Temle Chola 1

PGEU 1. XXX1X-I (AddS.
)
750+250—1983
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
EPIftRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXXIX PART E
JANUARY 1971
EDITED BY
P'. R. Srinivasan, m.a.
Chief Epigraphist
1981
Published by the Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi*! L

Printed at the. Government of India Press (Publication Unit),
Santragachi, Howrah, India
Price : Inland Rs. 8*00. Foreign 18 Sh. 8d. or 2 $ 88 cents.
, i
I
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CONTENTS
Page
* • ' . • ’ 6 '
No. 1. Panguraria Inscription of Asoka. By Dr. D. C. Sircar* Calcutta 1 •
•2^
Two Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura. By Shri P. R. Srinivasan, '
Mysore .. . . . . ' . : .. ’
3.; Three Inscriptions of Vira-Nolamba. By Shri Kf G. Krishnan, r ;
Mysore . - ■ . ' . ... ' . ■ J3.
s * i
4. Nanana Copper-plates of the tiine of Kumarapala * and Alharia, • ' \ • .
, Vikrama 1212 and 1220. By Dr. S. Sankaranarayanan. Mysore . 17
.
5. Two Nolamba-Pallava Inscriptions. By Dr. K.^V. Ramesh, Mysore . . > . " 27'' *.
6. Vidisha ^Stone Inscription of V. S. 1219. By Shri Balchandra Jain, * •

■ /
Raipur, . 35? * •
h
i ^
' ‘ PLATES
No. 1. Panguraria Inscription of Asoka to face page 8

y n
2. Two Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura between pages 10 and 11

■ , V .
3. Three Inscriptions of. Vira-Nolamba • >) 16 „ 17*
\, s " - ■ ■ ’/ ■
4.' .. i » } 16 , k.17
5. Nanana Copper-plates of.the Time ofKumarapala . t
'andAlhana, Vikrama 1212 and 1220 to face, page 23

6. Tw<f Nolamba-Pallava Inscriptions . . .• \ 31
7. ' ,34
8. Vidisha Stone Inscription of V. S. 1219 37
V- >■
*
V
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
• Volume XXXlX 1971-1972
No. 1—PANGURARIA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA

. " - (I Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Calcutta'
Some time ago, report reached us that a rock inscription of ASoka1 had been discovered at
the village of Panguraria(Pangudadiya) in the Budhni Tahsil of the Sehore District, Madhya
Pradesh. It was found in a rock shelter on a slope at the southern side of the Vindhyan range
in.-22° 43' N and 77° 43' E in a forest unit named after the said village. The hill is called Saro-
JAaro or Saru-Mtfti. Under instructions from Shri M. N. Deshpande, Director General
of the Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, Shri P. R. Srinivasan, Chief Epigraphist-in-
charge, Mysore, was good enough to send me one set each of the inked impressions and
photographs of the Panguraria inscription in March, 1976, for editing the record in the
Epigraphia Indica. I was informed at the time That the discovery of the record was made
by a team of three archaeologists belonging to the Prehistory Branch of the Survey stationed
at Nagpur. They are Shri B. P. Bopardikar, Technical Assistant, and his colleagues, Shri P. R.
K. Prasad and Shri A. J. Nambhiraju. At the same time. Dr. K. D. Banerjee, Superintending
Archaeologist, Prehistory Branch, wrote to me that no satisfactory estampage of the writing
wa? possible because of the roughness of the rock surface and that their photographs taken
by the Survey officials were better for the purpose of decipherment. On an examinaion of
the material received from Shri Srinivasan, I found that Dr. Banerjee was right. Of course,
I succeeded.in preparing a tentative transcript of the inscription with the help of the impre
ssions and photographs received from Shri Srinivasan. In July, 1976, I received two sets
of good photographs of the inscription from Dr. K. D. Banerjee who also sent me soon
afterwards another group of bigger photographs with a description of the hillside and the
situation of the writings. These helped me in completing my paper on the inscription, though
the transcript was revised with the help of fresh impressions received from Shri Srinivasan
a few months later.
T*he ydck sheifer stands at a height of 21 m. from the ground at the foot of the hill, which
is about 304 m. above the sea level and slopes gradually down to the Narmada. The hillside
is studded with the remains of about thirty monasteries constructed on platforms made of
dressed- stones, the remains of a big stupa (about 65 m. in diameter) lying below the bottom
of the-hill. There are also similar remains of a number of monastic cells and other construc
tions. The said rock shelter is on a platform which is the second from below and has some
stupas in front of it. It has an overhanging rock and a vertical uneven back wall which is
horizontally broken into two parts due to weathering. Its floor is paved with natural and
1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.
( 1 )
1DGA/83
/; /.
n i-V Ci<r» A 'fc J . -
2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
dressed slabs, and there is a thick wall which is made of rubbles and may have been raised
to give a support to the overhanging rock serving as a roof for the shelter. The main inscrip
tion is engraved in two parts on a section of the lower half of the back wall. There are three
lines of writing in the first part and five lines in the second, the gap between the two#parts
being 11 citn. and the lines of the second part starting from about 27 cm. to the left of the
beginning of those of the first and 4 cm. to the right of the left margin of the rOck. This
means that a considerable space in the upper left corner of the area was left oat as unsuitable
for incising letters on it.1 *
The lines of writing in the first part are 90 cm. long. The aksharas are not of uniform
size either in the first or in the second part. The length of the full lines in the second part is *
between 106 and 108 cm. though the second half of lines 4-6 is completely peeled off as is
also the case with a considerable portion of the latter half of lines 7-8. The gaps between
the lines is not uniform in either of the two parts of the edict.
. Another section of the inscription in fairly big characters is'engraved in the upper half
•of the wall on the uneven surface of the facade at a height of 4.25 m. from the. floor level of
the shelter. However, due to a change in the alignment of the waif, the main edict faces
the south, while this part faces the south-west. The area occupied by it is 55 cm. in width
and 50 cm. in height. Because the overhanging rock has a leakage at the jofnt above tire
writing of this section, the inscription has been suffering for a very’long tTrffe from the flow •
of rain water and the growth of lichen, so that most of the letters became Visible only after
chemical treatment. * *
The Panguraria inscription is the fifteenth, version of Minor Rock Edict I of Asoka,
the other fourteen versions of which have been found at the following places within the domi
nions of the said emperor. (1) Ahraura, Mirzapur District, U.P., (2) the village of Bahapur near
Delhi, (3) Bairat, Jaipur District, Rajasthan, (4) Brahmagiri, Chitradurga District, Karnataka,
(5) Erragudi, Kurnool District, Andhra Pradesh, (6) Gavlmath near Koppal, Raichur
District, Karnataka, (7) Gujarra, Datia District, Madhya Pradesh, (8) Jatinga Ramesvara,
Chitradurga District, Karnataka, (9) Maski, Raichur District, Karnataka, (10) Palkigundu
near Gavlmath in the same District of Karnataka, (11) Rajula-Mandagiri, Kurwaol District,
Andhra Pradesh, (12) Rupnath, Jabalpur District, Madhya Pradesh, (13) Sahasram, Rohtas
District, Bihar,2 and (14) Siddapura, Chitradurga District, Karnataka. Of these, the versions,
which are at close proximity, were on the whole copied from the same draft, e.g., Nos. 4,
8 and 14 in the Chitradurga District, Nos. 6.and 10 in the Raichur District, and Nos. 5 and
il in the Kurnool District. These three groups may be regarded as three versions .which
have their peculiarities like the other eight including the recently discovered. Panguraria
version under study.
The Panguraria text of Minor Rock Edict I is damaged and fragmentary. Since the
inscription has been written here in three sections, it appears that the surface of the' rock
Was found unsuitable for engraving the record in continuous lines of writing of a uniform
size in a particular area. Of the three sections, the smallest one at the top consists
<jf drily five lines each.having about five or six aksharas of a fairly big size. This part, as we
sliall see below, forms a kind of preface to the edict proper just as an address is to a letter.
1 We know that, at Gujarra, lines 2-5 of the epigraph begin from a distance of about six inches towards
the left of the commencement of line 1.
4 In Bihar, in several cases, two or three Districts have been recently created out of an old District.
Sahasram formerly belonged to the Shahabad District which is now divided into the Rohtas and Bhojpur
Districts.
No. 1] PANGURARIA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA 3
The edict proper is engraved below in the other two sections in smaller characters. The
inscribed surface is rough, and some letters are incised in depressions. The engraver must have
faced considerable difficulty in incising the record at some places.
Ig spite of its fragmentary nature, Minor Rock Edict I at Panguraria.is of exceptional
importance because it exhibits some peculiarities from the points of view of language and
contents as'well as the arrangement of the text. As is to be expected, the language of the
' inscription is Prakrit and,, the script Early Bf-ahmi. The difference of the present text
from the other version? of the edict will be seen.from our discussion below, in the course of.
which we shall have to quote a few sentences from the various texts in explaining the contents
•of the record under study.
’It- should be noted that the language is not the so-called Magadhan Prakrit, ra being re
gained and not changed to la. It is well known that the said change of ra to la characterises
• the language of the North Indian versions at Ahraura, Bairat, Delhi and Sahasram so
that the Western version at Panguraria is found to follow the Northern texts in this respect.
While the Southern texts at Gavimath and PalkigundU as well as in the Chitradurga and
Kumool Districts exhibit the retention of Sanskrit ra, the Central versions at Gujarra,
' RQpnath and Maski exhibit both the characteristics of retaining ra in some cases and modifying
• it in others. Thus Gujarra is the northernmost place exhibiting the occasional retention of ra,
while Maski is tfceôuthernmost text showing the change of ra to la in some cases. Another
• important point in respect of the language of the Panguraria version is that Sanskrit yatra, which
is found as fata (i.e.yatta) in the inscriptions of Asoka and rarely as ata with modification of ya
to a, is found in the present record in the form yatha (i.e. yattha which is the usual Pali form
of the word) in line 8, the said Pali form being regarded by scholars as a later development.1
This type of modification, however, can possibly be traced in the records of Asoka in the
change of Sanskrit atra to heta and heta which are often noticed in the edicts and in which the
aspiration seems to have been transfered from the second to the first akshara.2 The change
of ha to he (attha=hatta=hetta) is supposed to have' developed from itra=atra on the
analogy of %drisa= hedisa. Another peculiarity of the language of the Panguraria version is
the use of yate (Sanskrit yatah in place of yu.Rupnath, Bairat and the Chitradurga versions),
yam (Rajula*Mandagiri, Gavimath and Delhi versions) or am ■ (Sahasram and Ahraura
versions)— all standing for Sanskrit yat — in line 3. The expression mahdpa-kdrancna
(Sanskrit mahatma-karariena, ‘owing to the exalted position’) is found elsewhere as mahatata
standing for Sanskrit’mahatmatvat and mahatana, mahatpena or mahatena which forms stand
for Sanskrit mahatmana (‘by a person of exalted position’), etc. As regards the forms vad-
hisiti • and hositi in lines 7 and 8, vadhisiti occurs several times at Rupnath and Ahraura and
in the Chitradurga and Raichur Districts, and probably also in the Kurnool District. The
form hcsiti exhibits the influence of vadhisiti.
As regards importance of the inscription from the point of view of contents’,
it should be noted that, in this case, the edict is represented as addressed by
ASoka to the local governor who was Kumara, i.e. a scion of his family and
probably not a son of his. We know from the two so-called separate Kafinga
Edicts (the second and first of which we call Rock Edicts XV and XVI) that such
Kumaras were stationed at Tosali in Kafinga and at UjjayinI .and Taksharila which
were apparently the headquarters respectively of the western and north-western
• provinces of Asoka’s empire. Pillar Edict VII (line 27), found only in the Delhi-Topra
1 Cf. Childers’ Dictionary, s.v.
2 The aspiration in forms like hesa (Sanskrit esha) may be. due to the influence of heta, etc.
version, makes separate mention of the darakas {i.e. Asoka’s own sons) and the other rfevi-
kumaras probably including the sons of his stepmothers and the wives‘of his brothers and sons.
We also know that the sons of the emperor were mentioned as Arya-putra. The relationship
of the king with the Arya-putra and the Kumara may have been different. In any c^se.the
said part of the inscription under study reminds us of the fact that, of all the versions of Minor
Rock Edict I so far known, only the three in the Chitradurga District of Karnataka (conside
rably peeled off at Jatinga-Ramesvara) begin with the passage^ Suvamnagvite Aya-putasa
Mahcimatdnam cha vachanena Isilasi Mdhamdta arogiyath vataviya [*] '■Devanampiye dnapatati
(or heyath aha) [ | *] This introduces ASoka’s message as communicated by the Aryaputra,
i.e. the king’s son who was the viceroy of the-southern province stationed at Suvarnagiri (neas
-Erragudi in the Kumool District, Andhra Pradesh), and the Mahamatras (i.e. the high class
administrative officers) under him, to the Mahamatras stationed atlsila(near the inscriptions in
the Chitradurga District of Karnataka). Most of the other versions begin with the sentence,.
“Says the Beloved of the Gods” or “Thus says the Beloved of the Gods” while at Maski and
Gujarra we have “[This is the order] of Asoka or AJokaraja, the Beloved of the Gods”.
A comparison of the different-versions of Minor Rock Edict I shpws that some of them
are drafted in fewer words than the others.1 The present version belongs to the shorter'
type. However, the most important change in respect of the arrangement ofjthe text in'the ■
present version is that the reference to the issue of the edict by the king on the passing
away of the 256th night (i.e. day)when Asoka was away from his capital in the course of a tour;
of pilgrimage is put at the beginning of the edict here. It is well known that this reference is
found in either a short or an elaborate form only in the nine versions at Ahraura, Gujarra,
Rupnath, Sahasram, the three places in the Chitradurga District of Karnataka, (peeled off at
Jatinga-Ramesvara) and the two places in the Kumool District of Andhra Pradesh; but it
•comes at or. about the end of the record in all these cases. • '
The first section Of the inscription, forming a sort of preface as we have said above, reads :
(1) Piyadasi-nama (2) raja kumara[sa] (3) Samvasa. Mane (4) ma-dese [U or O] punitha-
.(5) vihdra-[ya]tay[e]. In Sanskrit, Priyadarsi-riama raja kumaraya Samvaya2 [uddisya likhati]
Manema-dese upunitha-vihdrayatraydh. It has to be pointed out that the second akshara in
line 2 is clearly ja and not ja so that the reading of the line is not rdjakutyidrasa. Although
there is some sign of a damage at the end of line l,the above fact further precludes the possibi
lity of the reading Piyadasina ma[hd*]rdja-kumdrasa in lines 1-2. Thus if an akshara is really
damaged at the end of line 1, it may have been ko so that the reading of lines 1-2 would be
Piyadasi-nama[ko *] raid kumarasa, although no such akshara may have been actually incised.
There is again a mark at the end of line 3 after Mane; if this is regarded as the remnant of an
akshara originally engraved at the place, the geographical name.in question would be Manema-
de§a and not Manema-desa. However, we are doubtful if such an akshara was really engraved.
- The earlier part of this section shoyvs that it was an address of the kin?, tyhose ’name was
Priyadarsin (i.e. king Asoka), to the Kumara (i.e. a prince of the royal blood, if not actually
his son), named Samva, who must have been stationed at a city'that was situated in
the vicinity of the inscribed rock at Panguraria. The latter part of the writing seems to
refer to one’s yatra or pilgrimage to a monastery called U (or O) punitha-vihara situated in a
territory, the name of which looks like Manema-de£a. It is possible to think that Asoka
sent the copy of the edict engraved below to the Kumara or viceroy of the region
when he was proceeding to the monastery in question in the course of his pilgrimage probably
1 This fact has been admitted in Rock Edict XIV.
s For the personal name Saava, also spelt Samba, see Monier-Williams, Sans.-Eng: Diet., s.v.
No. 1] PANGURARIA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA 5
sometime after the promulgation of the edict. Thus the address would mean, “The king
named Friyadarsin [speaks] to Kumara Samva from [his] march [of pilgrimage] to the
Upunitha (or Opunitha) monastery in Manema-desa. It should better not be regarded as
an ord^r of the king asking the viceroy to visit the monastery in question. It seems clear now
that the entire period of pilgrimage was not passed by ASoka at one monastery or‘holy place.
The importance of the Panguraria inscription lies in the fact that it is the only Asokan
. edict that mentions ong,of his governors by name and describes the king as ‘named
* Priyadarsin.’ ^
The first two sentences of our record after the above address read, savanam yiyut‘he[na]
200 50 6 [I*] Devanampiye anapayati [|*]. In this viyutha-vivutha is Pali-Prakrit vuttha (with
vi prefixed to it), which is the same as vasita and usita, all the forms being derived from vaseti
in the sense of ‘to spend [time].’1 2 Thus the sentences would stand in Sanskrit as [idam]
sraVanam [kritam maya] vyushitena 256 [ratri-satdni] Devdnampriyah ajhapayati | The declara
tion was thus issued by Asoka when he had passed 256 nights (i.e. days) in the course of a tour of
pilgrimage. This meaning is clear from some versions of the edict as we shall see below. That
the word anapayati (Sanskrit ajhapayati) stands for aha is suggested by the fact that, of the
similarly phrased versions in the Chitradurga District, Brahmagiri has Devanampiye anapayati
.•wlyle Siddapufa. shows Devanampiye hevarh aha.
• • As already iiffllcated above, the first of the two sentences is found in some of the versions
nt or near about the end of the record. However it appears either in a few words or in an
elaborate statement. The present inscription offers the shortest form of the sentence. So
far the shortest form of it was found as iyam cha savane vivuthena (Gujarra), and 256 was
added to it in the five versions in the Chitradurga and Kurnool Districts. Its meaning is made
clear by the elaboration in the Rupnath, Sahasram and Ahraura versions. Thus at Rupnath
we have, vyuthena savane kate followed by the explanatory sentence 256 sata vivasa (so) ta (ti).
Here the word vivasa, from the same root as vivuttha, is the same as pravasa, i.e., ‘Passing
one’s time away from home’ and 256 sata refers to the passing away of 256 nights (i.e. days) by
Asoka away from home (i.e. from the capital in the present case)1. At Sahasram the corres-
■ ponding passage reads • iyam cha savane vivuthena which is likewise followed by the
.sentence duve sapamnaldti-satavivutha ti 256 (Sanskrit : dve shat-pahchasad-ratri-sata
vuyshitah [aham] iti256), “[lam] away from home (i.e. my capital) [on a tour of pilgrimage]-
for two hundred and fifty six nights 256’.
The concluding sentence in the Ahraura version, which practically combines the two
sentences of Rupnath and Sahasram and gives interesting details, runs as follows : esa savane
vivuthena duve sapamna-lati-sati am niamche Bitdhasa 'salile alodhe ti ; in Sanskrit : etat
Sravanam vyushitena [mayd sravitam] dve shatpahchasad- ratri-sate yat (=yatah) mahcham
Buddhasya sariram (dehfdvaseshah)drudham iti, “This declaration is [made by me as I am] away
from my. capital tona tour of.pilgrimage] for 256 nights (=days) since the relics of the
Buddha rose to (i.e. were caused by me to be installed on), the platform”.
The next sentences of our record are adha[ti]ydni vasdniyate sumi'updsake no cliu bd[dham)
pakamte husarn ti va [|*] sam[vacha]ram [s-adhikam me saghaya va]te badha ch[u] sumi pakamta
[[*] Sanskrit : ardha-tritiydni varshani yatah asmi \aham updsakah.no cha tu [aham] badham
prakrantah abhuvam iti eva samvatsaram sadhikam mayd samghah yat yatah badham cha tu asmi
prakrdntah. It says howASoka was a lay worshipper of theBuddha for two years and a half before
1 See above, Vol. XXXVI, p. 241 ; cf. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, 1965, p. 516, note 2.
2 Cf. a similar use of the word Sata elsewhere e.g., in passages like samvatsara-sata 872 in the Buchkala
inscription (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions, No. 22).
6 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vox,. XXXIX
the issue of the edict and how he was not zealously active at first in the cause of Dharma. The
record further says how the Buddhist church came to be intimately associated with him and
how, as a result of that, Asoka became zealously active for more than a year before the
promulgation of the edict. We know that in most versions the word adhatiyani is modified
by another word like adhikani, s-adhikani or s-atirekani and that, besides Panguraria*Gujarra
is the only version where there is no such word. At the places in the Chitradurga and Kur-
nool Districts, we have ekarh samvacharam added to the next sentence, the first group placing
these words after pakamte husam and the second group before it."^Sor the word which seem^
to be yata at PSnguraria (as at .Gujarra), We have upagata (Maski), upeta (Rupnath, the
Chitradurga versions, Gavimath, Erragudi and Ahraura) and upayata (Bairat, Rajula-Manda-
giri and Delhi). Another difference is that some versions (Maski and Rupnath) .prefer
aham sahgharii yatah (upetah, upagatah or upayatah) while the others (Bairat, Bra'hmagiri,
Siddapura, Jatinga-Ranv'svara, Erragudi, Gavimath and Delhi) have it as maya sanghah
upetah, upagatah, upayatah), though both mean the same thing and show, in our opinio#’,1
that Asoka came in close contact with the Buddhist church nftore than a year before the
promulgation of Rock Edict I. Of course, this close contact may have been the result of his
visit to a monastery. In place of badham chu sumi pakamta, the Mftski version has uthanam .
cha sumi upagata (Sanskrit utthanam cha asmi upagatah) in which utthana means exertidn of
zealous activity in the matter of Dharma. •
■ The passage that follows runs, imam cha kalam Ja/h[budipa]si‘ deva na [manusehi '
mi]s[i]bhutd husu [ |*] [te dani misibhuta*] [ |*] [pakamasa hi esa pha*]la [ |*] no cha esa.
mahdpa-k\a\raneno{na) va [ |*] khuda[ke] pi pakama[mane sakiye vipulam svagam aradhyi- '
turn*] [ J*] [etaya*] afhaya esa savane kita(ti) khudaka [cha] udaraka cha paka[mamtu*]■'
[ |*] [amtapi cha janamtu*] kiti ete pipakameyu ti [ |*] ayaih hiathe vadhisiti vipula [pi cha}
vadhisiti diyadham [era*] [va]dhisiti [ |*] chi[ra]thitike cha hositi [ (*] Sanskrit, imam cha
kalam [yavat] Jambuchipe devah na manushyaih misribhutdh abhuvan | te idanim [manu-
shyaih] misrbhutah | [mama] prakramasya hi etat phalcm | no cha etat [mama] mahatma-
karanen=aiva [araddham[*] kshudrakah api prakramamanah sakyah vipulam svargam=
, aradhyitum | etasmai arthaya etat sravayam \ . kim=iti \ kshudrakah cha udarakah
cha prakramantu [ antah api cha janantu | kimîti | ete api prakrameyuh iti | ayam
hi arthah vardhishyate vipulam Cha vardhishyate dvyardham vardhishyate | chira-sthitikah
cha bhavishyati ] Here we are told that, in former times, the gods were not mingled with
men in Jambudvipa (i.e. in Asoka’s empire), but that they mingled with men as a result of
ASoka’s zealous effort for a little above one year. It is emphasised that the said success was
not- due to the fact that Asoka was an eminent or rich person. We are told that even a zea
lously exerting small or poor man would attain to the great heaven. The object of the
declaration is stated to be Asoka’s desire that both the small or poor and the big and rich
should zealously exert themselves and that the people living on th^Jporders of the empire
should know about it and exert themselves in the matter. We are alsoTofd that his .purpose
was expected not only to get it increased but to get it increased greatly and even to one and
half times. Asoka further wanted that this becomes ever-lasting. In expressing the ideas
of this section, the language used in the different versions is not exactly the same.
The language of this passage is also slightly different in the different versions. For
imam cha kalam, we have pure (Maski), imayarii velayam (Gavimath and possibly also
Rupnath), etena cha amtalena (Sahasram and Ahraura; cf. etena -amtarena at Gujarra),.
1 See my Maski Inscription ofAsoka, ■ Hyderabad, 1958, pp. 24-25. ,
The Gujarrft version adds Derman.piyasa after Jambvdipasi. See also above, Vol. XXXVHI, p. 2.
"No. 1] panguraria inscription of asoka
imindmchu kalena (Chitradurga and Kurnool). Sometimes the mingling is mentioned as

. that of the gods with the men as in our record; but sometimes it is the mingling of the men
with the gods, the meaning of course being the same. The word misibhuta occurs at Maski
and in tfce Kurnool District, the idea being expressed in other words elsewhere; e.g. misa
kafa (misrah kritah) at Rupnath and Gavimath; misamdeva kata (misra-devah kritah) at
. Sahasram, Gujarra and Ahraura, and misa (misrah) at Delhi and in the Chitradurga District,
y The nature of ths mingling*is indicated at Gujarra where we have the additional passage,
Ichudake cha udare cha cmammam charamtu yogam yumjamtu, “Let the poor and the rich
1 [both] -practise [tie duties associated with] Dharma [and] effect [their] association [frith
the gods thereby].” This apparently refers to the ancient Indian belief that pious people
• ofteh succeeded in bringing down the gods on the earth to have conversation with them.1
The concluding passage in the Panguraria version reads yatha cha pavata yatha cha
.silatlla[bhd\ [savata lekhape*]tava{vi)ya ti [ I*] In Sanskrit it is yatra cha parvatdh [santi]
yatra cha sila-stambhah [santi} [sarvatra teshu teshu ayam arthah] lekhitavyah iti || Hereby
'-ASoka instructs his governor of the area around Panguraria to get the edict engraved on
rocks, and stone pillars vaherever they are available within his jurisdiction. We know that
■only, two other versions haVe a corresponding passage although it is differently worded in
• • thenj. Thus at «R.upnath “we have iya cha a{he pavatisu lekhapeta valuta [ | *] ha{hi)da cha
atjj.i sa(si)ld-\habhem sila-thambhasi la(li)khapetava(vi)ya ti [ |*] which stands in Sanskrit as
.ayam. cha arthah parvateshu lekhaya varatah | iha cha a*ti [chet] sila-stambhah sila—
.stambhe lekhitavyah iti | “And cause thismatter to be written (i.e. engraved) on rocks
whenever an opportunity offers itself. And [per chance] there is a stone-pillar, [it] should
be caused to be written (i.e. engraved) on the stone-pillar.” Likewise at Sahasram, the
passage runs, ima cha atham pavatesu likhapayatha [ | *] yata vd athi beta sila-thambha tufa
j>i likhapayatha ti [ |*] In Sanskrit, it would stand as imam cha artham parvateshu
leichaya | yatra vd santi atra sila-stambhah tatra api lekhaya iti [ [*] “And get this matter
written (i.e. engraved) on rocks. Or wherever there are stone-pillars here, cause [it] to be
written (i.e. engraved) the.reon.”
The introductory part of the record seems to mention two geographical names, viz.
Manema-desa and probably Upunitha (or Opunitha), where there was a Buddhist monastery.
The city where ASoka’s viceroy named Sarivva was stationed must have been situated near
•the inscribed rock at Panguraria.
TEXT2 3
Introductory Part
1 Piyadasi-name*
. .2 r[a]ja Kumara^s^^**
3 Samvasa MSne1
4 ma-des[e] [U]° punitha-
5 vihara-[ya]tay[e] [||*]s
1 See the case of the Sailodbhava king Ayasobhita Madhyamaraja of Orissa (above, Vol. XXIX, p.35; cf.
Vol. XXXVI, p. 233).
a From photographs and impressions.
3 For the possibility of a damaged" akshara here, see above.
• * There is a mark after ne. For the possibility of its being the remnant of a lost akshara, see above.
* The akshara may be O also so that the name may be Opunitha.
* There seems to be a svastika mark at the end of the line.
8 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX.
, EDICT ,
Section I
/ 1 Savanam viyuthe[na] 200 50 6 [|*] Devanampiyje] anapayatr[|*] adhaftijya-1 2
2 ni vasani yate sumi upasake no chu ba[dham] [pa]kate husam ti va [|*]' sam^chha]-
ram [sa]- .
'3 [dhikam me sagha ya ya]te hadha ch[u]sum[i] pakamta [|*] imam cha kalam ja[mbu]-
• [dipa*]si * a
Section II _ .
4 deva na .[manusehi mi]s[i]bbuta husu [[*]....••3 4 *
5 la [ 1 *] no cha esa mahapa-k[a]raneno(na) va [|*] khudake pi pakama..........\ _ ; '*■_
6athaya esa savane kita(ti) khudaka [cha] udaraka cha paka............6 'a •
7kiti ete pi pakameyu ti [|*] ayam hi athe vadhisiti vipula [pi cha]---- [va]dhi-6 . .
8siti [ [_*] chi[ra]-thitike cha hositi [(*] yatha cha pavata yatha cha sila-tha[bha].. .7 •
[ta]va(vi)ya ti [|*] > . ,
translation • # .
The king named Priyadarsin [speaks] to Kimxara £amva fropi [his] march [of pilgri
mage] to the ,U(or 0)punitha-vihaja in Manema-desa. a .
[This] declaration [was issued by me when I .was] on a tour [of pilgrimage and had stayd£
away from the capital for] 256 [nights, i. e. days]. • ... - -- .
The Beloved of the Gods issued the order [thus]. '• ’
[It is two and half] years since 1 have been a lay worshipper [of the Buddha].
[However,] I was not zealously active [in.the matter of Dharma at the beginning].
[It is now more than a year that] the Buddhist Church has been intimately associated'
with me, and. 1 am zealously active [in the matter of Dharma].. •>
• ■ Upto this time, the gods were not mingled with men in Jambfl-dvipa.
[Now they have been mingled with men],
[This is] the result [of my zealous activity]. ■ ^
. This has not been caused by me being a big (i.e. rich) man. .
The small (i;e. poor) man, if zealously active [in the matter oTDharma], [may attain to
the great heaven].. . ■
For [this] purpose has this declaration [been made] that the small (poor) and the big
(rich) should be zealously active [in-the.cause of Dharma], • ’ •
[The people living on the borders of my empire-should also know] that they should also -
be zealously active [in the same cause]. - .
This matter will Increase—■ will greatly increase— will [indeed], incSSi*e. [to one and half ‘
times] and will become, everlasting.
Wherever there are rocks and wherever there are pillars of stone, [everywhere this matter]
should be written (i.e. engraved). •
■ 1 No word like sadhikani appears before adhatiyani. ,
2 There seems to be a little space here. ' . ..
2 The aksharas, which are peeled off here, are tedani misibhutd [ | *Jp.akamasa hi esaphcf.
4 The missing aksharas here appear to have been °mane sakiyeyipulam syagam aradhayitum [ [ *] etaya. .
‘ The lost aksharas were probably °mamtu [\ *] amtdpi chajanamtu. ' ■ '
* The missing aksharas may, be restored as vadhisiti diya4ham=eva.
The lost aksharas seem to have been savata lekhape.0
PANGURARIA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA
INTRODUCTORY PART
No. 2-TWO BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
(/ Pla’.e)
P. R. Srinivasan, Mysore
The two inscriptions edited here are now deposited in the Archaeological Museum at
Mathura, Mathura District, Uttar Pradesh. I copied them during my collection tour to the
town In 1973. Shri R.C. Sharma, the Curator of the Museum was so kind as to bring to
my notice these interesting inscriptions which he had recently added, after some
effort, to the collections of his institution, and also to allow me to have
taken. \ thank him for thisr. I am editing the inscriptions from these impres-
i A Saivite Inscription of the Pre-Kushana Period*1
‘ This inscription is engraved on a flat rectangular

'place called Chaurasi at Mathura. It contains two lines of writing. This
incised neatly, is preserved well, except for a few slight damages here and there,
scribe seems to have omitted some letters near the end of line 1
them in small characters in continuation of line 1.*
of Museums and Archaeology, in Vol. No. 8, pp. 24 ff. with plate
article has not brought out the significance and importance of tb
here.
The characters are Brahini of about the 1st century A.D. and they are regular for ihe
period. This point coupled with the fact that there is no mention of any date which is
generally met in the records of the Kushana period, makes one believe that this record belong
od to a period earlier than the beginning of the Kushana period which is generally
said to begin from 78 A.D. Further, the inscriptions of the Kushana period are written
in a rather crowded fashion, but this one is incised in beautiful letters with good spacing
between letters and the lines.
Palaeographically interesting features of this epigraph are as follows : only one vowel,
i.e. a is met with here: the medial of I is double-pronged; the verticals of a, k and r, and tha;
of the medial u are long; the letter m is of the type with triangular bottom; the three prongs
of y are of equal size, none of them showing a thickening at its top to show where and how
the letter commences; and the flourish of subscript r is sometimes gracefully bent as in mu
the fourth letter of tjp^Trst line. It is to be noted that there is no doubling of / in the word
putrasa,'& word occurring more than once here.
The language is Prakrit influenced by Sanskrit. The expression priyatam htmgamm
is met with in several inscriptions of this period pertaining to Buddhism and Jainism also,
A special feature of this inscription is that it has finely sketched representations of the
symbols representing srh atsa and smstiko. The former is engraved on the left margin of the
slab while the latte*- is seen at the end of line 2. The svaslika is of the anti-clockwise type
and the ends of its arms are split up so as to lock like the tail of a fish.
1 This is registered as No. B 389 oiA.R.Ep., 1972-73.
h': :"*See'text line fbefew.y .
(•»■>
1 DGAJ83
« ' EPIQRAPIIIA:INI»CA'' -tVta.XXXlX
The object of the record is that one Magakujitakheda* (Skt. Mrigakujita-kheda), i.e.
a villager named M rigakujita, the son of Kotsi (i.e., Skt. Kautsl or a woman of the Kutsa
family), and Rahadatta who was the son of Vasi[sh]ti (i.e., Skt. Vftsiabjht or a woman of the
Vasishtha family) and Rahila who was the son of Gotti (i.e., Skt. Gaupti or the womaft of the
Gopta family), (donated) a tank (jmhkfrfyfcSkL-pmMmwIj probably named Kalpa, a garden
Mm)* a hall (sabhO), stone tablets (ifife^n||frSkt, and shrines of
deities (devakulmi), for the grace of the lord (bhagavan) MaheSvara (i.e., J&va). • ,
Th© importance of this epigraph lies in the fact that it is one of the very few inscriptions
from Mathura recording a gift to a Hindu god likeMaheSvara, for. this place has been yieldr
ing a large number of inscriptions of Buddhism and Jainism all airing. This clearly „sh©ws
that ifaivism was also patronised by the people dutihg tlds periodi S«:ondly, the five* items
of the gift are noteworthy and they evidently formed a standard set for donation to a temple.*
Of these, sabha may represent the main temple and this term has been used in the sense of a
pillared hall sacred to gods by the followers of all the religions, Tor instance, there.is a label
inscription at Bharhut reading Svdhamma deva-sabha* referring to a representation of a
pillared structure on which it is engraved. ^Terh^this ■fatin' in the present inscription -also , .'
denoted a similar structure, although it is not known whether it was of wood or stone. Eteva- ■.;
;'ibfeûi«^By-iri:thesense^ of a Hindu shrine is known frojmsoine.;eari|* ^,inî>tions.*::îpffl^''*' ‘
patfas (stone tablets) were gifted probably for lining the exterior of a shrine.* Arama (garded) .
'j|i|;h^:*de60sary.adjunct to a sacred edifice; it was used, as in modern days, for rearing
generally flower plants and trees, the flowers from which were utilised in the worship of the ’
deity. Pushkarhp (tank), has also been another invariable adjunct to a temple from very
;:.©a#:dmefc:. :■ V 1
'XJEk/LJ, •
•; •. 1* ~ [Svasti]7 Gottiputrasa Rihilass potrasa V[a]sishtiputrasa Rahadattasa putrasa :• EbftliJ* :■

pWw Ma^kuji*takhedasa Ealfeag^:
• praifpu)shkirini ar[a]ma sabha sila-pa{tl devakulini priyatam bhagav[am]
\'MHiei«trah[l*j»', ;
2 A Buddhist Inscription of Ama[ttrijvarman, [Guptajyear [1]48
This incised on a rectangular grev-stone which is broken and in several

PjfCei The epigraph refers to the installation of an image of a Buddhist deity, and one would,
therefore, expect it to have been engraved on the pedestal of such an image. But no such
image is known to have survived and this slab, if at all it had formed part of such an image
:itmay)m^;been:sepamely:attacheitoithe^pedestM;pftihriiinap..;'lt|^ttjpOti¬'knpvrt.^ ' ■
'ft cbdtimas^ftmrX^'Of writing of wW<di'thri;lastÎne’isbid%:«hahaf^?,*'i'"
‘Ihepacren over e and o is not used here, i

■.' '^S»;t,fi#rs’'liist,;:hfo.S2.,foraslaillar list.' ■
^ CH. Vol. II, pt. II, plate XVin, B 21,
'• ,7
* From inkeu impressions.
(7 V 7v7
»These letters seem to have been originally engraved but later on erased.
* There seems to be a mark above ji probably indicating that the four letters °takhedasa, originally forgotten
;sa»d later ehgtayedM sBiall characters at the end of line 1, are to be read afterji.
* There is a sketch, after this, of a svastika symbol.
: » »is regefeedas A.R. Jp., 1972-73 Mb, BJ93V'\
A SAIVITE INSCRIPTION OF THE PRE KUSHANA PERIOD #
S cale : One-fourtli
A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION OF AMA[TTR1]VARMAN, GUPTA YEAR [ I ]48
Scale : One-third
/
:Mo. 2] ■ • ■ " TWO BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA
:It is written ii IaM Brtiuoi characters of the 5th-6th century AD.

of the Siddhamatrika alphabet,of which the most important
being the wedge-shaped or nail-headed tops of the letters. It may be found that the ch
of this'record resemble those of the Gwalior inscription of Mihirakula.*1 * Its language is
Sanskrit. Orthographically the following points are of interest,
as maharajaddhifpja (line 1), consonants are generally doubled after repha, e.g.
(line 1) and dkarmmo = yam (line 2), although in one instance it is not done so,
|Sne 2)4 and ba'is used for va in Basanta (line 2).
* It bears a date of which a part of the year, given in numerical symbols,
damaged at the end of line 1. But there the symbol for 40 is clear at the end of line 1 and the
symbol for 8 is seen at the beginning of line 2. Before the symbol for 40,
with a long vertical line with a faint left-turning hook-like part at tjhe top,
This represented, in all probability, the symbol for 100.
100 40 8 or 148. From the provenance of the record which may have been some where in
the neighbourhood of Mathura and from the late Brahml script employed in it, it is possible
to attribute this year 148 to the Gupta era of 319-20 A.D., in which case the Christian equi
valent of it woyld be 467-68 A.D. The other particulars of the date are 2 Ba(va)santa~mam
4, divasa 25. Here^ Vasanta may be said to indicate the fact that this record was put up in
the 2nd year of the ruler’s reign. It is interesting to note that during the period to which i he
record belongs, the practice of mentioning the name of the summer
some equivalent of it like -Gmmeâmmaflinto -WJgt*.
If the reading of the year as 1483 is

point of view of history, becomes great. For, the inscription refers itself to the
hitherto unknown ruler whose name seems to read as Amatt[r]ivarnima.
titles Paramabhattaraka and Maharajadhiraja after the kings of the Gupta dynasty,
are imperial titles and the bearer of them must, therefore, have been a ruler of some
dence and power, for it is well known that the feudatories of this.periddlbo*#,«ifof
Maharaja. As no genealogy of the ruler of the record under study is given, it is difficult to
know to which dynasty or family he belonged. It is quite likely
the Mathura region, of the imperial Guptas and when the latter were
which happend towards the later half of the 5th century A.D.
and invasions by the Hunas, this ruler declared himself to be a paramount
region. The political condition of North India soon after the tiesalliiSfepdtlptfi»
died about 467 A.D.,4 was favourable to such a happening, and :
varman might have been a feudatory, during the first year of rulei.e. in 466-67 A.D.
gupta, in his 2nd year of rule i.e. in 467-68, he had declared himself to be a paramount
igh. At any rate UfSlsTwhat is indicated by the imperial titles borne by this ruler and
more can besaid;ih'tSe"iMtter;tiIîwe^pt:in0w;epigr^sq3r about this
rolerbr
In spite of the fact that the latter half of the third line and a major portion of the
line are badly damaged, the object of the inscription is fairly clear,
of an inmgeôf^thefBuddMstitiptyîîtâlokitiivara by some- individuals, like
1 Cir, Vol. Ill, plate xxm B.

