Urdu-English Code-Switching: The Use of Urdu Phrases and Clauses in Pakistani English (A Non-Native Variety)
Urdu-English Code-Switching: The Use of Urdu Phrases and Clauses in Pakistani English (A Non-Native Variety)
Urdu-English Code-Switching: The Use of Urdu Phrases and Clauses in Pakistani English (A Non-Native Variety)
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Abstract
Introduction
This paper centres on the variations in the English language due to Urdu-English
code-switching in Pakistan and also shows the significant role of the Urdu language in
the formation of Pakistani English. Only those syntactic features that are found as a
result of code-switching have been discussed. Mahboob (2003) described different
phonological and grammatical aspects of Pakistani English, which are quite different
from Standard British English. But in this paper, only that data has been taken into
account where Urdu phrases and clauses have been used. This paper is interested in
describing different aspects of language change in English when used in a non-native
context i.e. Pakistan. First and foremost, ‘a great deal of interest has been generated in
the English language as a result of its spread around the world and its use as an
international language (Cheshire 1991:7).
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Kachru (1978) was among the first to identify and delineate boundaries of a nativized
variety of English in South Asia, which he terms as South Asian English (SAE).
Kachru (1996) regarded SAE as an additional linguistic arm in the culture of identity.
He believes that ‘nativization must be seen as the result of those productive linguistic
innovations which are determined by the localized function of a second language
variety, the culture of conversation and commutative strategies in new situations and
transfer from local languages’ (Kachru 1986: 21-2). With this development, there was
a gradual recognition and acknowledgement of the new and non-native varieties of
English, e.g. Nigerian English, Indian English, Chicano English, Pakistani English,
Singaporean English, Sri Lankan English etc. The term ‘New varieties’ of English’
implies that there are more or less recognizable varieties of spoken and/or written by
groups of people’. (Platt et al. 1984:2) A new variety does not develop in isolation
but it depends on the communicative needs of those who speak and write it. Such a
variety is considered an interference variety because there is a clear linguistic and
cultural interference from the first language and culture of the users.
When a language is used in a different cultural context and social situation, several
changes take place in its phonology, morphology, lexicon and syntax. A language so
widely used has its own grammatical and linguistic system through which it conveys
its distinction of meanings. These linguistic characteristics are usually transparent in
its sound system, vocabulary and sentence construction. The non-native speakers
develop a whole new range of expression to fulfil the communicative needs. Since the
user of the non-native variety is bilingual, creativity is manifested in different kinds of
mixing, switching, alteration and transcreation of codes. When two languages come in
contact, it results in “inventiveness”. Bilingualism in itself is a source of creativity in
language (Talaat 2003). Such varieties are so widespread and have such a long
standing ‘that they may be thought stable and adequate enough to be regarded as
varieties of English in their own right rather than stages on the way to a more native-
like English’ (Quirk 1983:8)
English enjoys a very prestigious status in Pakistan. Its prevalence and power in
Pakistan is growing very much. For many Pakistanis, English has become not only a
“practical necessity”, but also “the language of opportunity, social prestige, power,
success as well as social superiority”. Kachru (1997:227) pointed at the ‘ideological,
cultural and elitist power of English’. Such power is vividly seen in Pakistan where
people tend to switch from Urdu to English to create special effect. Urdu is the
national language of Pakistan and one of the two official languages of Pakistan (the
other official language being English). It is the most important language of literacy in
the country. In the hierarchy of linguistic prestige, Urdu is placed lower only than
English. In Pakistan, Urdu-English code-switching is a common characteristic of
educated Pakistani bilinguals. Code-switching occurs when two languages come in
contact: ‘the alternation of two languages within a single discourse, sentence or
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Pakistani English has assumed a linguistic and cultural identity of its own. This
identity manifests itself throughout the language at the word level, the phrase level
and the sentence level. It is the natural consequence of its regular contact with the
Urdu language. A large number of borrowings from Urdu and the regional languages
of Pakistan have entered in Pakistani English (Baumgardner 1993). Certain lexical
items may show a shift from their original Standard British English usage to Urduized
meaning (Talaat 1993). In comparison with the borrowing in syntax and morphology,
lexical items have the highest ease of borrowing and seem most likely to occur (Brutt-
Griffler, 2002; Romaine, 1995). Such a vocabulary items in all the new varieties of
English are largely drawn from the areas that are significantly different to the geo-
social-cultural context of British English (Fernado 2003). As, no reliable study on
Urdu-English code-switching at the level of the phrase and clause is available, this
paper is likely to bridge the gap. The code-switching data in this paper focuses on the
use of Urdu phrases and clauses in the English language and shows that its occurrence
imposes no ungrammatical effect on the structure of English syntax. The data has
been collected from the following printed Pakistani English newspaper and
magazines:
In this paper, code-switching is divided into two categories. They are inter-sentential
switching, that is switching from one language to another at a sentence boundary, and
intra-sentential code-switching, or code-mixing when the switch takes place within
one sentence. In the following section, we will analyse the intra-sentential code-
switching in Pakistani English at the level of phrase.
