effort when teaching minors (c) the university administration neglects
the needs and demands of the ESL teachers.

4. University’s quality and assurance policy: The university’s Quality Enhancement Cell
(QEC) has had minimal interaction with the ESL programme. The over-burdened ESL
teachers avoid sending ESL progress reports to the QEC, and in return, the QEC does not
follow up on the quality of the programme.

5. Lack of university policy on ESL resources: It was observed that the university does not
have any specific policies which promote ESL by offering sufficient learning resources,
such as up-to-date ESL books in the libraries or sophisticated language laboratories.

Overall, the findings of this chapter suggested that UoSJP does not take the ESL programme
seriously. The ESL programme was introduced purely because it was an HEC requirement,
and has been treated more as a burden than as a priority. This chapter therefore highlighted
the gaps between the UoSJP’s stated policies and actual practices in relation to the ESL
programme.

Chapter 6 discussed students’ interactions with teachers and peers in the community of the
ESL classroom. The chapter attempted to conceptualise the ESL classroom as a community,
analysing the ways in which teachers’ pedagogic strategies and class size shape student-
student and students-teacher interaction; how these interactions limit or extent students’
participation and therefore legitimacy in the community of ESL classroom.
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It was found that teachers (who were all novices) were either play the role of facilitator or
knowledge transmitter. Teachers’ behaviour in class significantly affected students’
participation and as well as their motivation to study ESL. Findings in relation to students’
interactions with teachers and their peers are outlined below:

1. Teachers as knowledge transmitters: Like all novice teachers, these teachers have no
teaching experience, skills and self-confidence, and so they adopt a highly defensive
approach to teaching, and are deeply concerned with maintaining their authority and
credibility as teachers. These teachers therefore view a silent class as a well-behaved class,
and accordingly prefer long, monologue-style lectures in order to cover all the required
material.

Interactive exercises are therefore avoided, as these require time and effort on the part of
the teachers, and moreover, provide the opportunity for discussion and questions which
could challenge their authority, reveal their own lack of knowledge or cause them to lose
control of the class. If any students do challenge knowledge transmitters’ authority, they
seek to justify their incorrect answers, and then victimise these students in the class and
even in their exams.

Unsurprisingly, students perceived these teachers as unfriendly, non-interactive,

threatening, and less knowledgeable than other teachers (see below). Moreover, students
feel demotivated, uncomfortable, and lack confidence in these teachers’ classes.

2. Teachers as facilitators: In spite of the unsupportive institutional context at UoSJP, some

teachers nevertheless exercised their individual agency to adopt different pedagogic
strategies by allowing students to participate fully in the class, listening to their opinions,
respecting their arguments, as well as appreciating students’ feedback on their teaching,
acknowledging students’ contributions to the class, and demonstrating empathy to
students’ problems. When in class with these teachers, students feel encouraged,
confident and motivated to participate in the community of ESL classroom.

3. Student-student and student-teacher interactions in large classes: It was also found that all
novice teachers, facilitators and knowledge transmitters, shared the common strategy of
focusing on the students who sit at the strong of the class for any interactive exercises or
when seeking feedback. When teachers wanted to encourage students’ class participation,
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whether in terms of asking questions, gaining students’ feedback, or allowing students to

expresses their opinions, they usually focused on students who were willing to participate
in the class, interested in the topic and responded promptly to their questions. Due to the
large number of students (as well as the large physical structure of the ESL lecture hall),
teachers mostly identified students on the front-benches as those who were willing to
participate. Students therefore perceived sitting on the front-benches as particularly
important, as they were able to hear teachers’ questions and respond promptly. This
visibility indicated their willingness to participate in the class, which further maintained
their legitimacy in the community of the ESL class. By contrast, if students sat on the
back-benches, both teachers and students sitting at on the front-benches assume that they
are unwilling to participate in the class. They were commonly viewed as uninterested in
the subject, as trouble makers, educationally weak, and lacking confidence. It was
observed that teachers treated students on the back-benches fairly harshly, asking them
the rhetorical questions to embarrass them, insulting them by singling them out to the
class, and blaming them for any disruption during the lesson.

Overall, this chapter considered important issues relating to teachers’ roles in the community
of ESL class, and examined student-student and student-teacher interactions in the large
physical space of the ESL classroom.

Chapter 7 addressed the research sub-question relating to the interaction between students’
identities and the ESL programme, and discussed findings in relation to students’ gender
identities, rural-ethnic identities, and identities constructed as a result of students’ previous
learning experience. It was found that students frequently foregrounded these various
identities when interacting with different aspects of the ESL programme. Moreover, the data
suggested that some aspects of the ESL programme conflicted with students’ identities, while
others complemented them. In both cases, students’ participation in the community of ESL
classroom and their overall ESL learning experience was significantly influenced by their
various identities.

1. Gender identities: Students’ gender identities were found to conflict with certain images
in Howe et al. (2006), which depicted stereotypical gender roles (p. 34). During class
discussions based on these images, male students dominated and prevented female
students from challenging these images. This led to female students feeling degraded and
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discouraged, therefore losing their interest and confidence to participate in the class. It
was also found that female students’ expected gender-related roles for example, as sisters
and daughters, conflicted with their roles as ESL learners. Data suggested that these
female students were overburdened by the combination of domestic and university
responsibilities. When prioritising their university workload, these students therefore
focused on major subjects; as the ESL courses are minor which have little influence over
their grades, they often neglect their ESL work.

However, female students’ gender identities were found to complement certain units on
the ESL course. Female students expressed particular interest and motivation to study
units which focused on areas of experience which are exclusively male domains in
Pakistan, such as driving. This increased motivation to study the topic meant that these
students could further enhance their English language skills, and even used the internet to
learn more about the topic beyond the prescribed course books.

2. Rural-ethnic identities: Students’ rural-ethnic identities as villagers were found to conflict

with certain units in Howe et al. (2006). In particular, these units were based on
exclusively Western, urban contexts, which are unfamiliar to students from rural
backgrounds. When interacting with these units, students from rural areas therefore felt
isolated, and had little to contribute to the class discussion. However, students’ rural-
ethnic identities as villagers also complimented certain units (for example, Howe et al.
2006:177) which were set in rural contexts. Students from rural backgrounds
demonstrated a high level of interest and motivation when interacting with these units,
and their familiarity with the rural context led them to participate enthusiastically and
confidently in class discussions and writing tasks.

The chapter also presented empirical evidence which suggested that students
foregrounded their rural-ethnic identities when interacting with peers and teachers in ESL
classes. Their rural-ethnic identities often conflict with the identities of peers and teachers,
which significantly impact on these students’ participation and membership in the
community of ESL classroom, and so their overall learning experiences in the ESL
programme. Students’ rural-ethnic identities were found to affect their interactions with
peers and teachers for two main reasons. Firstly, as villagers, they were perceived to have
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poor educational backgrounds and limited English language skills. Peers mocked their
Sindhish accent, which in turn discouraged these students from participating in the class.

Secondly, teachers occasionally berated these students by referring to their identities as

villagers, which was marked by their struggle to understand teachers’ accents and talking
speech. This once again meant that students from rural backgrounds avoided participating
in the class, and usually sat on the back-benches. Their lack of confidence and teachers’
unsympathetic attitudes further meant that these students avoided interacting with
teachers. Consequently, teachers did not devote much attention to students from rural
backgrounds, either choosing to ignore them or showing frustration with them for failing
to understand lectures. Rather than addressing rural students’ problems, teachers instead
ignore, insult or embarrass them during classes; these students are therefore unlikely to be
able to improve their English language skills.

3. Previous learning experiences and identities: Students’ identities as former medical

students were found to conflict with graph-based exercises of Howe et al. (2006) and
Eastwood (2006). These students had devoted two and a half years to studying biology in
preparation for medical universities’ pre-entry tests. During this period, they developed
certain learning experiences which are associated with biology, and which do not include
graph comprehension. These students therefore struggled to understand graph-based
exercises in the ESL courses. Whereas they often spent the full amount of time allocated
for these exercises (approx. 15 minutes) simply trying to understand the information
presented in the graphs, students from engineering backgrounds (who had spent two and a
half years studying maths) easily completed the task with the allocated time. As their
previous learning experiences included developing graph comprehension skills, the
engineering students were able to fully participate in the class during these exercises,
while the medical students were left feeling frustrated, discouraged and ignored.