* JbitLj'p.-154, line 23.
*Iftbesymholofthe'2nddigitisreadas70 then the year will be 178 or 497-98AO. . Even
i jal mnHitinn of North India was favourable enough to enable the ruler of this -record mmmm-lMpsrM Utfias, -
* The Classical Age, pp. 28-29.
12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Voi. XXXIX
etc, wMclt
might .ha^beeaîpyMi,1ta»'l**eettlost, Had this been preserved it would have given us a clue
as The usual benedictory
passage tn«ntiOping:dhat thotherit of this deed should accrue to some people or all people,
U- writtea:ift::tl®'list fme'Which; is, however, badly damaged.
The dedication of an image of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, an important deity of the

fllahiyina iu|dhist pantheon, is In accord with the development of this spot of Buddhism
during this period.1 Several sculptures representing this deity are known and some beautiful
painted panels showing the deity are known from amongst the wall-paintings at Ajanta*
■'btilQh!^flgTO/thP;-:pffiri.pd,■■■> ‘
■.'•text* : V- .
1 Svfasti][i!*] [Paramabnajttarakft maharajaddluvdhi)raja-srf-Ama[ttriva]rmmaria[h* ]
rajye samvatsarefsim 100] 404 ■■■
•’.$ -/®f 1*1 divase parhehavi .. deya-dharmmo=yam Ary*A

• pratishthitpi ta ■ ireshthi-Jivesvara-Dhanapati lArke].... shthi"
I J&»sh4huf[shtiubhih| yad=|atra3 pufnyam]___ ma____ na.................
1 The classical Age, pp. 379-80.

8 Ibid., p. 549.
* This may he read doubtfully as 70 aim.

(3 Plates)
, • K. G. Krishnan, Mysore
The three subjoined inscriptions on hero-stones edited hcie with the kind, ,
of the Chief Epigraphist, were copied from Harur Taluk, Dharmapuri District, Tam<l Nadu.
Inseriptiob A was copied from the village of Muttanur,** B and C from Navalai.*
-■ : ■ Inscription A is in
in the record. The oth
about thd tenth century to
medially in this,word. This provides one more instance of the utility of Kannada
r»hr*r»f»fir values nf some of t
the Tamil alphabet.3 The persistent use of la in the name Noiamba in both the
inscriptions as against Nulambap used in the Tamil record seems to point to the
of the former being the original name. The use of the auxiliary ildu in the expressions
inline 2 and chogut-ildu in line 3 of B indicating the sih^ of ‘o«saaotf
auxiliary ildu is met with in
irddu in an inscription from Devageri in Dharwar Distrctt seems to give us a clue as to the
probable origin of the word from the common Dravidian root of ir or irur This meaning
is also conveyed by the expression alii in line 3 of C and by the suffix e in the case of ah-
line 2 of C. The expression dluttire is also used to convey the same meaning in line 3 of C.
ponding Tamil forms amu and kormi, though the latter are not foupd to be
teinporary inscriptions. This expression anru is comparable to nduru bearing the same mean
ing but used in a different context. So also the cognate of the expression sat tom in line ? oi
C is not used in the Tamil text (A)
is derived from the common root su or say.
This form ulchu is used in ...

formed into uchcha jp.it* inscription of the eleventh century7,
noteworthy. The word tide (line 3 of C) meaning dress used in the same context
compared to Tamil adai. This interchange of e-ai is also with in the
1 This inscription is registered as No. B 225, A.R. Ep., 1975-76.
;These two are respectively No. B 242 of A^-R.Ep. 1967-68 and No. B 175 of
® See for a;detaaed:diseMSsion ©nlMs.tpestion .'by. tmîalndo-lrmtUn Journal'■■■ ¥©i. XIV
pp. 2 39-46.
♦Above,.Vol.;,XXI, p..178, ¥ol.mx,p. 185, line .23 .;p. 188,lines 17-18.
*Ep.
UhM., Sp,14 ' ;■;%
'IDOA/83 "
tmlai in line 2 of C.4 The word bildi in line 3 of B us# probably in the sense of ‘having
fallen upon’ is comparable to Tamil vilundu, indicating the well-known interchange of va and
ba. The name,' 8»%::bf.thbMilg'Spelt as Vira in tlii.Taiflii'îjietiptfoPis-m instance to the
point.:
Inscription A in Tamil language and characters relevant to the period is dated in 6aka
847(925-26 A.D.) equated with the 2nd regnal year of Anrxiyan Vira-Nul*mban. It records ,
the death of Kamundar Maâiyar Maniyamanar of Ponnaiyur after rescuing the cattle*
Whlch were captured by Vallayaraiyar and NS|$ar.2 Inscription B, in Kannada language and
.•characters ofThe sameperiod, is not dated but belongs to the reign of Vira-Nolamba. It re
cords the death of Punnaga, the ruler of Navilur who fought the robbers probably in the
course of his attack and destruction of Tagadux-, It seems to indicate that the stone was set
ftp by BhSvu%a, the son-indaw of Punnaga. Inscription C, also in Kannada language and
elmraeter* of ahchtthe tenBi century, records the death qf Prituva, son of Puliyanpa
*UMlÔv# J#ayl8r, white tehdaâwasruling over Pora[maJle-nadu in the 15th regnal
PfSavais stated to- havevdied>ihtie'«da^''M^dt#hai^':Wdineh
Whb Wire stripltti of their dress i.e., when their modesty was about to be outmged.
. ;1^'.cc^ntS;#.theserinseriptions are^very intemsting':|roBiidte;i»intôf:vi^'-pl ^the
chronology of the period of Vira-Nolamba and that of the contemporary events and
hie. Inscription A pyes the date laka 847 (AD..925-26) equating it with the 2nd regnal'year
■ .Buis- indicating that his reign should have commenced sometime
during 9^1 ®##25 Feb. Two other inscriptions of Vira-Nojamba from Kuruburu in Chinta-
mani Trtuk ip Kolar District, Karnataka State cite the Saka year 853 equating it with the
cyclic year Raudri.3 The Saka year does not correspond to Raudri but only to Khara.4 ■ The
period of #gn covered by these two iaka dates is extended further upto 938-40 A*©.,. if the
Mih year cit# In record C represents the highest regnal year. It has been surmised that
^fSrwIfaJa^te^wharis also known as Anniga may have commenced to rule from a year
:bitwiili923 A,p,.anA929.AT>,s' The present record (A) affords clinching evidence in favour
#the earMer Of the two date*..suggested. This Tamil inscription contains an interesting
ttference to the c^ptur|of cattle by Vallavaraiyar and NaBar. The name Vallavaraiyar has
beett used la Tan# Inscriptions of this period to denote the Rashtrakuta kings.* It is there
fore possible to identify this Vallavaraiyar with the contemporary Rashtrakuta king Govinda
IV, who is known to have had an alliance with the Chola Paranlaka L* The association of
the Nattar with the Rishtraktta king in this cattle-lifting campaign seems to indicate the
lowest of the local people and the Rashtrakuta relative of the Chola in confronting the Nol-
ainba. It is'possible that the Nojamba intrusion was resented by the people at large, though
the Nojamba continued to have his hold till at least was
vêated by; Rashtrakuta'.Krishna III.
. _ -. ifteacsriiibed as Kamundar Madaiyar. Madaiyar is obviously
the name of a subdivision of the Kamundar community which is often referred to in the later.
•' 1 Sesftwrbeiifetap^ of■kiidme, above, Vol,XXX¥in, p. 27S, ■
/■*:C«rra,i6lIr#|«».Ananda,'Aippali, idol 3, p.l. ,
: Gam., Vol.X, Cm. 43and44, :
■ « The details of date given in the second record viz., Margafefa, 3. Thursday and •'
' Karnataka Number, Vol.- JflLVUT, pp, 34-35see also AMEp„ •••
* Above, Vol. XXVI. pp. 230 ff; see also above, Vol. XXXVHI, p. 275 ff„ for another instance of the use of
4he name Vallavaraiyar for the RSshtrakQtas. • :
vira-nolamba
inscriptions of the Kongo country. This inscription affords mm of

•where the name of the community is mentioned.
The sculpture representing this hero is of the usual type obtained in the inscriptions
this area. But this panel contains only the figures of two cattle facing right ar ’
a base and conical lid, obviously representing a pot of liquor or water.
Inscription B records the death of Punnaga in the course of his attack on
pharmapnri PunnSga is stated to be ruling over Navilur which is the same as Navalai,
findspot of the "inscription. This leads us to surmise that
was not in the hands of the Nolambas. There is an inscription at Dharmapuri dated
851(A.D. 929-30) in the reign of IrulachSra, the son of Vlra-No!amba.1
correctly that Irujachora was ruling the kingdom jointly with his fat!
be surmised that the campaign against Tagadur sometime before 929-30 A.D.,
and that Vira-Nojamba placed his son Irujachora as the governor of the area
important centre of Tagadur. The circumstances under which Punnaga had to fight the
robbers are, however, not clear. His son-in-law probably called Bhavudeya is mentioned at
the end of the record.** Though the record ends abruptly at this point, it is pos
that he erected the stone in memory of the fallen hero.
Inscription Q dated in the 15th regnal year (938-39 A.D.) of Vira-NoJ
Kundayya, the governor of Pora[ma]ie-nadu apparently because Navilur,
government of Pujiyanna, the hero’s father, was included in tha‘ - ■
known to us from the two Ganga inscriptions edited in this journal.3
on the administrative set up of the area during the Nolamba rule,
as an important centre to merit the attention of an independent local ruler.
The circumstance under which Prituva, the hero, died is interesting,
course of the laudable task of defending the honour of women who were
sculpture depicts clearly the women to the left of the hero and the falle
The hero, however, had to give up his life. He is shown as being received with
by the celestial women. Recorded instances of this type, especially during
not unknown.* But in the case of these instances it is found that
molesting women preceded the capture of cattle, whereas it was not so n
present record. The role of women in keeping watch over the cattle is
by these instances, thus leading to their modesty being outraged.
Pujiyanna, the hero’s father, is described ’as Ramjana-kshatriva. it is
whether this has reference to his caste,
personality.
Kundayya, the governor of Poramale-nadu
mentioned in an undated inscription from Nekkundi as the governor of
in thfe reign of Nojambadhiraja who may be identified with Anniga
fathfer,® There, is however, no other evidence, forthcoming at prt
■: ■ from where the hero of

inscriptionÂ,httted':canndt’b&iientiied.vin the ''' " " '' —s—''
* QJMS., Karnataka\NulBbsr,ifftl,.S.¥in,:pp. 34-35.

.. .
* Ep. Cam., Voi. X,and 163; Sp. U '4EIW last 'retprence. is also the latest belonging to tbs
reign of Rajendrachoja I.
EPIGRAPHIA iNDICA [Vol. XXXIX
: mentioned in both,the inscriptions B and :Gis thekahie;
stated. Tagadur is the ancient name of Dharmapuri. The geographical division Forafmajle-
niû wMch is the same as pttfamalai*nadu has been discussed in the context of two
inscriptions already edited.*
■' TEXTS* "'
1 Svasti (Svasti)Sri[l *] Sakarai yand En-

'' 2 nurru nay-patt-elavadu Ap~''
3 niyan Vira-Nulambaniikkand-I-
' 4 rand avadu Vallavaraiya[ru]n=Nattarun =
Xiippifek®?^
6 jjap Po-
T ppaiyjfe;; i;'
?T:\7;8 ;3Kamnndar-
9 Madaiyar-Ma-
10 niyamana-
7 IT; rtofnind^:::i';';v
12 ttup=
1 Svasti5 Sri [ | ] Bira-Nolaxhba* -

2 na rajvada Navilur-a! ildu Tajgadu]-
.^3'rite;iKid*.<®dgtorildu,negayaPn[ih]- ■
4 |m|gaih:ha|Jar kadi sattam Punnaga-
5 n-a|i3«ih.phftyMdeyer'
C*
• ,;‘l;X'yftst:i'Sif:|\|:''f Blrh-Poiajab.aan'.rijyada Fadinaydu varisada(da)-
2 ndu Kundayya Pora[ma]le-nad-ale5 Ramjana-kshatriya Puliyanna Navilurln ilu-
3 ttire aiana(rui) maga9) Piituva pep|ira udeyan»»lchlv==alli T
4 kadi kondu *
5 sattam *
■\;'^Seeat>o«,.yoE^bOTn»:p.2t5ff‘ . >^ — V;.
.. ^Projn.i*npresicBs,;';i; ■
7?;7 T/Iines:5*ttai‘esenini.vedto:theright ofthesculptureandînes /•
■ ,;',v"':4',’fliere.api»earto betwo'symbolsprot»Mystandiagft>rtIie',San.and'tJie::Mt0«ni\onta;fiillieircIe; oveTthe. V:
-■y. ctter Bi and another crescent (?) only. Ute bottom. of which is seen, over . • .T.-
't'There is a superfluous sign looking like ka at the beginning of the letter sva.
* Each line of the text is separated fronj the following line by a line drawn between thet wo,
J'Thelast::two;syllaWes are engraved onebelow the other, Mow .the letter v»
»There is an unnecessary medial e sign on the tetter d®. \7--
• There is a horizontal hook above ma which is unnecessary.
MUTTANUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRA NOLAMBA, SAKA 847
Scale : One-eighth
Scale : One-fifth
'; OF THE TIME ©F'KUMARAPADA AMD'
■■ ; . V ABWiÔTBAMA’ 1212. Alirl220' ..;'
(i plate > : y;-'/'/
S, Sankaranarayanan, Mysore
• A set of two*photographs of the subjoined copper-plate charier was received in the y..u
1956-57 in the then Office of the Government Epigraphist for India. Ootacamuod. from uu.
Curator of the Rajaputana Museum, Ajmer and it had been reported in the Annual li. .•> -r.
fndiftn Epigraphy for that year.1 The text of the record had since been published v-.ff.
an introduction by Dr, Dasaratha Sharma, in his Early Chauhan Dynasties (Delhi, i •
pp, 182-88) As this charter is very important and its contents deserve a much bet ter trc;.i::-c
it is edited here with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore.
This, charter, stated to‘have been discovered at the village NSnana. neat Bhagawar-pv
R.S. in the Western Railway, consists of two copper plates with engraving on their inner
only and with two ring’holes each as in the case of a stray copper plate from the same place
published already in this journal.* The exact size and weight of the plates are not kr.ov-n u
‘ me. ‘The writing on#the first plate is corroded in many places and hence the reading n >r =
cases is conjectural. There are 52 lines in total.
The charter is written in Nagari characters which are regular for the period and area
which they belong. The language is Sanskrit, an admixture of verse and prose i
.VoPi&bgrapby does not call for any special remarks except that b is invariably repress, -i x; :.y
v and the consonants following r are at times doubled.
There are altogether four records engraved on these two plates and all of them had o;.
• issued by the Chahamana ruler Alhana who figures in the first record as a feudatory ?? : ^
ruler Kumarapala, evidently of the Chaulukya family of AnahilapiUaka. The fn>r rcc c
is dated in Vikrama Samvat [12]19, Pausha ba di. 3, Monday corresponding lo 1,;
26th November, 1162 A.D., the month Pausha beingPumimanta. The last one is d;.Pd i-
[Vikrama] Samvat 1220, Ashadha sudi 11, Thursday, corresponding to the 2nd Jut?
1164 A.D., the Vikrama year being Karttikadi, expired. The other two records av:
dated. .-yi'l '•i'>'
Tlte first record, which is the longest (lines 1-41) of the four, may be conveniently J..
into four sections. The first section commences with the partly damaged passage recordm.g
the details of the date mentioned above. It is followed by a reference to the righieo>:> raL
{Rama-rajya) of the [maharajadbiraja] Kumarapala, described as the vanquisher of
lord of !§akambhari (verse 1), and to the administration of that ruler's officer named YasPdi ..
vala and designated as ISrikarana (verse 2). Then comes the reference to the reigr. rf
issuer of the charter, viz. Alhana who is described as ruling over his hereditary kingdom,
through the favour of the above Kumarapala, i.e. the overlord (verse 3).
< * C. P. No. 79 of A. R. Ep., for 19S6-57. A short note on this inscription had been publislwd ■■.-:! a <-
AS1AR., 1936-37, pp. 120-21; and in Ann. Rep. Rajaputana Mm., Ajtmr, for the year ■ eaiStft:JJ*f "i&fsiy.
■■:.* Above, Vol. XXXBI»®p, 238 ff.aMfIate„ ' .• y

''■'AM*. ,
IDGA/83 ss 4:
18 EPIGRAPHIA INDfCA [Vol. XXXIX
Then begins the second section, commencing with a statement that on the date specified
was written the present record containing a description i f the forefathers of the issuer of the
charter (verfe '/IhrS'ifollpired^byi a description of the genealogy of Alhana. Tt is said that
in the family of the Chahamanas there was born the king Lakshmana, his son was Sohika;1
Ms son BaUrSiA in NadiMa ; his son Mahindra5 (verse 5); his son Anahila (verse 6); then
JaneadrarSja’sS*' son perhaps named P?ithvli»a<(|,e, Pjitbvfpala; of Mother^fecords ofthe'&ail^^,
who was the destroyer of the horsemen and the elephants of the enemies in the battles,5
and was the ruler of the country named Saptasata (verse 7);° <his brother)7 J6ja ; (his brother)
A6arS|a;:;{yefse;;8)'.wlo' on the orders of his overlord (prabku) SiddharSja /.%•. the Chaulukya
Siddfearaja Jayasirhha II (c. 3093-1143 A.D.) of Anahilapataka, Went to Dharafor war,
and seeing whom the Mng Naravarman (of the Paramara dynasty of Dhfira) hid himself out of
terror in a secret place within the outer wall of the city (verse 9);* and his son Alhana whd
put down some chiefs of the Ilaehala country and who thus saved from disaster the Surash-
$ra region of the Gurjstra king /.<?. Cliauluâ (verse 10).8
The above is followed by the third section gjvMr :u: account of the genealogy of Alhana
on his mother’s side. We are told here that in the Solar race there! was a king Bfidha by name.
He was followed by -lii&sonyfijn^ddMra (verse 11); his son Harsvallabha;1" his son Kum-
arapala (verse 12) ; his son Klrttipala, the destroyer of the horsemen of certain king
(name lost) in the battle at Vlsalapnm or plva-visalapura : his brother HaripSlawhoVas
the terror toone:;Bamnprayand fearing whom even the horses, probably of tfie Mussalmans
(Turushka), though very thirsty, did not drink water (verse 13); and his brother Rudrapala11
-.(verse\M). The latter'-$eems/tb-have been the ruler of Telarasvara. His daughter was the pious
Delhanade^M, the mother of the illustrious Alhapa, the repository of all good qualities
'(verses' 1S4|).
The fourth or the last section contains theformal portion of the grant. First, it introduces
Kilhaâ as the ftfatnera or heir-apparent and as mdevote-d'son: of.Alhana^versi. 17); ''then
it is said that being aware of the emptiness of the worldly pleasure (verse 18), the king Alhana
look bath in the holy waters, worshipped the god Tripurusha12 elaborately (verses 19-20)
name, seeH.VC. Ray, DHN1, p. 1105, foot-note 3.
,* This name fa spelt as ^Maftendm or Mahindu elsewhere {see ibid, p. 1106 and foot-note 2).
* Jahendraraja -.was ;tbeSon of: Anahila, ..Though his name is spelt differently in* different records
{see ibid,, p. 1107 and foof-note 3), jwrhaps according to the requirement of the metres in the respective
iascriptions; the intended form of the name seems- to %e:'3iteihdmjaiar': Cf.'; the.. etymology: '
jemJaneMm&joyattt^havat ^.ym in & record. '(to:S!»nBa,pp;'cit,:p.'189;''teStlirie 15),- /r':
* In the ge%alogical accounts furnished by other records of the Kiitjol Chahrmana family we find
in between Anahila and;#pthvipala, the'-description of the.'feriner’f son' Bilsprasadhstjd- MCyhSgeC' tebthei:-
jfen4raraja,;*vSi«t:e,g,Jbid,'\' '
. 6 Cf. Aijahila’s description in a fragmentary record, Ibid., text lines 13-14.
* Cf 3£«f,-p.-I83,'T : T ■
: ;,;T The relationship, indicated hereinafter within brackWSjthough'n'otnienfioinep.m'.oufrecofd, isâccorditig
to other charters of the family. 6
8 Cf. Kanchipura-prakur-antarita-prutapam akaidd-yuh Pallamndth patim in the Aihole prasasit (above
Vol. VI, p. 6, verse 29).
»Cf. the description of this event in the Swndha Hill stone Inscription of the ChfihamBm ChacWgad&m
:(afei«f:Vol.IlKw77,Wrs».:32-3l)./''/'''"; • •
10 Cf. Sharma. op. cit., p. 183.
11 The name of this prince has been read as Ratnapala and he is taken to be the brother of Kumarapala (ibid.,
M ln thpNSnâ stmy plate the name of this deity occurs always in the plural [form, exceptingin one ease
It has been identified with a form of Trimurti. (See above, Vol. XXXJII. p. 240 and foot-note).
No. 4J ■ NANANA COPPER PLATES OF THE TIME, OP KUMARAPALA »
and gifted away wcaith to the Brahmanas and to bis own preceptors for the merit of his o<-1
parents and of himself (verse 21). Then to the above god Tripurushadeva, he restored
what is called Valddhipa-kranut-paJ-dbhavya,1 obviously an income from certain tax, of the
village Namdaga belonging to the god. It is stated that the above income had been
originally, enjoyed by that god and that it had been, however, subsequently confiscated by
some merciless kings (a prose passage in tines 35-37 and verse 22). The record ends with a
verse advising the kings to restore all the pious gifts fallen in disuse (ve-se 2? s followed b> a
gardabha curse (verse 24).
: ^The second and third records are supplimer.tary in nature. 7he former of the ' . in
prose (lines 41-42) and registers the gift,2 presumably bv the king Aihana him-,?' . what
is called. vaIadliip-abh[d}vya>,of the village BMtala-vavaka to god Chamditles\.-.ra.‘ 1; - r od
that this villagejiad been already in the enjoyment of the same deity.
. The third record commences with a prose passage (lines 43-45) registering a pift **y she
Mahdrdjadhirqja Alhapa, of four drammas to be paid every month from the ov .io-i’v
house* {sulka-maijd*pikdj for the daily offerings (MimS, of the <m.V.v <i;w he.-h;
is sfated to have been installed by Sarhfcaradivl the rpaxm {of Alh'.ma) in the -sanctum-
,sanctorum of the god ChandaMvaradeva.** Tins is io..c.vp ,J by .mptccarion (vc< 25>
and by a statement that the king Alhapa placed his right hand over the charier, evidently
asjamark of attesting his signature on it7 (verse 26). The charter vvt- written in the present
of the king by a certain Khc!adityas (verse 27).
The fourth or the last record is in p’-ose (line-. 50-52). It gives the details of the e
of the grant, already discussed, and registers a gift by the Maharajiidhirmt Alhanadcva,.
(i.e. Alhana of the other records) of three hala measare of land situated on the wesk*. •. b-v-m-.
dary what is called Nijurialiai-Dmiigara in the village Slrtarddl for the enjoyment {bh€-g?f
‘The meaninS; of this expression is doubtful, it is evident that the te-m vdld.hipdbhhya of the &. ion-.i
.record is expanded to suit the metre in the first. Acccording to D. Sharma (op. cit., p. 185) they may denote
some cases, called dbhSvyas accrued to the rulers and feudal chiefs on account of their real or supposed services
z&miadUpas, However, vSladhipa of our record seams to be the same as bsladhipa or balMiikrita whose con
tracted form btiladhi is used as a designation to denote the revenue head of a taluk. (See the Likhapaddhai),
GOS.pp.8,10). Similarly bhavya is recognised in the sense of sambhavemd or the Gujaratipdgferdfbbid. p 9vj
“payment as a reward”. So. abiuaya of oar expressions may denote a receipt of such t piymcnt. (CT.
words dana and adorn). So, it is likely that valadhipabhavya means” the receipt of the v'dadhipa orihs
revenue officer” whilethe expanded expression of the first gram may denote s-<oh a rccci-.r nude the! c/ i„-
(krama) office (pada) of the taluk-revenue officer (vahidhspa).
*The word tatha in the beginning of this record may suggest a renewal cpafealtf'fgl dtftjiittte case rf
the first record (See ibid. p. 241 ASI. AR., op. cit. p. 121).
» See &bove. p. 6 , f.n. 3.
* As has been suggested this deity might have been set up by Chat&daUuiCvf mrobiblv a queer, of As sa 3
(See above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 241).
,v;. ‘Seeabove)‘rid. .IX: p-BM foot-hot#8.■ ).In:the:present,r«S>f#it;ttnot stated wltefcthis eitsbatsdwttih
was located. Peihaplh^:was)itt:lliitait4|ifaka Itself:mfnttoned'tn'|he;:pferiotJs record.) 2>
' « The Nanapa stray plate also speaks of an image of Gauri set up by the qaeenbChaad^divf la ii*) taasfe
of Cbandalesvara (above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 244 text line 10).
7 Cf. the expression sva-hasid mama usually found at the end of copper-plate charters.
* He may be identical with the Samdhmgrahika fhakkura Khefciditya, the writer of the KiAdn stone
IrsKription of Alhana dated Vikrama 1209 (above, Vol. XI, p. 46, text line 18).
9 See the LSkhapaddhati, pp, 9,102 where bhogS is used in the sense “for the rightbfe^#pa«t.
44
20- .. fPIGRAPHIA :;,|m."^Xl3£:
of the god Tripurushadlva. This record is stated to have been written on the king’s oMer
by *
*Tha°(i.e. Thakkura) Sridhara.1
The present records are important in many respects. The first record shows beyond
doubt that Alhana, the issuer of the charter was a feudatory of the Chauhikya king Kumara-
pila and was enjoying his own ancestral kingdom of Nadol through the fayour of his over
lord,* This fact, together with the language of the passage recording the restoration of the
income of the yiEages Nandapt etc. seems to support the theory that prior‘to 1161 A.D. i.e.
the date of the Nadol plates (set I) of Alhana,3 the power of the Nadol Chahamanas had been
kept in abeyance, for some time either by the Chaulukya overlord Kumarapala4 or by -his
rival Sakambhari king.® The latter alternative seems to be more probabie in view of the con
tempt expression nripair nishkripaih “merciless rulers”: chosen to describe those who .had
forfeited the god Tripurusha of the above mentioned income. For, It is hardly believable
that he would have used such expression to refer to his overlord Kumarapala, through whose
gtm:d:,(prm<id«) he had gqt-.Ms own 'kingdom^:as.;he-tt^mself professes'Cverse, 3). ;
' Again thehelp rendered by Alhapa’s father Aiafajaiit; MSlava to his Chaulukya overlord
^SIddhartja,layasiihha;.is'of course known from the ^Sundha:’|illlitseriptiOH.of $e Chahaipana
,;Ghichigadeva.*: /.However, the-present recordjsmdre'specific on this:p<iM:asit:tells:hs:lhat'
the Wp meant in that record was during the time of war waged by that Chaulukya monarch
agaiast the Faramira king Naravarman of Dharii.7 Alhana of our record is called as Ahla-
#na in the:t#ov© mentioned SundhI Hill inscription of V. S. 1319’ which praises him to have
•aided the .Ourjara king.(I.e, the Chaulukya 'sovereign KumirapSia):by.: putting'downidistur-:
bances in the mountainous part of Surashtra (girau SqurHsthfre),* The same has also been
.alluded to in the Nadol plates of V.f}. 1218.1® - But both these records do not give us any clue
to know who the Saurashjra adversary of Kumarapala could.have vbeen.. However, the Pra-
•bmMmkiMiStmpitetts us.how KumSrapala’s army led-by Ms.general Udayana against:Suiifara :
. or Saus-ara, .-king of Surashtra, suffered initial defeat; 'how the-, general .was.mortally wounded;.
and how"'tfe"enemy .was.finally, vanquished.11 PerMps';the/€hIhainana.AlltflEE.."als<».;WaS''.
responsible"for the.final'.Chauhikya victory.1*' The.present'record gives an. «npQrtaht:;adffi*^
tional information by referring to the rulers of the said mountainous region as the rulers of
- Ilachala (verse 10), which, though not easy to. "identify, is-'to .-be .located .s®mew.here>'in."Saufl-
.shtra,1*. ...In this context it'may- Ik observed" MS’tfiBmmmdi■:of Sbmgiv&ta'Apeaks-of..
Humlrapala’s victpfy over what is called “JiAgala”.country,*4 -the word jmgata is usually
. 1 This Sridhara may be identical with his namesake who composed the text of the Nadol plates of Alhana
âted-¥J.;m8ipm®i.'VdL;K, pp. 63 ff.).
? See belpw. See also Ray, op. cit„ pp. 1115 «id 1117,
TAbove, Vol. IX, pp. 63 ff, '
.''■..4:&eahw*,.ôl..XI,:.pp« 70;.Ray, op. cit„ p. 1115.
: ;*:%e:SSpB«t,.0|y.cit.fp.l34." ■ - . .
s Above, Vol. IX. p. 76, text verse 26,
7 See below. Somesvara’s Kirttikaumudt{Cmta. H, verses 30 fit)and the Talwara inscription of Siddharaja
hteBetf^tendifkar'S' List, No. 1521) speak ofthe victory of this Chaulukya emperor over '■ the: Paranwa king
Naravarman.
* Above, Vol. IX, pp. 66 ff. ■
77,verse-33:;r'-/-
*• /bidvpyf$,.yeisd'5,:^ ^
» The Prabandhachintamani, Translation by Tawny (1901), p. 134.
11 Above, Vol. XI, p. 71.
The name Ila reminds us of the village Ilao (Broach district, Gujarat) which has yielded an inscription
citte Gurjara king Dadda II of Saka 417. See Ind. Ant, Vol. XIII pp. 116 ff.
"-** ■•a#t#'"iL/'veise''47,"-:
•jto-;. 4] NANANA COPPER PLATES OF THE TIME' OF KUMARAPAtA
a _ ' .121?- wv
taken to denote a fertile hilly country with strong breeze, high temperature
insufficient water supply.1 A hilly tract in Saurashtra could easily be called mgala
it is likely that the Kirttikaumudi, the above mentioned Sundha Hill record and the present
charter all refer#to the self same military exploits of Kumarapala
■ as we have already seen, Alhana too took part. *
Further, ours is the only known charter which gives not only the
but also her genealogy consisting of the names of six chiefs bel
is difficult to identify any of these kings and the person
Haripaia of this line was a terror as described in the record,
vara? of the country over which Alhana’s maternal grandfather Rudrapjia is
be ruling reminds us of the name of the modern Taiwara in the Banswiira
than. If they are identical, then one may surmise that the members of this fa
probably the feudatories of the Chaulukyas of of Anahilapataka. For
yielded an inscription of the time of Siddharaja Jayasimha in which the emperor
victory over the Paramara Naravarman.4 If so, then the battle at VIsaiaptira.
Kirttipala of this fajniK (i. e. Alhana’s maternal grandfather Rudrapala s elder
is stated to have taken part, might have been one of the battles fought by tlic
. kya ’overlords against their Chahamana adversaries at an earlier date
Haps in a town, Aiich one of the kings, named Visala, of Sakambhari, had founded
after himself.4 In that case the city maybe identical with
Rajmahal in the former Jaipur State) wherefrom comes an inscription of V. S
88 A.D.) ascribing the foundation of that town to a king'billed.Vliaia4fya»wl
The purpose for which Alhana"s knmdra, or heir-apparent, Kclhana is introdu.
present record is not clear. May be, it suggests that Alhana had already endow.
Kelhana with some important power of administration. This fact had been
inscription of Alhana himself dated V. S. 1209,7 (i..e. ten years earlier than our record!
bears the sign-ffianual of the king followed by the appro'
Kllfaapa and Mahdrdjaputra Rajasimha.* The Nadol plates (set ,IT):;;©f
1 Cf. a'p-odaku-taru-parvato dcsb jdngala/s in the.MU&ahma under the YajiUivalk^tomciii, Ch. 1
by KullCiitabhatta under Ch./VII,: vferse.bf.