Phrasal insertions
A phrase is a group of words, which does not carry a complete sense. Formally a
phrase is defined as a syntactic structure that has syntactic properties derived from its
head (Mahajan 2001). Basic phrase structure is a universal feature of all human
languages. The Urdu language is not different from English as far as the structure of
phrase is concerned. There are a fair number of Urdu multi-word switches in this
section that are either two word or three word phrases occurring in the English clause
or sentence. The purpose is to introduce the position of various Urdu phrases inserted
in English syntax. Some researchers suggest that switches that are larger than one
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word are "true code-switches" but one-word switches are borrowings. However, it is
not within the goals of this paper to distinguish code-switches from borrowings. In
this section, we will analyze the occurrence of various NPs, Adj Ps and PPs in the
English sentences. Since phrase insertion is always a complex kind of switching, it
demands a high degree of proficiency and accuracy from the bilinguals involved in
code-switching.
Noun phrase
A noun phrase is a word or group of words, which acts as the subject, complement or
object of a clause, or as the object of a preposition. A noun phrase always has an
obligatory head noun and optional modifier and qualifier.
(m) H (q)
For example in the Urdu phrase ‘ mera bhai apaney dostoon key saath’, (my brother
with his friends) mera is the modifier of the head noun ‘bhai’ while Urdu
postpositional phrase ‘dostoon key saath’ is qualifying the head noun.
The structure of Urdu noun phrases used in Pakistani English is very diverse. Here are
some examples of the use of the Urdu noun phrases occurring as the subject of the
English verbs:
1. A poor hari (the farmer) can be sent to the gallows even on the mild
accusation of a crime leveled against him by a noble. (March 27, 2007 D)
2. An honorable sardar or wadera (the landlord or chief) can walk free even
after proven record of the most heinous kinds of against crimes him. (March
27, 2007 D)
3. They alleged that the naib nazim (the vice municipal officer) was receiving
threats to force him to part ways with the PPP-backed Awam Dost panel.
(March 04, 2007 D)
In the first two examples, the English adjectives are modifying the English nouns in a
noun phrase while in the third example both the adjective and noun are from the Urdu
language. All the noun phrases have the English determiners ‘a’, ‘an’ and ‘the’
respectively in the beginning of the sentences.
It is very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun phrase as apposition in Pakistani
English. ‘Apposition’ means the placing of a noun group after a noun or pronoun in
order to identify something or someone or give more information about them. In the
following example, we can see the use of an Urdu noun phrase as an apposition of
another noun. Here the Urdu noun phrase is giving information about the proper noun
‘Haji Ramzan’.
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In the examples below, the English relative adverb “as” introduces the Urdu stretches
of words embedded in English. This type of switching is very rare and demands high
proficiency.