In summary, the three finding chapters contributed to answering the overarching research
question – how do students experience learning in the ESL programme in higher education –
by considering various aspects of students’ learning experiences in the ESL programme from
a structure and agent perspective. Using the chosen theoretical framework (see figure 6),
analysis was done at both a macro- and micro-level. At the macro-level, the structural
influences of the HEC and UoSJP on ESL teaching and learning were analysed, while at the
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micro-level, individual student-teacher and student-student interactions in the community of

ESL classroom were analysed. At an even greater level of detail, the interactions between
student identities’ as learners with their other identities were analysed. The findings from
analysis at the macro- to the micro-level offer many implications for teachers, institutions,
policy makers and of course for researchers; these implications are considered in detail in the
following section.

8.3. Implications of Research

Due to the use of a case study, there are evidently certain limitations in terms of the
generalizability of the thesis’s findings in different contexts. However, findings from this
research study may prove useful not only for future HEC and UoSJP policies and decisions
on ESL teaching and learning, but also as an empirical example to other higher education
institutions offering ESL programmes. The insights offered into how policies and practices
impact on students learning experiences, for example, could prove particularly useful. The
implications which have emerged from this research have been classified into three main
areas: implications for policy makers, teachers, and for further research.

8.3.1. Implications for policy makers

Findings from this study are essential for policy makers (i.e. HEC and UoSJP), which are
seeking to progress from traditional approaches to ESL teaching and learning to more
innovative and interactive approaches. When making this transition, policy makers should
consider the following strategic areas, which have been identified as key aspects to enhance
the quality of ESL teaching and learning in any higher education institution.

i. Programme status. This study highlighted the importance of commitment from the HEC
to improve the quality of ESL teaching and learning in higher education. The HEC devoted
time, resources and energy to conducting research, training teachers and developing new
courses for the ESL programme. However, although the HEC regulates ESL teaching in all
public sector universities, and made the ESL programme compulsory for undergraduates, it
did not define the programme’s status. Individual universities therefore defined the status of
the ESL programme in line with their own interests, which led to the courses of ESL
programme being adopted as minor with fewer credit points and fewer teaching hours than
major subjects. The current analysis suggested that the ESL programme was therefore not a
significant priority for students, teachers or the university administration due to its status as
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minor. Changing the ESL courses to major may therefore improve its status as a subject. It is
therefore recommended that the HEC reconsiders its policy on the programme status, and
require all universities to teach the ESL courses as major. This may lead to increased
commitments in terms of time, finances and human resources on the part of universities. The
HEC should therefore re-design its policy in order to meet the needs of all universities, which
includes providing required financial and technical support for the implementation of the
policy.

ii. Performance of the QEC. An important issue highlighted in this study was the role of the
QEC in enhancing the quality of the ESL programme. This research has questioned the role
of the QEC in promoting the progress and performance of the ESL programme, and therefore
suggests that the HEC reconsiders the role of the QEC in relation to the ESL programme. The
QEC should be held accountable for its progress in relation to the ESL programme, and
regular checks should be carried out to ensure that the QEC is monitoring ESL progress and
performance. In order to make the QEC more effective in relation to the ESL programme, the
QEC should be required compulsorily to regularly provide feedback and recommendations on
quality improvement for ESL teaching and learning.

iii. Implications for teacher training. This study has shown that the lack of support and
training for faculty members is a significant barrier to the achievement of effective ESL
teaching and learning at the university. These findings are consistent with those of the NCE,
which led the HEC to acknowledge the importance of teacher training and use resources to
organise teacher training and workshops. These training sessions and workshops are open to
all ESL teachers, but teachers from public sector universities are prioritised when accessing
these courses. However, as found in this study, UoSJP (a public sector university) has an
insufficient number of ESL teachers; due to these teachers’ heavy workload and a lack of
substitute teachers, the university discourages ESL teachers from attending training sessions.
Moreover, the university hires teachers who lack previous teaching experience and who are
expected to teach without any preliminary training. Based on these findings, it is therefore
recommended that the HEC considers a policy which makes it mandatory for public sector
universities to send their ESL teachers to a training session or workshop before they begin
teaching.
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iv. Text books. During this study, it was found that ESL text books are of a fairly good
quality when compared to textbooks used on old course at the university, and include
numerous interactive activities based on different aspects of Pakistani life. However, there are
two important areas which should be considered. Firstly, it was found that students were
uncomfortable with the content of certain units in the ESL textbooks. Although the inclusion
of certain topics could justified by arguing that they reflect the true nature of contemporary
Pakistan, the quality of students’ learning experiences should be prioritised. It is therefore
recommended that the selection of any textbook content should be made with the careful
consideration of, for example, gender, rural / urban, ethnic and other identities. Remaining
sensitive to students’ various identities should be a crucial step in the process of developing
good quality ESL textbooks.

Secondly, this study acknowledges that the new ESL syllabus covers a wide variety of topics
and issues that appeal to students from different disciplinary backgrounds. However, there
were problems associated with the sequencing of certain topics in ESL textbooks. For
example, it was observed that students from medical backgrounds faced significant
challenges with graph-based exercises. Although it is clearly important for these students to
understand and study the information presented in these graphs, more consideration should be
given to when these exercises are presented. Currently, the sequence of the ESL textbooks
means that graph-based are studied in the first semester. Since students’ previous learning
experience, which may not support the interpretation of graph-based exercises, are still fresh
during the first semester, many students struggle with these exercises at this time. Introducing
graph-based exercises in the third or fourth semester may therefore be more effective. These
findings therefore lead to a recommendation of re-considering the sequence of certain
exercises in ESL textbooks.

v. Class size. Another important issue brought to light by this study concerns the number of
students in the ESL classes. Analysis suggested that the high number of students in the class
significantly affected teachers’ attitude towards teaching the ESL programme, which in turn
affected students’ learning experiences. It is therefore recommended that the institution
reduces the number of students per ESL class, which could be done by dividing existing
classes into three to four groups. This evidently has financial implications, as well as
implications for the number of classrooms and teachers required. In order to respond to these
issues, it is suggested that an emphasis should be placed on increasing the number of ESL
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teachers, since the number of available classrooms cannot be increased immediately. Hiring
more ESL teachers would be important for two main reasons. Firstly, this would mean that
smaller groups of students could be taught, perhaps on different days of the week (the ESL
programme would also have to be given extra priority when organising timetables). Secondly,
an increase in the number of ESL teachers would enable more teachers to attending training
sessions and workshops, as more substitute teachers would be available. As suggested earlier,
it is also recommended that the HEC provides financial support so that higher education
institutions are able to hire new members of ESL staff, and construct new buildings for
English departments.

vi. Interactive teaching tools. Based on the lack of teaching tools available to ESL teachers
in this study, it is suggested that teaching support tools including AV aids, interactive white
boards, overhead projectors, and sophisticated sound systems are provided for ESL
programmes. With these teaching support tools, teachers would be able to implement many
activities and exercises which they are currently unable to. Pronunciation exercises and
listening activities, for example, could effectively be conducted with the AV aids.

8.3.2. Implications for teachers

This research has demonstrated the importance of teachers’ role in shaping students’ ESL
learning experiences. It showed that teachers’ attitudes and pedagogic strategies play a vital
role in enhancing students’ learning experiences. In this connection, the findings of this study
recommend teachers to consider five factors in interaction with students.

i. Awareness of gender issues. Teachers should avoid gender bias in their interactions with
students. In the present study, it was observed that male students were asked questions more
frequently and were given more in-depth feedback than female students in the ESL
classrooms. Male students also had more intellectually challenging interactions with teachers,
which allowed them a greater degree of cognitive stimulation, and also legitimated their
questions and participation in the class to a greater extent than female students. Teachers
seemed largely unaware that their actions, which explicitly favoured male students,
significantly demotivated female students and discouraged them from participating in the
classrooms. Additionally, teachers should also be aware of potentially sensitive gender-
related issues, and avoid discussions or comments which may disadvantage female students.
In order to do this, attempts should be made to ensure that male and female students have
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equal opportunities to participate, which will introduce a balance of power in the classroom.
If male students dominate the discussions, and prevent female students from participating,
teachers should intervene to ensure that female students are able to contribute, and feel that
their arguments are legitimate.

ii. Awareness of students from rural backgrounds. It is important for teachers at UoSJP to
appreciate that the majority of their students are from rural areas, and have poor educational
backgrounds and limited English language skills. Teachers should devote extra attention to
these students, as they are likely to be the least able students in the classroom. Bearing in
mind that these students have weak listening skills due to their family backgrounds and
previous schooling experiences, teachers should speak slowly and with a clear accent so that
all students in the classrooms are able to follow and understand their instructions. It was also
observed that students struggled to understand teachers when they attempted to speak in
British or American accents, and so this practice should be avoided.