2 The word Hammira, a corruption of the Arabic Amir also aid. itJslbeea,.accepted
title for the Muhammadan princes during the period ofabout 100C-1300 A.D. (SceRay.op.cit.,p.6Sl). I'h-.m
fore it is not unlikely that the word is here used as a synonym of Twruskka as in a verse in the description „f
the Chaulukya Kumarapala's conquest found in the SukrUakirttikallalim of Udayaprabha (see p. '6
' 'aoifoot^note 2). The reference to the Turuskha-turaga along with oar Insetilfle® Itself:, seem to
•support this view.
3 Reading this name as Sarasvata, the geographical unit under question has been identified with the
territory lying on the banks of the Sarasvati river in northern Gujarat (Shrrma, op. cit., 184). But wV know
that the Sarasvatamapdala, comprising the regions of the modern Mehsana, Radhanjror and Palanpur Uee
A, S. Majuradar,;'CW«^d/.0«/ar^p,2(»)<.;:wasceMuered#'ili®‘Chaulukya Muiarfta (cf. ntfa-bhui-
tet-linifyandthat It was the cradle of she Chou-
lukyan power and remained well under the control of tfartidyn»ty-te>'.fhe last,
4 Bhandarktt’sJjst,No. 1521. ’ d. ; "
SeeSharma,'opr.cit.'.p,iS8>«4,
* SeeRay, pp. cit4 p. 1084.
7 Above, ¥01.23, pp.43ff, ; *
4 lbid.i p. 46. text ines 1748.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA ■
explicitly that the eldest son Kelhana had been made kumara, and was entrusted with a share
,governinpit.:l\;;I?rdih: this:. it::!Iisjevidentrthat^■' Rsihtpa
who had been a mere or prince in V. S. 1209, was elevated to the status of
Nadol record makes it also clear that the association
■ of ^-kummtA was .'felt,necessary even in the grants made by Alhana lymself. However,
the Na^61^fla(tes:''(s0t:I)..tl0tigh dated in V, S. 12182 contain no reference to this kumara'
From'all^'these'it^mdy'.helogical to conclude as foUdwff';.;;\110ihfha:.was;:.ihade.''Eeif-apparent»
sometime;: in “l, 'S.-'liiR: i.e»» during the period that, separated the two sets of the Nadol places
from one another. y’Tfa&'setl belonged to a date '..earlier, than, that-:of ‘accession as kumara
and tbeset !L.tO: a date, later 'than- that. Consequently: ttic:dstaikpf;'the date.of the set I,., .viz.
V.S, Ol&j'rirlyanasHi T4,. Sunday, maybe equated Wdone'lby Prof, j'-./KMltom' with the 6th
August, 1161,'A‘Df8;. -Cte the-other hand the details ofthedate, f.of thesetTI, .viz, V. S*. 1218,
;Sriyahaha,:5,:S4oitday,.m'ay:better be eq«ated.with:the'2tJid;lttiy’s: llfil A*D* :;(^d,i/*^4)r, rather.
;',fhan wftfrthr25th. Inly 1160 A. B.** Therefore, fie' Vikrhmaêar dfthe:'se|.II,;ihay'be.taKen
better asthe.'.,expired K3mikatli(m in the case of our present'.reeofdjrfather than as.the current
/To' ; >'■;.>
;.'®C'';:tlnrd;;tfeQrd;metttiotis 'the name of a; hitherto. unknown.qweenyaf Altana, ;vi&-

karadevi, while the fourth .record furnishes the hist known date for Alhana. viz. the 2nd July
1164 A. D. This dale is later by a year, than the hitherto known last date for him viz. the
3rd July 1163 A.D. furnished by the i hnera copper plate (I)5 issued by his son Kelhana
as kumara.1* As Kgjhapa’s earliest inscription coming from Sanderav7 is dated 1st January,
1165 A. D., his father Aluana’s reign must have come to an end sometime between the 2nd
July, 1164, A. D. and the 1st January, 1165 A.D.*
Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription,."Sft:ka.tiibhari'.is '.the..modern
Sambhdr and Naddukt is modern Na#l, Pali District, Rajasthan. The country Saptasata,
obviously same as the- Sapta§ata-vishaya of the Sevadi plates of Ratnapala* may be identified
.with modern districts of Jodhpur and Pali1»
' Wfeihavel.trietl to/.iêatity'the,.TeIarasvara country and* Vlsalappra.
■'already..beenTdeiitified. with.the modern NUilal.- the.:fiifdsp6t :of''tlie ehartfifPv
'.BWtaIftvS|aka'(spelt BMptalavitaka.in the Nf; nil nil stray plate) and Samvodi may have
;To. be located. In -the ■ neighbourhood of Nanapa itself1.*
* TEXT13
(Metres : Verses 1-4, 18, 23-24, 26-27 Amshtutii; verses 5-17, 19-22, 25 Sdrdiilavikndita]
■••• .. First-.Plate
1 ..........[19].. ■ [Vi].r... [§atS]staw Sk-§oa«vij£fiLiaty-adbtS:Ss|i« i'eharPausba-vddi''.
3 Some i; A
1 Ibid , p. 69, verse 8.

* Ibid., pp. 63 ff.
3 Ibid., p. 64. Hence the Vikrania year was the mn&itXSrttikMioTtk^mplmA-CUitrSdL
‘ Cf. Ibid. p. 68.
» Above. Vol. XHI. pp. 207 ff.
6 Cf. Bhandarkssr's List. No. 318 ; Ray, op. cit.. p. 1118. See also Sharma, op. cit., p. 134, foot-note 30.
’ Above, Vol.. XI, np. 46-47. See Bhandarkar?s List, No. 320.
8 Cf. Sharma. op. cit., p. 136 and foot-note 57.
” Above, Vol. Xt, p. 310. text line 15.
10 See ibid., p.308.
11 Above, Vol. XXXm, p. 243.
18 See ibid.
13 From a set of photographs.
*« This damaged portion may be restored conjecturally as Siddham .'(expressed...'by1 syaaSphsiJiSSi^wtf 4219
iriVikrama-kalratUa-samratsareshu dvOdaiaitdeshu.
From Photographs
NANANA COPPER PLATE OF THE TIME OF KUMARAPALA
AND ALHANA, VIKRAMA 1212 AND 1220
No. 4] NANANA COPPER PLATES OF THE TIME OF KUMARAPALA 23
-2 [dy=e]ha............. || Ma.[ra]___ ya3 - jita-gakambhari-pateh | srimat-Kufmarap] alasye
Rama-rajye ja
3 [.]pri[ye]2 || [1*] Sri-YaSodhav.....3 [d]mbpaji vini | Srlkaran-apta-mudre cha
svami-dha[rnun-adhi]karini || [2*] Prasada-
4 [d=bh]ubhujo=mu[shya?] sr!mad=Alliana---- [4]----- | sarvva-bhu-bhage bkujyamana-
kram-agate || [3*] Jate e(ck='ai)vam-vidhe kale sasanam
5 likkyate yatha [||*] kfitva §asana-datus=cha [kiyat=p]urrvvaja-varnnanam(nam) |[
[4*] Kshonl-mamdana-Ghaliamana-vimale variise. viâl-achale
6 6rimall(l=L)akshrnapa-nama-bhupatir== a[bhu]t= samgrama-Ram-opamah | tat-putro=
. tha va(ba)bhuva [S]ohi[ka] wpa-------w------ t-suto6 Na[d]dule [Va](Ba)a |
7 liraja-bhupatir—-ato jato Mahlrhdrfl nripah || [5*] Samjato—tha mahlpatis-tv=
•Anahilah sri = ^ himdf-atmajo hatva yena na-
8 8re vrirhdam =akhilam j vlr[ya]s=tatah | [ya]dva(d=dva)re ripu-sumdari8-nija-
dhava-pradhvamsa-bhitah sa[d]a------ nayan-ambuna prati-
9 dipam tishthamti teja[h*] [svakam](kam) |[ [6*][K]amam [yo] va(ba)ku-bhupa-[va]ryya
•. ' dalana-prodbhuta - -10 rjjakas=tuii>.g:asva-sthita-matta-kumjara-mukha-prakshi
• 10. pta-kumt-ahavah111 | tejasvi sa Ja[ne]mdraraja-tanayah P[ri].12^ bhu-bhushanam

'rajye Saptasat-akhya-durlabhatare nana-turamg-akare || [7*]
11 [Bhu]pala[s=tv=atha J[o ?] w bhupa-tilakah13 kale ^------ ^----- -- bhut=Kali-kala-
kalmasha-va(ba)hih-prottumga-tejah sa hi | Asa-
12 raja-mahipatir=[g]guna-gan-alamkara-bhu-namdano vi[khya]to ya[sas] su-vikrama-
[gu]naih- Kam[da]rpa-rup-ak ritih II ■ [8*] YaSchha (s=§a ?)tro-
13 34 v v - w w w [nas=cha]mda-pratap-anvitah' samprapa prabku-Siddharaja-va
[cha]sa yuddhaya Dhara-tale | - shlv15=amumja18 w - gati-
1 The word damaged here is obviously MahdrajMhirajasya. Before that there is no trace, in the pho
tograph, of the' word srlmad-Anahiiapatdke read by Sharma.
a The expression intended is evidently jana-priye.
3 Restore °la-rajapada-padmo. .
4 One is probably to restore something like Alhana-bhupatih 1 Nddidia: .
5 Restore nripas=tasmdd=abhut=tat-sutd- ‘
6 This punctuation mark is unnecessary.
7 Sharma reads sriman-Mahindratmajo here.
* -Probably narendra-vrimdam-akhilam prakhyata-vtryasAs the intended expression.
2 The context requires sumdaryo which however obstructs the metre. Better substitute yoshito.
10 Restore sdmyanto conjecturally.
11 The intended vigraha is tumg-aSva-sthiteshu mattakumjara-mukheshu cha prakshiptena kumtena Shavalj
■ yasya fcf. Sharma, op.cit., p. 186, foot note 1). Better rezd-kimit-avahali 1
12 The intended word may be Prithvipa in the sense' of Ppthvlpala. Sharma reads tasmad=abhud=*
bhiishanam.
13 Restore Joja-bhiipa-. Sharma reads Tasyanantura.■ .bhuDatilakalu.
14 Sharma’s reading here yach-'chhatrottana is metrically defective. The damaged passage may be coniec-
tually restored as something \\ke=ba<rdr=4eiabala-virya-darpa-dalanasi=
11 Restore as dfishtv\\. ■
34 Probably we have to ignore the anmtsvdra mark above/a.
24 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [yoL. XXXIX
14 w •<_> - - w nath-akritim tad-bhitya Naravarmma-bhupatir=abhu[t=pra]kara-

durgg-asrayah |J [9*] Tat-putro =tka kula-pradlpakataya
15 - smad1=abhud Alhanah kshonlpala Ilachala-kshiti-bhujam=uttpa]ta— [ksha]mah2-

yen=ai[ta]n giri-gah[v]ar-anta-[si]-
16 --------[vl]r-adhipan3 hatva rakshitam=eva Gurjjara-pater=ggrastam S[u] — [bva]:

yam(yam)4 II ,[10*] Yan-matamaha-purwajah.kshitibhu-
17 jam [j]eta cha dat=arthinam 3rImadvu(d-Bfi.)dha5-n 6 ripo va(ba)bhuva sukriti*

Sri-SuryavamSe kriti || ( | ) tasy=a[bhu]t=sthira=chamda-Bhaskara-sama-||7 .
% •
18 khyata-pratapo hy =abh.ud=Vi[p]ruddha[ra]-8iiaresvar6 , ripu-vadhu-vai[dhavya]~

dana-prad'ah |J [11*] [A]smat=tatra9 10
vichitra-[vi]krama-guna-pra- . .
19 dhvasta-bhumiSvaro jatah sri-Haravalla[bh]6 manu-patis1,=[t]ej.o-dhara-Bhaskarah ||.;

. . (|) su[nus=tasya] Kumarapala-nripatis=tya- |7
20 gl §i[va] - .w11 samp[ra] - mahi12-vinyasta-klrtti-kramah ||'

[12*] Tat-[sunus=tv=a]tha deva-[Visalapure]13 *sri-Kirtti-
15
21 pal-abhidho ja -11 - [pate]s-turamgama-nrmam samhara-kartta - rane || (|) 'tad-

bhrata Ha[r]ipala-nama-vidito Hamrrura-gamka- • '
22 karo yad-[bh]Itya na ja[la]m y ru w turagaih16 pltam trish-arttair=api || [13*] Bhrat=;

a[s=t]e=sya Kumarapala-nripateh putro dharitrils-yaso- > ' . ■
23 [vi]khyatas=tv=iha Rudrapala17-nripatih ' sadVamdya-karmma-kram[a]h |pi [14*]'

Telarasvafra]19 -punya-bhu-tala-pateh pra[na]-priya putrika sam- 1
1 Read tasmad=
- The intended reading may be something like utpata-karma-kshamah. Shanna reads —utp3(a-raksha—
kshamah here. ’
3 Pratipal Bhatia {The Paratnaras, p. 126) follows Sharma’s reading ... bhira-Dh3r3dhip5n.
/ Evidently Surashtrahvayam is intended (cf. above, Vol. IX, p-. 77, text Verses 32-33). However, Sharma
reads grastam [majhantam dalam. ' .
5 This name may also be read as Dhudha.' (See Sharma op.,tit., ASI.AR, op. cit. Ibid.).
6 The first half of this verse ends with this word according to Sharma who, however, feels that some words
are omitted here.
7 This punctuation is unnecessary.
8 This name appears to be a corruption of Viproddhdra. ASI.AR. and Shanna read this name Vishnus
diihara and Vishnudvara respectively.
9 Shanna reads Pafchat-tatra.
10 Sharma reads Uaradatta-nama-iifipati following perhaps Ojha and the ASI.AR.
11 Can the intended word be something like Sivaradhakali ? '
12 Here Sharma reads yuddlutm=uchchhrita-mahi.
• 13 ASI.AR. add Sharma tike respectively this name to be Vardhamanapura and Devavarddhattapura.-
11 The intended word is evidentlyjatah and the context seems to suggest that the next word may be-
something like ASvapateh.
15 Sharma’s reading Tururhska-turagaili may be the intended one.
.18 Sharma reads Bhrata tasya Kumarapala-nripateh ...dharitrl, etc. ASI.AR. also seems to be inclined
to read the same.
'17 ASI.AR. reads this name as Ratnapala.
This is only half of the verse. . '
18 ASI.AR. and Shanna read tat-Sarasvata. . 1
No. 4] NANANA COPPER PLATES OF THE TIME OP KUMARAPALA 2$
24 j§ta hi maha-sa[ti] prati-dinam Gamg=eva vamdya -satam(tam) | namna Delhana°

. devik=eti jana-viprakhyata-îlc=ainala sa
25 — lhana1 -bhupater=vijayino mat=atiputra-priya U [15**] Tat-putraiya .Ye

(Bfi)haspater=iva gu[naj vu(bu)ddhis=cha Vi[shn6]r3 = yatha teja-
26 st’-' *Rayer=iva kshiti-tale saumyatvam=Indor=iva | Ramasy=eva jan-anuraga-

vibhavah SrI-*Alhana-kshmapa-
27 ‘ (te]h sau (Sau)ryam tasya Va(Ba)ler=iv=asti viditam gambhiryam=avdhe(bdhe)r=iva [j
’ [16*] S-ambhodhi-kshiti-khanda-xnairiâna-ma-
28 hi-[djin-amdha-kalpadrumbj at o bhupa-kumara-vikrama-ya£o-vikhyata-‘
Second Plate 1
29 chutfa-manih | Srimat-Kelhana atma-vam£a-kamala-prady6tan-arthi Ravir=bhakt5
Ramavad=Alhapasya nripateh putrab pa-
30 vitro bhuvi || [17*] Idjig-vamSa-guij-adharah srimad-Alhava-bhupatih | vichimc
' tayati samsaram=a-sar-akara-dustaram(ram) ||9 [18*]
31 Samsar-edriSa-dufckha-bhlta-rnanasa gatv=atha tirth-odakaih snatva nirmala-dhauta-

pota-yugalam vinyasya ch =amgl nije |
32 paschat=tam jagatam patim Tripunisham samsnapya pamch-amritaih karpur-odaka-
chani-chaihdana-rasair°liptva samagram tatah JJ [19*] Sadyas=champa-
33 ka-malati-Sata-dala-v'yakoSa-pushp-ambujaih sampujy=atha yath-ochitam su-manasa
stutva cha natva chiraril(ram) | naivedyaih su-rasam
34 pradaya * va(ba)hudha pupya-prad-aratrikam pa£chat=prekshanakam mano-dhvani-

karam taurya-trik-alaihkfitaiii(tam) || [20*] Kritv=aitad=dvija-devatamka
35 svagurun7=abhyarchchya nana-dhanaih pitroh svasya cha dhannma-kirtti-yaSaaam

samvfiddhaye Sraddhaya [[( 21*]6 ath=anantaram cha | Ananya-cheva(ta)sa
36 svargg-apavargga-margga(rgga)-prayana-prakasaka-phalapradam )* dharmma-sthacakaifc
tad-upadrava§cha(n=cha) kshiti-tala-bhupala-tilakd mahipatir=asau pa -
37 ribhavayati10 | paribhavya cha ]9 bhagavatab sakala[m] sur=asura=gurob £rima[t]»

■ Tripuru[sha]devasya prabhujyamana=Warhdana=gramasya | Grama-
1 Restore as bhud=Alhana.
■ For the sake of metre the order of two words are changed. ConsVcaaB{ihaspat€r=im buddhih Vishndr=-yalftd
gupaff.
* Probably s=ttkshria-]s intended.
* Sandhi is not observed here.
• This line is shorter than the previous ones.
• Verses 18-23 form a kulaka.
’ JHea&*devatdhsvaka-gurun=
0 This is only one half of a verse.
» Tins punctuation mark is unnecessary,
10 Here the word paribhdvayati is used in the sense of "makes it known". The prose passage from
Aftanyo-chetasa to Nandapa-gramasya seems to have been composed of passages of some verses.
1DGA/83 5
26 / .. . . EPIGRAPHIA I^DICA . [Vol. XXXIX
38 sy=asya paratra bhiru-manasa dfishtva gfihitam ta[th]a pratyabdam hi Valadhipa
kfrjalmal-pad-abhavyam-nfipair^bkripaib11 *pa&hya($cha)d=AlhaijaHieva-bhutala-
39 bhuja chamdr-arka-kalavadhim kritv=asmai tila-darbha-toya-vidhina samkalp
[y]a dattam sadaa j| [22*] Rajabhih k rita-dharma[pa]m ja[nma]-kalya9a-kari-
40. nam(nam) | lupta[nam] [.] pana3 * karya
** svar[g]ga-[sau]khya-pradayina[m*] |
[| 23*] Etad=evam maya dattam lobhad=grihflati yo narah | matus=tasya‘ cha-
taty=eva rasabhalj pra- • .
41 ti-vasaram(ram) || [24*] Tatha* cha Srimach-Chamdalesvara-devasya prabhujya-
mana-Bhitalavataka-gramasya Valadhipa[bha] -
42 vyam Subh-anuviddhaya bhaktya Srimach-ChamdaleSYara-devaya pradatta3m=itij|e
43 Aparam cha maharajadhiraja-Srimad-Alhanadevena ChamdaleSvara-devaklya-gar-
bhag pha-madhye
.44 rajfii-Sri-Sarhkaradevya karapita-Gauryai pratidina-bh6ga-nimittam Sulka-mam-
dapikayam • . '
45 prati-masam pradatta dramma$=chatvarah | tS cha chamdr-arka-kalaih yavat
paripalaniyab I Luptim yo=
46 *ya vidhasyati pragata-dhili pamch-Stipap-alayo yo va 3a£a(sa)na-16pa-hetu-vacha- •
saA vakta bhavishya-
47 ty-api | svar[gga]-bhrashta-sa-kashta-sapta-pitaras=tasy=aiva papatmanah Kum-
bhipaka-niranta-ghora-narake
48 yasyanti te=dho-mukhah || [25*] Mam=3ste £asan-aru$Ihah Srimad-Alhana-bhu-
pateb | dan-ambu-nirmaii-
49 bhQtah sva-hasto dakshino hy=ayam(yam) j| [26*] Maharajadhirajasya srimad-
Alhana bhubhujah | purato li-
50 khitam ch=edam Kheladityane7 *£asanam(nam)
* || [27*] iti | Sarhvat*1220 Ash&dha-
guri* 11 Guru-dine devasya pra-10 11
s
51 Ekadasi-parvaiî ^rl-Tripurushadevaya SamvSdi^-gr&ma-bhumi-madhyata12 13
Nijurhhai-Dumgara-pa£chima-[sima*]ni bhfige MahSrajadhira-
52 ja-6rI-18Alhanadevena hala-3-traya-bhumi sva-simd-paryanta Sasana(nS)na pra-
dattah(tta) | Likhitam-idam tha14-Sridharera(na) prabhu(bho)r=ajnava(ya) ||
[Chha]15 *
1 Read^nishkfipailf.
8 Better read muda or said.
* Evidently sthapana is intended-.
* This word as well as the succeeding one are engraved in bolder characters.
0 There is a small unnecessary stroke after tta.
* The rest of this line is left blank.
7 Read Kelddityena.
* This word is engraved in smaller characters.
* Read AshcUjha-Sudi.
.“Probabiy this a!< xkam is a contraction ofprathama. And the Ashaijha $udi 11 is known as Pratham-
11 Sharma read this* - ce name as Chamvoiji and ASI.AR. as Chamvadi.
aikadail.
13 Read madhydt.
u SandLii s not obsen i d here.
11 TTwsta Eds for fhak\ i ra.
11 This Jt ectes the end*.- f the record.
No. 5—TWO NOLAMBA-PALLAVA INSCRIPTIONS
(I Plate)
K.- V. Ramesh, Mysore
Of the two inscriptions, edited here with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist,
Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore, that of Bira-Nolamba Annayyadeva, hereinafter
called' Inscription A1, was found engraved on three faces of a broken pillar in a- field at
Gurdmorabagalu, Madakasira Taluk, Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh* while that of
Ekavakya Eriva-NoJamba, hereinafter called'lnscription B2, was found engraved on a stone
slab set up below the tank-bund at Alav'atta, a village in the Sidlaghatta Taluk of Kolar
District, Mysore State. The writing in Inscription B is well-preserved but, in the case of
Inscription A, the pillar on which it is engraved is broken, into two pieces, as a result of
which some letters in lines,.5, 24, and 45-46 on the south, east and north faces respectively
have suffered damage.
The language and characters of the two epigraphs are Kannada, assignable to the 10th
century A. D. Their palaeography and orthography are comparable to those of the
other available records of the period as, for instance, the Dharmapuri inscription3 of
Nolamb a Mahendra and the Basavanahalli inscription1 of Ganga Satyavakya-Permma-
nadi II.
The text of Inscription A has already been published in South Indian Inscriptions Series,
Vol. IX, Part I, under No. 24. Since the published text is defective and also in view of
the interesting nature of the record, it is-edited afresh below. Inscription B is edited here
for the first time.
Inscription A refers itself to the reign of Bira-Nolamba Annayyadeva "who is in
troduced with tlje usual prasasti of the Nojamba-Pallavas. It is dated 6aka 858,- Durmukhi,
Ashadha ba. 5,Vaddavara. If the given week day is treated as a mistake for Monday,
the other details of date would correspond to 936 A.D., July 11. The inscription records
the grant of bittu-vatato the tank [kerege') by the iit'u and mahajana including Polia-
gavunda of Morvala, Voppa-gavunda, Ayyamma-gafvu^nda, the son of Madava-gavunda,
Maldeya-gavunda, Nannayya, [the son or servant] of Bandara-odeya, Sankarayya, Aycha-
mayya, Duggimayya and Durgga-Sarma, as also Yarunasiva-bhatara, the administrator
of (the temple of) Nojambesvara, who had assembled together.-
■Inscription B refers itself to the reign of Ekavakya Eriva-Nolamba who is also endowed
with the usual Nolamba-Pallava prasasti, and recrods the grant of bittu-kopu by the king.
It is not dated but belongs, as stated above, to the 10th century.
The primary importance of Inscription A lies in the fact that it is the only known dated
inscription directly refering itself to the reign of the Nolamba-Pallava chieftain ; Anna
yyadeva, (he more popular form of whose name, as gathered from epigraphica) records,
1 A.R.Ep., 1916, App. B No. 759.
• Ibid., 1958-59, App. B 659.
* Above, Vol. X, Plate between pp. 66-67.
1 MAR., 1938, Plate opp. p. 188.
( 27 )
1DGA/83. 6
28 EPlGRAPHIA INDICA ' [Vol. XXXIX
is Anniga. He is known to have been ruling over some minor territory in the Chitradurga
region as a subordinate ot his father Ayyappa as "early as in the cyclic year Vikrama^
corresponding to) 920-21 A. D.1 We learn from the. Dnarmapuri (Dharmapuri District,
Tamil Nadu) inscription2 of 929 A. D., that his queen was Attiyabbarasi of the Chaluki
family and that, by her, he had a son named Iiulachora.
Our inscription, dated in 936 A. D., does not mention any overlord, implying thereby
that Annayyadeva was at that time ruling in independent capacity. The Kuâlur grant3
of Ganga Marasimha, dated in 962-63 A. D., states that Nolamba-Anniga was "defeated
at the battle of Kottamangala4 * and subsequently granted protection by Marasimha’^
paternal uncle Rachamalla III. Five more undated inscriptions6 of Anniga’s reign, .which
also do not mention any overlord, may also be deemed to have been written prior to his
defeat at the hands of'Rachamalla HI.
It is likely that, as a result of his defeat at'Kottamangala, Annayyadeva became a subor
dinate of the Ganga ruler. The reign of Rachamalla HI, however, did not last long. The
Deoli plates6 of Krishna III, issued in 940 A.D., state, while describing the "martial exploits
of the Rashtrakuta prince prior to his accession, that he uprooted Rachamalla and plgced
on the Ganga throne (the latter’s younger brother) Butuga (verse 23) and that he also defeated
and reduced to a sorry plight the Pallava king Anniga (verse 24). . The Karhad plates7
of Krishna III, dated in 959 A.D., also mention the defeat of Rachamalla and Anniga by
the Rashfrakuta emperor, in two consecutive verses (verses 28-29).. This fact that the "
defeats of Rachamalla and Anniga are described in consecutive stanzas lends support to the
above view that Annayya had become the subordinate of Rachamalla HI after his defeat
at Kottamangala. For, when Rachamalla was faced with the task of repelling the joint
invasion of Krishna HI and Butuga, it was Only natural that Anniga, his subordinate, should
run to his help. Since the Deoli- plates speak of these battles as having been fought before
Krishna Ill’s' accession and during the reign of his father Amoghavarsha IH (537-39 A.D.),
and since, on the strength of our inscription, Anniga may be taken to have ruled in indepen
dent capacity till 936 A.D., it may be concluded that Annayyadeva’s defeat at the hands
of Rachamalla HI, the acceptance of the latter’s sovereignty by the former, Butuga’s usurpa
tion of the Ganga throne at the expense of Rachamalla and the defdat of Rachamalla
and Anniga by Krishna in may all of them have occurred during the period after 936
A.D., the date of our inscription, and before the elevation of Krishna ni to the Rashtra
kuta throne in 939 A.D.
Ekavakya Eriva-Nolamba of Inscription B is known to be the younger brother and
successor of Annayyadeva. It is possible that the latter’s son Irulachora, to whom re
ference has been made above, either predeceased his father or failed to secure the throne
for some reason or the other. At any rate, Eriva-Nolamba’s elevation to the Nplamba-
Pallava throne seems to have come about in the normal course of events and not as a
result of any dynastic intrigues. For, in the Hemavati (Madakasira Taluk, Anantapur
1 Ep. Cam„ Vol. X, Jl. 29.
2 SIL, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 23.
3 MAR., 1921, pp. 8 ff. and plate.
4 This batfle is also referred toi n an undated hero-stone inscription fi om Kaladevapura, Maddagiri Taluk,
Tumkur District (Ep. Cam., Vol. XU, Mg. 71). ’
6 These are Ep.Cam., Vol.XT, C1.6 and 56; Vol. XH, Si. 59, Pg 80 and Mi 27.
.• Above, Vol.V, pp.I88 ff.
’Ibid- Vol. IV, pp.278 ff, verses 28-29.,
No. 5] TWO NOLAMBA-PALLAVA INSCRIPTIONS 29
' •*
District) inscription1 *of Iriva-Nolamba, dated in 942 A.D., Ms elder brother Anniga is‘
spoken of in laudatory terms. TMs inscription, wMch is the earliest available dated record
of Iriva-Nolamba, also shows that Annayyadeva had ended Ms reign before 942 A.D. Of
the other known inscriptions of Iriva-Nolamba, his Madakasira inscription*, dated in 948-49
A.D., refers to him as the subordinate of Ballaha i.e, Rashtraku(a Krishna III. It is,
therefore, possible that ever since Anniga’s defeat at the hands of Krishna III, the Nolamba-
Pallavas had become the feudatories of the Rashl’rakutas. The reign of Iriva-Nolamba
must have come to an end sometime between 950 A.D., to wMch year another3 *of Ms
inscriptions from Madakasira belongs, and 951 A.D., the year in wMch the Kuraburu inscrip
tion* of one' of ’Ms sons and successors, Ijiva-Nolamba Nolipayya, is dated.
• "
•Besides Ekavakya, Eriva-Nolamba also'had ,the other name of Diliparasa.5 WMle

the other inscriptions give Ms name as Iriva-Nolamba, it is interesting to note that our
inscription names Mm as Eriva-Nolamba. Jriva and Eiiva are respectively from Kannada
•irj6 *and Tamil erE, mearnng ‘to pierce’.
The terms bittu-vata of inscription A (line 38) and bittu-katu of Inscription B (lines 6-7)
are of lexical interest. Bittu-vata has elesewhere8 *been interpreted to mean ‘a grant of land
for the upkeep of the tank1’. In yet another context, it has been opined* that ‘the word bittu-
vat{a seems to indicate either a portion of the produce of the lands below a tank or some
wet lands below a tank granted to the person who built the tank or repaired it’. The latter
interpretation does not hold good in the case of Inscription A in wMch there is no reference
• whatsoever to the person who may have built or repaired the tank. On the other hand,
the expression kerege bittu-vatamam kotfar clearly shows that the beneficiary of the grant
was the tank itself. That the grant of bittu-katu, recorded in Inscription B, was also with
reference to a tank is clearly borne out by the inclusion of the word keje among the objects
the destruction of wMch will amount to an unholy act. It may, therefore, be concluded
that bittu-vata and bittu-kafu are variants having the same mearnng10 and that both are with
reference to tanks.
Bittu-vata occurs in Ta’mil inscriptions as vittu-ppadu and vidai-ppddu wMch, more
often than not, are used in the context of defining the extent of cultivable lands. A copper
plate inscription of 864 A.D., for instance, states that the servants of the temple of Vishnu-
bhattaraka were given, as vritti, two grants of vittu-ppadu, of 8 kalcm each, together with
the privileges karai, karanmai and mida(chi wMch went with those lands11. Another copper
plate grant, assignable to the 9tb-10th century A.D., uses the expressions padiuairigala-vittu-
' ppadu,. air.gala-vittu-ppddu, mukkala-vittu-ppadu and muppattiru-kala-vittu-ppddu to denote
i 57/., Vol.VI, No.-561.
a A.R.Ep.,\9\6, App.B, No. 728. ' -
* Ibid., No. 726. .
‘ Ep.Cam', Vol.X, Ct. 49.
6 Kai-nafakada Arasumanetanaga]u, p. 223.
6 Kittel: Kannada-English Dictionary, s.v.
’ Wilson: Tamil-English Dictionary, s.v.
* oI.IX, part I, No23, Introduction.
» MAR., 1941, p.172.'
40 This possibility ,was suggested in A.R.Ep., 1958-59, Introduction, p.10 wherein, however, hittu-katu is
wrongly referred to as bittu-kaf(e.
nTAS., Vol.-I, Three Inscriptions, of Kdk-Karunandadakkar, p. 7, Text, lines 11-15.
6a
plots of lands which were of the extent of being sown with 15, 5, 3 and 32 kalam of seeds
respectively1. * 3It* is likely that Tamil padu is a derivative of Sanskrit pata which means
‘expanse’, ‘extension’ etc.8 it is obvious that, in the two charters referred to above, the term
vittu-ppadu is used in the sense of Sanskrit bijavapa3 and Kannada bjavari * On the strength
of the above evidence, it may be concluded that bittu-va(a5 *and * bittu-katu8 of Inscriptions
A and B respectively denote, primarily, the assessed sowing capacity of given extents of lands.
At the same time Inscription A, by clearly stating that the bittu-vata was granted to the tank
(kerege) and that the grains were to be collected from lands which were below or within the
area of the tank or were irrigated by picotta (with water from that-tank), clearly implies, that
the beneficiary of the grant of bittuvata was the tank itself and that the grant was in the form
of1 grains collected from such lands as were irrigated with water from that tank.. The
Kannada terms bittu-vata and bittu-katu and the Tamil terms vittu-ppadu and vidai-ppadu
may, therefore, be interpreted to mean, in the first instance, particularly in the case of the Tamil
terms, specification of the extent of a given plot of land on the strength of its sowing capacity
and, as an extended import of their significance, particularly in the case of the Kannada
terms, as denoting the collection of a portion of the produce from such lands as are irrigated
by a tank for being granted to that tank for its maintenance, repairs, etc.
A.—Gunimorabdgalu Inscription of Nolatnba Annayyadeva, Saka 858
The text of this inscription, written on three faces of the pillar and running in all to •
57 lines, commences with the auspicious word Svasti (line 1) followed by the details of the
Saka and cyclic years (lines 1-6). The ruling chieftain BIra-Nolamba Annayyadeva is next
introduced With the usual Nolamba-Pallava prasasti (fines 6-12). This is followed by the
introduction, in fines 12-24, of samadhigata-panchamahasabda, mahasdmantadhipatya,
paramesvara, paramabhattaraka Varunasiva-bhatara who is further described as the gravani
(i.e. gramani) of Pajivala-balu and as the administrator of the temple (sthana) of Nojam-
beSvara. In fines 24-27, the other details of date, discussed earlier, are furnished. The
grant of the bittu-vata is recorded in fines 27-38. As pointed out above, the inscription
records the grant of bittu-vata to the tank by the uru, the mahajana, a numb* $f individuals
and Varunasiva-bhatara, who had all assembled together for the purpose. The lands from
which bittu-vata was to be collected are enumerated in fines 39-52. Lines 52-57 are made
up of the imprecatory portion.
i Ibid., The ffuzur Office Plate ofVikramaditya Varaguita, p.2, Text, lines 3-6.
s Monier Williams: Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v.
3 Cf. dronavapa, Sircar: Ind.Ep. Gloss.
* A Kisamwar Glossary of Kanarese Words, p. 15, s.v.
6 The vo/a of bittu-vata, like the padu of Tamil vittu-ppadu may also have resulted from Sanskrit pa(a.
Alternative possibilities are that vo/o is from Sanskrit vofo an enclosure’, ‘a piece of enclosed ground- (Monier
Williams: op.cit., s.v..) or from Kannada vatfa which means ‘a deduction’ or ‘a discount’ (Kittel: Kannada-
English Dictionary, s.v). In the last case bittu-vatta may be taken to mean ‘a deduction mode from theproduce
from such lands as are irrigated by a tank, for being granted to that tank forits upkeep and maintenance. Cf.
vattan-dir and vattan-tir (Kittel: Op.cit., s.v.) meaning ‘to pay discount’ with kuduvudu in lines 41, 43-44 and
45 and tifuvom in lines 48 and 52 which are used in Inscription A with seference to bittu-vata.
« Ka((u is used in Kannada inscriptions in the sense of‘assessment’ as in kulu-kat(u ‘‘to fix the amount of
taxes’ (See A Kisamwar Glossary of Kanarese Words, p.,144, kula). Bittu-katu, in which kafu is obviously
from katfu, may, therefore, be taken to mean ‘tax assessed in the form of a portion of the produce from such
lands as are* irrigated by a tank for being granted to that tank for its upkeep.’
North Face
Scale : One-fifth
GUNIMORABAGALU INSCRIPTION OF NOLAMBA
ANNAYYADEVA, SAKA 858
South Face East Face