1. Amjad considered her as ustad se ziyada dost (friend rather than teacher).
(January 22, 2006 D)
2. And an old friend of hers, a female writer, was so infuriated on being referred
to as a ‘Cycle wali larki’ (female cyclist) that she broke relations with her for
good. (March 25, 2007 D)
3. According to one of them, they were not shunned by the public as lula, langra
and apahaj (lame and paralyzed). (December 04, 2005 D)
4. What was sworn upon yesterday as guiding principle will be chucked at the
altar of expediency tomorrow as mere siyasi bayan (political statement).
(January 22, 2006 D)
Genitive phrases
In Urdu, genitives are indicated with ka/ke/ke as a morph-word. The choice of these
words depends on gender, number and case ending of the head noun. However, the
English word ‘of’ is equivalent to all these. The genitive or possessive form of Urdu
noun takes different positions in English syntax and imposes no ungrammatical effect
in the construction. In the following examples, the Urdu noun phrases are used as the
complement of an English verb of incomplete predication and occurring at the end of
the sentence. The Urdu noun phrase begins with the English determiner ‘an’ in the
first example.
1. Atif Amin feels "it's true that to some extend visiting therapists is an ameeron
ka nakhra. (arrogance of the rich) (July 31, 2005 D)
2. The colloquial phrase used for this punishment was kala ki saza. (severe
punishment) (July 24, 2005 D)
In some cases the Urdu noun phrase is used as the subject of the English syntax. In
example 2 the Urdu noun phrase begins with English determiner ‘the’.
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1. Publications have just become catalogues and designers have become shadi
ka jora mills (Wedding cloth house), not aiming to produce ethereal pieces
any more.(September 25, 2005 D)
2. Rohit also revived the age-old warak ka kaam (work of silver gold leaf) once
used for mughal royalty. (January 22, 2005 D)
3. Naturally they bathed themselves properly after every hug as the grandma had
a smell of sarson ka tel (mustard’oil) and desi soap all over here. (July 31,
2005 D)
4. I am thrilled to see a lovely jurao ka set (precious Ornament) that President
Ayub Khan presented her when she visited Pakistan in the 1960s. (March 25,
2007)
In the example 3 the double genitive has been used with English mixed in a noun
phrase.
Adjective Phrase
A word or a group of words that does the work of an adjective is called an adjective
phrase. Adjective phrases are usually formed from an intensifier that is optional,
followed by the head (H) that is often an adjective In Pakistani English, Urdu
adjective phrases may occur as a predicate adjective or inside the noun phrase. In the
examples below, an Urdu adjective phrase has been inserted in the English sentence.
In the above example, Urdu evaluative metaphors that reflect Pakistani social
customs, localized attitude and behavior have been used in English syntax. In a
typical Pakistani context, a person having great courage and with a keen sense of
honor is termed as ‘sher ka bacha’ (lion’s child).
In the following example the English intensifier ‘very’ has been used with an Urdu
adjective. This kind of code-switching is very rare.
2. Their response, ‘ I think you are right madam,’ said a young man, city life and
modern education makes men very beghairat (dishonorable) (November
2006 H)
In the examples given below, the Urdu adjective phrases are modifying the English
nouns in the noun phrases.
3. It was a taiz raftar (very speedy) bus and I merely sat on it as well. (February
26, 2005 D)
4. The 60-minutes interview was largely spent in advocate Bukhari name
dropping, saying he grew up with the lordships of the Superior Court and what
payare insaan (lovely men) they are. (March 18, 2007 D)
Example 4 reflects a very complex kind of code-switching. The Urdu stretch of words
has been introduced by the English word ‘what’, but actually it is giving the emphasis
on the Urdu adjective ‘payare’. The use of ‘what’ has changed the syntactic structure
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and it seems that it has been used to focus on ‘payare insaan’. The introduction of
‘what’ has changed the word order of the sentence.