iii. Appropriate use of praise. Findings from this study suggested that teachers should adopt
encouraging attitudes, as this can motivate students to study beyond the prescribed course
books, explore class topics independently and bring new knowledge to the classroom. Student
should also be encouraged to share what they have learned from other resources, and when
students do participate in this way, teachers should clearly acknowledge and express
appreciation for their contribution. However, praise should not be overused, as this can also
have negative consequences for students (Woolfolk 2005). When given, praise should be
specific and genuine. Teachers should also encourage other students to participate in a similar
way. A few encouraging words after each students’ contribution could inspire and motivate
other students to participate in the future.

iv. Encouraging questioning. Teachers should also nurture a classroom environment in

which students feel comfortable and confident enough to frequently ask questions.
Encouraging students to ask questions is an important quality of a good teacher, and once this
environment is established, it can significantly improve the quality of the class (Brain 1998).
Similarly, answering questions effectively is also crucial. Teachers should view students’
questions as an opportunity to teach the whole class something new. If they do not know the
answer, teachers should not be afraid to acknowledge that a student has raised an interesting
question, and then find out the answer in time for the next session. The teaching and learning
 157

process therefore becomes a two-way process between students and teachers, which can
further improve classroom rapport. Students are likely to respect teachers who exhibit
dedication to teaching as well as a willingness to learn themselves.

v. Respect for students. Establishing respect for students among teachers is essential to
create the ideal classroom environment discussed above. Teachers should avoid ignoring or
insulting students, which will demotivate and discourage them. Acting in an exasperated or
aggressive manner can cause teachers to lose their respect by students. Teachers should
therefore keep calm and remain patient when in the classroom.

8.3.3. Implications for further research

Like all research projects, this study is finite in its scope; further research and reflections are
needed. In particular, there are four areas that future researchers should consider.

i. Case study. Firstly, this research used a case study, which has limited scope as the findings
are restricted to particular cases. However, conducting the study in this way has provided
deep insights into students’ learning experiences. This research has adopted a snapshot case
study approach; due to time and resource limitations, the study focused on individual cases at
a particular point in time. Although this research design allowed the ESL programme to be
evaluated, and provided an insight into students’ learning experiences, it is still recommended
that future researchers adopt other forms of case study to explore students’ learning in more
detail. For example, a pre-post case study approach (which examines cases at the beginning
and at the end of the ESL programme) or a longitudinal case study approach (which follows
cases throughout the ESL programme) could be adopted. These different forms of case study
could allow certain aspects of students’ learning experiences to be explored which could not
be considered through the snapshot case study approach adopted here.

ii. Data collection tools. Interviews were used as primary data collection tools in this study,
with observations and document review as secondary data collection tools. Although these
techniques effectively generated rich data, other approaches to data collection such as long
term participant observations, life histories and participant diaries could have also provided
interesting insights.

iii. Comparative approach. The findings of the present study highlighted various aspects
which shape students’ learning experiences, closely monitored students in their own contexts
 158

and highlighted aspects of the ESL programme which hinder students’ learning outcomes.
However, the study only focused on students in one department of a particular university. A
comparative approach would therefore extend the scope of the study, which could be done by
comparing students’ ESL learning experiences at different levels. At the institutional level,
students’ learning could be compared across different departments within a university. At the
national level, this could be done by comparing students’ learning across different types of
institutions (e.g. private vs. public sector universities, general vs. professional universities).
At the regional level, a comparative study could consider students’ ESL learning experiences
across countries which share similar characteristics (e.g. Pakistani students’ vs. Indian
students). At an international level, students’ ESL learning experiences could be compared
across different countries which do not share obvious characteristics (e.g. Pakistani students
vs. UK students, for example).

iv. Textbook analysis. The findings from this study raised several questions relating to ESL
textbooks, and the impact of textbooks on students’ learning experiences. This suggests a
need for an exclusive textbook analysis. Aspects which could be considered include: the
organization and sequencing of material, the clarity and relevance of material, the
presentation of pictures, graphs, and how these support or extend the text itself; the clarity of
examples and illustrations, and how they represent race, ethnicity, gender and class; whether
multiple and diverse perspectives are offered in relation to the content; whether chapters
contain opportunities for self-assessment; and whether the intended goals and overall purpose
of the material is clear. A thorough analysis of textbooks considering these factors would
provide a useful insight into the role of textbooks in effective teaching and learning.

8.4. Reflections on my research

This study is the product of a research journey which explored students’ learning experiences
from their own perspectives on an ESL programme in a higher education institution. It
suggested that learning a second language is a complex process, in which a number of
individual and social factors play vital roles in shaping students’ learning experiences. In the
process of exploring these individual and social factors, I developed a theoretical
understanding of students’ learning, as well as myself as a researcher.

Learning to reflect on your behaviour and thoughts, as well as on the phenomenon

under study, creates a means for continuously becoming a better researcher.
 159

Becoming a better researcher captures the dynamic nature of the process.

Conducting research, like teaching and other complex acts, can be improved; it
cannot be mastered.

(Glesne and Peshkin 1992: xiii)

As a new researcher, I experienced numerous anxieties at the outset of this study. Although
literature on qualitative research was a source of some comfort, I found myself as the primary
instrument of data collection and analysis. This led me to realise that reflexivity is essential in
order to conduct an effective piece of research. Russel and Kelly (2002) have argued that,
through reflection, a researcher can gain awareness of what s/he is able to perceive, and
moreover, what may prevent him/her from perceiving certain things. Reflexivity therefore
requires a careful consideration of the phenomena under study, as well as the researcher’s
own assumptions and behaviour, and how these may impact the process of enquiry.

Although I found this argument very convincing on a theoretical level at the beginning of the
research process, I had little idea what this meant in concrete terms. However, this began to
change in the first year of my doctoral study, when my supervisor asked me to revise my
initial research proposal and reconsider my research questions. During this time, I began to
reflect on my research by recording self-conversations. These personal narratives helped me
in identifying why I had chosen the topic of the present study, how my assumptions about
teaching and learning had informed my initial research proposal, and how these assumptions
guided my methodology.

This first stage of reflection allowed me to realise that I had undertaken my PhD with
numerous assumptions about teaching and learning. Like many novice researchers, I have
assumed that I was familiar with all the problems faced by ESL students at UoSJP. This was
mainly due to my position as an insider, as I had both studied and taught English language for
a year and a half at UoSJP. Before starting my PhD, I had assumed that students faced
problems in the ESL programme due to certain behaviours; my interest therefore lay in
introducing an intervention which would change these behaviours and improve their learning
outcomes.

After reflecting on these assumptions, I realised that I was viewing students’ learning
experiences from a behaviourist perspective. These initial reflections also served as a
memory prompt, which encouraged a second stage of reflection after I had carried out my
research. Reflecting on further self-conversations I made connections between the
 160

methodological literature, decisions taken during the research, the process of reflexivity, and
my evolving understanding of the complexities inherent in qualitative research. By analysing
these self-conversations, I became more aware of how I had managed each research stage, the
issues and tensions which had arisen, and how I had dealt with these issues as a researcher.

A retrospective examination of my research therefore permitted me to make meaningful

connections between theory and practice. Moreover, this process of reflection provoked in-
depth learning which may not have been achieved through other methodological means. The
experience of reconsidering my initial research proposal for this study led me to realise that
reflection is an essential mediator of the research process. Most importantly, reflective self-
conversations allowed me to meaningfully construct a personal sense of what it means to
become a researcher.
 161

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Retrieved from: www.ielts.org/PDF/vol11_report_6_the_cognitive_processes.pdf
[accessed on 13 June 2012]

Zahra, S., 2005. Women in Pakistan –Victims of the Social and Economic Desecration.
[Online] Retrieved from: http://www.marxist.com/women-pakistan-victims-of-
desecration.htm [accessed on 29 November 2011]

Zhenhong, Z., and Zhi, H., 2009. Students' conceptions of online ESL education in Chinese
HE: a phenomenographic study. [Online] International Conference on E-Learning, E-
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 181

Appendices

Appendix I. Students’ Questionnaire

A. Confirmation and Consent form

I confirm that I have freely agreed to participate in the research study titled as ‘Analysing

Students’ Experiences in ESL programme at UoSJO: A Case Study’ conducted by Mr. Irfan

Ahmed Rind, for the pursuit of his DPhill degree from University of Sussex, UK.

I have been briefed on what this research study involves and its purposes. I agree to the use of

the findings for the stated purposes in the research outline. I understand that the material is

protected by a code of Standards on Research Ethics of School of Education and Social Work.