It 1$ ijrtefestiug-to .note"t&att ih© religious head Varunasiva-bhatara, the administrator
of the Noiambesvara temple, is endowed with epithets, some of them usually found in tne
birudavali of powerful feudatory rulers or officials"-awl''the others,;;;#?.'**d.:
paramabhattdraka, found among imperial or sovereign epithets. c
Of the geographical names occurring in the record, Morvala (lines 27-28} to which Poila-
gavunda belonged, is the same as modern Morubagalu, Madakasira Taluk. I am unable
to identify Palivala-baiu of which Varunasiva-bhatara the beMiiiO-
''TEXT1
South-Face
1 Svasti[l*] 6aka-nripa-kal-a-
2 ti(ti)ta-samvatsaranga-
3 < t=entunuy- ayvatt-e-
4 ptane[ya] Durmmukhi[y-e]-
. 5 , [mba] sam
6 Svastif!*] samadi(dhi) ga[ta-pa]-
7 ncha-mahasabda-Pallav-anma(nva)[ya]-
8 sri-pri(pri)thu(thi)vi-vaUaba(bha)-[Pa]-
9 llava-kula-tilaka[m] srimat Bi[ra]-
10 Nolamban-Apnayyadfivana rjaj-
11 jy-abi(bhi)vriddhigal=uttar6ttarara=a»
12 chandr-a[r*]kka saluttire[! *] Svasti[|*][sa]-
:d3._.
14 maha(ha)sa(sa)mantadhipatya-[Pa3-
: -"EmtFwe
15 rama(me)svara-[Pa]ramaba(bha)tta-
16 raicarh japa-niyama-tap-opa-
17 vasa-satya-sau(sau)ch-acha[r-a*]nvi-
18 ta[r]-ttapovan-anuraga-srIma[t]
■ 20 taa-siva-sa(sa)str-anura[m3jita- " .
* The text published in SIL, Vol. IX, part I, No. 24 reads .- gramamcmdoSa.
32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
21 BafBhaJgavat-pad-auka-charana1-* 3
22 Irimat Varimasiva-ba(bha)-
23 iSrar Nolambesva(sva)rada sta(stha)-
24 [iiaman=a]!utt[i]r[e] tad-var[ish-abhya]-
25 [ntara]da Ashada(dha) - mifsada]
26 [bahujlada pailchameyu Va-
27 $a(4$a)-varam=ige Morvva*-
28 la-Polla-gavundanu Vo*-
29 ppa-gavundanu Madava-
30 [ga]vundara maga-Ayya-
31 mma-ga[vu*]ndanu Maldeya-gavunda-
32 mi mahajanamu[m] Bapdara-odeya-
33 ra Nannayyanu Sa(5a)mkarayyamj [A]>
34 ychamayyanu Duggimayya-
North Face
35 Agaju Da[r]gga-sa(£a)[r*]ramami i-
36 ntu urum»mahajanamu[m*] Varu-
37 nasiva-ba(bha)t{araru ijdu*
38 kerege bittu-va?a koUa[r]‘
39 kereya kejage kattige payva
40 kolagadoj padi kuja-gey[du]*
41 kuduvudu olagere-
42 ya ki(ki)!-kereya k[o]}aga[do]-’
43 1 mugandugam geydu kutfu-
44 vudu etadol'-ayguji ge-
45 ydu kuduvudu Noiinabg*-
1 The fublMed test teads : bhagavatpadaikabhararta.
5 The published text reads : Porvva. |
3 The published text reads : Chi.
‘ The published text reads : bhaldrarumildu.
* The pabliihW text reads
‘ The published text reads : pctdirku}a geyyuth.
* 17if published text reads : kalml.
* The published text reads : hamtadol.
* No/ambe has not been read in the published text.
46 iva^va^ke1 ttaêta orfitstolya**
' • • ■»
47 ®ap&HMa3ke* poragtgi a*
48 It-okkal-ellan-tiruvoih ara
49 mantilla pariyara ilia ko- f
50 '; damgey-illa oja-gereya kl- '..
'54 fk^l-lceJsôl-ofcStfJpa :gia|<!S*;V';;
\52; ^.fpajttidon-eiia*^
S3 dana(n-a)lid&ta[m] Varanasi-
,54-
#53.' yuma a(a)lidon - :.
55- ■, pa(pa)takana uri[ra*] kajevudu ura-
#37;.. tan-o<Jati* patella saU»thif*|‘
B.-
..... of this undated inscription, running into 13 lines in
Kannada characters. Lines 9-12 are shorter than the rest because of the engraving of the
figures of a cow and calf on the lower right side of the slab.
The text commences with .the# auspicious word SmsiffMm .1).
duction of the king Ekavakya Eriva-Nolamba with the usual Nojamba-Pallava pmsasii
(lines 1-6). It is then stated that Eriva-Nolamba granted bittu-katu :;fines#43. eoataltl:
the imprecatory* portion.
; : • TEXT*'.,'" ;
:l*f'S¥asti[|*].Samadfitgata-pa-" ;
!''fidto-mahiiabda-Eallav-tf. '■ ■■
3 nvaya-M-Pfithvivaliabha- . .■* ■
4 Pall'ava-kula-ti[la*]kam--fikava-
- .-‘The published .text.'.reacto :P4mke, ■ ■
: *:Tkis is probably a ttustake tor
. ■ .*The.:pub!Khe5l.iext;reacls' .
' ‘ The published text reads : a. .
'■ *'The .published textsHSd* t ■yMi&emtttm**. ‘
* • The published text reads:.# wMmmttiMarkS.Vxkt the"meaning ©f the.oorps;t readlog,,..®;above, is
.Ihat-the sinner .who. floats'the grant shduld-'be expelled'from the Milage aad'istwelJ »t'.fc'..fl*nniaed to live
union with Jus wife.
* From the impression. '
;. Thereisafloraldesign at the beginning. ■ ' ''
34 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ Vol. XXXIX
,■ 5 kyam srlmat1 Eriva-Noja- ' ’ /
6- ra&a Mtta
7 kata alidu kondavam | * Bararta-
8 siyam kavileyam kere-
9 yatfr tapas[y]iyai{i \ v;1/>
10,/brihina9a»'";
i l napi] Ib&a ■ ’
12• toigtâva':’•
13 brahmati kondafva] [11*] \
1 litis daritfa is redundant.

ALAVATTA INSCRIPTION OF EKAVAKYA ERIVA-NOLAMbA
Scale : One-sixth
NAVALAI INSCRIPTION OF V1RA NOLAMBA, YEAR 15
Scale : One-sixth
m-j irmicui ctamp TNcrnrPTmN np V S. 12191
(i ptm
Balchandra Jain, Raipur
tilis inscription was brought to ray notice by Shri Rajmal Madavaiya of Vidisha m
1969 when we prepared an impression of it. A tentative transcript of the text psepaie
from that impression was forwarded by me to the Chief Epigraphist, Archaeologica u,v^>
•of India, Mysore for examination. He
the month of March 1970, Dr. K.V.
the pface and the inscription was again copied by him.
•the* excellent estampage prepared by Dr. K.V. **
The present inscription is incised on a stone slab set up above the doorpost of <;
house in front bf the Jaina Temple situated inside the fort area of Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh
The inscription has suffered a great deal by exposure to weather, and also at the human
hgnds. A semi-circular piece was chopped off from the top middle portion of the slab
by the builders of the house wherein the stone is now set up, with a view to make
• accommodation for one of the beams of the house, thus causing loss of many letters m tirsi
fottt lines.
The extant portion of the inscription covers a space 138 cm broad and c2cm nigh
and consists of 9 lines beautifully written and carefully engraved. The characters are
Nagari of the 12th century A.D. and resemble those of the contemporary Paramara amt
Chandella records of the reeion. Priskthamdtrds have been generally used in cases of medial
| M d add au ; but examples of sirdmdtrds of medial 6 are also seen as in Truiiokya m
line 7. The language is Sanskrit and the record is metrically composed except t he pot ho i
giving the date, etc., at the end and possibly one sentence in the beginning of line 8. The
record, in its present state, appears to have contained 15 verses none of which is numbered.
As regards orthography, we may note the doubling of the consonants after r as -n uinnmuh.
sarwS in line 2 and the use of 5 and v in place of i and b -respectively ■** in prasmi in
line 8 and vrnifat in line 3.
The record is dated at the end.-the 12th tithi of dark fortnight oi .«*•
year 1216* of an unspecified era which may be the Vikrama era. The prasasit w.".
engraved by Vasudeva, a siuradhara (verse 15) but the names of both the co!np''-c r m b e
writer are now lost
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a temple dedicated
to Varaha and other charitable works. Verse 3 describes the qualities ol the donor but
uhfottuhately his name is lost. The glorious temple of Varaha is described in verses 4 and
5 while in verse 6 we are told that various images of Vishnu showing Ins different ionm
were also set up in that temple. The donor is also said to have raised a beautiful orchard
nibe'date'crThe inscription’* in feet V.S. WSbllmiM.
No. B 220 of' A.R. Bp., 1969-70.—id.].
* [See above, Vol. XXIV, p.. 220, note.—EdJ.
(35)
I DGA/83
M : 1PIGRAPHIA:B©ICA(Vdt.vXXXIX
on the land near tire bank of Vetravati, evidently modem Betva river. The orchard is
•described in verses 7-9. In verses 10 and 11, the qualities of the donor are further: described*
*:.
Verse 12 expresses the hope that the temple of Varaha would last for ever,
In verse 13, a king named Trailskyavarman is mentioned but due to the; mutilation
of the verse further Information regarding the dynasty to Which he belonged or the cpnte*t
<n which his name has been mentioned, is not available in the record. As regards the
identification of this king, we are therefore not in a position to say any thing definitely
in the present state of our knowledge. He cannot be identified with the Ghandella prince
of that name because the latter was ruling in the first part of the thirteenth century A. D.,
from about V.S. 1261 (1205) white the present record belongs to V.S. 1216 (1159 A-D.)
which would be the reign period of his grandfather, Madanavarman. Among the Paramaras
of Malwa, a print* named Trailokyavarman has been mentioned in the Bhopal copper plate
inscription of VJ. 1214‘ and also in a pillar inscription from Gyaraspur* near Vldisla**
It appears that he was the third son of Yasovarman Paramtra and perhaps ruled for some
time before Harischandra, son of Lakshmivarman, the second son of Yasovarman. If so,
we may presume that the present record (which is dated V.S. 1219) was incised during the
reign period of Harischandra and the name of Trailokyavarman was mentioned to pay
respect as was don% in other records of the former,*
In line 8 of the inscription, a reference has been made to a donation of a hra^ or.
iron (ora)^ coin called Vlth&opaka having the figure of a bull (wishab/m) on it for every
vessel that was used in the worship of the God, Vimsdpaka was a coin equal to l/20tb
part of a dramtna. It has been referred to in several epigraphs and an inseriptioh from
Arthuna mentions the variety named Vtishayiriddpaka like the present record.4
TEXT*
[Metres: Verses 1, 5, 6,8 and 15 Anmh{ubh; Verses 2 and 3 Sardulavikrldita; Verses 4, 9
. ■' and 13 Vasantatilakd; Verse 7 Sragdhard; Verse 10 Manddkrdntd: Verses 11 and 14 Sikharinl
and Verse 12 Rathoddhata]
• 1 [3ff ypft It ■■ wwwOvji - * - | vwv.yy.
' -- WW || J^||*| - -- KJ:\J - KJ - \JKJ\J
W - J|*J . m m - KJKJKJ m m m W - W - J ' ... KS KJ »• *

KJKJKJ-
* » 8W - iihn*j - - - W \J - W" » UU w,' m mm „ m
.O W - - - 'w'WW - - - W W - ||| ww - W - KJ>
■ wbw Tfw^rl. ' '

1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp,"225 ft. ■
* Traildkyamrmmadeva-pada-prapta-prasddah.
the
• From ink impressions,
«Tt»e readlttg'is Hd.
VIDISHA STONE INSCRIPTION OF VS 1219
Left half
Right half
S cale : One-fourth
No- $1 VEttSHA SWN1 INSmrnON OF V.a 1318 37
3 ■ “mr wp#Nf: srf|«r wwi i gtffci'***!. (sr) r^r
'* fimi*]uuwu..luvwv:^
{#) i ^%?TOfR| ii[ii*] wfsr i
ijgjfcy#.' -r":: *:;■ '"' *■;■ •'""
^ - item [ffr] - ~
kJ; - - ||*J - » W - W .'uU'.ty''
w - ■*:-Ti'*f » w^.-/.W;»'»
%>
8 WF¥ 5rf?TfT>TP:fwt(3ft) WWF3^ ^
■ ^: ra(?r)fef w; ^ ^
t/ ■ » \JKJia - | v.^«~ -'«>:^vuv!.y
w-- w | ^c#wf WM [tt]~
9 srfWT^r:.^rrii[?stn*] swr[ nfcre*(*T)[i*j

w|f#■^#y"rt:'...?’:'"- .;:
* The reading is ?W ~ '.■' ■ " : r; \'V . ; ■

'*-ft appears to fee in posse, jin fact this -fifty hethe second half of a-vm® in Vpe&m&l
* The unit figure is doubtfia, {see p. 35 above note 1-Ed.J
GMGJP (Publication Unit), Sant.—SI—1 DOA/83—2-12-83—250.

I
PGEI. 1. XXXIXo II
/ ■
~ 1000 ~"

. ' ' • " I ''
E PIG R A P HIA IN D 1C A
VOL. XXXIX
\
APRSi 1971
EDITED BY
P. R. SrINIVASAN, M.A
\ . Chief Epigraphist I
•I
1982 '
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL, ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA,

• NEW DELHI-11
PRINTED AT THE GOVER N M ENT OF INDIA PRESS (PUB. UNIT),
— , . SANTRAGACHI, HOWRAH, INDIA
Price : Inland Rs. 8*-00 Foreign 18 Sh. 8d. gr 2 § 88 cents.
&
u /
%
<
V
r
\\ CONTENTS
i ’page .
No. 7. Sjyan stone slab inscription of Nayapala. By Dr. D. C. Sircar.Calcutta-' 39

No. 8. Barhi plates of Yasahkama,. [Kalachuri] Year 828. By/Shri P. R. -
. • Srinivasa'pt Mysore \ .• . . ' . . . . : ■ ;.r57
-i
' 1 No. ' 9. Tamburu Inscription of Vikramaditya VI and Kadamba Hakiballadeval \ ■ .

By Sfiri Madhav N.Katfi,:fylysofe . \ . ... • 61 —
; No. 10. Note on Talagunda Inscription of, Santivarman, - By ShriP.R; Srini-
/
: 'vasan, Mysore . .. ’. . *' v. • . ' •' . *71'
‘ • • ' ' ■. • - ■ '> _
,N(o.. 11. I '

A Broken pillar Inscription from Kampli. By’Shri M/Jayarama Sharma,
a . Mysore . ' i •; '• . 75.'
\
/ 1
• /
' 0 • • ■ . V ■ " J/-\; plates «■ -\ ■
-No, 9. Siyan stone slab Inscription of Nayapala .... . ’ . - to face"page 50

No. 10. Barhi plates of Yasahkarha, [Kalachuri] Year 8^8 ' between pages 58'and-59
, ° " -X ' ■ - ,
No. -Jl. Tambufu Inscription of -Vikramaditya VI and * ■ , i 1 • .
‘ Kadamba Hakiballadeva : ■ . . • to face-page • 1 66

'/No. 12. A broken pillar Inscription from Kampli _ . to face page •' 78
No. 7—SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION OF NAYAPALA
(I Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Calcutta
About November, 1971, Shri Siddheswar Mukhopadhyay, Assistant Teacher of the

Albandha. High School (P.O. Albandha, via Bolpur, District Birbhum, West Bengal) wrote
to me about the existence of two stone slabs each bearing about 35 lines of writing. Shri
Mukhopadhyay discovered the inscribed slabs in the dilapidated Dargah associated with,
the name of Makhdum Shall Jalal at Shahjapur in the village of Siyan near Bolpur.
The village lies on the Bolpur-Nannur road, about 4 miles from Bolpur and nearly 7 miles
from -Nannuf and is not far from the mound locally known as Kalidaser Dhipi (Kalidasa’s
mound, i.e. house site) towards Nannur. Shri Mukhopadhyay also informed me that
there is some writing in Arabic characters on the back of ths slabs. He further pointed out
that one of the two inscriptions is considerably'rubbed off and was good enough to send me
the photograph of the other record which is better preserved. Shri Mukhopadhyay surmised
•that the inscribed slabs originally belonged to some Saiva or Buddhist establishment and that
. were utilised in building the Dargah at a later date. This practice is well known from
numerous instances in various parts of India, one of the celebrated cases nearer home is the
Dargah of Zafar Shah at Tribeni near Calcutta.
The photograph received by me- from Shri Mukhopadhyay was not satisfactory enough
to decipher the inscription; but it showed that the inscription, written in the Gaud! characters
of about the eleventh century A.D., is damaged and fragmentary. Of the few passages
that could be deciphered from it here and there, one that attracted my particular attention
reads-Chedi-nripatelt Kanmasya halva hha\m, ‘having killed the soldiers of the Chedi king
Kama . The story of the struggle of the, Pala kings Nayapala and his son Vigrahapala^
IH with the Chedi monarch Kama (1041-71 A.D.) of Tripuri near Jabalpur, the marriage
of Kama s daughter Yauvanasri with Vigrahapala HI and Karna‘s advance into the Birbhum
District where we have his inscription on a pillar at Paikor are well known to the students of
history. This made me conscious about the importance of the inscription, because here was$
apraiasti mentioning certain achievements of a Pala king of the eleventh' century while there
are only a few prasastis on stone slabs belonging to the monarchs of ancient Bengal, and the
findspots even of those few also fall outside the present State of West Bengal. I therefore re
quested the Eastern Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India in Calcutta to be good enough
to contact Shri Siddheswar Mukhopadhyay, to take inked impressions of both the inscrip
tions and to send them to me for study and publication. As a result, after a few months,
I received, only one copy of the impression of the better preserved inscription in the Dargah
at Siyan. This was also, like the photograph, not quite satisfactory and of course not enough
to read the whole of the fragmentary record. I therefore requested the Epigraphical Bran
ches of the Archaeological Survey at Mysore (Sanskritic ar.d.Dravidic Branch) and Nagpur
(Arabic and Persian Branch) to help me with better inpressions of this inscription together
with some estampages of the other record at the place. Considering, however, the impor
tance of the inscription I was eager to disclose its contents on the basis of the estampage T
received from the Eastern Circle of the Archaeological Survey, even before the receipt of
better impressions.
, ( 39 )
2 DGA/77
An important feature of the inscription, written in Sanskrit verse, was its fragmentary
nature. Most of the stanzas are incomplete: only a few in the Sloka (Anushtubh) metre are
complete, e.g., two in lines 28 and 29. The second half of a verse in Saidulavikrldita in the
latter part of the last line contains only 22 syllables out of the 38, so that at least 16 syllables
are lost at the end of the said line. Moreover, between the two double-dandas indicating
the end of verses in two consecutive lines, there are often only a few syllables seen in the
record. Thus a stanza in Sloka (Anushtubh) ends with the word tvishd\\ at the end of line
28 while another verse has only the concluding word sahgame |[ at the beginning of the follow
ing line, i.e. line 29. Thus even if the metre of the damaged stanza was Sloka (Anushtubh)
of only 32 syllables, the number of missing syllables at the end of line 28 would be about
29. Likewise, haiman=cha pithakam || Chandamsu at the end of line 29 and haimam nava-
grah-ambhojarh || about the beginning of line 30 would shew that both the partially pieserved
stanzas are in Sloka (Anushtubh) and that the number of missing syllables at the end of
line 29 is about 18. Then again, line 31 ends with the word bhejc || which are the concluding
syllables of a stanza in Vasantalilakd; but the word nirmmame | at the beginning of the next,
line (line 32) is similarly the concluding word of the first half of a stanza in Sloka (Anushtubh)
so that at least 13 syllables are lost at the end of the previous line. The lines in the extant
part of the record contain each a little over 40 syllables so that the above indications appeared .
to suggest that the original number of syllables in the said lines weie near about 69,58 and 53
respectively. That being, however, obviously impossible since the lines were expected to have
contained more or less the same number of syllables, it appeared to me that many more
syllables were lost at the end of the lines of the inscription in question.
When I was struggling with the solution of this problem, my pupil, Dr. D.R. Das submi
tted to me one impression each of both the inscribed slabs in the Daigah at Siyan. These
estampages were also.not satisfactory; but they showed that the writing on the second slab
of stone is much rubbed off in a wide area of the central section. What, however, struck
me is that the two slabs are almost of the same size, the lines of writing are of practically|the
same length on both of them, the aksharas are of the same size in both and the number of
lines in the two inscriptions is about 35 in each. It therefore appealed to m&possible that the
two slabs orginally belonged to one big slab of stone, the first forming the left and the second
the right half, and that the original slab bearing 35 lines of writing each containing more than
'80 syllables was cut in the middle in order to make out two'slabs. This may have been done,
I thought, by those who inscribed the Muslim inscriptions on the back of the slabs and utilised
them in the construction of the Dargah at Siyan. Some syllables must have been lost in the
process of cutting the original slab into two halves, so that the number of syllables in a line
of the original inscription was conjectured by me to have been about 90. This realisation
made it clear that we have to account for about 60 missing syllables at the ends of line-28 of
the better preserved half and not merely 29 as we supposed on the possibility that the metre
of the damaged stanza may have been Sloka (Anushtubh). Likewise, at the end of line 29,
instead of 18 syllables we have to account for about another 32 syllables. The missing parts
of these lines therefore appeared to have each another stanza in the Sloka (Anushtubh) metre.
Similarly, at the end of line 31, we had to account for about 40 additional syllables. Then I
had no doubt that this problem could be finally settled only on a thorough examination of
the writings on both the slabs from satisfactory estampages of them ; but, while waiting
for better impressions of the writings on both the stone slabs, I published an analysis of the ,
contents of the better preserved inscription on one of the slabs, as far as I could decipher
the passages, in the Journal of Ancient Indian History, Vol.VI (1972-73), pp. 39-47.
No. 7] SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION OF NAYAPALA 41
Unfortunately, better material for the preparation of a transcript for publication was.
not forthcoming from any quarter. At length, about the beginning of February, 1975, we
were glad to receive one set of inked impressions of the inscription from Dr. G.S. Gai, Chief
Epigraphist of the Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore, for which we are thankful to-
him. Although this set of impressions had also its defects, at once we became engaged in the
extremely difficult task- of finalising a transcript of this damaged inscription. Needless to
say that it required considerable time and energy. The determination of the lines of writing
on one slab being continued in those on the other had to be done on the basis of the number
of syllables missing in the stanzas occurring partly on both the slabs; but this was rendered,
•quite difficult not only by the damaged condition of the writing on the second slab, but also
by the fact that the number of the lines of writing on the first slab does not tally with that on.
the second while a portion of the inscribed stone was lost in the process of cutting it into two-
.halves. Some help was received in this respect from the fact that the beginning and conclud
ing parts of the same words could sometimes be traced respectively at the end of the preced
ing lines on the second slab and the commencement of the following lines on the firsts
The condition of the writing is, however,’ such that repeated attempts are always expected
to yield improved readings of damaged passages. Although the conclusions reached by
us previously on the basis of.unsatisfactory material have been generally found to be correct
now, We have been able to read a number of additional passages with the help of Dr.
Gai’s set of impressions and feel that the contents of the document as we published earlier
not only require some additions, but also a few modifications here and there. We have also
reconsidered and modified a few of our earlier views on the record expressed in the article
appearing in the JAIH, Vol.VI.
The number of syllables in a line is now found to be roughly between 89 and 99 without
taking into account the difference in size between the simple and conjunct consonants as well
as the space, occupied by final consonants, visargas and single and double dandas in the
different lines. The number of stanzas composed in various metres in the 35 lines of
writing appear to be 65, though one or two verses may have been lost in the latter part of
the last line..
The extant left half of the inscription containing 35 lines of writing is 1 fcot 10 inches,
high and 1 foot 4 inches broad, and the right half, which contains only lines 1-31 of the origi
nal 35 lines, is 1 foot 1\ inches high and 1 foot 3 inches broad. About 20 syllables, which
appear to have covered a space 'about 8 inches broad were lost in the process of cutting the-
st'one slab into two parts.1 Thus the inscribed part ofthe record originally covered a space
1 foot 10 inches by about 1' 4"+l' 3"+8"=3 feet 3 inches. This space is bigger than that
of the so-called Bhubanesvar prasasti2 of Bhatta Bhavadeva and the Deopara prasasti3 of
Vijayasena. The Bhubanesvar inscription consists of 33 stanzas written in 25 lines which
1 Because there are Arabic writings on the back of both slabs, my original impressicr. was that lhe people.,
who were responsible for the construction of the Dargah, in which the slabs have been fcur.d, cut the inscribed
stone into two halves in order to engrave two Arabic inscriptions on their reverse. Dr. Z. A. Desai, however,
informs me that, like the Sanskrit record, the Arabic inscription dated 1220 A.D. or more pre b;.bly 1221 A.D..,
has also been originally incised on the reverse of the entire slab which was later cut into two parts, and that,
in this prodess,about four Arabicwordswerecutcff. It is possible that the slab had broken into two parts at a.
later date and then leading Muslims who were in charge of the Dargah had the broken side in the tw o parts
dressed so as to make it straight in both the cases.
2 N. G. Majumdar, Ins. Beng., Vol.lll, p. 25.
31‘'kl., p. 42.
2 DGA/77 ‘ 1a.
42 epigraphia indica [VOL. XXXIX
cover a space of 3 feet by 1 foot 4f inches and contain each about 85 syllables. Likewise
the Deopara inscription consists of 36 stanzas engraved in 32 lines covering a spaceiof 2 feet
7| inches by 1 foot 5f inches and containing each about 83 syllables. Thus the Siyan
fragmentary inscription, in its original form, was considerably bigger than the Bhubanesvar
and Deopara inscriptions. Of course there are bigger stone slab inscriptions in other parts
of India. Thus an Ajmer Museum inscription covers a space nearly 4' 2" in length and
T 9 in height while the 25 stone slabs of an Udaipur prascisli measure each more or less
3' high and 2\ broad ; but the lines of writing in these records contain lesser number of
syllables.1
In our transcript of the Siyan inscription, we have marked the extant leftA and right
sections of the record as A and C while the missing part between the above two portions ‘has
been marked as B.
In the matter of palaeography, our inscription resembles other East Indian epigraphs
of the eleventh century, including those of king Nayapala himself. It may be mentioned
that, although p and y have really different forms, the sign of p has sometimes been employed
to indicate the letter y. See, e.g., the different forms of the letters in jaya-dvip-alana in line 4,
but y written as p in vfrro in line 5. There are many other cases to illustrate these. The
orthography of the record, written in the Sanskrit language, is also similar to that of the
other epigraphs of the period. The avagraha has been often used, and final m has been
represented wrongly by atiusvara in a large number of cases. The inscription does not hear
any date; but it apparently belongs to the reign of king Nayapala of Bengal and
Bihar, who is known to have flourished about the middle of the eleventh century A.D.
The inscription begins with an adoration to Lord Vasudeva in prose while the rest of the
record .is in verse. Verse 1 (damaged) seems to be in continuation of the said Vaishna.vite
adoration. The stanza apparently refers to the sun as the right eye of the god Vishnu, i.e.,
Vasudeva.2 It may be pointed out here that the present inscription is primarily a Saiva
record.3 Thus the Vaishnavite adoration at the beginning may be due to the religious lean
ings of the author of the prasasti.
Verse 2 (damaged) speaks of the Samatata country (i.e. the present Tippera-Noakhali
region of Bangladesh) through which passed a river that is described as full of fear as its
bed had been struck by the oars {firitra)oi somebody’s boats and which is stated to have floods
once in twelve years probably as a result thereof. The real implication of the stanza is diffi
cult to determine though it seems to allude to the naval exploits of a king who was
probably GSpala I (c. 750-75 A.D.), the founder of the Pala house of Bengal and Bihar,
because king Dharmapala (c. 775-812 A.D.), son of Gopala I, is introduced in verse 4
(damaged).4 The adjectives in the masculine gender show that the name of the river was in
the same gender, i.e., one like the Brahmaputra or Lauhitya. Verse 3 (damaged) seems to
speak of the hero mentioned in verse 2, as one who ‘measured the earth’ (probably meaning
that he died),5 even after having destroyed fhis enemies.]
1 Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 178fF., App., pp. 1 ff.
2 Cf. verse 2 of the Xamauli plate of Vaidyadeva, which represents the Palas as Suryavamsis (Maitreya,
Gaudalekhamala, p. 128).
8 [Verses 61 and 63 show' that the ir.afha was for Vaikuniha (a form of Vishnu).—Ed.).
4 The Ramacharita (1.4) speaks of the crossing of the sea by the stone boats of Dharmapala who is called
the light of the Ocean’s race.
5[The passage seems to refer to the fame of the king.—Ed.)
Dharmapala’s description says that he was heroic, honest and devoted to dhanna and
that he became king apparently after his father's death. Verse 5 (damaged) introduces Deva
pala1 (c. 812-50 A.D.) as the son of Dharmapala and mentions the bank (rodhas) of some river
and suggests that he captured his enemy’s boats having placed their helms {kenipata) above
them. It is not possible to say whether the reference is to the river of Samatata mentioned in
verse 2. The following damaged stanza (verse 6) describes Vigrahapala as born in the same
family (anvaya) to which Devapala belonged. This may be either Vigrahapala I (middle of
the ninth century A.D), whom the later Pala kings represented as their ancestor, or Vigraha
pala II (latter half of the tenth century A.D.) who was the grandfather of Nayapala (mentioned
in verse 9), during whose reign the present inscription was.apparently set up. If the reference
is to Vigrahapala I, it would remind us of the controversy about his relation ship-with Devapala.
The writers on Pala history now call 'Devapala’s successor Vigrahapala 1 and identify him
with Surapala 1. It is well known that the Bhagalpur plate2 (second half of the ninth century
A.D.) of Narayanapala (and many other later copper-plate grants of the family) speak of
Dharmapala (verses 2-3),-then his amija (younger brother) Vakpala (verse 4), then ‘his son’
(tasmat) Jayapala (verse 5-6) 3 who served his purvey'd and bhratri (i.e. elder brother)
Devapala, then ‘his son’ (tat-sunu) Vigrahapala (verse 7). From this, Jayapala was taken
to have been the son of Dharmapala by some and of Vakpala by others while Vigrahapala was
likewise regarded by some as the son of Jayapala and by others as the son of Devapala.4
‘The fact, however, connot be ignored that, if Dharmapala was succeeded by his son Deva-
-pala and the latter by his son Vigrahapala I, then the introduction of Vakpala and Jayapala
in the above description becomes quite meaningless. Since the words purvaja and bhratri
may also indicate an elder cousin, the difficulty is riot in respect of Devapala’s position
' as the son of Dharmapala ; but the description apparently represents Vigrahapala I as the
son of Jayapala.6 It has also to be remembered that Narayanapala, who was the son of
the said Vigrahapala 1, must have felt the necessity of indicating the importance of the branch
line to which he belonged. As we have said above, . Vigrahapala I is generally identified
with Surapala I known from the Badal inscription6 as a ruler between Devapala and Nara
yanapala and from the Indian Museum inscription7 (discovered in Bihar) of his third regnal
year,' the Rajauna(Monghyr District) inscription8 of his fifth regnal year and a damaged
inscription9 from Nalanda.
A new element has, however, been introduced in the above controversy, which shows
that Vigrahapala 1 and Surapala I are not identical apart from the question that Vigrahapala
mentioned in our record may be the second ■ king of that name. The recent discovery of a
copperplate grant10 issued from the camp at Mudgagiri (Monghyr) in the third regnal year of
king Surapala I shows that he was Devapalas son from queen MahatadevI, daughter of king
Durlabharaja, and granted 4 villages in the Srinagarabhukti (i.e. Patna region) in favour of
a Saivasestablishment of Varanasi. This shows that Surapala I was the son of Devapala and
1 [Devapala's name is not given but he is compared to Devaraja.—Ed.]
3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, pp. 304 ff.; Maitreya, Gaudaiekhamaid, pp. 55 ff.
3 Verse 6 is omitted in the later Pala grants.
1 Sometimes it was also thought that Devapala was the son of Vakpala.
6 Cf. R. C. Majumdar, Hist. Anc. Beng., pp. 17C-71.
6 Maitreya, op. cit., pp. 7 ff.
7 Bhandarkar’s List, No. 1615.
8 Above, Vol. XXVni, p. 140.
*Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXIX, pp. 301-02.
10 Journ. Bihar Res. Soc., Vol. LXI, 1975, pp. 131 ff.
.44 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIX.
not of Jayapala of the collateral line. We find therefore, that Vigrahapala 1, son of Jayapala,,
grandson of Vakpala and great-grandson of Gopala I, was not identical with Surapala I,„
son of Devapala. Indeed there was never any real ground for the identification of the two,.,
which was proposed by Hoernle and accepted by Kielhorn and has since been generally
adopted by scholars even though N. N. Vasu and B. C. Sen regarded the two kings as
different.1 It now appears that Vigrahapala I ousted Surapala I and usurped the throne.
In verse 7 (damaged), someone (possibly Mahipala I, father of Nayapala introduced
in verse 9) is compared to Bhrigupati, i.e. ParaSurama, as one who imprinted ihe mark of
his strength [on the heads] of the kings of the earth. The next damaged stanza (verse 8) men
tions Brihadgriha which is the same as Karusha and included the present Rohtas District
: Cf. Maitreya, op.- cit., p. 82, note ; see also Vasu, Vaiiger Jatiya Itihas, Rajanya-kanda, pp. 162, 216 ;:
Sen, S. '‘list. Asp. Ins. Seng., pp. 356-57. Sen regards Surapala as another name of Devapala’s son > Rajyarala..
and makes a different Surapala a younger brother of Narcyanapala. Vasu seems to be supported by the t\i--
dence now at our disposal. The genealogy and chronology of the Palatkings would stand as follows :
Latest
known Approximate
Name of King Regnal Reign
year period
1. Gopala I, first king..................................................................... 750— 75A.B.
2. Dharmapala, Son of 1........................................................... 32 775— 812 A.D->
3. Devapala, son of 2..................................................................... 35 812— 50 A.D.
4. Surapala.Ij Son of 3........................................................... 5 850— 58 A.D. .
5. Vigrahapala I, great-grandson of 1....................................... ... 858— 60 A.D. .
6. Narayapapala; san of 5 . . • • • . . 54 860— 917 A.D.
7. Rajyapala, son of 6 . . • 32 917— 52 A.D. .
8. Gopala II, son of 7..................................................................... 17* 952— 72 A.D- -
9. Vigrahapala U, son of 8....................................... - 972— 77 A.D. .
10. Mahipala I, son of 9 ........ 48 977—1027 A.D.
11. Nayapala, son of 10........................................................... 15 1027— 43 A.D.
12. Vigrahapala III, son of 11................................................. 26 1043— 70 A.D. -
13. Mahipala 11, son of 12........................................1 ... 1071— 72 A.D.
14. Surapala (Surapala) II, younger brother of 13 1071— 72 A.D. .
15. Ramapala .younger brother Of 14....................................... 53 .1072—1126 A.D7 .
16. Kumarapala, son of 15........................................................... 1126— 28 A.D. _
17. Gopala III, son of 16 ...... 15 1128—1143 A.D.
18. Madanapala, son of 15........................................................... 18 1J43— 61 A.D. .