One important thing worthwhile to mention here is that it seems harder to break up a
relative clause/phrase than other types of subordination. It is quite problematic to have
a relative pronoun from one language and the rest of the clause in the other. The code-
switching data reported from other language pairs also show that switching between
the relative pronoun and the clause that it introduces is rare. (Nortier 1990)
Prepositional phrase
Urdu has a postposition instead of English preposition, which differs in the way that it
precedes objects. A collective term used for both preposition and postposition is
adposition. In typical Urdu adposition phrases, adposition comes at the end. An Urdu
postposition phrase is syntactically inserted in English syntax in the following
example:
1. Both of them unhurt "Khuda key fazal sey" (By the grace of God) while
Shazia became paraplegic. (January 08, 2006 D)
It is very interesting to note that the Urdu postposition phrase occurs at the same
position where its English equivalent could have been.
Verbal phrase
A verb phrase is a word or a group of words that does not have a subject and a
predicate of its own and does the work of a verb. In Urdu language, auxiliaries occur
after the main verb in contrast with English where auxiliaries occur before the main
verb. Urdu verb phrases occur very rarely in Pakistani English because they have to
undergo a complex morphological change as compared to noun phrases. However,
sometimes an Urdu verbal phrase is also inserted in English syntax. Here is an
example of the use of an Urdu verb phrase:
1. My colleagues kept worrying that piracy ho rahi hay (is going on) we should
stop it; I kept saying, "hooney do". (let it be) (September 11, 2005 D)
ho rahi hai
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The above-mentioned data and examples suggest that Urdu phrases are frequently
used in Pakistani English and its occurrences at various positions in a sentence seem
to be quite appropriate. Urdu phrases obey the rules of English grammar everywhere
in the sentences. After analyzing intra-sentential code-switching at the level of phrase,
now we want to turn to inter-sentential code-switching in Pakistani English. The next
section begins with ‘inter-clausal code switching’.
Inter-clausal code-switching:
Co-ordinated Clauses:
As can be seen in the above example, there is switching here back and forth between
English and Urdu. An Urdu clause is embedded in English and English is taken up
again.
1. We reached there in time, lakin no body was there to receive us. (Spoken
English)
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Another interesting feature of Pakistani English that has been found as a result of
Urdu-English code-switching is the use of an independent Urdu clause or sentence
with English in written as well as spoken English. Here are three examples where
Urdu clauses are syntactically independent; however, they share a semantic
relationship with each other:
1. Very soon, I will be a big star in Bollywood, main naumeed nahin hougni. (I
will not be disappointed) (July 16, 2006 D)
2. He is set to release some very interesting films, which he describes as happy-
go-lucky movies, aaj kal happy fims ka zamana hai. (Now-a-days people
like happy movies) (December 11, 2005 D)
3. I cannot make new friends. Main buri, mairai dausti burai. (I am bad,
friendship with me is bad) That’s all (March 25, 2007 D)
Subordinated clauses:
Firstly, we will look at the occurrence of the Urdu subordinate clauses with an
English main clause.
Noun clause:
The data exemplified in this section will show that a noun clause is a subordinate
clause that does the work of a noun in a complex sentence. It can be used in Pakistani
English as:
1. The subject of a verb
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In the following example, the switched Urdu noun clause has been used as the subject
of an English verb:
Most of the times, a switched noun clause acts as a complement of an English verb.
Here are some examples:
1. To underline the point he added is main science ki koi baat nahin hai.
(December 25, 2005 D)
2. He got all mixed up and asked acha aap begum commondo hai. (October
30, 2005 D)
He got all mixed up and asked well. You are Mrs. Commando.
3. I get looks from them all and a couple said aap aagay aa jain. (October 09,
2006 D)
I get looks from them all and a couple said you come in front please.
4. She couldn’t resist the bohat aachi movie hai. (May 29, 2005 D)
She couldn’t resist it’s the very best movie.
In the examples below, the switched Urdu clause has been used as an object of an
English preposition.