Mr. I.A.Rind thoroughly assured me that my identity will be kept anonymous and no such

reference will be mentioned that may reveal my identity. I, hereby, assign the copyright in my

contribution to the University of Sussex.

Participant
Signature : ______________
Name :______________
Position : ______________
Date : ______________

I confirm I agree to keep the undertakings in this contract.

Researcher
Signature: ______________
Name: Irfan Ahmed
Date: ______________
 182

B. Students Learning Experience Questionnaire

The purpose of the questionnaire is to collect information about you as a student so

that according to your personal information you would be requested to voluntarily
participate in interviews.

All information supplied by you will be treated in strict confidence. Please be assured
that no particulars will be realised for any reason. You identities will remain
confidential. All information will be used for research only.

Section A: This section will ask information about you.

1. Student ID. (Optional) ________________________

2. Name (Optional) ________________________

3. Age: (Please tick the appropriate box) (1) 18-23 years

(2) 24-26 years
(3) 27 & above

4. Gender: (Please tick the appropriate box) (1) Male

(2) Female

5. Ethnicity (1) Sindhi/Siraiki

(Please tick ONLY ONE appropriate box) (2) Urdu
(3) Punjabi
(4) Pashto
(5) Other ___________________

6. Where do you live? (Please mention only name of area and city. No full address).
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________

7. Where do your family live? (Please mention only name of area and city. No full address)
_________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________
 183

8. Highest level of family education (Please tick in the appropriate box)

Family Masters or Bachelors or Below Bachelors

PhD
members equivalent equivalent School No school
Father
Mother
Elder sister 1
Elder sister 2
Elder sister 3
Elder brother 1
Elder brother 2
Elder brother 3

9. Your previous education (Please use Capital letters)

Private/ Medium of
Level of Education Name of School Government Location Instruction

Intermediate
(11th and 12th years)

Matriculation
(9th and 10th year)

Higher Secondary
(6th to 8th year)

10. Your previous results (Please write in percentage)

First semester Second semester Third semester Forth semester

Overall results % % % %
ESL results % % % %
 184

11. Do you work apart from study? Yes/NO

12. If yes, what kind of work is it? ___________________

13. How many hours do you work? ___________________

Section B: This section will ask you willingness to participant in the interviews

Thank you for your participation. I would like to contact you for a short interview. The

interviews will be on volunteer bases. If you are willing to participate in interviews please

leave your name and contact details.

Name: _______________________

Email: _______________________

Contact No: ________________________

For any queries, please contact me at I.Rind@sussex.ac.uk

 185

Appendix II. Students’ Interview guide

Students’ perception of UoSJP

1. Why did you choose University of Sindh?

2. What is your image of the university?
PROMPT: How does this image influence your learning experiences at UoSJP?

Students’ preconceptions and motivations about the ESL Programme

3. How do you think this course is relevant to your studies in general?

PROMPT: If no, how does it affect the way you learn in this course?

4. What was your perception of this course when you first hear about it?
PROMPT: Were you prepared to take this course? If no, why not?
PROMPT: If yes, how much do you think you were motivated to take this course?
PROMPT: How much do you think you knew the basics of this course before commencing it?
PROMPT: What is your perception of this course now?

5. What are your objectives in this course?

Teaching (Interaction of students identities with teaching and its impact on their objectives)

5. How do you think that the methods your teachers use are appropriate to teach in
this course?
PROMPT: If yes, tell me more about it?
PROMPT: If no, why?
PROMPT: How successful do you think your teachers are in providing clear and useful explanations of ideas in
this course?

6. How will you explain the ideal teaching that make your learning experience
pleasant?

Assessment (Interaction of students’ identities with assessment and its impact on their
objectives)

7. How does the assessment in this course compare with assessment you have
experienced in other courses?
PROMPT: In what ways is it similar or different? Novel or repetitive?
PROMPT: (how do you prepare for this assessment) In what ways, if any, did the assessment in
this subject help your learning, hinder your learning, or was not relevant to your learning? (for
example, does it promote repetition and drilling of exercise or deep understanding)

8. In discussions with teachers, if there were any, about assessment pieces, what
impressions did you get about what was desirable or would be rewarded?
PROMPT: What is your reaction to this?
PROMPT: According to the course guide line, this course aims to promote deep understanding of material that
are being taught, How do you think that the assessment address this statement?
PROMPT: Do you think teachers teach something in the class but assess something else?
PROMPT: If yes, then what is your impression of that assessment?
 186

Curriculum and workload (Interaction of students’ identities with curriculum and its impact
on their objectives)

9. What is your impression of the curriculum in this course?

PROMPT: How satisfy are you with these two books?
PROMPT: Is there anything in these books that looks strange or very appealing to you?
PROMPT Is there anything in these books that make you uncomfortable? For example: images, names,
sentences, ideas or philosophy?

10. What is your sense of the volume/amount of work in this course compared to other
courses you have done?
PROMPT: What is your sense of the difficulty of the material in this course compared to other courses you
have done?
PROMPT: What is your sense of any compromises or short cuts to your learning you may have taken in this
course?
PROMPT: If yes, then which of these compromises or short cuts do you explain in terms of the course
workload?
PROMPT: Or which of these do you explain in other terms?

11. What, for you, have been the key ideas/areas in this course? How well do you feel
you understand each of these?
PROMPT: If teachers were to give more time or emphasis to one area, what should that be? Why?
PROMPT: If teachers were to give less time or emphasis to one area, what should that be? Why?
PROMPT: What is your sense of ‘other factors’ which might contribute to making this course’s workload feels
or appears greater than it is (e.g., poor subject structure, lack of organisation, difficulty accessing
resources, novelty or unfamiliarity of learning processes, etc…)?

Work space and other resources (Interaction of students’ identities with work space and its
impact on their objectives)

12. How does the size of the classes/ number of students in each class influence your
learning experiences? (can you compare studying in small class experience with
large class?)
Prompt: How do you see yourself in a large class? (if you are motivated to present but didn’t get chance to
present how do you feel?)
Prompt: How do you see yourself in small class?
Prompt: Does it make any difference if your seating position changes from front to back in the large class?

13. What are your impressions of learning space in your institutes? (For example, the
rooms, or other places that motivate you and your fellows to study or discuss in
English after the classes?
PROMPT: How do you practice English with peer group at such spaces?
PROMPT: If there are no such spaces, what effects do you think it is on your learning English language?

14. What are your impressions about the learning resources (i.e. libraries, access of
computer, access of internet, etc...) in this institute? How helpful are these resource
to you in term of ESL programme?

15. What is other thing that you are using to achieve your goal?
 187

Students’ perceptions of self (Interaction of students identities as Learners v/s their other
identities in and out of the university)

16. What do you think your image is in the class as student (for example, active
participant, backbencher, position holder, comrade (political activist), etc...)?
PROMPT: Do you have any idea how teachers think of you as student or a person?
PROMPT: If yes, how does their (...) thinking affect the way you learn? Why?
PROMPT: Do you have any idea how your class fellows think of you as student or as person?
PROMPT: If yes, does their (...) thinking affect the way you learn? Why?

17. How do you think you approach a learning task that you are not going to
present/discuss with peers or teachers?
PROMPT: How do you think you approach a learning task if you are a group leader or are going to present it in
front of class? And why?
PROMPT: Does it make any difference to you or the way you learn, if teachers change your seating places
(from front seats to back benches or vice versa)? And why?

18. You mentioned in the questionnaire that you are _____ (ethnicity). What do you
think that your being __ (ethnicity) affect the way you learn English in this course?
If yes, why?
PROMPT: How do you think your teachers’ ethnicity influence your learning experience?

19. You mentioned in the questionnaire that you are from __ (region). What do you
think that your being from ___affect your learning? If yes, why?

20. How do you think your economic situation influenced your English language
learning in the past? Does it still influence your learning experience in university?

21. How do you think your family educational background influence your learning
experience in past? And in university?

Questions added latter

 How would you compare female with male in the society of Sindh?

 To what extend do you see such differences at Sindh University.

 Do you think that English language is a way to give you independence?

 To what extend do you think that ESL course help you to reduce this gap between
male and female.

Community of practice

22. How do you explain your teachers’ attitudes in this programme?

PROMPT: How encouraging do you think your teachers are to let you ask questions in the class?
PROMPT: How encouraging do you think your teachers are to let you explain ideas in your own way?
PROMPT: How much interest do you think your teachers show in your opinion?
PROMPT: How much effort do you think your teachers take to motivate you for learning tasks?
PROMPT: How much effort do you think your teachers take to make this subject interesting?
 188

23. How do you define your relation with teachers of this course compared to teachers
of other courses?
PROMPT: Does this (...) nature of relation affect the way you learn English?
PROMPT: If yes why?
PROMPT: How much effort do you think teachers take to understand your problems in this course?
PROMPT: How much care or sympathy do you think your teachers show to your problems?
PROMPT: If they do, how does that care or sympathy help in your learning experiences?