('Saka 1083)
19. GOvindapala.............................................................................. 4 1161— 65 A.D:-
20. Palapala............................................................................... 25 1165—1199 A.D;--
The name of No. 14 is spelt Surapala in the Ramacharila, 1, 10, 28,

INo. 7] SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION OF NAYAPALA 45
of Bihar and probably also the region lying to its south.1 2 Verse 9 (damaged) mentions
-NayapSla and refers to his parents. It is said that the god Skanda became weak in the
-course of time and that is why the Pala king came to act as the second protector of the world.
No important information can be deduced from verses 10 and 11 (both damaged). Verse 12
-(damaged) seems to refer to the king’s strength that overpowered his enemies and to the
-dazzling golden kalasas. on the top of the upper storeys of buildings (probably temples
built by the king)? while verse 13 (damaged) mentions the army and waters in connection
■with the king. Verse 14 probably speaks of the same army as ‘having obtained digvijaya
and as protecting ‘ the kings and probably also the royal insignia. Verse 15 (damaged)
! seems to speak of the happiness of a single person3 (probably king Nayapala) becoming
.fivefold in the matter of killing [his enemies]. Verse 16 (damaged) says that the valiant
[king, i.e. Nayapala] destroyed crores of the forces of the Chedi King Karna in a battle and
■brought happiness to the three worlds. That the dominions of the Pala king Nayapala were
invaded by king Karna (1041-71 A. D.) of the Chedi or countryI?ahala having its capital
at Tripurl, near modern Jabalpur, who was later defeated and driven out, is well known
from the Tibetan sources.4 What is even more important in this connection is that Karna s
inscription5 at Paikor in the Birbhum District points to his success in advancing inside
. West Bengal while the present inscription appears to suggest that he was defeated in the
Birbhum District itself.6 Verse- 17 (damaged) refers to a ‘moving pillar of victory’., on
which someone (probably the sun in his daily course) could take rest for a while ; but
its real implication is uncertain. The reference may be to the dedication of a ratha in fa
vour of a temple of the Sun-god. The person responsible for it is compared to Vyasa in
spirit and a hero (whose name is lost ) in valour.
Verse 18 (damaged) speaks of the king of the Suhma country (i. e. Radha in South-West
Bengal) as a wicked or crooked (jihma) person and seems to suggest that the Suhma king,
who must have been a feudatory of the Pala emperor, committed treachery and sided with
Karna, and that this enabled Kama to enter the Birbhum region probably within the Sufma
king’s territory.7 Verse 19 (damaged), which is difficult to understand, mentions kausika-
kula meaning ‘a host of owls’ which greeted the moving mountains taking shelter in
their caves at nfght.8 The poet seems to say that “the moving mountains''' (probably
meaning elephants of the king’s army) entered the caves of mountains at night, and there
they caused pleasure to the owls who honoured them. However, the only implication
1 Cf. Sircar, Cosm. Geog. E. Ind. Lit., pp.81, 104. Bjihadgriha and Chedi (see verse 16 below) are some
times mentioned together in literature . See Sircar, Stud. Geog. An. Med. Ind.. 1971, pp. 333-35.
2 [There seems to be here only a reference to the valour of the king which has engulfed the power of his
enemies including probably Kala£a or Kanchana, just as the fire on the upper storey of a building makes the
. Kaia&a on it invisible.—Ed.]
3 [Here the reference is to the prafapa or valour of the king.—Ed.]
1 See R'. C. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 138. The event had taken place before Dlpankara left India for good in
'.1041 or 1042 A. D.
6 See Bhandarkar’s List, No. 1579.
6 [The exact place where Karna was defeated is not given here.—Ed.]
7 [This verse seems to refer to the establishment of the king’s rule at a place after conquering it from Karija
•and the king of. Suhma.—Ed.]
a-As suggested below, there may have been reference here to a military expedition led by Nayapala.
[These suggestions are not borne out by the verse which apparently describes the miserable plight of the king’s
■ enemies who while wandering and hiding themselves in dark caves of mountains had only owls as their com
panions.—Ed.]
of the stanza which occurs to us is that the Pala king’s elephant force was employed in
an expedition against the Suhma country whose king is mentioned in the previous stanza.
Verse 20 is much damaged while verse 21, also damaged, mentions Mt. Rohana and the
Kalpa-taru (the mythical wish-fulfilling tree), both famous for munificence in Indian litera
ture, for their comparison with a charitable person, and refers to the sun’s fear for something
very high (no doubt a temple) that could obstruct his passage in the sky.1 Verse 22 (damaged)
speaks of a king (parthiv-endu) who may be the Pala emperor, though it is difficult to be sure'
as to who was responsible for the various pious activities mentioned in the following stanzas.
Although the Pala kings were mostly Buddhists, kings Narayanapala, Mahipala I and
Nayapala had Saiva or Saiva-Sakta leanings, and Nayapala is actually stated to have b<jen
the disciple of the Saiva ascetic named SarvaSiva in the recently discovered Bangarh .inscrip
tion.2 It is therefore not impossible that the temples, mostly for the god Siva were
built by Nayapala himself. That the person responsible for the pious activities was a
king seems to be suggested by the language of some stanzas; cf. verses 22,26,40,45,60,61,
etc. Moreover, his activities were not confined to one spot but was spread over both Bengal
and Bihar which formed parts of the Pala empire.
Verse 23 (damaged) mentions a white [temple] and the golden lion and jar adorning its
top. The last foot of the stanza probably compares the temple with the Himalayas. To
the south of the above temple lay the temple of Purari (§iva) according to verse 24 (damaged).
The same stanza also speaks of a two-storyed matha (probably a Saiva monastery) for the ‘
accommodation [of ascetics]. Verse 25 refers to a shrir.e with a kalasa (probably of gold)
at the top as well as to the construction of [eleven] stone shrines (grava-grihan) in a temple
and of the installation of the eleven Rudras for worship in them. Verse 26 speaks of the
topmost part (valablii) of that temple ; it was made of stones and had a golden jar shining
at the top and was constructed ‘for the mother’ meaning probably ‘on behalf of the mother
of the person (the king) in question’ and not ‘for the Mother goddess’.3 The word devl
(i. e. queen) at the end of the stanza appears to refer to the said ‘mother’.
Verse 27 mentions stone temples resembling the Mandara, and also speaks of the goddess
es installed therein. These goddesses are called Chandika (cf. Chandikah in the plural
number ) probably meaning the mahikas though their number is given as’nara or nine ins
tead of the usual sapta (7) or ashta (8).4 In verse 28, the construction of a high stone temple
of the god Hetukesa Sambhu (i.e. Siva) at Devlkota (i.e. modern Bangarh in the West
Dinajpur District, West Bengal) is mentioned. • Apparently its height and size suggested as
if it was [the Vindhya] who forgot the old order of the pitcher-born (Agastya), i.e. not to raise
his head to obstruct the passage of the sun. As regaids the name of the god, viz. Hetukesa,
Hetuka is the name of an attendant of Siva, of a Buddha and of a poet, according to the
lexicons.5 6Formerly we were inclined to explain the name Hetukesa as Siva installed by and
named after a person called Hetuka; but since the god Siva is often found to be mentioned
1 [Here is a conventional description of the king’s valcur ar.d ft me. The valcur gcirg upward is mistaken
by the sun or the Rohana-giri blocking his way ; and the f; me is sung by the celestial njirphs cf the grove
of Ka Ipataru .—Ed.]
2 See Sircar in JAIH, Vol. VH, pp. 135 fl.,
8 [The context seems to suggest that the temple was for the Mata (i.e. the Mother-goddess or Fan at!),—Ed.]
1 [Here the term Nava-Chandikah evidently refers to the nine aspects of Chandika or Durga, viz., Rumania,
TrimurtI, Kalyaiil, Rohinl, Kali, Chandika, Sambhavi, Durga and Bbadra.—Ed.]
6 See Monier-Williams’ Sans. Eng. Diet., s. v. Hetuka is the name of one of the Kshetrapalas in the Kclika
Purana, 63. 110. The reconstruction of a fallen temple of Hetuka Sulin ^mentioned in the records of king
Vanamala (ninth century ) of Assam; cf. above,Vol. XXIX, p. 147).
as the lord of one of his attendants as in Nandlsa and Bhringisa, the name Hetukesa meaning
‘Siva as the lord of his attendant Hetuka’ may be better, especially in view of the fact that the-
name Hetuka or Hetukesa is known to be applied to the god Siva installed for worship in
more than one place in India. Verse 29 (damaged) seems to mention a structure like a vadabhi
which was made of stone (sailprobably at the top of the temple referred to in verse 28.
According to verse 30, the stone temple of the god [Kshemejsvara was made with a-
golden jar, dazzling and big, at its top and a large tank nearby. The next stanza, i.e. verse 31,
speaks of a tall temple to the south of the one mentioned in verse 30, and it is said that the
latter was beautiful owing to a golden jar. The following damaged stanza (verse 32) men
tions a matha or monastery and a tank as well as the high stone temple of the god Sambhu
(Siva) under the name Varakshesvara. The name Varakshesvara is based on the name-
Varaksh’a. which reminds us of personal names like Varanga Varanana, Varasya, etc.
Verse 33 introduces Vishnu named after Uchcliadeva and his wife Rukmini. It is di
fficult to determine the real implication of their introduction unless they were installed
in one of the estblishments, although Vaishnava deities are rare in the record. Verse 34
(damaged) mentions a hospital (arogya-sala) for the treatment of sick persons and apparently
also a house for the accommodation of the vaidya or physicians. The house seems to have
been situated between the temple and the tank nearby.
Verse 35 speaks of the installation of the god Ghantisa (a name applied to Siva) in ‘his
•own city ’ for the welfare of the people (i. e. perhaps the sick people of the arogya-sala or
hospital). It is difficult to say whether the city mentioned here was the king’s capital or one
that may have been named after the god. The second half of the stanza mentioned the
installation of Bhairava (a form of Siva) surrounded by sixty-four Mothers. The sixty four
Mothers surrounding Bhairava are the well-known Yoginis whose' shrines have been
found at a few places like Bheraghat (Jabalpur District in Madhya Pradesh) and Hirapur
(Puri District) and Ranipur-Jhariyal (Bolangir District) in Orissa. The existence of such
an establishment in Bengal is a valuable information. There are various conflicting lists of
the sixty-four Yoginis in Indian literature. The Agtii Parana12 gives the following names :
(1) Akshobhya, (2) Rukshakarni, (3) RakshasI, (4) Kripana, (5) Akshaya, (6) Pingakshi,
(7) Kshaya, (8) Kshema, (9) Ila, (10) Lilalaya, (11) Lola, (12) Alakta, (13) Valakesi\
(14) Lalasa, (15) Vimala, (16) Hutasa, (17) VisalakshI, (18) HunkarS, (19) Vadava-
mukhi, (20) Mahakrura, (21) Krodhana, (22) Bhayankari, (23) Mahanana, (24) Sarvajna,
(25) Tarala, (26) Tara, (27) Rigveda, (28) Hayanana, (29) Sara, (30) Rudrasamgrahi,
(31) Sambara, (32) Talajanghika, (33) RaktakshI, (34) Vidyujjihva, (35) Karankipi, (36)
(36) Meghanada, (37) Prachanda, (38) Ugra, (39) Kalakarpi, (40) Chandra, (41) Can-
dravali, (42) Prapancha, (43) Pralayantika, (44) Sisuvaktra, (45) Pisachi, (46) Pisitasa,
(47) Lolupa, (48) Dhamani, (49) Tapani, (50) Ragini, (51) Vikritanana, (52) Vayuvega'
(53) Brihatkukshi, (54) Vikria, (55) Visvarupika, (56) Yamajihva, (57) Jayanti, (58)
Durjaya, (59) Jayantika, (60) Vidali, (61) Revati, (62) Putana, (63) Vijaya and (64) Antika. It.
is said that these are either four-armed or eight-armed with the hands holding various weapons,
and that they have to be worshipped along with Bhairava (Panchanana, i. e. Siva), who has-
matted hair, wears hide cloth and also the moon and the snake as ornaments, sits on a corpse,
has his face on its knee and hold in his hands, bearing the sun symbol, the sword, goad,
battle-axe, arrow and abhaya-mudra on one (right) side and the bow, trident, khatvanga
(skull-topped bone), part of a dice and vara-mudra on the other Cleft), two of his hands hold-
1 [The extant portion of the verse-refers to the construction with stone (of some building).—Ed.]
*52, Iff.
2 DGA/77 2
48 • \ EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . [Vol. XXXIX
ing elephant’s hide. . The Kalika Purana1 says that the following fifty-six, together with the
eight Yoginis headed by Sailaputri, are the sixty-four Yoginis : (1) BrahmanI, (2) Chandika,
(3) Raudri, (4) Gaurl, (5) Indrani, (6) Kaumari, (7) Vaishnavi, (8) Durga, (9) Nara-
siihhi, (10) Kalika, (11) Chamunda, (12) Sivaduti, (13) Varahl, (14) KausikI, (15) Mahe-
Svari, (16) Lankan, (17) Jayanti, (18) Sarvamangala, (19) Kali,(20) Kapafim, (21) Medha,
(22) §iva, (23) Sakambharl, (24) Bhlma, (25) Santa, (26) Bhramarl, (27) Rudrani, (28) Ambika,
(29) Kshama, (30) Dhatri, (31) Svaha, (32) Svadha, (33) Purna, (34) Mahodari, (35) Ghora-
rupa, (36) Mahakall, (37) Bhadrakafi, (38) Bhayankari, ' (39) Kshemankari, (40) Ugra-
chanda, (41) Chandogra, (42) Chandanayika, (43) Chanda (44) Chandavatl, (45) Chandi,
(46) Mahamoha, (47) Priyankara, (48) Balavikarini, (49) Balapramathini, (50) Madanon-
mathini, (51) Damani, (52) Uma, (53) Tara, (54) Mahanidra, (55) Vijaya and (56) Jaya.
The defective fabrication of such fists without any genuine tradition is clear from th'e repeti
tion—Raudri (No.3) and Rudrani (No.27) and Kali (No.19.) and Kalika (No.10). There are
several fists of ‘the eight Yoginis in the same Purana,2 though ‘the eight Yoginis beginning
with Sailaputri are fisted as (1) Sailaputrl, (2) Chandika, (3) Chandaghanta, (4) Kushmandl,
(5) Skandamata, (6) Katyayani, (7) Kalaratri, and (8) Mahagauri.3 Of these,' Chandika
occurs already in the fist of 56 quoted above. That there was no unanimity in the tradition
is also proved by other-similar conflicting fists of the sixty-four names found elsewhere.4 *
Verses 36-37, both damaged, refer to temples, the second describing the shrine as huge
like the Niharagiri, i.e. the Himalayas. In verse 38, mention is made of the erection of the-
stone temple of the god Vatesvara (Siva) at Champa (within modem Bhagalpur in Bihar),
the shrine being described as the ninth kul-achala. Of course the real number of the kula
mountains is seven,6 though the varsha-parmta Himavat was sometimes wrongly included
in the fist-by medieval authors so as to give the number 8.6 Verse 39 (damaged) refers to
the construction of something (probably a temple) with stones, while the next stanza (verse 401
speaks of the construction of a vadabhi or upper appartment [at the temple] of the goddess
Charcha (who.is also called Charchika and is one of the eight forms of the Mother-gooddess
called Matrika) together with a staircase on some hill. The temple seems to have been
founded previously by a king named Mahendrapala, probably the Gurara-Pratihara
monarch of that name, who ruled in c. 885-908 A.D. and whose empire included wide
areas at least of North Bengal and South Bihar.7
Verse 41 (damaged) refers to ajar (probably of gold, at the top of some temple) at Soma-
tlrtha, the location of which is uncertain, though it may have been within the dominions
of the Pala king in Bengal and Bihar. We are not sure if we can identify it with the Sobhnath
hill which is a part of the Maher hill in the Gaya District, Bihar. Verse 42 (damaged) seems
to refer to a structure (possibly a temple endowed with a golden jar at the top) which is stated
to have resembled the Purva-saila (i.e. the mythical Eastern mountain) with the rising sun
on it. According to verse 43, Matanga’s tank was re-excavated in Dharmaranya,
163. 35-42.
2 See 61.39, 61.41, 61.47, 61.68, 61.84, 61. 92-93. For similar conflicting lists of the eight Yogin*s, see
also Tantrasara, VangavasI ed., pp. 612-13 and 640-49.
» See 54. 42-42, 57, 14-17.
4 See, e. g., Skanda Purana, Kasi-khanda, Pu., Chap. 45 ; ibid., Prabhasa-khanda,' Prabhasa, Chap. 110 ;
also hTandikesvarapuran-dkta-Dwgapujapaddhati, quoted in the Sabdakalpadruma,. s.V. yogini.
® Sircar, Cosm. Geog. E. Ind. Lit., pp. 70, 83 ff.
• Cf. JAIH, Vol. VII, pp. 139, 153 (text verse 10).
• See above , Vol. XXXVHI, pp. 204 ff.
-No- 7] SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION OF NAYAPALA 49
which is probably the locality of the same name that contains the Dharmesvara temple and
lies about four miles from Bodhgaya in the Gaya District of Bihar. The stanza also men
tions the erection of a high stone temple of the god Matangesvara at the same place. Verse
44 (damaged) seems to refer to a temple of Sri (probably both Sri or Lakshmi and her hus
band Vishnu) and to the sorrow of one who did not want a separation of the goddess from
her father (Siva), which was avoided' by her stay in the temple. If this interpretation
is correct, it would be a Vaishnavite installation among the religious activities recorded
in the inscription, others being mentioned in verses 44 and 61 below. Verse 45 (damaged)
refers to the erection of a golden trident (probably at the top of a Siva temple) at Sag-ara,
possibly.meaning Gangasagara, i.e. the junction of the Bhagirathi and the sea.
Verse 46 (damaged) seems to refer lo a temple of the Sun-god, and it is feared that the god
might like to stay in it in preference to moving along his course in the sky. Verse 47 (dama
ged) refers to the construction of something, and the next stanza (verse 48) speaks of an
expanded cover (khola) made of gold for the god Vaidyanatha, probably of Deoghar in the
SantqJ Parganas District, Bihar. The word kholci reminds us of the dedication of a tamra-
• kholl (copper cover) made for the Sun-god as mentioned in the Sanokhar inscription1 of
. the ninth regnal year of Ballalasena. Verse 48 . also speaks of the colouring of the god
Sthanu (Siva) red with lac as well as the gift of a golden object (probably a kctlasa). Verse
‘49 is damaged; but the next stanza (verse 50) speaks of a golden jar set up in the temple of
the god Attasasa (apparently at Attahasa in the Birbhum District) so that its dazzling
brightness gave the impression of a second sun in the sky. Verses 51-52 are both damaged;
but the second of them refers to some pious activity at the Sagarasangama no doubt mean
ing the confluence of the Bhagirathi and the sea.
Verse 53 speaks of the making of an image of Sadasiva in silver, of Chandika and

Vighnanayaka.(Ganesa) in gold and of a seat (pithaka) for the latter two deities also in
gold. Verses 54 and 55, both damaged, refer to Chandamsu (Sun) and Sasin (moon) while
the second seems* further to speak of the making of a silver image of Ravi (Sun-god) and also
of a golden lotus for [dedication in favour of] the nava-graha or nine planets. Verse 56
(damaged) speaks of the golden image {chaya, not lingo) of the god Sambhu, the lustre of
its sparkling jewels creating a rainbow in the morning. Of the two verses 57 and 58, both
damaged, the first speaks of a gift to the Brahamnas. The second half of the said stanza
mentions the gift made of the fort conquered from enemies, though the real implication
of the section is difficult to determine.2 Verse 59 (damaged) mentions the construction of
a mo tha or monastery for the accommodation of the acestics, probably of the Saiva order,
and also the excavation of a tank in ‘his own city’, i.e. at the primary or secondary capital
probably, of the Pala king. Verse 60 (damaged) speaks of the construction apparently of
shrines, etc., by the ruler himself as well as by his queen and probably also his son.3 4
The first half of verse 61 (damaged) ends with the statement, “Therefore he is here the
-Chakravartin”, though the context is not clear. The latter half of the stanza says how
the king (cieva) built a mathai (a monastery or temple) and installed- therein an image of
1 Above, Vol. XXX, p. 78.
2 [The verse 57 means that owing to the gifts made by the king, his sins had, as if due to fear, gone to the
forts of his enemies.—Ed.l
3 [This verse has the passage ishfa-piirttam mirmmamS svayarn yat=meaning that the king created works
both for his benefit and for the benefit of others. Further his queen also caused (such works) tp be done.
There is nothing in the verse suggesting a son.—Ed.]
4 [The word amum seems to refer to the matjia where the inscription under study was put up.—Ed.]
2a.
Vaikuntha (i. e. the Vaikuntha-Chaturmurti form of Vishnu), the temple being compared
to Mount Raivata, i. e. Raivataka, modem Gimar hills near Junagarh in Gujarat. This
is a Vaishnava estabhshment mentioned in the inscription besides another referred to
in verse 44. Verse 62 is damaged while the next stanza (verse 63), also damaged, speaks
•of the making of an araghfta as well as of .a high vadabhi of stone for (i. e. for the temple
of) the goddess Pingalarya a form of the Mother-goddess. The araghatta is compared to an
avata or hole made in the earth by an acquatic animal so that the word should not probably
be taken in the sense of a Persian wheel but would mean a deep well. Verse 64 is much
damaged.
Verse'65 (damaged) in the concluding part of the record introduces Masanadeva-(Sanskrit
Smasanadeva) and his wife Padma who were probably the parents of the poet who composed
the prasasti. There may have been at least one more verse mentioning the engraver of the
.record.
The first thing that strikes us in the above analysis of the inscription is the great wealth
.•spent in building the numerous big temples, monasteries, smaller shrines and upper storeys
.and in excavating tanks as well as in the making of the many golden jars and of images
and other objects of gold and silver. Even if it is supposed that some of the religious estab-
Jishments' were made by private individuals with liberal grants made by the king, the. king-
,.dom does not appear to be poor owing to the dearth of minted coins and of internal and ex?
sternal trade as' is sometimes sought to be made out by some recent writers.1
The few geographical names mentioned in the inscription have been discussed in con
nection with the-analysis of the various stanzas. They are: (1) Samatata, i.e. the present
Tippera-Noakhali region of Bangladesh; (2) Brihadgriha in the Rohtas region of Bihar,
,(3) Suhmadesa, i.e. Radha in South-West Bengal,; (4) Chedi, a people and their country
located in the Jabalpur region during the early medieval period-, (5) Devikota, modern
“Bangarh (ancient Kotivarsha) in the West Dinajpur District, West Bengal; (6) Champa,
the ancient capital .of the Anga country in the suburbs of modern Bhagalpur in Bihar , (7)
Soma-tirtha which is difficult to locate ; (8) Dharmaranya, probably the locality of this name
.-near Bodhgaya ; and (9) Sagara or Sagarasangama, i.e. Gangasagara or the confluence of
rthe Bhagifathi and the Bay of Bengal.
Text*
[Metres.: verses .1, 3,10, 27, 34-36 38, 40-41, 43, 49-50, 55, 59 Sldka (Anushfubh) ; verses
2, 12, 22 .Sragdhara ; verse 4 Pushpitagra ; verses 5, 13, 15-17, 21, 23, 44 48, 61, 65 Sdr-
.d’ldavikridita.; verses .6, 8, 47 Vpendravajra ; verse 7 Mqlini ; verse 9 Sikharini; verses
11, 32, 37, 63-64 Arya ; verse 14 Rathoddhata ; verses 18, 28, 42, 60 $dlinl; verses 19, 57
■Vasantatiiaka ; verse 20 Drutavilambita ; verses 26, 29-30, 58, 62 Indramjrd ; verses 24-25,
-45 TJpajdti; verses 31, 33 Svagatd ; verse 39 Praharshmi; verse 46 Prithvl; verse 56 Manda-
rkranta.]
■ 1 [A] [Symbol. Namo bhaga*jvate Vasudevaya |) Prabodha-nidre jagatam yasy=5nmllana-
milane || chhandah-prameyo XXXXXXXXX
[B] X X[||l*]--------
[C] — yo ya[t]o=bhud=bhanu - - [|*] lanSm
1 See, e. g., The Indian Historical Review, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 323 ; cf. Sircar, Stud. Pol. Adm. Syst. Anc. Med.
Jrtd., pp. 18 ff.
- From impressions.
SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION OF NAYAPALA
Section A
2 2
4 4
a
6 6
8 ■'3al^sf«^53:5i!48iwiiwiinifla«<3a:ssifi4psnâ3«s«wiw 8
10 gs4aâiii.3nq3Nna:lifd®sii^(^«?^^î«n^jaajfl3aT«fui!F«fc 10
12 BâiH^^îfta^^âa^ga^^LgaqiJigagâar^s 12
$' ss *<w lai3<$i<w was "
14 |i oâuirJlpîc^^^sf jsauo^sTpi 14
16 16
18 18
20 20
22 22
24 24
26 26
28 28
30 30
32 32
34 aL'A 1► pis'T jp 34
Scale : One-fourth
Section C
'(
■ 2
4
6
8
10
12 i -M 3p[ij
14
16 ii
TJ?*Rs§
18 L5®Sm^^9
H* ;
»rj yn*fk£’
20 il •> > 1 i T^jWfetyg"
22
iLicivdx^FkniiE ^#1
fflpl
24 mSm
iiifiiS
26
28 \M mBtt
30
lip
f'
No 7] SIYAN STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION’OF NAYAPALA 51
2 [A] v/ v w w v tar-aritra-nirvbhi(rbbhi)nna-garvbha(rbbha)1s= trasld=ady®ipi cb=

ajna[rii] vabati Samatate dvadas-avdai(bd-ai)ka-p[u]rah jj |2*J X X
JB] X X X X X X X X X X X X X X ||*] X X X X X
[C] [na]sayann=api mati mahi[m] tatah21| [3*]
Narapatir=abhava[t]= sva - y - - v v v o - w v [vai ]ri*?i X
:£■ [A] ra-vpadafe f'ksbitipwra-pari|bSyaniapa-vS(bI)hur=nijirBpari|dbl3ldliafiBiBa-dha;aS=
*tha Ithmmwa&pStafy. |j 14* llal-pulrbâni
[C] bhp3r=akbMn=o§[^ '

* --w- - - rodha-
4 [A] si kinipata-sikharlkrity=aparasy-adadhe . [5* 3 Ath=anvaye-- smin-naya-sakti-sai*
‘ jaya-dvip-alana-visala
[B] «[|* ] w _ w - - w y - w -■ - y - y - [Vigra* ]-
* |C) hapala’ asit [6* ] Java w y w y----- y - - y — y y y y y y — - y nas--tasy:vfS*
5 [A|jfiah j Bhpgupaiir-iva kirttindhama dharmmadbhulanam jagati vijayi-virjo
mudrayad-bhubhushajfiijarii) yah ; [7* ] Vri(Byi)hdgyiha
; IJBJ v- y - w 0yV-yy-y-- [|*] y - ■ JV
[C] y» P dharmma-rate--tra navfyam] y-y--yy-y--[" 8* ] y ~
v U v w y - tenaja-
« [A] nayi mva(inba)bhu\e-’syarfi sriman sa khalu Nayapald naya-nidhih [ chiran---
mandyam Skande gatavati jagat=tratuxn= aparah y
[B]------»-yyyyy~ - y y y - [; *9* ] X x
[C] ma vinayemeva na X x x X X X X [,*] X X X X >-' X X X x x x -■< < X
X X *[ " 10* ] X X va ladâti-
*7 [A] prasiri-padmam kuvalaya-bhushapam=ujjvalaih yah j anina-mridu-padb vauata-
pakshas=chiram=upasobhayati sma [,.11*1
[B]--------y;. —- y. yw y yv yy-
.. [C3 [sphi]t[e* ] kirtli-pravahe ma y.v ,v> y.yv~ -.yv- xSv~ - i i-------- [saj-h[c]am ■ j
ripu- .. . .
8 [A] va(ba)la-vijay-ojja(jjri)mbhite saurya-rasav=ujjvale= ’ttala-mal-anala iva kalasah
kanchano-’bhud-alakshyah i; [12* ] Sena pri
p0fj w W V V - W V' a* * * w * ** V * * * '** ^
[C] y pithasatn sthagita -*« y -*.y -.[(*]> ~-:-v y - y - >-y> tin.
. va(ba)bh[aul ________ , . ~ ■
1 [Seems to rezd—garwas-.—Ed.]
* [Seems to read °nragayann=api mati mahitalarh'iam)} —Ed.]
* [Reads Devara[ja].—Ed.]
* The following three syllables after the lost to may be eonjeetumlly restored as ttftytm.
* [Reads prithii-bhujalt.~Ed.)
* The lost syllables may have been b&huh.
t The restoration of the lost first and second syllables of the name is apparent.
* [Reads —Ed.]
52 epigraphia indica [Vol. XXXIX
9 [A] eha dvaitara rajasam=i!paiti mahiniI=,ty.uchchaMb§ plrtlilvartifTOm) [1 I3*J
digvijayaya nata yato rakshati sma nripa
[B] X- X X X X X X [I*J X X X X X X X. .X X X X•
[C] - va'nppa-l52cMtanasya va jj [14*] — w vw- w v u ..v - - 'G. - . cftSri-.
mahl-
10 [A] bhujam upanayati yasya pratapo nijaA(jam> ] eM^py-ullasati sma paficha-

tanuta - prapto= tha cha prapayat=tan panchatva
[B] W - M - U V V * KJ m m \J m ' |:|| J5*] - - - • * •
tarad=bhuvd l&ghutaya * » w - - w - «•*«- w v - w *• w w v. - » * \j . |

IE [A] —-1 2yudbi
* * * 6yena
* Chedi-nripateh Karnnasya hfttvi bhatan k[d]|Ir=utka'ta-vikra-
■ mena. vicladbe loka-
[B] trayasya [prip
[B] —II W*3-...uv.w-www...v

[C] fja]sl ’pa ra-para krame [na] W’W * - « W * » V * ||*|
r W'V..'0>.Wv'
tint ki
12 [A] - ^ jayah kshanaftfi*] mvi(vi)sram-artham=iv=aisha jangama-jaya-stambho va(ba)-

bhau y6=![r*]ppitah jj [17*] Prithvinatfaam Suhma-desasya jihmam pri[thvi]
[B] .-.w rl*i •w--w
[C] —ntya1 sarddhamtatra tenc nija—5 || [18*] Na - ^ - w w w . wu.o.--.u.

w m w - w m=aho maW-
13 [A] mnah j lino [valad-giri]8 - gand-’dri-darishu n a [kt a] mu 11 a s i - k ay si k a-ku 1 amva*

(lam=ba)humanyate sma 1; [19*] Vividha-saudha-suralaya-go
[B] u Muu.UU.UU , U . [|*j u u u . u u .
[C] srayinl Stiyam :pramada-bhflr=alak=api y- v - fjj20«}-~ - v w - v.:e/v v, .. . .

tkare Rohano mu[r*]chchha-
W [A] [n]=m[g] ratha-vartma rdtsyati [sa i*] ty=arkkas=chakampe sphutajftdam) (anyat=

kalpataros=tale phaladAara nyaictailata-maifrsala^hchMye---
[B] U:U.U.;gUW...u..1J.[j| 21*]___- w
m v[i]prair- adhari na dharaplbhridbhir=a . KJ m . V W . V %J V * » ''

pS[r*pxivgnd{u]b |
1 tj[y*}Sm mtMkva,—Ed.}
2 The lost word may have been priyam.
* The word may be tijasd,
* [Reads kfrttya.—Ed,}
»[Reads niftm EdJ.
6 [Reads valad-ari'.—Ed.]
* The two lost syllables may have been pwa so that the word was gdpura.
15 [A] Antar=yatr=ana(nta)ral- n ripati - ^ dharmme cha n=abhud= va yo^

nen-ety=udagr-angulir=iva dharay=oddharita bhati
[B] - - [|122*]----
[C] [dha]-subhram kanchana-simha-kumbha-sirasa[m] [sveta] w ---- w w
w - w w w taya svadu saidya(ty-a)-
16 [A] tate padaih sarddham=iv=asrito Himagirih svafrnna] w - - w yam || [23*] Tad-
dakshinen=ayatanam Purare[r]= yen=onnatah sai- 3142*
£3] V_; w - W - - [j^]- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - LI U - U- - - - - - - - - w - W*
’ [C] vasaya matho dvi-bhumah IJ [24*] Sir6-lasat-k[umbha]

‘ h 1 p ritha(thi)vy= atha ggrava-
17 [A] grihan=vidhaya Rudrau=ih=aikadasa cha nyadhatta 1| [25*] Matuh krite=’tr=[ai]va
[suvarnna-ku]mbha-bhara-jishnu-murddhamva(rddham va)labhiih silabhih [|*]
[B] -
’[C] devi |1 [26*] S[ai]lani mandirany=alra Mandar-a[nka]ni yan[i] cha [|*] X X X
X X X X X [kri]ta ya Navacandikah )) [27*]
18 ’[A] Devikdte Hetukesasya £ambhor=yah prasadam sailam=uchchair=akarshit ]
kalen=asau [bhu]yasa Kumbhaj-ajna[m] mvi(vi)smrity=eva-^
[B] ^ - w - - [1128*] --W--WW-W-------w-
[C] n=cha vyachit=atha sail! | yah _ o - - w w - w vidya w u "'

|| [29*] [Ksheme]svarasy= ayatanam
19 [A] prajana[m*] kshemankaro gravamayam • mapareh6[chakara] yo murdhni dipt-
ayata-satakumbha- kumbhamvya(mbham vya)dhat=tatra [mahasa]ras=cha|| [30*]
Dakshine[na]
[B] yj y_l__ yj W -----<_/-'JUW-WW--[|*]-'~<-
[C] hgama-krit-6rddhva-visarppad=r[ukma]-kumbha-r[u*]chir-ochita - w [11 31*] X X X
XXXXXXXXXX [ya]ya mathafi=cha sara-
20 [A] sin=cha | dhama Varakshesvara iti Sambh6r=api sailam= uttalam(lam) || [32*]

Uchchadeva iti yo bhuvi sakshad= Rukminim [p]ra[na]yato=’sti
[C] n=adyam(dyam) || [33*] Arogya-salam=ar6gya-hetau rogavatam n[ri]nam(nam] |

[ta]tha v[ai]dya-vasa[h*]‘ [krito mandi*]rasy=antik[e]=’vara-7_____________ ___ ____
1 [Reads abhun=na vyo .—Ed.]