1. No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that is ka order ooper
se aya hai. (May 07, 2006 D)
2. No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that we have orders
from our seniors.
3. As they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a ‘Bhai dekh lo, I am
not carrying you purse’ (November 2006 H)
4. As they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a brother you can see; I
am not carrying you purse.
Sometimes, it’s very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun clause as a
complement of a verb of incomplete predication.
1. The whole thing is that key bhaiya sab se bada rupaiya. (February 12,
2006 D)
The whole thing is that bother, money is all.
Adverb clause:
As we have seen through the above examples that the noun clause acts
as a noun in complex sentences, in the same way the function of an adverb clause is
that of an adverb in complex sentences. In the following example, an Urdu adverb
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conditional clause has been embedded in the English sentence. However, the Urdu
subordinate clause precedes the English main clause. The subordinating conjunction
is in Urdu, whereas the clause that follows it is in English:
1. Aap ko kissi cheez sey strings ketney hoon, to its best to run from it.
(June 26, 2005 D)
If you want to cut the cord off, then its best to run from it.
In some cases, English clause is subordinate to an Urdu main clause. In the following
example the English noun clause is joined with the Urdu main clause through the
English subordinating conjunction “that”.
1. Mujhe shikayat hai that we are not making history. (July 31, 2005 D)
I have a complaint that we are not making history.
In the example below, the English conditional clause is subordinate to the Urdu main
clause. In this example, the English subordinate clause precedes the Urdu main
clause:
1. Take care, apna bahut khayal rakhiya ga. (December 18, 2005 D)
2. They shouted for his execution. Zen ko phansy do. (October 02, 2005 D)
3. Feroz was very drunk. Usko chad gayi thi. (May 07, 2006 D)
4. He thought that Geeta Bali was the daughter of a certain Dr. Bali,a dentist in
Aligarh, who was shocked when one day, Sikandar asked him: Aap ki
sahabzadi kaisi hain? (How’s your daughter?) (November 2006 H)
In some cases, Urdu clauses are used to quote maxim and proverb or some other
person in Pakistani English. Here are some examples:
1. My unbending procrastination is one thing that repels the beauty of the world
but they say ‘sabar ka phal meetha’ (patience has its reward) (January 22,
2006 D)
2. Talk about ‘lakkar hazam, pathar hazam’ (very powerful and digestive
stomach), they deserve a batter deal, if only for their patience in eating such
swill day after day. (October 2006 M)
3. He gave the example of the phrase “auratein bhot bolteen hain” (females are
very talkative). (August 07, 2005 D)
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4. She was very touched and impressed, especially when the waiter uttered these
words ‘baaji, mehman sey paisay nahin letay (sister, we don’t charges
from guests)’. (July 17, 2005 D)
5. She opened the Q and A session by saying ‘aab court aap ki ball main hai’
(Now all depends on you). (May 29,2005 D)
Conclusion
The data and examples presented in this paper demonstrate that code-switching
affects Pakistani English at the phrase and clause level and Pakistani English has its
unique features. This paper has shown the variations in English syntax when it is used
in a non-native context i.e. Pakistan. This paper shows that in code-switching many
traces of native language can be observed on the foreign language. The grammatical
usage of Urdu language on English is visible here in the above mentioned examples.
Some linguists are of the opinion that there is no language that has not been under
influence of another language. English is no exception in this regard. Several changes
are taking place in the English language. Isolated languages are rarely met in the
global village. Bilingualism or multilingualism is a characteristic feature of modern
society. According to Wardhaugh (1998: 100)
‘Command of only a single variety of
language, whether it be a dialect, style or register, would appear to be an extremely
rare phenomenon, one likely to occasion comment. Most speakers command several
varieties of the language they speak, and bilingualism, even multilingualism, is the
norm for many people throughout the world rather than unilingualism’.
Note: I would like to thank Professor Dr. Mubina Talaat for her valuable
comments on my paper.
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