24. How would you describe your relationship with your peers?
PROMPT: Do you and your peers spend time helping each other in learning in or outside the class hours?
PROMPT: If yes, in what ways and how do such practices develop? If not, why not?

25. Where will you place yourself in this circle, which represent your relation with your
teachers?

Teachers

26. Can you identify any of your class fellows who are closer to teachers than you?
Why do you think he/she is closer to teachers? Does that help them to learn better
than you? How? How do you define your relations with that person?

27. Can you identify any of your class fellows who are away from teachers than you?
Why do you think he/she is away to teachers? Does that create any problem for
them to learn? How? How do you define your relations with that person?
 189

Appendix III. Teachers’ Interview guide

Teachers’ opinion of students’ learning experience in ESL programme

1. How do you define the concept of teaching?

2. What in your opinion is the purpose of teaching?
3. Do you find the teaching language different than teaching of other subjects? How?

4. Why university have this assumption that they need remedial and compulsory course?
5. To what extend their this assumption is correct?

6. What is the ultimate goal of this course? What do you think is the goal of students in
this course?

7. What purpose do you think the ESL programme serve in the development of
students’ learning experiences in higher education?
PROMPT: Do you think that students are aware of this purpose (...)?
PROMPT: If yes, do you think they are motivated to take this class because of this (...) purpose? If no, what are
other reasons that motivate them to take ESL classes?
PROMPT: If no, how do you think it affects their learning? What efforts do you take to make them aware of this
(...) purpose?
PROMPT: How do these (...) efforts reflect in your teaching methodology?

8. What do you think about the examination criteria? Do you find any clash between
the examination policy and its conduct?

9. How do you think the examination criteria help to serve the (...) purpose of ESL
programme?

10. How do you think that the structure and nature of curriculum help to serve the (...)
purpose of ESL programme?

11. What do you think is the nature of workload in this course? To what extend does the
workload affect students leaning practices?

12. How do you define the size of your class?

PROMPT: Does it help/hinder your teaching? Why?
PROMPT: What affects do you think it might have on students learning practices?

What are your experiences of teaching in large classes? Which students you mostly focus
on while asking questions, for example front benchers or back benchers. And why? What
are physical difficulties you face while interacting with students at back benches?

13. What is students’ group activities mean to you?

PROMPT: Do you appreciate students’ group discussions and tasks?
PROMPT: If yes, do you think institute has provided sufficient space to carry on these activities?
PROMPT: If no, why not? What do you think are the effects of it on students learning practices?

14. What is your impression of the learning resources for students in this institute?
PROMPT: How are these learning resources supportive to your teaching?
 190

PROMPT: How are these learning resources supportive to students learning?

15. How do you think a teacher should treat his/her students?

PROMPT: Do you practice what you said?
PROMPT: If yes, how does that help students learn better?
PROMPT: If no, why?

16. Do you think that the students from different educational background experience
learning in ESL programme differently? If yes, how? And why?

17. Do you think that the students from different social background experience learning
in ESL programme differently? If yes, how? And why?

18. Do you think that the students from different ethnicity experience learning in ESL
programme differently? If yes, how? And why?

19. Do you think that the students from different regions experience learning in ESL
programme differently? If yes, how? And why?

20. Do you think that gender difference affect learning in ESL programme?

21. What do you think about the rules of teaching, and examination in ESL programme?
Do you find any conflict between these rules with your practices?
 191

Appendix IV. Number of students at different faculties at UoSJP

S# NAME OF FACULTY M F Total

1 Faculty of Natural Sciences 5621 2231 7852
2 Faculty of Arts 845 555 1400
3 Faculty of Islamic Studies 217 88 305
4 Faculty of Social Sciences 3740 727 4467
5 Faculty of Law 32 7 39
Faculty of Commerce &
6 Business Administration 2143 439 2582
7 Faculty of Pharmacy 640 247 887
8 Faculty of Education 701 653 1354
TOTAL 13939 4947 18886

FACULTY OF NATURAL SCIENCES

BS/ M.S./ P.G.D. M.Sc. M.Sc. M.Phil Ph.D
GRAND
S# Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Part-IV Previous Final(P) TOTAL TOTAL
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 Botany 50 40 42 30 32 23 26 17 14 27 13 19 5 7 4 2 186 165 351
2 Bio-Chemistry 50 49 43 31 41 39 36 48 19 10 13 16 0 0 0 0 202 193 395
3 Bio-Technology 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 3 9 7 0 0 0 0 21 10 31
 192

4 Chemistry 80 67 62 52 53 35 63 35 27 58 16 8 8 3 2 0 311 258 569

5 Information Technology 58 38 50 36 41 13 50 19 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 200 107 307
6 Computer Science(PM, PE & CG) 218 72 157 46 131 24 111 30 23 1 15 1 0 0 0 0 655 174 829
7 M.C.S. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 3 2 0 0 0 0 4 5 9
8 Electronics 83 11 77 8 59 3 71 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 290 34 324
9 Environmental Sciences 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 3 6 2 2 2 1 0 21 7 28
10 Fresh Water Biology & Fisheries 35 10 30 5 19 2 23 4 1 3 1 2 6 0 0 0 115 26 141
11 Genetics 26 44 19 15 21 15 33 22 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 99 96 195
12 Geography 53 5 43 5 19 3 37 15 10 2 7 3 0 0 0 0 169 33 202
13 Geology 193 0 106 5 92 2 74 9 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 471 16 487
14 Mathematics 118 23 61 15 95 15 102 30 15 9 8 5 4 1 2 0 405 98 503
15 Microbiology 39 56 12 36 26 39 33 44 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 112 176 288
16 Physics 126 12 101 11 95 19 98 22 17 4 8 1 0 0 0 0 445 69 514
17 Physiology 36 36 20 27 28 31 29 27 2 3 5 4 0 0 1 0 121 128 249
18 Psychology 24 12 15 13 16 19 19 18 1 13 1 8 0 0 0 0 76 83 159
19 Software Engineering 74 15 51 9 47 9 61 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 233 46 279
20 Statistics 76 5 52 4 49 6 32 11 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 214 26 240
21 Telecommunication 85 16 72 11 76 14 65 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 298 52 350
22 Zoology 73 71 46 43 61 48 74 49 25 67 20 70 15 7 2 0 316 355 671

Sub Total 1497 582 1059 402 1001 359 1037 436 179 206 125 148 53 21 13 3 4964 2157 7121
EVENING PROGRAMME Part-I Part-II Part-III Part-IV TOTAL GRAND
M F M F M F M F M F TOTAL

23 BS(IT) 87 10 61 7 52 11 28 1 228 29 257

24 BS(CS) 84 8 60 9 65 8 40 5 249 30 279
25 PGD-CS (Computer Sci.) 34 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 34 7 41
26 PGD-IT (Information Technology) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
27 MS(IT) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
28 BS (Software Engineering) 34 0 28 1 18 1 17 2 97 4 101
29 Chemistry 49 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 49 4 53
Grand Total 1785 611 1208 419 1136 379 1122 444 179 206 125 148 53 21 13 3 5621 2231 7852
 193

FACULTY OF ARTS
GRAND
TOTAL
B.A. (Honours) M.A M.A. M.A. M.Phil Ph.D. TOTAL
Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P)
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 Arabic 1 0 0 0 0 1 3 0 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 9 1 10
2 English 82 66 63 57 79 42 49 45 54 41 41 27 15 1 0 0 383 279 662
3 Art & Design 10 26 14 21 7 29 0 0 0 0 14 29 0 0 0 0 45 105 150
4 Philosophy 2 0 8 1 7 3 1 1 14 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 33 5 38
5 Persian 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
6 Sindhi 40 12 44 7 38 8 6 5 59 12 8 9 24 1 2 1 221 55 276
7 Urdu 18 8 12 11 25 5 8 11 13 9 10 4 6 7 4 2 96 57 153
128
SUB TOTAL 153 112 141 97 156 88 67 62 141 62 78 69 45 9 6 3 787 502 9

EVENING PROGRAMME M F M F M F
8 English 24 32 34 21 58 53 111
9 Urdu 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
140
GRAND TOTAL 153 112 141 97 156 88 91 94 141 62 112 90 45 9 6 3 845 555 0

FACULTY OF ISLAMIC STUDIES

B.A. (Hons.) M.A M.A. M.A. M.Phil. Ph.D. GRAN

TOTAL D
S#. Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P) TOTA
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F L
1 Comparative Religion 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 5 4 9 5 14
2 Islamic Culture 23 10 29 13 21 17 14 10 10 11 8 1 15 6 1 0 121 68 189
3 Muslim History 17 1 17 3 38 3 1 1 13 7 0 0 0 0 1 0 87 15 102
 194

TOTAL 41 11 48 16 59 20 15 12 23 18 9 1 15 6 7 4 217 88 305

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

BS/ B.A. (Hons) M.A. M.A. M.A. M.Phil. Ph.D.