2 This lost syllable was probably su. Thus the word may have been sudha.
3 The word seems to be saila-mayah so that la was lost at the beginning of section B.
4 The lost, word seems to have, been tapasvi°.
6 [Reads smararefi.—Ed.l
6 [Reads °dyaka avasarh.—Ed.]
’ [Reads ‘kard°—Ed.]
i
54 ' EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
21 [A] [t] || [34*] Ghantisam yah sva-nagare nyadhat kshemaya dehinam(nam) | Cha-
tuhshashtya cha Matrinam paritatta(n= ta)tra Bhairavam(vam) || [35*] Sva-nama-
la .X X
[B] X X X X' X X X X X X [|*] XXXXXXXXXXXX*1
[C] dha-sannibham(bhani) || [36*] Niharagiri-visala XXXXXXXXXXXX [|*]|

X X bhaya-pani-gra-
22 [A] ham sarvvatra darsane matarhftam) || [37*] Vatesvarasya vikatas=Champayam=

alayo=’smabhih | yena vyadhaymayamah kul-achala iv=o[cchri]-
[B] X2 [||38*],---- -------------------------------ww
[C] m=akaroch=chhil-avalibhih | nih - - - - - n=narana[m]-

(nam) || [39*] Mahe- *
23 [A] [ndra]pala-Charchchaya Mahendra-sadris-odayah | yah sailim vadabhi[m] saile

sopanena sah=akarot || [40*] Scma-tirthe=’kar6t ku[mbham]
[B] X X X X X X .X X [|*] XXXXXXXXXXXXXX
[C] pi cha || [41*] 6ailad=u[r]ddhva[m] yah prahasakshayaya -.------ w--u--[|*J

- [su]dha[msum]
24 [A] [ni]ndaty=udayat-Pushanam Purvva-sailam(lam) || [42] Dharmmaranye Matangasya.

vapi yena punar=nnava | chakre £ilabhir=uttungam MatangeSvara-
[B] X X X3 [||43*] -
[C] ^ rani gambhire madhura w-www---w--^-[|*]---w<_<-w — ww tari [y]a

^ •
25 [A] [pa]ram ma pitur= bhud=asya viraha6=chiram Sriya iti chchhandam-bhajas=tamyati-

|| [44*] yah Sagare bhiipatir= atra haima-tri£[u]la
[B] -
[C] —t-panir=uda-sthit=eva || [45*] Na ch=ayata ^-w w w—

nay[e] s[v]a-p[u]ra-
26 [A] [sa]nnibho bhasvatah | yadiya-ruchi-lobhitah sa bhagavan=nabhah-panthatam tyajed=

iti vichintayan=niyatam=ahi
[B] - • U - [|| 46*]
[C] ra§=chakara | tayo=[r]vana - ^ ^ ^ - - <-< - v - - w - [||47*]---- »-> w - v>-

bh[i]h
1 The lost syllable here may have been sau and the word saudha.
1 The syllable lost here is apparently tab..
8 The lost word here may have been mandiram.
27 [A] kshitibhujam vikranti-vi(bi)jair=iva sphitam kholam=akari ru[k]ma-rachitam

sri-Vaidyanathasya tat | SthanuL pallavito va(ba)bhu[va]
IB]
[C] - haimas=cha yen=a[r]ppita[h] [|| 48*] gaXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

II*] XXXXXXXX tatrani-
28 [A] [rwa]ha-siddhaye || [49*] yo= ttahasasya kalasam prasade kanchanam nyadhat |

dyau[r]=dvi-suryayate yena dur-aloko-chchhala-tvisha || [50*] X
[B]- XXXXXXXXX XXXXXX [i*] X X X X
[C] X sarppapa yato=pi X X X X X [|| 51*] XXXXXXXXXXXX X

• X X X [|*] XXXXXXXXXX [S\aga-
29 [A] ra-sangame || [52*] Raupyah Sadasivo haimau Chandika-Vighnanayakau (|*)

karitau karita[m*] ya(ye)na tayo[r*]=haiman=cha plthakam(kam) || [53*] Chantfamsu X
[B] X X X X X X X X X X XX [|*] XXX XXXXX XXX

. [C] X dikan=tatha II [54*] Sasi XXXXXXXXXXXXXX[|*] [raja*]tajh
•Ravi[m]
30 [A] chakre yo haima[m*] nava-grah-ambh6jam(jam) || [55*] Haimim prata-sphuta-

mani-mahah-srepi-srisht-endrachapa-chchbayam Sambhoh svayam=aharahafc
pujya[tel
[B[ - W - - [|*]------------
[C] - - -1 2p d-otkaram=arapa — ^ — *-> — [|| 56*] - wwu.wu.-w___ . [pra*]
31 [A] bhriti-dana-varam dvijebhyah | pradatta yah sa-vidhi tad-ripu-vargga-durggafm]

tad-durggatlh sapadi bhltiva(ma)t=iva bheje || [57*] [So]
[B] ~ W---KJ KJ rn KJ ----II*]
IC] nad=anayoh [sad=aiva] w . . [|| 58*] XXXXXXXXXX

XXX
32 [A] ni[r*]mmame | mathan=cha tapasa-sthityai nije tu nagare saralj || [59*] Ishtapu

[r*]tta[m*] nirmmame=’nyat svayam yad=devi yach=ch=akarayad=ya[h]
[B C] v . -2 [|*]........... .............................. [|| 60*]---------------------- ww.w.wuu___

U-.U^-.-UU-U-UU
33 [A] taran=tach=chakravartt=iha sah | kritv=amum matham=etam=atra nidadhe

Vaikuntham=asminn=ayan=devo Raivata-bhubhrit=iva ruchire
[B C] ■ ■ u . - u - [|| 61*] ------ w =

62*] X X X X X3
1 The lost syllable here may have been cha.
2 The lost syllables here appear to have been °t-kumarah [This addition does not seem to be required.—Ed.]
3 The syllable va seems to have been lost here.
2 DGA/77 ,
56 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXlX
34 [A] ri-char[e]n=avata iva ten=araghatta esha kritah | iyam=api valabhi(bhi) ggra-

vabhir=uttunga Pingal-aryayah || [63*] Paryaya-para-
[BC]XXXXXXXXXXX.XXXXXXX [|*] XXXXXXXX

XXXXXXXXXX[|| 64*] - - - u - w - o u w---- ^ ^-
35 [A] yo niryatah prithivI-tal-aika-tilak6=’bhut=plaksha-punjo=gratah [ asit=tatra Masana-

deva iti tat-patni cha Padm=eti ya tasyam ta
, [BC]u-u-u *-> w - w- [j|65*] . ... ..........................................
1 The lost syllable here was possibly sya so that the word was tasya. The following lost syllables were
probably suto=bhavat.
No. 8—BARBU PLATES OF YASAHKARNA, [KALACHURI] YEAR 828
(1 Plate)
!
The copper-plate inscription1 edited here was in the possession of Shri Raghubir singh,
Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Central Circle, Bhopal and
1 thank him for placing the inscription at my disposal for copying and study, during my
tour to that place in 1971. The plates were discovered by a farmer of Barhi, Murwara
Tahsil? Jabalpur District, Madhya Pradesh, who had deposited the same with the Tahsil
■Office from where Shri Raghubir Singh obtained them.
This is a set of two plates, each measuring about 27 cm high and 42 cm broad. The
rims of the plates are raised to protect the writing and an attempt is made to round off the
corners of the plates. There is a ring-hole in the middle at the bottom of each plate for
a ring to pass through, which is, however, not available now and it is said that the farmer
himself deposited the plates without the ring at the Tahsil office. uThere are 19 lines of writing
. °n the inside of 1st plate and 21 fines of writing on the inside of the 2nd plate. The
two plates together weigh 20 kg.
The characters are Nagari and they are regular for the period and dynasty to which the
charter belongs. They may be found to resemble very much the characters of the Khairah
plates2 of Yaâhkarna, who is also the issuer of the record under study. In language, ortho
graphy and the eulogistic verses also, the present plates are similar to the above-mentioned
Khairah plates. The importance of the historical matter of the prasasti part has been
already dealt with by the editor of the Khairah plates.3
The giant contained in the present plates was made by king Yasahkarna on the occasion
of lunar eclipse, mentioned below, at. Varanasi after having bathed according to the rules,
at the Dasasvamedha-ghatta, and after having worshipped the god Mahesvara (i.e., Siva).
The charter records the gift, made by the king, of the village of Khayarigrama situated in the
IDahalemkanada-pattala, to the brahmana Ranaka Amana, the son of Ranaka Dahga and the
grandson of Ranaka Ah', belonging to Gargga-gotra with the five pravaras of Bharggava,
Chyavana, Aurvva, Apnavana, and Ya(Ja)madagnya. The gift of the village was accom
panied with, the privileges of jala-sthala, amra-madhuka, gartt-oshara, nirggama-pravesa,
lavanakara, jamgal-aniipa, and vriksh-aram-ddbhedy-ddyana-irina.
The date of the present grant is given in fine 26, as saihvat 828, Phalguna su. 15, Friday.
There is no doubt that the year is to be referred to the Kalachuri Chedi era. The details
therefore, regularly correspond to 1077 A.D., February 10, when there occurred a lunar
eclipse.
The importance of this grant lies in the fact that the grant was made by the king at the
Dasasva-medha-ghatta (on the Ganga) at Varanasi (i.e., Kasi) on the occasion of a lunar
'This is registered as A.R.Ep., 1970-71, No. A 21.
2 C.I.I., Vol. IV, pt. I, plate XLV.
3 Ibid., pp. 290-91.
( 57 )
2 DGA/77 -
58 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. xxxix
eclipse. This is the first record of this dynasty where the Dasasvamedha-ghatta is mentioned
although Varanasi occurs in several other inscriptions. The present record attests to the
importance and antiquity of this gha\\a which has been known to this day as a sacred spot
on the Ganga at KasI, for performing religious observances and making gifts on auspicious
occasions like-an eclipse. 'F
As has been stated above the grant was preceded by the worhsip of Bhagavan Mahesvara
by the king. This clearly shows that he was devoted to the god jgiva.
This record reveals the fact that a Brahmana family of subordinates of the rank of
Kanaka was.serying in. the kirigdom of this dynasty. The members of this family bore names
Eke .Ah, Daiiga and Amana, . which are. evidently local in character. The sarman ending
of Ranaka Amana, the donee of the record indicates that he was a brahmana by caste.-'
As -for the geographical names mentioned, in this record, Tripuri, Karnavati, Kimtala -
Andhra-desa -and the Godavari ai;e already known from the Khairah plates. ’ Khayira-grama.
is in all probability the same as Khairha, where the copper-plate issued by the same king in
Kalachuri-chedi. year 823 was. discovered. ' Dahalemkanada-pattala must be the region
around this gift village. . . . ’ - B:
; TEXT1 2 3
[Metres : Verse 1, 10, 13, 15 and 17 Malinl; Verses 2 and 3 Aupachchaandasikh;Verses3-5
7-8, 12, 16, 34 and 40 Vasantatilaka; Verse 6 Aryd ; Verses 9, 11 and 35 Upaj’ati; Verses
14 and 25 Salim ; Verse 18 Bhadraviraj ; Verses 19, 21, 24, 26-33, 37-39 Anushtubh
Verses 20 and 3,6.Indravajrd ; Verses 22 Svdgatd ; Verse 23. Sdrdidavikndita.]
l., ■ 3fi )^rof i. vsrrfr TnfEnfcf srrfd- sptRt i
3p4 tnvraT-
2. II [? II*] ap? m I d <4 ^4 ( ) qr (sp-)|

. cPPT ^f?rra-(q)^r teh TOnlFiwiRiîr; u n*]
^ l.l ' [3 II*]' 3)4M4 fw frfo)dTfTTTpcTfV(T)4dl-

4.- 4dTq [q anRi: I 1 4H*-dlfser(fssr)^n|*=)‘-H<1 fi; II [V II*]
- I'd M d (4T) TT# SFTRpqqniTT *T TRiTfil : ( |:|:)
ii*] E-fffn^r^T
SFfTHTdt ■ffrTT I ^TErfinf^feTJETf#: -
6.. I I*] cTTFTT SERl ^gff fsrrft | 3mfhH4E£R--

- qi|r'c|i|virrp=| <Mfd4-4-1 iq'fEffeqT z[-
7. TTFTTT II ['3 I*] dPT
'1 From ink" impressions.

2 This represents siddham.
3 The anusvara mark is put on the previous letter.
*■ ' ~ ' V ■ .
BARHI PLATES OF YASAHKARNA, [ KALACHURI ] YEAR 828 *
Scale : One-half
BARHI PLATES OF YASAHKARNA, [ KALACHURI j YEAR 828
No. 8] BARHI PLATES OF YASAHKARNA, [KALACHURI] YEAR 828 59>
8- ^ (^) 11 I1*]-^nrr k^Pd wp q'ddHiPqwr i qq srq] fqqi qqTq fqqrfqqfa
srfqqrfq qftfq: n [911*] irwd^PimgiAsq^rr: ftq-
9. qrat qqq^Tiqq i Tftr fferrrat qtfrqf qYwsFqlMfdOHdM^q qrq

TFfq^q-:’ 11 - [?'° 11*] q qMqfiqqqtfqrcq q .
10. fqqqrfcq ?fq qfq^: 1 qqqrqqqqiqqqrqfqîq gpqq: jqiwr q(q)qn: 11 [? ? 11*] sn^r
qqpRcrqvtPd%dd' (q)^t1 qreq^qf|[qtfa^rqfqq(f%q) [1*] • •

11. ddioi y^KR-idiR't.’Cksi5 qq ddi^ <1: *q qfq>sqfq qsq^q: ii [?^ ii*] qq+Pd (Pq)*5n3qq-
12. 5:'I ' .fqrqqrfqi qrRqj qqq j^qrfW(Psq)qrqkdqq(q)fq#q: qfcrq q<rcm: II [-?VH*]’
qqq qiq qqdl q^fqqiqe^Ti'ti^: ^q:ftqq^qi: f+'C\a'(qq). (1*) .
13. w(q ^^tqqqt qq q.u«ikdTd' sqqîPq $qrqq-sr(?r-)§raTq>: 11 [?vii*] qqpq -q7dwqi
w 1 (Hdr qq gqr^qqqqfqfqq^TqT ^Yqqrq?q%°qT (°qrq) 1
14; wr^dsiqqq°q (sq) |rqrf°q (Psq) qqrq^q P<dqq:qY: sTtwifoaq^q: 11. 11*] qqr-
#qtqqfq q^qrM'j^qpqrTqqTpqfq qfifsq (fsq) qq^q.
15. ^q 1 Pf Pqqq qfTfqqqf (qnr) 11 [i\ 11*] q <qq q(q)-
• qqqtGstqwqw qrq q w% qqqf (q)qqTT- ’ '
16. '^'iK-MRqnr: r qqrqfq qrfqqrqqqqq(q) qf^rqTqrqwfq qqpq qrq(jq)fTqqqrqf)' (qr) q: 11
[?o 11*-] fqqrrqT'qqqqg (q) fqqq^wf
17. ?qrafq qqqqq§qr(iqq) (1*) <pq(qq )q qqirq2_=rrg;:. qi^^qqreqsrqqq. 11 11*] q:.
+j^k<Hid(q)?qqqq(q )^rqifqq: i sq> ....
is. qpqq qqRfqiqq?qqr(q)q(q)|:5q#: 11 [?s.n*] qrq(q)^rqT qifqq qqqifq qrqr pqqqr
qqq: qqfqr
* 1 .qrq qwnrqqq
a .cs q •
i9. q'wq^fq qqqqqq?ii(q*) 11 [> n*] qfrtwf qqrqrdwdd q 1 r Pqpq: (1*) qf^qnr
: qqqqtf fqrrqqfq q>fqq: 11 [w 11*]............................
Second Plate
20. .^qiqTFqqqqqrqqffq 8qtq^fqpqq(q)?=rg (q^qtPq 1 qr(qr) :P^ d Pu 1 =Pq diqrftr (qjfq)
^d'di' qqfq qW qqnfqr (qrPq) n 11*] q.sqqfaqqsrqtPsqq-
21. Pqq' ^q^qqf^sqqT qqppq^qq qfrpq: q qqqr?qtq^qrt qqq: 1 • q?qiTqaqqqr qq?q

yCNd <rd^ n 4ld <1 q iqqq^qq-
22. ^qqrqqqt: ^>T:?qf: qf^qfq.: II II*] fsq^flff qi(qr)^qqiqfeT5rrqq(q)|q: 1 qr^-
toj (q)- Trqq-q: qrsfqfq^fq 11 11*] q q qqq- qfiwj- '
23..
fqsrqqtqTf^qqr-
o
24. ^(^)qfqqqqfqqqrfqqqqqTfqqfqqfafrq:qnq^q: 1 .sffq^qV
qicqq^ra m ti q ^1 q <1 %i q ^1 -
1 Read 1
* Read ^ ^TtqKTqr 1 • ■ —
60 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIX
25. qdid^dUd ddRqmd

dTdfTOfdWKkdif[d qdif d-
26. TOddfd dt(dt)ddfd ddTdmfd ddr fdFdddddtfj; dddi ddd 842 wr difd fer-
dsriddwi (to) d;(d)dfdd dldd^T sfrdgTO-
27. °TTO dfel'I'W(dd)dddf tVf^dTtdKdT ddddf sffd^d<d'^ =^f dTsMTOt^Mxf'<?ridr drdfliild:
28. dlJ-d^^ddd: ddvfftd(d)q;: dfdTOTddd:(d:) ddddl+<: ddTd^dTjdJrt didKIdtdd^-

g-rd'^'Jiiferffd': 11 sftdrofrdTd i dFdd-
29. ^TO I 3fl=# I 3n>ddTd I dT(dT)ddSd I 'RSWR I dTdd «ft STTdtd^d TOTd gflsr^dW
dTdrotaTddd^wTd dT(dr)irrdrd drdTfddt-
30. <.K*i'ii!ll dGdq^nfddFsld ^rnVt^T^PFRTf^T: ^TT(^TT)^PTc^T'T tl>KdT: I! dd dTOrddr dTdddfd II

dsdRdKdrfdd: difad^Fdjdt ddr
31. drdd dTddj: i dididW d*d%ddqT^rf tot tot dPTdtdf ddf:g;(:) || [qv. II*] d(d)
gfdsq^dT dddT TTdfd: dTOfdfd: (|) ddd dTq' qqT d- •
32. fdTdw dTd to dy?r(dd) i (u) (^ n*) ttw ddrroro(d)dd(dd) i

TKTOFdfd diddled )ddcdd(dd) II [d^3 II*] d^Hlldf d^HdlTd(d 3Tdd)dddTdd d I d-
33. dt qrrfoTdRd dfd^df d dTJgdfd II ll*)Tdddf ddddt dT dt f^d(d) ddddt(TPT) I d

fdwrt frfddTO fq^fd: d^ TOrfd ii [ds. ii*] dddiro dff drod
34. d[(dt)dt dîrfd'fl (did) I dTd^qgfrdTdtddTdTdcTOq diftddll [^0 11*] dffcr ddd^T
(sn^fd Tdd dd(d)fddfdd: I 3fT=5#dT dldd^dT [d dl]?dddd d# dd(^)d II [3?ll*]
35. drfTfWfcTOqd g(d)^dV<dlfdd: I frewdfTd TOFT d(d )fr^dTdfrfdd: II [^ II*]

d?drdd fdT dd(fd)q!(T)?qTdd d ^rftdt(dT) I ^dd> fRdddd d^dT
36. ddld dpr(dd) II II*] dddcdjdWTdT: dddTfidd(f^d d^dd dHfdddTOTdtddfq; (dd) '
dSrdhddT dfddd(d) *o ('jd) £(dd)^TTdi did TO dTdd: dfTdPTdfd (dd) 11 [ V* 11*]
37. ddTffdld(d) d (r^)dd:d^rdTd^fdfddF'lfVTr?d(d)dd(d) I dt dtddtfTTOd(d) fdTdT

d>d(;dt) ddf^dfddT5(d) TOdt((>TOd) II [n II*] dldll ddrfd TO d^f^drfd d-
38. ^ddd^TTOTfd [|*] fd^df^ddFfdTdfddrfd dlfd dt did dTd: dTOddtd II ||*] TOfd
d:1 dfdd^Tfd ddd dfd dd^fd I ddf dt dndTOdWt fdddt(d ) TOddlfd-
39. dt[ll^ll*] d(d) ^ ddldd ^(d!)d dOTO(ddT)dddrfdT (:) II (l) dfddldTd fdfTfd
dJddd (d*) dddd[ll^ll*] 3Tftdfd%(fdd) dfMdfd:dfdd^dfdddd I d^fdrf ^dRPdtRd
TO.(dT)dd d =dfdddd .ll [^S.11*] dTdTd.
40. vrfdVTdfdd d^dTfddrdTdTddTdddTt fdd(d)drddfd: I dTdT?d'dnTddr(d)dfd(fd)|ddr

ddTdT(dt) sFd: d^T dTdft dTdWdTd II [Vo n*] dd^f dfPdl (:*) ||
1 Read nrfif q-; |

No. 9—TAMBURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA VI AND
KADAMBA HAKIBALLADEVA
( 1 Plate )
Madhav N. Katti, Mysore.
The Inscription1 edited below, with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist, was
copied2 by me at Tamburu,Kalghatgi Taluk,DharwarDistrict, in the course of my epigraphical
survey of the Taluk, during the month of October 1965. The record was copied from a slab
lying near the bastion of the fort outside the village. The stone is chloritic schist and the slab
measures 190 cmx90 cm. Above the inscription there is a sculptured panel bearing the
figure of the Jaina Tirthankara Parsvanatha seated in Padmasana and dhyana-mudra, in a
mandapq with two pillars (the whole representing the sculptural and architectural features
regular for the period). The mandapa is flanked by two male figures seated with folded
hands to the left and a cow and its calf, to the right. Below the left of these male figures the
name Perggade Rachamalla is engraved, and it can be guessed that the name refers to this
figure. On the basis of this, it can be said that the figures are those of Rachamalla and
Barmmachayya mentioned in the record as discussed below. Above the mandapa, the
figures of the sun and moon are carved to the left and right, respectively.
The inscription is in characters of the 12th century and the palaeographical features
are regular for this period.
Amongst the orthographical features the following are noteworthy. While both the
anusvara and class nasal occur separately in a number of cases, in one case both of them occur
together, i.e., in the word °chamdraman (line 37). Sh is replaced by 1 in pulpa (fine 52). The
formation of the letters rvvi (in urvvi-vinutam and rvvi (in chut-drvvi) both occuring in the same
line (i.e., line 16) calls for a special attention.
The language of the record is Kannada except for the invocatory and imprecatory
verses which are in. Sanskrit. The text is both in prose and poetry, the latter in some cases,
being, defective in its metrical composition.
The inscription belongs to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI) of
the KalySna Chajukya family and is dated in the Chalukya Vikrama year (year not
Specified), Visvavasu, Pushya Buddha patjiva, Sunday, TJttarayara-Sankramana.
The cyclic year corresponds to 1125 A.D. The date is irregular, as the details connote
November 27 which was a Friday.
Lines 1 to 6 state that while Chalukya Tribhuvanamalla was ruling over the earth, his
trusted son-in-law Jayakesideva, described as Konkana-chakravarti-tilaka and Kadamba-
kan{hirava (i.e:, Kadamba Jayakesi II) was governing Konkana-900, Palasige-12000 and
1 A.R.Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 411.
2 There are two more inscriptions engraved on the same, slab, below the record beirg edited. They are
registered as B Nos. 412 and 413 in the same report.
( 61 )
2 DGA/77 5
62 epigraphia indica [Vol. XXXIX
Kavadadvlpa-savalakka1 2(i.e., Lakh and a quarter). Lines 7 to 12 state that Hakiballadeva,
the beloved husband of Padmaladevi, the elder sister of Jayakesin II, was governing Banavasi-
12,000. Lines 13 to 17 mention Hakiballa as vasudh-adhisvara Hakiblalla-nripa,3 and state
that he had two ministers Barmmachayya and Rachamalla, who were brothers. Barmma-
chayya, who is described as the sun to the lotus that was the kingdom of the Kadambas
(of Hangal) Kddamba-rdjyambhuj-dnmUana-tigma-jyoti, was the elder of the two and both
followed the Jaina faith. Lines 18 to 27 state that Rachamalla had Mavulideva as Janapati,
Ayyapanditadevaru as guru and Maliyakka as mother. Hakiballadeva who is here addressed
as a maha-mandalesvara asked these ministers, to cause the construction of a basadi for*the
merit of his fatherMavulideva atTammiyuru, under the jurisdiction of Mavale-500,a division
belonging to Palasige-12,000, as Tambrapura (i.e., Tammiyiiru) with its rich gra’dens, forts,
'palaces and temples excelled even Maghavanikkeya-pattapa (i.e., Amaravati, the capital
of God Indra) in its grandeur. Lines 28 to 33 state that Tammiyuru was administered by
Jayakesi-chamupa (mentioned also as Jayakesiraja-dandadhba and Jayakesi)' who could
gain victory due to (the might of) his own arms (nija-bhuja-vijayam). It is further stated that
Chamgadeva described as Konkana-rdjya-nistaranan and urvvi-prastuta, was the father of
Jayakesi (i.e., Jayakesi-chamupa), Machaladevi his {Jayakesi's) mother, Madiraja, hjs.
younger brother (anuja) and Narasimha his (Jayakesi’s) son. Lines 34 and 35 state that
Barmmachayya (also mentioned as Barmma) and Rachamallayya obtained the land and
constructed the basadi which was unequalled in beauty and architectural magnificence.
Lines 36 to 41 describe the Jaina pontiffs viz. Yasupujyamunindra, his desciple Ayyapan
ditadevaru and the latter’s co-worker {saha-dharmi) Meghachandra-vrit-pati (also
mentioned as Meghachandra-panditadeva),3 who belonged to Mula-sangha and Surastha-
gaqa. It is stated in fines 41 to 49 that a grant of land was made to the basadi, after
obtaining it by paying obeisance to Jayakesi-dan<janayaka and Madirajayya-dandanayaka1
-and after laving the feet of Meghachap^ra-panditadeva, on Pushya Suddha Padiva, Adiya-
vara, when Uttarayana-sankramaqa occured, in the Chalukya Vikrama-varsha. Megha
chandra-panditadeva is mentioned as the recipient of the grant. It is here stated that
Barmmachayya, who had his father Balfiraja, mother Maliyakka, guru • (preceptor) Gopa-
nandi, wife Bhagawe, son iSantivarma, over-lord Hakitalla-kshitisa and younger brother
Rachamalla was a person whose fife was fruitful. It is also stated that a grant of land was
made by these two brothers for the purpose of food-offerings to the Jaina ascetics in the
basadi. Lines 50 to 53 register gifts of oil by telligas, betel-leaves by parn-opajivakas and
paddy by the nakara and grant of a garden for the purpose of offering flowers and fruits to
the god in the basadi, made to Meghachandra-panditadeva, by Jayakesi-dandanayaka,
Madirajayya and Narasimha. Lines 54 to 57 contain the usual benedictory and imprecatory
verses.
1 In addition to these territories, Jayakesin II is also known to have been administering “the thirty of
Ujjakal and Sabbi, the thirty of Kontukuji, the five hundred of Hanungal, the thirty of Utsugrame (and)
Kadarvajli, the thirty of Pajalgunde, the seventy of Ve}ugrame and the five hundred of Haive”, by about 1125
A.D. (vide above, Vol. XIII, p.323 and G.M. Moraes, TheKadamba Kula, p.192). Cf. SII., Vol. XI, Part IJ,
pp. Ill and 231 (No. 177) where Guhalladeva (i.e., Guhalladeva IT) is said to be governing the Palasige and.
Konkana provinces during the month of Pushya of Saka 1047 (i.e. A.D. 1125). This mayconfirm the fact
that these two governors were joint rulers for a few months (vide ibid and cf. p. Ill) and Jayakesi II for one
reason or the other was crowned while Guhalladeva was still alive. Cf. also above, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 308 ff.
for Guhalladeva’s reign-period.
2 Cf. A.R.Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 407 which mentions Hakiballa as avani-pati.
3 I am unable to identify these pontiffs.
1 A.R. Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 407 mentions Madirajayya as prabhu indicating his status as a respected
administrator.
No. 9] TAMBURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA YI AND 63
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it brings to light a hiterto
unknown feudatory of Chalukya Tribhuvanamalla (i.e. Vikramaditya YI) viz. Mahamandal-
v esvara Hakiballadeva who is stated to be governing Banavasi-12000 on the date of this record.
Mavulideva is mentioned as the father (ayya Une 20) of this chief and as a janapati (line 18),
This word (Janapati) indicates that he was a ruler. Though there is no direct mention about,
the dynasty to which Mavulideva or his son Hakiballa belonged, the fact that Barmmachayya
. is mentioned as the sun for the blossoming of the lotus that was Kadamba-rajya (i.e., for
the renown that Kadamba kingdom earned during his service to the Kadamba kings),
Kddarhba-rdjy-dmbuj-onmilana-tigma-jyoti. shows that they belonged to the family of the
Kadambas of Hangal which held sway over Banavasi and Hangal provinces for more than
three centuries from the later half of the 10th century A.D.1
Mavulideva, the father of Hakiballadeva is evidently the same as the eldest son of
Jayasiriiha and is known through a few records3 to have had five brothers of whom Taila I
was one.3 -Mavulideva is identified with Mayuravarman II, by G.M. Moraes, who states.
• that he was succeeded by his brother Taila I because Mayuravarman probably died without
a heir4. But the present inscription shows that Mavulideva had a son viz., Hakiballadeva
A ' who governed the Banavasi-12,000 in 1125 A.D. Therefore Taila I may have succeeded his-
elder brother Mavulideva because at the time of his accession Hakiballadeva may have been
young.
• Mahamandalesvara Hakiballadeva is also known from another record from tne same
Taluk5 as governing this province in the month of November of the same year (the actual
date being Visvavasu, Margasira £u. 1 [5] of the Chajukya Vikrama year and corresponding
to 1125 A.D., November 12). It was hitherto known that Taila II of the Hangal Kadamba
family held sway over this province in the year 1124-25 A.D. and according to Fleet in all
probability, in 1125-26 A.D.,8 the last year of his rule being 1129-30 A.D.7 Fleet does not
however give the full details about the date of these inscriptions nor are they noticed any
where else. Even taking for granted that Taila I was the governor of this province in 1125-26
A.D., it is possible that there there was a gap in his rule after the beginning of 1124-25 A.D.,.
and before the end of 1125-26 A.D. due to one reason or the other8 and during this inter
mediary period, Hakiballadeva, we have to take, governed this province. The actual period,
of his rule cannot be known in the absence of the records consulted by Fleet.
K.
We come across one Mahamandalesvara Harikesarin, who was go verning the Banavasi.
province as a subordinate of Vikramaditya VI in 1055-56 A.D., when the latter was still a.
prince." Fleet treats him under the family of the Kadambas of Hangal, but without referr
ing to his parentage.10 The name Hakiballa is obviously made of two parts, viz. Haki and
balla. Haki is evidently the pet name of this chief and is the colloquial form of Harikesarin
and balla is nothing but ballaha i.e. vallabha indicating his status as a ruler. Therefore,
------------------------------------------ -------------—--------------------------------------------------------- 1 _
1 G.M. Moraes, op.cit., dynastic tree, opp. p.93.
2 Above, Vol. XVI, p. 355 and Ind. Ant., Vol. X, pp. 249 ff.
3 Ibid., and J.F. Fleet, Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part n, p. 559 and G.M. Moraes, op. cit., p. 104.
1 G-M. Moraes, op. cit., p. 106.
5 A.R.Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 407.
6 J.F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 451.
’ Ibid., p. 562.
■*. 8 This was generally a period of disturbance and change of rulers in this part of the territory was due to-
various reasons vide G.M. Moraes, op. cit., pp. 108 ff.
" Fleet, op. cit., pp. 563-64.
18 Ibid.
5a.
«4 EPIGRAPHIA IND1CA [Vol. XXXIX
HaMballa of our inscription was none else but Harikesarin, referred to by Fleet as a scion
of the Kadamba stock. Thus it is clear that this chief was on the political scene for nearly
fifty years.
Padmaladevi,1 the wife of Hakiballadeva is known for the first time through this record.
The record states that she made over a huge presentation of gold to the vandi-pratati of
Lakshmadevi who is evidently the same as the chief queen of Vikramaditya VI and who is
known to have governed a part of her husband’s empire, earlier.2
Hakiballadeva and Padmaladevi had a daughter, Ratnakarbe (Ratnakabbe) as- revealed
by the record3 referred to above.
The matrimonial alliance between Hakiballadeva and Jayakesin II which is brought to
Eght for the first time by the record under discussion points out that the two families viz.,
the families of the Kadambas of Hangal and Goa were of different origins.
Of the two ministers Hakiballadeva viz., Barmmachayya and Rachamalla the former is
mentioned as the mahapradhana. Our record also states that Mavulideva was the janapati
of Rachamalla. This indicates that Rachamalla had served Mavulideva also before serving
Hakiballadeva. The inscription referred to above4 *gives some additional information about
Barmmachayya’s family. It states that Barmmachayya had another wife viz., Janakabe
(i.e., Janakabbe) apart from Bagawe (mentioned also as Bagiyakka). Through Bagawe
he had a son named Santivarma (alias Santinatha alia Santa) and two daughters Rajiyakka
and Jakkiyakka. On the basis of the inscription being edited and the one mentioned above,
the lineage of Barmmachayya and Rachamalla can be given in a tabular form as :—
Balliraja
((Married Majiyakka)
-------------------- 1
Barmmachayya Rachamalla alias
alias Barmma Rachamallayya
(Married Bhagavve alias Bagiyakka and Janakabbe)
(through Bhagavve alias Bagiyakka)
Santivarmma alias Rajiyakka Jakkiyakka