GRA
ND
TOT
S#. Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P) TOTAL AL
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 Anthropology & Archaeology 60 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60 7 67
2 Economics 131 17 119 18 117 21 68 16 96 13 44 14 21 3 1 0 597 102 699
3 Physical Education BS(PE) 22 0 31 0 33 3 0 0 15 13 0 0 3 1 1 0 105 17 122
4 General History 24 2 22 2 37 3 0 0 22 4 2 0 0 0 0 0 107 11 118
5 Home Economics 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 3 0 3
6 International Relations 112 16 76 16 72 13 36 4 81 14 20 2 4 0 0 0 401 65 466
7 Library & Information Science 0 0 0 0 0 0 49 21 0 0 47 14 3 0 0 0 99 35 134
8 Mass Communication 61 20 86 24 65 27 40 10 85 23 27 11 0 0 0 0 364 115 479
9 Political Science 68 7 51 6 62 9 13 5 76 12 5 0 5 1 1 1 281 41 322
10 Psychology 0 0 2 2 1 3 0 0 5 6 2 7 0 0 0 1 10 19 29
11 Public Administration 68 25 64 21 68 19 135 29 53 18 122 27 2 2 0 0 512 141 653
12 Sociology 106 20 72 11 69 15 40 10 85 21 21 3 6 0 0 0 399 80 479
13 Social Work 90 8 68 5 83 6 12 2 55 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 312 25 337
14 Rural Development Studies 58 3 48 2 34 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 140 11 151
15 Pakistan Study Centre 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 11 0 11
16 Women Development Studies 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 7 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 2 11 13
17 Sindh Development Study Centre 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 0 0 4 4 8
SUB TOTAL 800 125 639 107 641 125 395 104 573 128 294 82 62 11 3 2 3407 684 4091
EVENING PROGRAMME M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
18 B.P.A. 59 1 53 2 24 9 0 0 41 19 0 0 0 0 0 0 136 12 148
19 M.P.A. 0 0 0 0 0 0 52 12 0 0 21 2 0 0 0 0 73 14 87
20 PGD-Public Administration 0 0 0 0 0 0 27 4 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 30 7 37
 195

21 Criminology 0 0 0 0 0 0 28 1 0 0 29 0 0 0 0 0 57 1 58
22 BHPEd & MHPEd 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 7 0 0 13 2 0 0 0 0 24 9 33
23 PGD-Community Development 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 13
GRAND TOTAL 859 126 692 109 665 134 526 128 614 147 360 89 62 11 3 2 3740 727 4467

FACULTY OF LAW
LL.M
GRAN
M.Phil. Ph.D. TOTAL D
TOTA
S#. Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P) L
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 LL.M. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 32 7 0 0 0 0 32 7 39

FACULTY OF COMMERCE & BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION

B.Com../ B.B.A (Hons.) M.Com/ M.B.A.
GRAN
M.Phil. Ph.D. D
TOTA
S#. Discipline TOTAL L
Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P)
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 Business Administration 161 93 119 51 118 27 153 46 101 21 30 10 0 0 0 0 682 248 930
2 Commerce 168 45 129 21 91 13 64 23 102 8 31 9 2 1 1 0 588 120 708

SUB TOTAL 329 138 248 72 209 40 217 69 203 29 61 19 2 1 1 0 1270 368 1638
EVENING PROGRAMME M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
3 Commerce 50 3 58 2 62 2 0 0 75 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 245 9 254
4 M.B.A. 0 0 0 0 0 0 226 27 0 0 402 35 0 0 0 0 628 62 690

Total 379 141 306 74 271 42 443 96 278 31 463 54 2 1 1 0 2143 439 2582
 196

FACULTY OF PHARMACY
PHARM-D
M.Phil. Ph.D. TOTAL GRAND TOTAL
Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Part-IV Part-V
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F

1 Pharmacy 77 60 66 24 59 34 54 18 60 19 1 1 0 0 317 156 473

EVENING PROGRAMME M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
2 Pharmacy 77 31 64 21 53 17 50 10 79 12 0 0 0 0 323 91 414

Grand Total 154 91 130 45 112 51 104 28 139 31 1 1 0 0 640 247 887

FACULTY OF EDUCATION
GRAND
TOTAL
B.A. (Hons) M.A. M.A. M.A. M.Phil. Ph.D.
S#
. Discipline Part-I Part-II Part-III Previous Final(H) Final(P) TOTAL
M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F
1 Education 15 6 5 8 9 6 8 3 0 0 4 8 7 8 1 0 49 39 88
2 B.Ed. (Evening/ Morning) 0 0 0 0 0 0 68 174 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 68 174 242
3 M.Ed. (Evening/ Morning) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 23 56 0 0 0 0 23 56 79
4 B.Ed. (Non-Formal Formal) 0 0 0 0 0 0 360 252 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 360 252 612
5 M.Ed. (Non-Formal Program) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 201 132 0 0 0 0 201 132 333

SUB TOTAL 15 6 5 8 9 6 436 429 0 0 228 196 7 8 1 0 701 653 1354

 197

Appendix V: Distribution of Seats according to district of domicile (Rural and Urban

areas) at UoSJP

[Source: http://www.usindh.edu.pk/admissions/distribution-of-seats]

1. Admission to the following courses of study shall be made on the basis of District-wise urban-rural
quota.
(i) B.B.A. (Hons.) Part-I.
(ii) M.B.A. (Previous).
(iii) BS.C.S. Part-I Computer Science. (61 students from each group of Pre. Engg. Pre-Medical & Commerce)
(iv) M.CS. (Previous) Computer Science.
(v) BS(IT) Information Technology Part-I.
(vi) B.Telecom. Telecommunication Part-I
(vii) BS. Electronics Part-I.
(viii) B.S. Geology Part-I.
(x) BS Genetics Part-I
(xi) Pharm- D (5-yr. program) First Professional.
(xii) B.SW. Engg. Software Engineering Part-I
(xiii) B.P.A. Public Administration Part-I
(xiv) M.P.A. (Previous) Public Administration
(xv) B.H.P.E. Part-I
(xvi) B.H.P.E. Health & Physical Education (2-Semester program)
(xvii)M.H.P.E. (2-Semester program)
(xviii) LLB 5-Yr. program (82 seats details on page-69 )
2. (a) The District-wise allocation of seats for the Rural and Urban areas for admission to the above
courses of study at Jamshoro Campus, is shown in the Table in next column.
District of Domicile Urban Rural Total

1. Hyderabad 03 01 04
2. Tando Allahyar 01 01 02
3. Tando Mohd Khan 01 02 03
4. Matairi 01 02 03
5. Badin 01 01 02
6. Thatta 01 02 03
7. Thar 00 03 03
8. Mirpurkhas 02 03 05
9. Umerkot 00 02 02
10. Sanghar 01 01 02

11. Dadu 02 03 05
(b) Allocation of seats on U/R quota in the districts shown here-under for admission to Business
Administration (both for BBA & MBA), Computer Science (all groups BS.CS) Information Technology,
Telecommunication, Electronics, Geology, Pharm-D., B.S. Genetics and Public Administration. also for
5-yr Law Degree.
1. Sukkur 02 02 04
2. Ghotki 01 01 02
3. Shikarpur 01 01 02
4. Jacobabd 01 01 02
5. Larkana 01 01 02
6. Kambar/ Shahdadkot 01 01 02
7. Kashmore/ Kandhkot 01 01 02
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8. Khairpur 01 01 02
09. Naushahroferoz 01 01 02

(c)The Urban Areas in each district of Sindh are specified as under.

(Areas within the jurisdiction of University of Sindh)
1. Hyderabad District (a) Hyderabad Municipality
(b) Tandojam Municipality
2. Tando Allah Yar (a)Tando Allah Yar Municipality
3. Tando Muhammad Khan (a) Tando Muhammad Khan Municipality
4. Matairi (b) Hala Municipality
5. Badin District (a) Badin Municipality
(b) Matli Municipality
6. Thatta District (a) Thatta Municipality
7. Mirpurkhas District (a) Mirpurkhas Municipality
(b) Shahdadpur Municipality
(c) Tando Adam Municipality
(d) Sinjhoro Municipality
08. Sanghar District (a) Sanghar Municipality
09. Dadu District (a) Dadu Municipality
(b) Mehar Municipality
(c) Khairpur Nathan Shah
10. Jamshoro District (a) Kotri Municipality
11. Nawabshah District (a) Nawabshah Municipality

(Areas out of jurisdiction of the University of Sindh)

12. Sukkur District (a) Sukkur Municipality
(b) Rohri Municipality
13. Ghotki District (a) Ghotki Municipality
(b) Mirprmathelo Municipality
14. Khairpur District (a) Khairour Municipality
(b) Gambat Municipality
(c) Pir Jo Goth Municipality
15. Naushahroferoz District (a) Moro Municipality
16. Larkana District (a) Larkana Municipality
(b) Rotodero Municipality
(c) Naudero Municipality
17. Kambar/Shahddkot District (a) Shahdatkot Municipality
(b) Kambar Municipality
18. Jacobabad District (a) Jacobabad Municipality
19. Kashmore District (a) Kandhokot Municipality
20. Shikarpur District (a) Shikarpur Municipality

The areas other than those specified above, will be treated as Rural.
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Other rules for the allocation of the seats

Filling-in of the left over seats of quota- oriented courses of study

(i) The seat/ seats left over in any category (Rural/Urban) shall be filled-in from the waiting merit list of the same
category of the same district. However, in case there is no candidate on the merit list of the concerned
category viz. rural or urban as the case may be, then the left over seat/seats will be filled-in from the merit
list of the urban or rural category as the case may be, of the same district. There shall be no reallocation
of the vacant seats from one district to another.
(ii) The left over seat/seats from the categories of reserved seats shall be filled-in by selecting the immediate
next candidate (s) from the waiting list.
(iii) As regards (i) above, the left over seat/ seats because of non-payment of fees/ difference of fees, if any,
within prescribed time limit, the seat/seats shall be filled-in as per procedure prescribed therein and the
selected candidate (s) whose seat (s) has/ have fallen vacant due to non-payment of fees/ difference of
fees, if any, for whatever reasons, shall NOT claim the admission and shall NOT challenge the admission
of any other candidate, selected in his/ her place in the particular or any other quota- oriented course or
general course of study mentioned by him/her in the Admission Form.
(iv) The candidate/candidates selected against left over seat/seats as in (iii) above, shall deposit the fees/
difference of fees, if any within 05 (Five) days from the date of announcement of the Selection list. In
case, he/she too fails to make the payment of fees/ difference of fees, if any, within time limit allowed to
him/her, he/she shall lose his/her admission.

(v) Candidates seeking admission to Quota-oriented courses of studies must submit Domicile Certirficate of
self, or parent if under 18 years of age and Permanent Residence Certificate.

Availability of general seats for fresh admissions, to various bachelor’s & masters programs under the
university teaching Faculties, is shown under the respective Faculties.

ALLOCATION OF RESERVED SEATS

1. SPORTS SEATS

2% seats are reserved for admission on sports quota in each discipline for BS/BA (Hons.) students.

a) Candidates for admission against sports seat are to (___)tick mark the sports box on the form.
They have to qualify Pre-Entry Test.
b) Candidates applying against sports seats must fill Evaluation Proforma along with prescribed
Admission Form.
c) Candidates will have to appear in trial for selection.
d) Candidates qualifying Pre-Entry Test, will be evaluated on the basis of their merit/ participation in
competitions at various levels.
2. SEATS FOR CANDIDATES FROM LARKANA, SUKKUR DIVISIONS ON OPEN MERIT BACHELOR AND
MASTER:-

Number of seats reserved for candidates domiciled in Larkana & Sukkur divisions are shown in table below.
The applicant will have to appear and qualify Pre-Entry Test.

Arabic 10 English 10

Sindhi 10 Urdu 10

Art & Design 10 Philosophy 10

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Comparative Religion 10 Islamic Culture 10

Muslim History 10 General History 10

Economics 10 Mass Communication 10

International Relations 05 Political Science 10

Psychology (Arts & Sc.) 10+10 Public Administration 17

Social Work 10 Sociology 10

Anthropology & Arch. 10 Biochemistry 10

Biotechnology M.Sc. 05 Botany 05

Chemistry BS/ M.Sc. 05+05 FW Biology & Fishries 10

Geography 10 Mathematics 05

Microbiology 05 Physics 10

Physiology 10 Statistics 05

Zoology 25 Commerce 08

3. FOR FEMALE CANDIDATES

Ten seats in each degree programs are reserved for female candidates, domiciled within the jurisdiction of the
University of Sindh (domicile certificate to be attached).

Two seats in each of the following disciplines/ subjects of various Bachelor’s/ Master’s degree programs are
reserved for the female candidates domiciled in Sukkur and Larkana Divisions (Upper Sindh).

1. Business Administration

2. Computer Science

3. Information Technology

4. Pharmacy

5. English

One seat in each degree program in other General Disciplines is reserved for female candidates, domiciled in
Sukkur and Larkana Divisions.

The applicant shall be in the first instance, considered alongwith other candidates on general/ district-wise merit
and thereafter girls seats shall be filled in according to merit and first preference.

4. SEATS FOR DISABLED PERSONS

One seat in each course of study is reserved for Disabled persons, domiciled within the jurisdiction of Sindh
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excluding Karachi.

The box of “Disabled Persons’ Quota” be () markd on the top of the Admission Form. Attested photostat
copy of the Medical Certificate issued by the Medical Board to be constituted by the Government, must be
attached with the Admission Form.

5. SEATS FOR REAL SONS & DAUGHTERS OF THE EMPLOYEES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SINDH
Ten seats are reserved in each course of study for the real sons & daughters of the employees of the
University of Sindh including employees at the Pakistan Study Centre and Area Study Centre Far East & South
East Asia. If any seat of sons/ daughters remained unutilized then Real brother/ sister can also be considered
against them.

Two seats are reserved for Real sons & daughters of employees of the University Laar College, Badin.

In case of BSIT, Information Technology, the seats have been allocated for each H.S.C. group as under:-

Pre-Engineering 04 Seats
Pre-Medical 04 Seats
Commerce 02 seats
For the purpose of this facility, an employee means a regular employee with minimum of two years service,
retired, deceased or confirmed employee mainting lien/ deputation/leave with the University. The employees
who have resigned, or were terminated or dismissed, shall not be considered.

The applicants under this category should mark on the top of Admission Form “Seats for S.U employees” box.

NOTE: All applicants under this category must fulfil the minimum requirement of Pre-entry test, qualification
and percentage of marks, to be selected from amongst themselves on merit.
The applicant should attach service certificate from the employer in respect of his/ her father/mother, showing
the name, case/surname of the employee as well as the period of service, issued by the Additional Registrar.

6. SEATS FOR REAL SONS & DAUGHTERS OF THE EMPLOYEES OF COLLEGES AFFILIATED TO
SINDH UNIVERSITY
Two seats in each course of study are reserved on reciprocal basis for real Sons & Daughters of the
Employees of the Government Degree Colleges and Law Colleges affiliated with the University of Sindh.

The applicant under this category should write on top of the Admission Form “Seats for employees of
Colleges”

NOTE: Admission to any class under the category of “seats for the employees of the affiliated College to the
University of Sindh” will be considered on production of the service certificate as per following proforma.

Certified that Mr./ Miss ________________________________ S/O, D/O, W/O ________________________________ presently working as
________________ is a regular employee of this college. His/ Her date of entry in the College service is __________________________. The
candidate Mr./ Miss ________________ S/O, D/O ____________________ is his/her real son/ daughter. His/Her service in the College is
more than 2 years.

_____________________ Countersigned by

Signature of the Principal Director of College Education/ Dean, Faculty of Law

Official Stamp Official stamp

7. SEATS FOR NOMINEES OF NORTHERN AREAS

TWO seats in MBA (Previous) and two seats each in B.Ed., M.Ed. and M.A. (Previous)Education, are reserved
for the nominees of Northern Areas.
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Application for admission alongwith academic documents must be channeled through the Director of Education/
Chairman, Nomination Board Northern Areas, Gilgit.

8. SEATS ON SELF FINANCE BASIS

Twenty five percent seats are available in all courses of studies on self finance basis for candidates
domiciled in Sindh. For candidates from other provinces of Pakistan five (05) seats are reserved in each
department (except Pharmacy where only 02 seats will be allowed). The fee structure for candidates from
other provinces under this category will be as shown in the schedule of fees. Candidates for Admission on Self
Finance basis will also have to qualify the Pre-entry Test. No advance payment of Admission fee is
required.