Santinatha alias
Santa.
Chamgadeva, father of Jayakesi-chamupa, is mentioned as Konkana-rdjya-nistaranan

and Vrvvi-prasuta. These phrases indicate that he had played a significant role in keeping
up the glory of the kingdom of Koiikana. An inscription6 belonging to the reign of
1 A.R.Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 413 mentions Pddumaladeviya jaina geha. This Padumaladevi is evidently
the same as Padmaladevi, the wife of mah&mandalesmra Hakiballadeva. Vide also ibid., 1964^65, B. No. 404
where the name Padm&vati seems to denote the same person.
2 J.F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 448.
3 A.R.Ep., 1965-66, B. No. 407.
* Ibid.
. * Ibid., 1967-68, B. No. 330.
No. 9 ] TAMBURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA VI AND 65
■Guhalladeva U and dated Saka 1007 (A.D. 1085) addresses Jayakesi as Jayadevayya also
and states that he was administering Tammiyuru and 12 villages as a mahaprachanda-
dandanayaka on the date of the record. The inscription also brings to light for the first
time a wife of this general, by name Dekiyakka, an younger sister by name Chaviyakka
and a Kiriyabbe by name Chatjikabbe. This suggests that Chamgadeva had two wives viz.,
Machaladevi and Chattikabbe and the latter of these was his junior wife. Jayakesi is also
mentioned as mah-sandhivigraha-dandandyaka Jayakesiyarasa in a record1 belonging to the
reign of the Kalyana Chalukyas. -
• -A number of inscriptions2 which range in period from A.D. 1124-25 to 1150 and refer
themselves variously to the reigns of Kadamba Giihalladeva II, Jayakesin II and Vira-
Permadi, give the following account about Madirajayya-dandanayaka. He was also known
by name Madhava-dandanatha and Madlsvarayya-dandanayaka. He bore the epithet
mahaprachanda-dandanayaka and belonged to the Kasyapa-gdtra. His wife was Achaladevi
and son Narasinga.3 He administered not only Tammiyuru but Pannirppalli, Mavalli,
Kode, Kiruvatti, Kaggavige, Ammaneyaggabavi and Nelkunda also. Of these only
Tammiyuru and Pannirppalji seem to have been administered by him upto A.D. 1144, the
rest being added gradually.4
• The inscription mentions the mkara and parn-opajivakas among the donors of the grants.
Nakara is the merchant-guild and parn-opajivakas formed traders who lived by selling the
betel leaves.
The following geographical names occur in the inscription viz., Banavasi-12,000

Konkana-900, Palasige-12,000 Kavadadvipa-savalakka, Mavale-500 and Tammiyuru alias
Tambrapura. Banavasi-12,000 was the area that spread over the major parts of the present-
day Districts of Dharwar, North Kanara and Shimoga. Konkana-900 comprised the present
day territory of.Gova and the adjacent tracts of Dharwar and North Kanara Districts.
Palasige-12,000 roughly corresponds to the present day District-of Belgaum, Northwestern
and Northeastern parts of Dharwar and North Kanara Districts, respectively. Kavadadvipa-
savalakka which. is also known as Kapardikadvlpa, formed the northern part of the
Konkan. This can possibly be idmtifical with the Lakshad/Ipa islands. Mavale-500
is the area around the deserted village Mavalli in Kalghatgi Taluk; Dharwar
District, which was the then headquarters of Mavale-500, which formed a unit of Palasige-
12,000. This division is known for the first time through this record and another5 from
the same taluk. Tammiyuru alias Tambrapura is the present-day village of Tamburu, the
findspot of the record.- This Tammiyuru was the headquarters of the sub-division, by name
1 A.R.Ep., 1964-65, B. No. 403. The record is dated, Chajukya Vikrama.......Krodhi....... su. 13, Sunday
(other details being lost). The year is obviously A.D. 1124 and the record should belong to the reign of
Vikramaditya VI.
3 Ibid. 1964-65, B. Nos. 402-05, ibid., 1965-66, B. Nos. 385, 408 and ibid., 1967-68, B. No. 329.
3 It cannot be said whether this Narasinga is different from Narasi&ha mentioned in the record being edited
or not. In case he was the same, we have to presume that Madirajayya had adopted his elder brother’s son.
* Cf. ibid., 1964-65, B. No'. 405, and 1965-66, B. No. 385. Ibid., 1964-65, B. No. 406 mentions a certain
Sunkada Madhavaraja-dandanatha. In case he was the same as Madirajayya, it will be clear that he was an
officerin charge oisunka (tolls) on the date of this record viz., A.D. 1156, December 24, in which'case this would
be the latest date known for him so far.
«Ibid., 1965-66, B. No. 385. .
66 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA:: . [Voi.. XXXIX
Tammiyuru-12,1 which formed a part of Mavale-500. ' The area around Tammiyuru is also
mentioned as Tammilagere-nadu in another record2 fromlthe same:place... i .. ...
' ■ ' ■. text3 ' . ■/'........
[Metres: Verses 1, 30 and-31 Ariushfubh; verses 2, 6, 8, 15,' 25 and 26 Mattebhankrldha ;

verses 3, 4,7, 21 and 24 Sragdhar'a; verses 5, 9,10, 13, 14, 18, 19,20, 22, 23, 27 and 28 Kamda;
verses 11, 12 and 32 Champakamale; verses 16'and 17 Malim; verse 29 Salim]
1 4Srimat-parama-gambhira-syad-vad-am6gha-lanchchhanam-[ | *y Jiyat=trailokya-
nathasya sasanam jina-sasanam4 [||1||*]
2 eSvasti samasta-bhuvan-aSraya-sri-prithvIvallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara- •
paramabhattaraka-Sat'yasraya-kula-tilakarh
3 Chalukya-abharanarh srlmat-Tribhuvanamalladevara vijayarajyam=

uttar-ot tar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam=a-chandr-arkk'a-taram saluttam=ire ||
4 Tach-chakravartti-vikrama-shayan=enipa nachchin=aliyam ||V ri|| ^ Ari-bhubhritA

kari-siri:han=arthi-jana-chintaratnan|[asanta-bhasura-kirtti-pramada- •
5 priyam vibhudha-kira-vrata-Ma[r*]kanda-bhu[ | *]mi-ruha-Komkana-chakravartti-

tilakam sri-murti-Narayanam naranatham Jayakesi-devan=esedam Kadam-
6 ba-kanlhiravam[||2*]|]Va|| A' Kohkan-adhlsam Komkana-varnbaynurumam

Palasige=panni [r]chchhasiramumam - Kayadadvipa-sama(va)lakkamuman=eka-
chchhatradimd=alu- ...
7 ttam sukhadin=ire tan-mahisvarariim .piriyalu Padmala-deviya mano-vallabham

Habiballadevarh Banavasi-pannircbchbasiraman=aluttam
8 sukhadin=ire ||Vri|| Viditarii rupitf-arati-vrijake vividha-vandi-vraja-karmma-

saubhagyada nachchimd=irppa. ydsi(shi)j-janake turaga-bririid-alig-anmim-
gelal=sam[ | *]pada- . •
9 dimd=arttiyal=entum vasakedaralk-arudadol=‘danava-dhvamsi Dadhichi-Sri-1

sutamtan=enal=atisaya-revantan=I: Hak'iballa[ 13*-][j A mandalika||trine- •
10 trana-mano-vallabhe ||Vri|| Sudati- sadrupaman=taldida. sura-kufijam=embante

varamgana-rupada chimta-ratnam=embant=eseva . surabhi-kant-ava- • . •
11 taratvam=adant[ | *]=uditam srI-:Hakibalia-prithutara-hriday-avasi kurtt=ival=

anarhdade Lakshmadevi-vaindi-pratatige lcanak-anlkamam
1 Vide ibid., B. No. 412.
2 Ibid., 1964-65, B. No. 407. It is very interesting to know from the record referred to earlier (ibid.,
1967-68, B. No. 330), that Maha-prachanda-nayaka Jayakesi was administering over Tammiyuru and 12 other
villages. This fact clearly shows that the division Tammiyuru-12 had 12 villages under its jurisdiction apart
from Tammiyuru (its headquarters). By this it can be suggested that the territorial divisions which were
indicated by their own specifio numbers comprised the number of Villages indicated by such division-numbers
apart from the headquarters in cases of very small divisions. For bigger divisions and a general discussion
on this topic, vide my article, on ‘Numerical Territorial Divisions in Karnataka’, Published in J.P.N.SJ
Vol. II. (Mysore 1981), pp. 65 ff.
3 From the original and impressions."
1 There is an. ornamental floral design.at the beginning of lines 1 and 2 and at the end of line 1.
6 This mark indicates the completion of half of the verse here and'in the following Verses. -
* The meaning of the expression is not clear. -
No. 9] TAMBURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA YI AND 67
12 ragadimda [||4*]Ka[| Parijana-kalpa-kujatege niratisayam sukli-anubhavana
vibhavege dhareyolf | *]=dore yar=Ppadmaladevige nirantaram Ha-
.13 kib'allan=arasige . satiyar[5||*] Tatt-sachiv-ot[t*]mam||V ri|l Manamam Srl-
Jinaraj a-charuTcharan-arhbh6jatadol=nislith.eyarh tanuvam jaina-visuddha-
margga-cha-
14 rita-vyaparadol=samtatam [ [ *] dhanamam sad-budharol yaso-vaniteyam
dig-bhittiyol kudi sajjanarchintamani Barmmachayyan=esedam
15 samyaktva-ratriakaram [||6*[|] Jina-pad-ambhoja-bhrimgam manu-ckaritan=

aparas-srut-ambhodhi-samvarddhana-chamdram mti=ratnakaran=ama]ina Kadamba-
rajy-am-
16 buj-onmilana-tigma-jyoti vistarita-dhavala-yasam gbtra-nistaran=urvvi-vinutam
sri Barmmachayyam sukavi-suka-phal-opeta-chut-orvvi-jatarh [117*11] Tad-a-
17 nujam ||Vri|| Asati-samgama-duran=ishta-janata-kalpa-drumam Jaina-pada-saroj-
anata-bhiimgan=uijjita-yasam varamgana-chittajam[ | *] vasudh-adhisvara-Ha
18 kiballa-nripan=amatyam day-ambhodhi tan=esedam sadguni Rachamallan=

asuhrich-chhail-Endra-vajrayudham[||8*] Ka|| Janapati-Mavulidevam tanag-
alda gu-
19 rugal=Ayyapanditadevarf | *]=winaya-nidhi Maliyakkam jananiy=enalu

Rachamallan=ant=ar=ddhanyar [|j9*] ||Va|| Ant=a sacliiv=ottamar=irvvanim
£riman=mahamanda[le]s-varam
20 Hakiballadevamge parama-visva(sva)sa-bhumiga]=ag=irdd=omdu divasam dkarmma-

katha-prasamgadimdam=ire Hakiballadevam tamm=ayyam Mavuli-
21 devamge paroksha-vinay-arttham=ag=omdu basadiyam madisal=udyuktan=agi

tamma biyagam1 Jayakesidevan=alva Palasige-pannirchchasi-
22 rad=olagana Kainpanam Mavaley=aynurakkam visishtam=enipa Tammiyurol=

madisim=emdu tan=mahattargge niyamisuvudum=avar=a-
23 ti-prasanna-manaskar=agi||Kam|| Palasige-vishyantaradol=phala-bharita—vinamna-
chuta-valli-kuladimf | *]mala-virahita-jina-ni]ayadin=i]ipudu Tam-
24 brapuram puramdara-puramam [||10*] ||Vri[| Sogayipa puga-samkulad=

aSoka-mahijada pempu-vetta sampageya podaldu puta nava-patalad=
oppuva na- —
25 likeradim [ ] *] bagegolis=irppa chuta-late karttalis-irpp=ele-va]li-ba]li-

malligegala lile kang=esedu torugum=a-puram=entu norppada [||11*]H
Balasida-kote-
26 yimd=olage so(so)bhipa saudha-grihamgalim manamgolisuva harmya-rajiyin=

anamga-ras-arnavad=eriyamt=esam(£am) [ | *]-gali-suva sule-gerigalin=unnata-
1 Same as bfga, relative by marriage, Cf. F. Kittel, Kmmda-English Dictionary, p. 1126.
68
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol.- XXXIX
27 deva-gphamgalimdam=en=i|ipudo Tamnuyur=Maghavanikkeya pallanamam2
pTdtp™ 01 ] ***** Priâ- Manu-chanta^ p'ayasija-sannabha,:
28 ruh^'bh?“Sam[ J *] ■ jaya-lakshmikantan=enisida Jayakesi-chamupan=a purakk=

adhmatham [||13*] £ri-ramaniyan=asukrid-ba!a-varidhiyol katfedu pa-
29 <?Cfa I *] vlr-avataran=enisida dhiram Jayakesiraja-
dandadhisam [||14*] ||Vri|| Janakam Komkana-rajya-nistaranan=urwI-
prastutara Chamgadeva-
30 n=i|a-kategam=olpuv-etta giri-raj-apatyegam pati tan[ | *]=enipem=Machaladevi
_ tay-empa vikhyat-anvitam bappu sajjana-sevyam Jayakesiy=ante pata-
31 r=ar=ddhanya.r=ddhara-chakradol[||15*||] ||Tad-anujam|| Sura-taruv=enal=ivam '
vamdi bpm(ynm)dakk=am ogham karam=ariyarol=arggam balt=idam saurvya-
dxmdam [ | *] vara-vadhu-nivaha-sne- yy
32 ha-Sambandhig=itam smara=£ara-sadris-akaran=i Madirajim [||16*] |iTad=agraja-priy-
atmjam|| Sukavi-mkara-vandi-vrata-kalp-avanijam prakupita-ripu-
33 raja-dhvamî-kirty-arhgneâm [ | *] sakala-guna-gan-alam-kara-vani-vilasam
prakatita-Manu-marggam bappu re Narasimha [117*1 llVall Antu tamma
muvaru- ^
34 m=isbta-yishaya-sukhaman=anaubhavisuttam=ire Maha-pradhanam Barmmachawa-
nayakanum Rachamallayya-nayakanum dhanmna-prasamgamam
35 madi aelanam padedu jaina-mamdiramam samedu ||Kam|j Surapatiya ritu-
vimanamo-dharan-eiiidrana tola-pabhavanamo1 khachara-mahir I *Kvarana
mani-kha- J .
36 chita-harmyamo dhareyol nirupamam=id=enisit=i jina geham [||18*]|| Siddhanta-
rayam embudu suddhagey=enisidudu Vasupujya-munlndram3 [ | *]-Siddhanta-
cna-
37 kravartti jagad-dhavaUta-kirttiy=embud-omd=achcliariye[||19*]|| Tach-cMushyarll

Jama-samaya-varddhi-chanmdraman=anamga-bhuja-prabhamjanam bhavya-
lasad[ | *]-vanaja-vana-
38 dinakaram bapp=ene negarddar=ddhareyol=Ayyapandita-devar [|I20*1[| Tat-
vdgvadMmmigal l|Vriil Madavat-karfldarPPa-dhatri-ruha-vi!aya-maha-mai-utam
39 tl ^sad-a!amkar-avatamsam vilasita-jina-dbarmm-6day-adr-Jmdra-ramy-a[ | *]spada-

' Sita-dyoti-bhavya-prakara-salalit-esht-arttha-siddhi-prada-gri-pada-padmaih Me-
40 ghachandra-vratipati îsad-ottumga-kirtti-pramodam [||21*]||Ka|| Atisaya-vinamna-
bhavya-pratati-payojata-tivra-tejam mithya[ | *]-pratati-giri- Vajradandam ’
kshiti-ta[la]- •■
2 Wrong forpra-bhavana (i.e., a big house or mansion),

s The anusvara is redundant.
No. 9 TAMBURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA VI AND 9
41 dol Megliachandrapanditadevar[||22:':]
j]Ant=a srl-Mula-sarjigliada Surastha-
gana-gagana-chandrar=enisida Meghachandra-panditadevara pada-prakshalanam
ma[di]
42 Jayakesi-dandanayakariigam Madirajayya-dandanayakamgarii pada-pujeyam

kotfu hosa-gereya kelagana nirvvariyol Vavanayya-nayaka[na] [ba*[
43* sadiya keyya haduvaiia battugeyol-akkasali-ge[re]yim badagal piriy=aga[eyol=

• eradu-maltar=ggaddeyman=adara haduvana battugeyo[I=e]-
44. radu mattaru hakkalumam padedu srlmach-Chalukya-Vikrama-varsliada

Visvavasu samvatsarada Pusbya suddba-padiva Adityavaramum=uttarayapa-
[sam][kra*]
45 mariamum samanisi. bamda punya-tithiyol=a Meghachandra-panîtadevargge

‘ dbara-purwakam madi kottu ||Kam|| Srimaj-Jina-samaya-lasad-vy6ma[mbaja*[
46 tigma-kiranan=akhila-jana[ | *]-prem-odvibhasi mantri-sikhamani vikhyata-lakshmig=

armmam1 Barmmam[||23*]||Aiitu-m=aUadeyum |JVrij Janakam sri-Balliraja[m*[
47 ga(gu)navati tay=Maliyakkam pranu(nu)tarh Jinan=aptam Gopanandi-vrati

guru sati nittayde Bbagavv[e] putram[ | *] Jana-vamdyam Sa[m]ntivarmmam
pativisada[n=e]..
48 Hakiballa-ksbitlsam Manu-marggam Rachainallam tanag=a-nujan=enal

Barmmachayyam krit-arttbam [||24][| Mattam ||Vri|| Vasudh-alamkritam=appa
jaina-grihamam sva[sva]]mi*].
49 pelalke madisi taj-jaica-nivasa-vasi-munipargg=ahara-danakke pem[ J *]p=eseyalu

bhumiyan=ittu sad-vibudhar=aty-a-nandadim kurttu..
50 sail Barmmacha[yya*] Racbamallaran=ad=inn=e=vannipom bannipa [||25*j

Mattam=a basidige|| Nakaram saftuga-vattamam2 manam=ora[d=anandadim
telliga-prakaram
51 yenneyam horrege ^ hejimg=arttu parnn-c(rnn-o)paji[ j *]vakar=ayvattan=oraldu

nuj=eleyan=aty-utsahadim kottar=intu kubhi'idd-raja-dharittri-varddlii-digi[sa]-
52 chandr-arkkar=ulla=annegam [)126*]|| Mattam Jayakesi-dandanayakanum

Madi[ra]jayyanum Narasimhadevanum devargge pulpa-pja]akke perggereya
badagapa nirwar-yyol mala-
53 ga!(r)a tomtada mudana hattugeyolu guniga[ne]..............tta tomtamam tamage

srey6=nimittam=agi Meghacbandradevargge •'dhara=purwakam madi koltaru||
1 °armmam seems to be the wrong form of °wjmam.
2 This form obviously is to be derived from bhatta which means paddy (bhatta-batta-vatta). Cf. F. Kittel,
op. cit., p. 1163. ’
2 DGA/77 -
70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol XXXIX
54 Idan=esedire palisidar=mudadim garhgadi punya=tirttha=stha.. f|*] Vidita=go=ni-

kuru(m]baman=uditam sad=[d*]=vijarge kofta phajamam padevar [||27*] ||Adan=
ollade kidisidava=
l
55 r=sadama]a=su=gatiyane bisutu gotra=sameta. .ksha=sastra-dehadirhd=odavida

naraka=duhkhamam tavey=umbar [||28*’|| Samany=oyam dharinma=setu-.
• i
56 r=nripanam kale kale palaniyo bhavadbhih [|*] Sa. . . .[h] partthiv=endran bhuyo
bhuyo yachate Ramachandrah [||29*]|| Bahubhir=vasudha-bhuktva(kta) ra- _
57 jabhih Sagar-adibhih [1*] Yasya yasya yada bhu............. tP0*]|| ... [ttam]
para-dattam va yo hereti vasumdhararb [1*] shashtir=warsha-sahasra(sra)rii vish-
\ thayam Jayate krimih [||31*]||
No. 10—NOTE ON TilAGTJNDA INSCRIPTION OF SANTIVARMAN.
This important inscription has been studied and commented upon by several scholars1-
Kielhorn’s article on it has brought out its significance almost completely. However, a
re-examination of the record has revealed that a very vital piece of historical information
contained in the record has been missed by all scholars. It pertains to the question as to wha
actually was responsible for the enthronement of Mayurasarmman who was the first ruler
of the early Kadamba dynasty. Verse 20 of the record says, “Then entering the kings’ ser
vice, he pleased them by his acts of bravery in battles and obtained the honour of being
crowned with a fillet, offered by the Pallayas with the sprouts (Pallava) of their hands2”.
Verse 21 refers to the territory which came under his sway as a result of this compact. Then
follows verse 223 which
* reads : vihudha-samgha-mauli-sammrishta-charandravinddsh-Shaddnanak
yam=abhishiktavan=cmudhyaya Senapatim Matribhis=saha. It has been translated by Kielhorn
as follows : “Whom Shadanana, whose lotus-feet are polished by the crowns of the assembly
of'the. gods, anointed, after meditating on Senapati with the Mothers”*. That Kielhorn
believed that what is meant here was the anoinment of Mayuras'arman by the god Shadanana
is clear both from bis observation under foot-note* on page 35 of Epigraphia Indica, Vol.
VIII, and from his statement that “by the circumstance that according to verse 22 Mayura-
sarman was anointed by Shadanana (the six-faced god of war) after meditating on Sena
pati i. e., the general of the gods (Karttikeya)”, on page 29 in the same place. Though
the fine distinction that Kielhorn makes between “the six-faced god of war” and “Karttikeya”,
may be all right from the point of view of iconography, it does not appear to be in order
in the present context as one cannot imagine how the six-faced god of war meditated on
Karttikeya when both are one and the same. In this interpretation Kielhorn seems to
have been influenced by the word vibudha-samgha which has been translated by him as
the assembly of the gods’. Following Kielhorn, however, several scholars5 have adopted
his meaning and have opined that god Shadanana anointed Mayurasarman. Dr. D. C.
Sircar has accepted this interpretation with a slight change. According to him verse 22:
under study means “MayuraSarman is said to have been favoured and anointed Senapati
(general) by Shadanana and the Mothers”6, by construing the passage in the verse as Sha-
dananah Matribhis=saha anudhyaya yam Senapatim abhishiktavan. That Dr. Sircar still
1 Fleet, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt.II, PP.2S6-87;L. Rice, Ep. Cam., Vol. VIU.pp. 200ff; G.Buhler,
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, pp. 27-28 ; F. Kielhorn, above, Vol. Vffl, pp. 31 ff. and plate ; D. C. Sircar, Succe-
■ of Sata., pp. 184 and note, 228,288.
3 Above, Vol.VH.p. 35.
2 Ibid., p. 32.
4 Ibid., Op. 35.
6 Kaddmbakula, p. 16; A New History of the Indian people,Vol. VI, (The Vakataka-Gupta Age), p.239.-
Fleet who had feiven the gist of the whole inscription earlier than Rice and Kielhorn (see Bom. Gaz., Vol.
II, pt. H, pp. 288-87), interprets the verse as follows: "Shadanana, (Karttikeya, as being six-faced) anointed
Mayurasarman (to sovereignty) after he had meditated on Senapati (Karttikeya, as the general) and the
Mothers”. (Ibid., p. 207, note 1).
6 Successors of the Satavahans, pp. 239 ff.
(71)
2 DGA/77 T
72 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol XXXIX
.holds the same view but with another finesse added to it is known from his statement, “Sha
danana is here said to have favoured and installed the general Mayurasarman on the throne”
•(vide Select Inscriptions, revised edition, 1965, p. 477, note 3). The finesse of detail to be
noted here is that while he said earlier, that Mayurasarman was anointed Senapati (general),
Eis recent opinion seems to be that Mayurasarman who was already a general was installed
-on the throne. Whatever it is, Dr. Sircar continues to hold his view that the installation
•of Mayurasarman was done by Shadanana and the Mothers.
True, Dr. Sircar’s earlier interpretation of the verse is perfectly all right according to
which Shadanana and the Mothers blessed MayuraSarman and anointed him as Senapati.
There are a number of instances like the Badami Chalukyas and the Imperial Gangas Who
claim to have got the empire through-the grace of divine beings/ Similarly Kielhorn‘s'cons
truing of the verse, quoted above, will also be equally all right when the apparent incongruity
contained in the interpretation viz., Shadanana (the six-faced god of war), whose lotus feet are
polished by the crowns of the assembly of the gods, meditating on Senapati (Karttikeya), is
resolved. When this is so, it is seen that the composer of the verse has intended slesha in
the verse, and the crucial words in it are evidently Shadanana and vibudha-samgha. So,
when the proper significance of these words is understood and employed in the translation
given by Kielhorn, then the riddle in the verse will stand solved and the solution thus obtained
will go to elucidate, among others, a historical event of great importance. According to
us Shadanana stands both for the six-faced god and for a person who had a name which was
■synonymous with Shadanana. The synonym intended here in all likelihood was Skanda;
rather than Karttikeya, Kumara, etc. The word vibudha-samgha means both an assembly
of gods and an assembly of wise men. With the substitution-of these meanings for those
given by Kielhorn, the translation of verse 22 would be : “Whom Skanda, whose lotus-
feet are polished by the crowns of wise-men, anointed, after meditating on Senapati and
Mothers”. As has been stated above, in verse 21 the territory that Mayurasarman was
given to rule over is mentioned while in verse 20, the persons who honoured him with the
pattabandha are stated to be the Pallavas. Till now, only the verses 20 and 21 used to be
taken together and interpreted so as to mean that Mayurasarman became a feudatory of
the Pallavas who honoured him with the pattabandha. In the light of our interpretation
of verse 22, however, it will become now necessary to interpret the three verses viz., 20,
21, and 22, together. In this case it will be found that Skanda apparently a member of the
Pallava family, and one who was. praised .by wise men, was the person, who actually
anointed Mayurasarman to the rulership of the territory referred to in verse 21.
Now the question arises as to who this Pallava Skanda was. On grounds of palaeography
and language the Chandravafii inscription of Kadamba Mayurasarman has been assign
ed to the fourth century A. D.1, and this Mayurasarman has been identified with his name
sake of the Talagunda inscription2. The record from Malavalli3, 4 which does not refer
to any ruler by name but mentions only a Kadamba king described as Vaijaznti-dhayamma-
maharajadhiraja, has also been assigned on linguistic and palaeographical grounds, to about
the same period and to Mayurasarman1 or to his immediate successor5. After comparing
1 Select Inscriptions, (revised edition, 1965), p. 473. The genuineness of this record hast been doubted
by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri (see A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, p. 238).
2 Successors of Sattivahanas, pp. 240 ff.
3 Ep. Corn., Vol. VII, Sk. 264.
4 G. J. Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 99.
B Successors of Satavahanas, p. 248.
9
No. 10] NOTE ON TALAGUNDA INSCRIPTION OF SANTIVARMAN 73

the language and alphabet of these Chandravalli and Malavalli records with those of viz.,'
the Mayidavolu1 2and 3 * 5the Hlrahadagalli plates* of Pallava Sivaskandavarman and the
British Museum plates8, *of Vijaya-Skandavarman, it has been suggested that the two
Xadamba records are slightly later than the three Pallava charters, and consequently, Mayu-
rasarman and/or his successor ruled a little later than Sivaskandavarman1. It has also
been suggested that “Sivaskandavarman was the most powerful king of the early Pallavas”s
and that his “kingdom extended upt.o the Arabian Sea”6. Considering the fact that there
ruled no such powerful Pallava king subsequent to Sivaskandavarman, it is not unlikely
that he was the king who anointed Mayurasarman as ruler over the territory in the west coast,
and that this fact is mentioned in verse 22 of the Talagunda record under examination.
Accordingly it follows that Shaddnana=Skanda referred to in the verse would be identical
with Sivaskandavarman. Then there will arise the problem as to what the real name of
this Pallava king was. The employment of synonyms referring to one and the same king
is noticed in Pallava inscriptions e. g., Narapatisinha for Rajasinha (A. It. Ep,, 1966-67, No. B
188). It appears that the real name of the king was Skanda [varman*], the word Siva in
Sivaskandavarman of the Mayidavolu and Hlrahadagalli charters being an honorific7, just
as sri and vijaya are honorifics in the name sri-Vijaya-Skandavarman of the British Museum
chatter mentioned above. In support of this we can adduce one more piece of evidence
than what has been given by G. J. Dureuil in his Anc. Hist, of Deccan, p.53. Generally
in almost all the early inscriptions no honorific precedes the names of the rulers8. In the
rec’ords of the Satavahanas, however, almost. invariably the honorific siri is found prefixed
to the names of the kings". This is also the case with the records of the Ikshvakus10 of
Nagarjnnikonda. In some records of this category this siri is omitted11. This reveals that
the practice of prefixing honorifics was just then coming into vogue. In fact in the earliest
inscription of the Pallavas so far discovered viz., the one from Manchikallu12, no honorific is
prefixed to the name of the king. So, when the Mayidavolu and Hlrahadagalli charters
were drafted the composer of their texts having been influenced by the tradition of employing
an honorific to the names of the rulers, appears to have prefixed Siva to the name of Skan-
davarman in preference to sri. This appears to get confirmation from the British Museum
plates where the name of the ruling king is Skandavarman with, however, the prefixes sri
and Vijaya. G. J. Dubreuil13 and other scholars seem to be right in identifying this king
with Siva-Skandavarman, and the opinion of others14 in making him a king later than and
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 84 ff. ...
2 Ibid., Voi. I, pp. 2 ff.
3 Ibid., Vol. Vin, pp. 143 ff.
I Successors of Satavahanas, pp 185, 223.
5 Ibid., p. 184.
6 Ibid./p. 184, note.
7 G. J. Dubreuil had suggested this {Anc. Hist. Deccan, p. 53) which was accepted by scholars like
Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri (A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, p. 231). However Dr. D. C.
Sircar has strongly argued for the name of Sivaskandavarman (Succ. of Sdta., pp. 161,166-67), a view which
he continues to hold {The Classical Age, p. 276; Select Inscriptions (revised ed. 1965), p. 457, and note 3).
8 Select Inscriptions (revised ed. 1965), Book H, Nos. 1, 2, 10, 14, 24, 25, 28, 32,36A, 37-41, 57-61, 63-67,
75, 91, 93, 93A.
B Ibid., Nos. 83, 85, 86, 87, etc.
16 Ibid., Nos. 98-100, 102-04, etc. ;
11 Ibid., Nos. 76, 84.
12 Above, Vol. XXXH, pp. 87 ff. J
18 Anc. Hist. Decc., p. 53,
II Success, of Sata., p. 161.1
74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. XXXIX
different from Siva-Skandavarman requires to be modified. For, having been issued by the-
queen of the ymamaharaja Buddhavarman, the plates must have belonged to a time later than
the date of the Hirahadagalli plates, and that therefore, there is nothing unnatural in the-
existence Of differences in language, palaeography, the use of titles etc., between the records
issued by Siva-Skandavarman and those issued by his daughter-in-law and- others, just as-
there are similar differences met with between the Marichikallu’ inscription1 of Simha-
varman, said to be the father and predecessor of Siva-Skandavarman, and the latter’s Mayi-
davolu and Hirahadagalli charters. Thus it is clear the primary purpose of verse 22 under
study was to record the event of anointment of MayuraSarman by the Pallava king Siva or
6rI-Vijaya-Skandavarman. The slesha contained in the said verse may be interpreted to--
mean either that Mayurasarman, the general was .anointed ruler after consideration by
(the grace of) Shadanana along wi]h the Mothers, or that Mayurasarman was anointed
as general after consideration by (the grace of) Shadanana along with the Mothers. The-
above-mentioned fact seems to have been incorporated in the standardprasasti of the Kadam-
bas in their later records in the phrase : Svdmi-Mahdsena-Mdtrigan-dnudhydt-dbhishik-
tanam. In the light of the foregoing discussion, this phrase may be taken to mean ‘(those)'
who have been anointed after meditating on Svami-Mahasena and the Mothers’. Jhis
phrase remains incomplete without the mention of the person who was responsible for this
anointment. However, the reason for the non-mention by the later Kadamba rulers in their
records of the Pallava ruler who, according to the above discussion, was responsible for .the-
ushering in of the new dynasty is not known.
‘ Above, Vof. XXXn, pp. 87 ff. and plate.