9. RESERVE SEATS FOR NOMINEES FROM BACKWARD AREAS & OTHER PROVINCES OF THE
COUNTRY
a) Nominees of other Provinces of Pakistan
i) One seat in any discipline of the Bachelor Degree Program for one nominee each of Punjab and
N.W.F.P. is reserved in any of the course of study, for candidate domiciled in that province, whereas
two seats are reserved for the candidates of Balochistan Province..

ii) One seat each for the Master’s Degree Program for nominees of Punjab and N.W.F.P. is reserved in
any of the course of study including programs of Faculty of Education, for candidate domiciled in that
province, whereas two seats are reserved for the candidates of Balochistan Province.

Applications must be channelled through the Department of Education, Government of the concerned
Province.

b) Nominees of Balochistan and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)

5% Seats, in addition to the following are reserved for students from Balochistan and Fata areas under the ECNEC
spcial program. Selction of the candidates is to be conducted by the HEC.

RESERVED SEATS FOR FATA AREA

Program seat in each Program i) B.B.A. (Hons.) Part-I 1

ii) M.A. (Previous) English 2

iii) M.A. (Previous) General History

iv) M.A. (Previous) Islamic Culture 1

v) M.Sc. (previous) Chemistry 1

vi) M.Sc. (Previous) Statistics 1

vii) M.Sc. (Previous) Zoology 1

viii) B.H.P.E. 1

ix) M.H.P.E 1

x) B.Ed., M.Ed. and M.A. (Prev.) in Education 1

Completed applications for admission must be channelled through the Ministry of Interior, States and
Frontier Regions Division, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad.

c) Nominees of A.J.K. Government

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(i) One seat in any of the courses of the Bachelor Degree Program,
(ii) One seat in any of the courses of the Master Degree Program.
(iii) One seat each in B.H.P.E., M.H.P.E., B.Ed. M.Ed. and M.A. (Prev.) Education program,
is reserved for the nominees of A.J.K. Government. Applications for admission alongwith academic
documents must be channelled through the Director of Education/ Chairman Nomination Board,
Muzaffarabad, A.J.K.
10. SEATS RESERVED FOR ARMY PERSONNAL(ONLY FOR MASTER’S DEGREE PROGRAM)
Two seats are reserved for Army Personnel in the following disciplines for Masters’ degree program:
Chemistry, Geography, Mathematics, Statistics, Economics, English, International Relations, Mass
Communication, Political Science, Psychology and Criminology.
11. NOMINEES OF PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY
Two seats for nominees of Pharmaceutical Industries are reserved in Pharmacy discipline on Self Finance
Basis, at the rate of fees charged from Foreign nationals.

12. SEATS RESERVED FOR FOREIGN NATIONALS

The University allows admission to a limited number of foreign national students in various disciplines for
Bachelor and Master degree programs, at the recommendations of/ nominations by the Ministry of Education/
Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, Government of Pakistan, under Technical Assistance programs as
well as on Self Finance basis.

a) Seats reserved for Foreign Nationals under Pakistan Technical Assistance Program

10 Seats are reserved for admission to Pharm-D under this program for foreign students.

b) Seats Reserved for Foreign Nationals

25 Seats are reserved in each course of study of the University.

c) Seats Reserved for Foreign Nationals

10 (Ten) seats in Pharm-D (Evening) program are reserved for foreign Naionals nominated by the HEC,
Islamabad.

d) Seats Reserved for Foreign Nationals

03 (Three) seats are reserved for Thai Muslim candidates, two for students @ Master level and One for
teacher at M.Phil/ PhD. level.

13. SEATS RESERVED FOR REAL SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF THE EMPLOYEES OF NATIONAL
CENTRE FOR EXCELLENCE IN ANALYICAL CHEMISTRY
Two seats are reserved only for the real sons & daughters of the employees of National Centre of Excellence in
Analytical Chemistry (excluding quota-oriented courses of studies) of the University of Sindh on merit basis.
Service Certificate of the employee issued by the Director of National Centre of Excellence in Analytical
Chemistry on the following proforma shall have be attached with te admission form. The wordings “SEATS
FOR CENTRE” be written on the top of the admission form:-

Certified that Mr./ Miss _________________________________________ S/O, D/O, W/O _________________________________ presently
working as ________________ is a regular employee of thisCentre. His/ Her date of entry in the presently working is
___________________________. The candidate Mr./ Miss __________________ S/O, D/O ___________________________ is his/her real
son/ daughter. His/Her service in the Centre is more than 2 years.

_____________________

Signature of the Director of the Centre

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Official Stamp

ATTENDANCE AND OTHER ACADEMIC REQUIREMENTS

a) Students are required to maintain 75% attendance in each and every course of the program, failing which
they shall not be allowed to appear at the final semester tests.

i) Attendance 10 Marks

(as per breakdown)

ii) Assignment/ Presentation 10 Marks

iii) Mid Term Test (after 8 wks of teaching) 30 Marks

iv) Final Semester Test 50 Marks

Appearance in Final Semester Test is mandatory.

b) If a student fails to attend any lecture during the first four weeks of the commencement of the semester as
per announced schedule, his/ her admission shall stand cancelled automatically without any notice.

c) (i) Students detained on account of shortage of attendance shall join relevant semester program next
session to fulfil attendance requirement.

(ii) Student whose admission is cancelled on account of zero% attendance or who is not allowed to appear at
the final semester test for want of shortage of attendance as per “a & b” above, will be allowed
admission in next academic session, without appearing at the “Pre- Entry Test”, on payment of
Admission and other fees.

(iii) Students failing to successfully complete the coursework requirements of Bachelor/ Honours
degree program shall not be allowed to seek provisional admission to Master’s Programs in
disciplines under Faculty of Arts & Islamic Studies.

Promotion of students to the next higher academic session in any program, i.e., Honours or Masters, shall be
governed by rules framed for this purpose (see under Semester System Rules in this catalogue).
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Appendix VI. Districts of Sindh Province [Source: http://www.census.gov.pk]

Districts Year Population Population divided into (in Ethnicities

percent) (in percent)
Urban Rural Sindhi/ Siraiki Mohajir Punjabi Pakhtun Baloch others
1 Karachi District 1998 9,856,318 94.75 5.25 9.33 48.52 13.94 15.42 4.34 12.4
2 Hyderabad District 1998 2,891,488 50.81 49.19 60.96 27 5.02 2.78 1.20 2.04
3 Tando Allah Yar 2010 575,000 - - 65 35 - - - -
4 Tando Muhammad Khan 2010 547,215 - - - - - - - -
5 Matairi - - - - - - - - - -
6 Badin District 1998 1,136,044 16.42 83.58 90.41 1.21 0.21
7 Thatta District 1998 1,113,194 11.20 88.79 83 4 1 5
8 Mirpurkhas District 1998 905,935 33.13 66.87 83.3 5.9 10.1 0.2 0.33 0.07
9 Sanghar District 1998 1,421,977 23.29 76.70 - - - - - -
Dadu District 1998 1,688,811 21.36 78.64 93.33 2.56 1.88 1.17 0.42 0.28
10 Jamshoro District 1998 - - - - - - - - -
11 Nawabshah District 1998 1,071,533 26.35 83.19 56.13 8.72 8.90 0.52 24 56.72
12 Sukkur District 1998 908,373 50.87 49.12 75.06 13.82 6.63 1.53 1.47 1.49
13 Ghotki District 1998 970,549 16.33 83.67 - - - - - -
14 Khairpur District 1998 1,546,587 23.61 76.38 95.49 1.7 1.16 2.7 0.33
15 Naushahroferoz District 1998 1,087,571 17.69 82.31 - - - - - -
16 Larkana District 1998 1,927,066 28.90 71.09 95.20 3.57 0.31 0.06 0.50 0.35
17 Kambar/ Shahddkot 1998 - - - - - - - - -
18 Jacobabad District 1998 1,425,572 24.37 75.63 94.14 0.54 0.53 0.45 3.15 1.19
19 Kashmore District 1998 312,500 - - - - - - - -
20 Shikarpur District 1998 880,438 24.08 75.42 79.37 1.81 0.24 0.22 12.01 6.35

21 Tharparkar 1998 914,291 4.36 95.64 - - - - - -

22 Umarkot 1998 663,095 16.81 83.19 - - - - - -

Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural
1998 30,439,893 48.8 51.2
Total 27.5 92.34 41.48 1.62 11.52 2.68 7.96 0.61 2.74 1.50 8.8 1.25