No. 11—A BROKEN PILLAR INSCRIPTION FROM KAMPLI
( 1 Plate )
M. J. Sharma, Mysore
Th;s -inscription,1 edited below with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist,
Mysore was discovered at the village Kampli in Yellapur taluk, North Kanara district,
Karnataka. It was found engraved on a broken pillar standing on an elevated area surrounded
with trees and shrubs, locally called as ‘Purdukan’., situated on.the right side of the Sirsi-
Yellapiir road. The broken pillar which is of about 3' in height from the ground and of
somewhat circular shape retains only a part of the inscription which is engraved on a polished
surface. The other half of the pillar which is of 6' long with a rough surface and tapering
end lies in a pit a few yards away and bears no inscription.
The extent 10 lines of writing from the latter portion of the record occupy an area of
'22" -X 12". The letters are boldly engraved and, except in the first line which is partly
damaged, well preserved. The size of the letters ranges from .8" to 1.2" in height while the
conjunct letters like rmma and tta in line 2, Hi in line 4 vary in height from 1.5" to 2". -Final n
in lines 2, 6 and 7 is of about .5" in height.
The characters belong to an early variety of Kannada alphabet and, on palaeographical
grounds, they may be assigned to the latter half of the sixth or the first half of the seventh
century. Initial i occurs in lines 7 and 9. The aspirate dha in line 2 has a projection at the
top and appears more or less like va of line 2, while dha in line 8 has the usual serif at the top.
The upright features in letters like ka, ra, sa and pa are clearly distinguishable and noteworthy.
Some of the letters are comparable individually with those of the Sirsi plates2 of Krishnavarma
II and the Tagare plates3 of Bhogivarma. For instance in the Sirsi plates the letters ri or ra
in the words giri and parihara (line 10) has the left limb lifted up and joined to the serif.
The letters like ya, ra, ka,ja and i of the Tagare plates have much resemblance with those of
the present record.
The language of the record is Kannada and the text is written in prose. It contains
only five sentences and the words in many places are inter-linked.
The grant portion (11. 1-6) of the text is in two parts. While the first part (11. 1-3)
registers the grant of the village Moriyavalli, free from all encumbrances, by Dharma-
senavara, the second part (11. 4-7) states that Ajavarma, the son of the Maharaja, restored
(nirisidan) (the status of) Kampilli as a devabhoga which was a gift (datti) of Payveyar and
which had fallen into misuse (kettadan). The name of the deity who benefited from these
grants is not preserved. It is stated in line 7 that Dharma-senavara is the protector of the
grant. Lines 7-10 contain the usual imprecatory passages.
The passage Maharajana magan-Ajavarman (11. 5-6) may be interpreted in two ways,
namely that'Ajavarma was the son of a person named Maharaja or that he was the son of
1 Noticed in A. R. Ep„ 1972-73, No. B. 105.
- Above, Vol. XVI, plate facing p. 271.
3 Mys. Arch. Rep. 1918, plate facing p. 40.
(75 )
2 DGA/77 8
76 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol, XXXIX
the ruling king {maharaja). Since maharaja does not normally occur as a proper name,
the latter interpretation appears to be nearer the truth; The exact identity of this Ajavarmma,
his father and the family to which they belonged, has become, obscure.owing to the loss of the
top portion of the record. However, an attempt in this direction‘has been made below,
with the help of the available inscriptions of the kings who once ruled over the region in
question.
The Tagare plates of the Kadamba king Bhogivarma, referred to above, mentions a
certain Ajavarmma .as the son of maharaja Krishnavarmma and as the father of maharaja
Bhogivarmma. So far no other references to Ajavarmma have come to light except ’in one
stone inscription, in characters of about 9th-10th century, from Baruru,1 Shikaripura taluk,
Shimoga district which belongs to a'king named Kannarasa. It refers, while recording a
series of gifts to the Gautamasthana, to a former gift of lamp made by Kadamba Ajavam-
marasa. The name Ajavamma occurring here is only a Kannada variant of the Sanskrit
form Ajavarmma. This Kadamba Ajavammarasa may have been the same Ajavarmma of
the Tagare plates and he may probably be identical with the Ajavarmma of the present record.
His father, who is mentioned here as.maharaja,, will then be maharaja Krishnavarmma who
has been identified with Krishnavarmma IE of the early Kadamba family: For .his ’reign,
we have four copper plate inscriptions coming from Bannehalli,3 Bennur,4 Sirsi6 and Kiru-
kuppatur8 and they also ascribe to.him titles .like maharaja and dharmma-maharaja.
There is some difficulty in regard to the assignment of this record to the, reign of
Krishnavarmma II, as the characters of this inscription, when compared with those of
Krishnavarman IPs' charters, appear to be 'of. a latter date. However, attention has
already been drawn in regard , to the resemblance of some letters with those of his Sirsi
plates and with those of the Tagare plates belonging to his grandson. Further, it may
be asserted that the cursive tendency, and the shortening of the downward length in some
letters like ka and-ra are not necessarily.a latter phenomina as they can ,be. traced even as
early as about 450 A.D., in the Halmidi inscription7 of Kadamba Kakutsthavarmma .which is
the earliest as yet known inscription in Kannada language. Its close affinity with the present
record may also be observed in the construction of sentences, particularly in. the interlinking
of words and in the rare use of the amis vara8.. Thus, if this inscription is accepted as of
'Krishnavarmma II, it will, become the, second earliest inscription in Kannada
language.
The Bennur plates" state that Krishnavarma II was setting out-for a military expedition
against Vaijayanti, i.e., Banavasi (Vaijayanti-vijaya-yatram-abhiprastitah) and the Bannehalli19
jfiates state that he had regained, by his heroism, his royalty and fortune. The present grant,
1 Ep. Cam., Vol. VII, Sk. No. 45 B.
2 Mys. Arch. Rep., 1918, p. 40/ ...
3 Above, Voi. VI, p.-1'7..
4 Ep. Cam., Vol. V, pi 827.
6 Above, Vol. XVI, p.270.
$ Earn. Ins. Vol.n, pp. Iff...
7 Mys. Arch. Rep. 1936, pp. 72 ff. plate XXII. *
8 It may be stressed here that it is necessary to take the language also into consideration while comparing
the characters of inscriptions. For, the characters of the inscriptions belonging to a particular variety or class
though of the same period, vary in their forms or in development in respect of region, dynasty and language’
9 Ep. Cam., Vol. V, p. 827.
10 Above, Vol. VI, p. 18.
Scale : One-third
N| 11] A BROKEN PILLAR INSCRIPTION FROM KAMPLI 77
thesfore, could have been issued only after bis occupation of VaijayantI, since the fmdspot
of |e present record happens to be situated not far away, to the north of Banavasi (in Sirsi
' Ajavamma is not mentioned ip: any other inscriptions of Krishnavarnm II. From
: this (cor#We tan presume that he may have actively assisted his father in his military expedi-
tion^nd in adninistration. There is some dpubt regarding his succession to the throne and
his ii|ependeit rule as, so far,mo inscription ofbis,reign has "been; discovered, and, further,
the Tgare. pities1,of
* 3his
* *son
* Bhogivarma do not give him the title maharaja. 'We. learn from
the Klukupjatur (plates® That'Krishnafarhift. II-had' another son natfted Ravtvarma who
:k :0s(|be<ys ‘priyaputra’.(belovedi:son)r::ttSs::Miely that thisRavivarma, though a younger
son offrismavarmalL was lilted by'his father and may have been chosen as successor to the'
thronein»t*ad of Ajavarmma. ..Bhogifarma, "in his' Tagare plates,8 claims: that", he had
acquirjLhs kingdom'.'by the-strengthtof :his own "arms and, perhaps, it raay.be suggested
that h^>t back his kingdom after defeating his uncle Ravivarma.
Dfmma-senavara mentioned here seen® to be a subordinate officer ineftargr of local
adminijation as he is stated to be the protector of'-.the gtft.of'Payveyar. ; The- latter part of
his naif Senavara. is obviously the name of the family to which'he-belonged.;'' This ...family
namef fairs in a fewfinsetiptions haling from the Chikmagaiur and Shimop districts.
One* ofhem, from Kigga (Koppa taluk), in Kannada language and characters of about the
. 7)h eeriry and belonging to the reign of the Alupa chief Chitravlhana* who is stated..therein
.to be dling over Pombuchcha, refers tp'ASinavam.lwithottLti^ntioningthisipropetmaac
AnolJr inscription* from Mayitammana Machchadi (Shikaripur taluk), beloBging to thf;
regif of the Bidami Chalukya king Vijayaditya-Satyasraya, refers to a Ppthvivallabha
Sen,arahhuvara. One inscription7 of the 11th century, from CMttavaUi (Chikmagaiur
tab), records a grant made by Jimutavahana-Senavara who is described as the ‘Sun of tie
Xichara-vamsa' and as ‘Lord of Kudalurppura’ while another inscription1 from the same
pie and of the same period refers to a Marasimgha-Senavara who, bearing similar epithets,
jstated to have avenged the death of his grandfather Jhitavara (wrong for Jimuiavaha ?).
ara-Senavara and Mai asijhha-Senavara, figuring in two 11th century inscriptions' from
.ofevuru (Chikmagaiur taluk) are perhaps identical with the Marasilhgha-Senavara of the
ChittavaUi epigraph.
Thbfgh the identity of the other donor, Paywyur, is not known, his name reminds one of
Payve (Hayve in its medieval form) which served as the name of a five-hundred division in the
North Kanara district during historical times.
Of the localities occurring in the inscription M6riyava}Ji, which draws more auction,
reminds us of the Maurya dynasty and, a branch of which ruled over the parts of KorikanA1
The other place Kampilli, as stated above, is modern Kampli, the findspot of our recprli
1 Mys. Arch- xep. 1918, p. 40.
Vol. II, No. I, p. 3.
» Karri, ItlSS.
3 Mys. Arch. Rep., 1918, p. 40.
3 Ep. Cam., Vol. VI, Kp. 37.
' Above, VOL IX, p 16.
3 Ep. Cam., Vol. VII, Sk. No. 278.
7 Ibid. Vol. VI, Cm. No. 95.
8 Ibid., Cm. No. 94.
* Ibid., Cm. Nos. 61 and 62 .
» Above, Vol. XXXIII, p. 294.
' ■" EMGRAPHIA'. 1Hd|G&
V • ■ ■ . '■ TKKP'V-'-
1 ,, Iljmfrgge].. mbuliyafra]
2 Dharmmasenavaran2 M6riyavaJ}i-
3 yan-sarv'va-va'’da(dha)-parihararii kotta[n f *]
4 ; Kampilliya devabhogarh Payve-
' 5.; yara-dafti kettadan-Maharajana
6 magan=Ajavarmman-n irisid a n2 [• J *]
7 Dharmmasenavaran-kadan5 [ j *]idan-kidd-
8 ng=e(g-a)svamedhada phalan'im'=akku [ } *]
9 idan-kedisidoji-Varanisiya-
10 n=apd#-pipajn=ffl:kj£u';[,j *]
" wprpia. iinpfessisns;. v.v

■ :a'Flail#.isâgraved-sli^tly above tfelpwer margin'of tfefliae,
.'*■Read instead', of va wfitcb Is indifferently 'engraved,
< Tk'&idttuwiira /#:i$..rednada'nt4ere,
GMGIP fPub. Unit)dSaa!,^Sl^7l3GAi77-20-l0-82-l.Cdi;Cbi>jes'..
PGEL 1. XXXIX- $.
100®,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL, XXXIX PART HE
JULY 1971
EDITED BY
. p. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A. (Retired)
Chief Epigraphist ~
1983
Published by the Director General, Archaeological Surrey of India, New Delhi-M

Printed at the Government of India Press (Publication Unit),
Santragachi, Howrah, India.
Price: Inland Rs. 8-00 Foreign 18sh. 8d: or 2$ 88 cents.
contents
Page
No. 12. A Brahmi Inscription from Pratapgarh, . By Shri P. R. Srinivasan, 79
Mysore..................................................................
No. 13. Two Copper-plate charters of Chalnkya Bhima I from Vinnakota. 81
By Dr. S. Sankaranarayanan, Mysore................................................
No. 14. An unpublished Inscription from Achalgarh, By Shri C. L. 'ijV.ri, . 105
Mysore..................................................................................... .........
PLATES
No. 13. A Brahmi Inscription from Pratapgarh . . to face page 80
No. 14. Two Copper-plate charters of Chalukya Bhima I
from Vinnakota ...... betTien pages 90 and 94
No. 15. Two Copper-plate charters of Chalukya Bhima I
from Vinnakota............................................... between pages 100 and 104
No. 16. - An unpublished Inscription from Achalgarh . to face page 106
l. . >
*
• ' v No. 12—A B8AI1I#!1NS€KM!0N fKOM FRATAPGASH
• V ' \ (iPlam
......... - 'P.R,. SRIMVASAN, MYSORE .
■' ;this;interesfi:ng imcriptiotf is engraved on a-stone pillar set op ia-feoatof tie Aialil»
vara^jple at Pratapgarb in Pratapgarh Tahsil, Chittorgarh
’here an impression kindly sent to the Office of the-€hief Ejagfiphist,.
Indl% lôre* hy Shri M.V. Somani of Jaipur in 1971.
is seen that the pillar should be long and slender. It is not ..'known if it; ;
■.•sided.. There are 14 lines^ writing, hut it is clear- from.the'ithpression;t^:;db«ip;^
one or two lines at the top. It is not certain if there are some more lir.es of writing at the
bottom also. In view, however,-of! the. great interest of the record 'from tte^poaiflâe*.;.
Of its antiquity and contents, it is edited here.
. The character' ;re BrahnH, and they are found to be-:, similar to. those ofAe -rSssaagitf. -
Garuda pillar inset , n2 of the time of the 'ruler Bhagabhadra, which- isr:«signed-t© about
the 2nd century B.£. The letters 'are .neatly .engraved and the spacing.-.'heWeen.. Ae-. Baas.
• is -carefully done. ’ * language of the' record is. a. mixed, .dialect of Prakrit- influenced by
Sanskrit.
The object uf'the inscription & the makini of a Stone slab or pillar, probably the one
on which the prcscn;: inscription is engraved. The expression used for the slab or the pillar
is sda-bhuja (Skt. saila'-bhuja). The person who was responsible for this act is named Bhaga
vat, and he is described variously; in fact the description of this person occupies the major
portion of the text. His original name seems to be Utararahhtta (Stt. Ultararakshila) and
Bhagavat was perhaps his see<»i-{wtee,/ -He instated tobAthe son of
to the Sada-kula, a true or realllâvatatÂ#l*^folB),'''.afflriijh8Mtaii#:#rAfap|«^.
and one who was famed in all parts of the world (saresu iokcsu visruta-kirtin-Skt. /uirvedw
lokeshu visruta-ktrtin). His second name" Bhagavat is. repeated, in '.Hites if-tli.'From
' lavish manner in which this person is described leaves ho.doubt that he was a vetyjm-portaot.
" person ■ of the place. ;The. remaining passage: of the text seems ■ to name the person' for. whose
merit or welfare the selabhuja was made. 'This-person was named Nasa w|tel;.;tfm
unusual name. He is,stated' to be-'the son of a woman named Aparltl who is desor bed as
bhagavati, probably meaning that she was a respectable person. Her.'oaine'..Ap#iti. is also
interesting and it may be that she.was -so named because she.-belonged to.
called Aparata (Skt. Aparanta). The creation of the stone hhujS is stated-'t#'-;-te"for-..MSsa
together wflthhisIson and wife. It is interesting to note that this meritorious act for Ndsa and
his sonant wife was don© by a reputed man Utararakhita iaiias Bhagavat' mihifoied,, above.
The making (karitd) of the stone- slab also perhaps includes its erection, and. llw, mpsthaye
been dondatthuplace'where the pillar now- stands.,. -Instances.are known.: -where - such- stone
pillars v#re-.erectei::-in memory of -dead 'persons.'* It must-be the case in tke/pfe$#n-t instance
also, although here the work was performed for Nasa and Ms family.
* Thilis registered as No. B 370 of A.R.Ep., 1970-71.
* Select Inscriptions (1965), plate XI.
> Micron over e and o is not used here.
* Alpve, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 20 ff., and plate.
( 79 )
3 DC.A¥7
80 EPIGRAPH IA 1NDICA fVot.’xXXIX
Other important points of the record are as follows : The name Bhagavaf, the s^pd
name of Utararakhita is rarely known as being borne by ah individual Trom ancient Indian
records. It is usually applied to the Buddha or Jina or to a sagep The expression Sdda-
kulina obviously refers to a family and this is the first reference in epigraphy to this family.
The mention made of the pillar or slab as hintjo. literally meaning a hand, is interesting.
Perhaps this is a practice handed down by tradition from very ancient times. It dp\ be
remembered here that the Allahabad inscription** of Samudragupla compares the pillar on
which it is engraved as the hand of the earth {hhumfj bdhuh). If the name of Nasa’s mother
Apart®, as has been stated above, refers to the region Apart® from where she hailed, it
has parallels in such names as Kausalya of the Ramfiyapa fame. The description of Utarara
khita alias Bhagavat as sachd-bhugavata which term has been taken by us as meaning ‘real
bhdgamta’ i,e. the real follower of Bhagavan who is generally identified with the god Vishnu
is interesting. His further description that he was famed all over the world makes it clear
that Utararakhita was a leader of importance, probably in spreading the Bhigavata cult.
It is known from such treatises as the MaftdbhaShya of 'Pataiijali,®Tts well as from such epigra-
phfcal evidence as the Besnagar Gant# pillar inscription4 and Hathi-bada inscription'
belonging to the 2nd-1st centuries B.C. that this Bhagavata cult was in vogue amongst the
people of north India. The present record coming from a part of Rajasthan affords another
important piece of evidence for the same. Another noteworthy point of this record is the
use of the phrase sawsu foke.su visum kiting which/rtttgsTifce one usually employed by poets
in their kavyas and it therefore may be considered to give an inkling about the state of the
development of literature in the period as well as the familiarity of the person who composed
the brief text of this record with such literature.
The record appears to make mention of two geographical names, viz-, Aparakada, the
place of residence of Utararakhita and Apaa*t&T§kt. Aparlnta) from where Nasa’s ^mother
hailed and hence called AparfttS- Of these two names, Aparlnta is the well known region
on the west coast comprising North Konkana, while it is difficult to identify the former.
TEXT*
tena Utarara-
;: v|.; khitena Sadaku-
3 linena Pona-pu-
4 tena sacha-bhaga-
v; 5 vatena Bhagava-
7 vasina savesu
- 8 lokesu visuta
9 kitina(na) Bhagava-
10 tl sela-bhuji ki
ll rita Bhagavati
12 AparSta-pu[ta]-
13 Nasa[sa*] sa-putasa
14 s a - h hi y a s a 11 1 * ] 2
219,'s,v. .
1 Select Inscriptions (1965), p. 26% text-line 30.
* B,R turi,«& in the Time oj Patanjati, pp. 185 ff.
4 Select Inscriptions (IMS), p. 88, No, 2,
s Afe«e, Vbl XXH, pp, 198-205, and plate.
* From impression.
A BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM PRATAPGARH
Scale : One-fourth
PER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I
FROM vrNNAKOTA
(2 Plates) ' i
, *■* , \
• - §: Sankaranarayanan, Mysore
• . ThSfebjoined two sets of copper-plates,, referred- to hereinafter as Set land Set II

respectively for the sake of convenience/ belong to the time of-the king Bhima I of the Eastern
.Chalukhya family of Vengi. They were discovered'more than a.decade ago in the village
Viuaakota, Gudivada Talnk, Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh, and they have been since
- noticed in:the An-Rep. on Ind. Epigraphy for the year 1960-196P. I thank the Chief Epigra-
phist for kindly permitting me to edit these copper plate charters in the following pages.
' ' V - , ' SET I , , -
^ . - This is a set of five copper plates, each measuring about 10.2" i< 5.4". The rims of the
plates are raised. The first and the last plates are inscribed on their inner sides only while
. the other plates bear writing on both their sides. There are altogether 91 lines of writing.
-The plates are strung on a ring measuring about 6" in thickness (and 5" ih diameter. The
two ends of-the ring are fixed into the ornamental bracket of the back of a circular seal, 4.4"
- in diameter. On the counter-sunk surface of the seal are cut in * relief the running boar,
-turned slightly upward, facing right; the crescent to the right of the face of the boar; the sun
to the right of the crescent; an elephant-goad kept in the. horizontal position below the "sun
and the moon; the legend Sri-Tribhuvanamkusa [#*] in a fine further belcw; and a’ full-blcwn
lotus with nine petals at the bottom.. The whole set with ring and seal weighs about 214.5
tolas. The preservation of writing is quite satisfactory.
The characters of the record belong to the southern alphabets quite regular to the time
and country to which they belong, and [hence they call for no special remarks. In general,
however, it may be observed-that of the vowel signs which are not quite common, the inscrip
tion contains o, (lines 1, 37) and ai, (line 81).- There are special signs for the final consonants
k. (fine 49), t (fine 21), n (fine 8), and m (fine 10 etc.), and the signs for the Dravidian / (fine
89) and r (fines 37, 50, 52, 58 etc.). The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout except
ing the word eruvaka (line 50) and some proper names in Telugu;- and the text is a mixture of
' prose and -verse. The style is simple and clear.’ Regarding the - orthography, it may be noted
that the consonants preceding r are doubled. Pfi is written wrongly as pri (lines 23, 43).
The inscription refers itself to'the reign of the king Chalukya Bhima I (893-921 A.D.)
and bears no date. .The object of the charter is to register the king’s grant of a village to a
merchant who, in his turn, divided the same into a number of shares and donated them to.
Brahmanas. .
The record may be conveniently divided into three parts, : Part one traces the royal
genealogy down to Chalukya Bhima I and refers to the latter’s reign (fines 1—36) ; part
- ■ • two describe! the merchant and registers the king’s grant of a village to him alines 36—47);
, and part three records the merchant’s gift to.a number of Brahmanas (lines 47—91).
1 C.P. Nas.'l and 2 of 1960-61.
- ( 81 )
3 DGA/77
The first part commences with an invocation (in prose) of Narayana (Vishnu) and it
is followed by a verse praising, in general terms, the ruling monarch Chalukya Bhlmt 1. Then
comes the usual introduction of the Chalukya family in prose and the description. </f the royal
genealogy, in verses starting from Kubja Vishnuvardhana down to^Dlwlukj u'TnimuL, All
these passages, both in prose and verses (excepting verse 1) are exactly identical with the
corresponding part of the Katlaparru grant1 of Gunaga Vijayaditya III, the predecessor of
Chalukya Bhima I and they add not much new information to our knowledge.2 However
as the above Kallapa.rru grant is yet to be properly edited,3 some new interesting information,
supplied by that record as well as by the present one may be studied briefly here.
To begin with it may be noted that Kubja Vishnuvardhana’s elder brother, (vix. Pula-
kesi 11) is referred to here by the name Vijayaditya. It is stated that the above Vijaya
ditya was also known by his famous name Satyasraya (verse 2). Regarding Kubja Vishnu
vardhana I, we are informed that he took over the Vengi country by driving out one Durjjaya
(verse 3). doming to Kokkili the seventh king in the genealogy, we are told that he left the '
earth (i.e. died) after a short reign of six months only (vetse 9). The tenth king in the list
viz. Vishnuvardhana IV is credited with a victory over certain Bali and is compared, on that
account, with god Vishnu, in His fifth or .Vamana incarnation (verse 12). The thirteenth
ruler Vijayaditya III, better known as Gunaga-Vijayaditya in the Eastern Chalukyan records,11
is called here as Nirupama-Vijayaditya and is- endowed with the biruda Satyaratnakara
(verse 16). • •
In connection with the ruling monarch Chalukya Bhima, it is stated that he was the son
of Vikramaditya, the younger brother of Vijayaditya and the former’s wife Gamakaba, des
cribed as the daughter of a chief called Nissanna (verses 18-20). We are also informed that
Chalukya Bhima was honoured with the Pattabandha by the people (not by the king5) even
when he was in his mother’s womb (verse 12). Chalukya Bhima is further described in general
terms (verse 22-25) and is praised to have won victories over the Kalingas i.e. the Northern.
Circar (the country between Orissa in the north and Andhra in the South), the Kosalas (i.e.
Dakshina Kosala or Raipur-Bilaspur-Sambalpur region), the rulers of the Atavi country,
the Udras (Orissa) Udichyas (i.e. the country beyond Prithudaka or Pehoa on the river-Sara-
svati), the Prachyas (i.e. the country to the east of Varanasi),6 the Latas (Southern Gujarat),
the Avantis (Western part of the modern Malwa with Ujjayini as its capital), the Malayajas.
(i.e. the people of the Malayas or theT-ravancore hills), the Konkanas (i.e the land between the
Western Ghats and the Arabian sea), the Cholas and the Pandyas (both together roughly
constituting the modern Tamilnadu) (verse 26). No doubt this description is nothing but a
first rate hyperbole and serves nothing more than as an evidence to the knowledge of Indian,
geography of the Chalukyan prakmi-kara.1 Strangely enough, there is no mention of the-
Rattas (Rashtrakfltas) otherwise called Karnatas whose defeat by Chalukya Bhima looms
1 C.P. No.3 of 1938-39. ' ~
2 It was perhaps Gunaga Vijayaditya III who standardised the usual official pattern of the description
of the Eastern'Chalukyan records. And the same appears to have been followed by the monarchs of the sub
sequent period. Hence the descrepancy between Gunaga’s records'and Bhlma’s charters in giving the reign
periods of the respective monarchs is examined while studying the contents of the Set U.
3 See M. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Chdliikyas of Vengi (Madras , 1950), p. 18 arid n.
1 See e.g. Kielhom's A List of Ins. of South India, Nos. 560 ff: /
5 This description has been taken as a mere hyperbole indicating that Gunaga Vijayaditytl HI made his
brother Vikramaditya’s son BhTma his successor even while he was an infant. A.R.Ep., 196o\l, p.13.
6 See Rajasekhara's Kdvyawimdsd (HI Ed., GOS) pp. 93-94. ’ 1 ’
7 Indeed, as Rajasekhara tells us, the knowledge of geography is quite essential to become a feood author
(pp. cit., pp. 89-98). ‘
Kfo.'i3] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA'BHIMA I 83
' - ' ' ‘ FROM VINNAKQTA
large in h.vt inscriptions including the Set II, edited below. On the basis of the said achieve
ments Bhijuys possibN^compared with Nirupama {Nirupama-clmritah) i.e his paternal under
Nirilpaci^-VijayaciayEL1 The first part ends with a shorf prose passage referring to the reign
-of Chalukya Bhima.
The second part commences with an introduction of a family of the merchant community.
It is said that in a locality called Orey.ur, there was one Divakara. He was a pious man and
■ belong^jjjp the family of mahasdrthavahas _ or great merchants engaged in caravan trade
(tferse 2;).” His son Kadiyasresh{hin excelled even the god of wealth Kubera by his riches
and'greatness (verse 28). . To him and to his wife Ponnakamba was born Polayana the leader
-of the merchant community (verse 29). The latter is stated to have built a Siva temple and
to have, given away the same as the Chalukya-BhimeSvara-gift (Chalukya-Bhlmesvaram
dharmmain) for {the welfare of) the king Bhima at Prayaga, on the bank of the Surasarit i.e.
the Ganga*(verse 30). .To him the monarch gave the village Kakamramu for donating the
same to Brahmanas as an agraham (verse 31 and prose passage lines 42-43). The second
part ends with a passage containing the king’s order addressed to the householders and the
. king’s officers like the Rashtrakutas, evidently of the district omgermarga-vishaya, informing
them of the above gift of the village, situated in that vishaya (lines 44-46).
In the third part we are told that the above-Poleyana gave away immediately, the above
‘ village-to a number of Brahmanas (lines 46). It is said that the entire village was divided into'
two equal parts out of which one half was given to its former owners, two in number {sama-
pravibhagatvena dvau bhdgau kritvdpurvasvamibhydm-ekam-ardham) in hue 47. Thus the pre
sent charter seems to bepartly a deed of restoration. The other half of the village was divided
into , a number of bhagas (shares 138 in number) and khandikas (9 in number). The same
were distributed to a number of Brahmanas who’are stated to have come newly {dgantuka)
evidently to settle in the village. Then follows a long list of the doness containing the names
of 85 Brahmanas and one goldsmith. The gotfas of all the donees, excepting a few,a and
their respective shares are mentioned. These donees had their names generally ending
with bhatta or sanrtan. Some had the title-like chaturveda, trivedin, dvivedin, shadanga-veda-
vid and kramavid, showing their respective, educational achievements. Only in a' few cases
(i.e. in the case of Nos. 58, 59-61, 65-66) the sakrtds of the donees are given and in all cases
it is Vajasaneya. Only in a> solitary instance,(No. 62) the name of the donee’s parent (here
it happens to be the name of the mother) is given. Out of 86 doness in all, as many as nine
were.named as Vennama.' This may indicate the popularity of that name in the region during
the period concerned. The number of shares, each donee got' varied from 12 (donee No. 57)
to 1/2 (donees Nos? 33, 75-78) and to 3 khandikas (Nos.NO, 79 and 86). The list of these
doness with their respective gotras and shares may be^given as follows :—
Serial Gotra Name - No. of shares

No. . ’ •
1. < Kausika • "■ Chimyana 10

* 2.'Kaundmya Bhaskara '2
3. Kasyapal Jannaya 1-
4. Harita 1 . , . Vitteya 1
1 Cf. the description of Nirupama-Vijayaditya in verse 16. -

2 It is problble that these doneesalso belonged to the respective gotras of the doness preceding them in the list.
■ 2A
\
84 . EPIGRAPHIA' INDICA [Voi. XXXIX
Serial ' Gotra ' 1 ’ , Name No/of

No. _ f shares
■ \ ■ "
' 5. Bharadvaja Vennama 1 V— •
6- Do. ' Mereya > 1

7. Harita Vennama \ 1- ' ' ' ■
8. Kaundinya, Govarddhana 1 '■
9. .Bharadvaja ■ Kamadeva' 1 . *
\ ‘ ' ’ /
10. Do. . Vennama 1 /
11. Harita ■ Do.’ 1
12. Kapi Dameya \ 1
13. Atreya Komereya V
14. Bharadvaja Vennama 1

15. Kata i Nandama 1 < ’
-16. Kapi Vijama ; i

17. . Gargya < Turkama 2 ‘ '
18. Bharadvaja Revama 1 . ' l.
19. Do. ■ - Divakara■ ■' 1

20. ‘ Do'.
Ruddapa 1,
21. Do. Saxvaya . ^ ‘ 1
22. Do.. . , ' MadhaVa .1, ' .
23. ... Dopapoiji 1 ■ ' - -
24. Chikita Revama • 1

25. ^Bharadvaja. •Ruddapa tJ 1'
26. Kauhdinya P.oteya 1
27. Harita Chamikujxa , 1
. 28. Bharadvaja ' Kannama 1
' \ '
.29. Kasyapa Vennama 2,
■ 30. Do. " < ‘
Kupdi 1 '
31. Do. 'Vamana 1 3
t ■312.. E>o. Viddama ' " 4
■ 33.’ Harita,
Kandeya 1/2 .
i34. Kasyapa. ■Bhlma 2 ,
35. Vatsa Potama . /
36. Kasyapa Siddahma , ' v
37. Vatsa Vikramja
38. Kaiisika
■ \
39. Bharadvaja '
Nagadeva
Daman
‘
/
7
-
(
"•S
'No, .13]. TWO COPPER-PLATE' CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 85
' \ FROM VINNAKOTA
Serial Gotra . . Name No. of shares

No. , - -
40. .:. Mepdeya 3 Ghandikas
41. Mereya 2
y;,42. . Mulaghatika1-subhakara 1
. 43. "‘KadijiJinya „ Mayindama 1
- 44. Do. Kojj4t™a 1

, 45. Kau&ka Divakara . 1 ,
, 46. Do. Madhava 1

. 47. Do. Divakara-Peddaya 1
48. ... , ' ; , ' Yennama 1
.. .49. Harita . Mereya - . - 1
.50. Do. , - Narayaija 1

• 51. Kaupdinya Vimalasamudra '1
52. Harita . Drojja • 1

s
53. Narayana. 1
54.. Vatsa Sarwadeva 1

55. Kasyapa ’ Bhavasvamiri 2
56. Do. Mahakala 1
\
.57. Vajasaneyi-KaSyapa Vikramayya 12
58. Bharadvaja . ' Kondyama. , 1

59. Vajasaney-KauSika. ' Beijayadi 3
■<S0. - Do. ■ . Bajayita 3

SI. Do. , • Bikyaria 3
•62. Valsara 1 . Kucuji, the younger son of Nagamba 2

-S3.' Parasara , Pandaraiiga ; 1.
64. Kausika . Chamyana 5 , ■ ‘

■65. Vajasaneyi-KaSyapa Do. 3
y
•66’. VSjasaneyi-KauSika Potamayya 2
•67. Bharadvaja ; Kama 1
68. Do. AiLama 1

69.' Kapsika Bhima 5
70. Kasyapa Dama 2 J. •'

' /. •-
71. G.autama . . - Doiieya 1
72. Do. Chamyana 1-1/2
1 Mulaghatika is obviously the name of an institution of primary education, inula meaning ‘‘beginning’.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIX
Serial Gotra , i - .
Name ' . of shares
No.
- ' *
\
73. Kaundinya .' - . 'Goleya 1
74. . Harita ,, . Vennama 1 1 , '

75. . Bharadvaja- Shrwadeva 1/2
.76. Kasyapa , • 1 Kesava 1/2 . ..
•* .
77. Kaunifinya Do. . 1/2
78. Lohita Sridhara - 1/2
79. Kausika Do. 3 khandikds ■
'80. Bharadvajja Nandin , v . 1

. 81.- Srlvatsa - B awan a 1
82. Do. Machyarja Z '
83. Bharadvaja Tiilama 1
84. Kausika ’ Kautama • 2 •

. 85. Harita . Vennaina " 1
86. ... .
Bhlmana, the goldsmith 3 khandikds
Total 138' bhagas and

9 kharidikas
Of the above list, the donee No. 1 seems to have been given, in addition to 10 shares,
two sulkas (taxes or dues) evidently the right to collect'them from the gift village itself. Of
them the first is stated to be connected with the driving of the .first plough at the time of the
festival of the commencement of cultivation (eruvak-otsava:prathamahala-dhd\ana).1 The
other sulka goes by the term Vmdyak-otsava-miikapafalaka-sulka (lines 50-51) the meaning
of which is rather obscure. However this' niuch is certain. If refers to a sulka called nulka-
patalaka connected with the festival of god yinayaka. It has been suggested elsewhere.that. -
the god Vinayaka, otherwise known as Ganesa, was originally a corn deity and was considered
to be the lord of harvest.3' If that is correct, then it would appear that the above muka-
patalaka-sulka was tp be-collected during the Vinayaka festival to be celebrated at the time
of the harvest or earlier.3 . /
The last donee is stated to be a suvarnakdra and to have: been given three khandikds
of land, together- with.what is called' akkasala. This term is usually taken-to mean
1 The term efvvaka here is obviously.same as the Telugu eruvaka commencement of ‘cultivation’. For
.different days chosen by different castes for celebrating the cravo/ca-festival, see Brown's 'Tel. Eng. Diet., s.v.
JScuvaka.
- See the Ninth All Ind. On. Conf. (Trivandrum, 1937). pp. 998 ff. __
The god Vinakyaka'is always considered to be a mushika-viihtma or a rider on the rats the arch'destroyer of
' corns. So, can the expression, intended here, be mftshika-pcdalaka-sulka meaning ‘the dues-(believed to
serve as) a cover or veil (of the corns) aaginst the rats'?. If so this sulka would be, in effect, a sort of
.dakshina to be paid with a view to please Vinayaka, who, consequently might protect the corns from the rats.
In early literature the wordst/lka seems to have been used as a synonym of fiat’iwhich, like dakshipa means a gift.
See M. Williams Ski. Eng. Diet. (II ed.) s.v. bail and dakshina. D. C. Sircar Ind. Ep. Goissary (1966),
s.v. sulka, > /
\
No. 13] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CliALUKYA BHlMA I 87

FROM VINNAKOTA '
‘a mint’d Probably he was given, by the present record, the post of a minter. However,
in view of the fact that the first donee of the list had been given the right to collect some sulkas
ot dues,'it is not unlikely that the expression under question also denotes a right to collect,
from the residents of the gift village, charges payable to the mint for minting qoins.1 2 The
inscription contains no imprecatory passages, no reference to the officers like executor
(ajnapti) composer, or engraver. However, it may'not be altogether wrong if one assumes
that the recdrd was, engraved by the last donee himself who is described as glodsmith.
. From "the point of' the study of the Chfilukyan history the present epigraph is
important in more than on respect. Firstly, the reference to Pulakesi II by the name
Vijayaditya is interesting because this name of that Chalukyan emperor does not appear
to have been known from any other source.3 4 Secondly,* that Kubja Vishnuvardhana con
quered the Vengi kingdom from one Duijjaya is an interesting piece of information. For
it is often believed that the word Vengi is found only in the later inscriptions since the time oF
Amma 1.* In fact, as we have already pointed out, the major part of the preamble of the-
present record, including the verse under question, has been taken from the records like
Katlapar.ru grant oFBhima’s,, predecessor Gunaga. Vijayaditya.
Another point of interest is the name Durjjaya of the opponent from whom Kubja Vis-
hjruvarddliana is said to have conquered the Vengi kingdom. It goes against the theory
. generally advocated by scholars that the country \vas taken away by the Chaiukyas from tlie-
Vishnukundis.6 7 Moreover, it may also be borne in.mind that the Vishnukundis are nowhere
referred to as adversaries of the Chalukyas in the latter’s records including the Aihole pra~
sasti of Pulakesi II,8 noted for its vividness of description and details of the conquests of
that monarch, nor in the Marutura grant7 issued-by Pulakes'i II himself from his camp at
Kolura (i.e. probably a place associated with the Koleru lake)* immedia tely after .he captured'
Pishtapura. The present record as well as the above mentioned Katlaparru grant call Kubja
Vishnuvarddhana’s opponent in Vengi by the name Durjjaya.*
' Who was this Durjjaya ? A direct answer to this question is not possible at present.
However, the following may be worth remembering in this context. It has been accepted by
scholars that the king P rithivipiaharaja, who issued the Tandivada1* and Golldvalli11 grants,
asserted independence when the Vishnukundi power declined and that he w as ruling over
Pish Japura when Pulakesi II invaded the Eastern Coast.12 It was most probably from this-.
Prithivimaharaja that the Chalukya wrested Pishtapura in 616 A.D., i.e. before the date of
the Marut&ra grant referred to earlier. . The above mentioned Prithivimaharaja is described
1 D. G. ‘Sircar op. cit. s.v. akka-sala. /
3 Cf. akkasalaivad of the Tamil 'inscriptions see ibid.
3 Some later epigraphs of the Eastern Chalukyas speak of two Vijayadityas as predecessors of Pulakesi
I, the grandfather of Pidakesill.- Scholars have taken them to be fictitious persons. See Bom.Caz Vol. 1.
pt. ii,,PP- 340 ff; The Classical Age (Ed. R. C. Majumdar etc.) pp. 230 ff.
4 See Ind.Ant. XX P. 94; D. C. Sircar, Successors of Satavdhanas. p. 116.
-6 SeeD. C. Sircar op.cit. p. 116 ; The Classical age pp. 211 226 238 \The Early Hist, of the Deccan (Edk
G. Yazdani, Oxford 1960) pp. 215, 472. c
' . 8 above . Vol..- VI, pp. 1 ff.
7 Studies in Jnd. Hist, and Cult. (Prof. P. B. Desai's felicitation Vol.), p. 63 ft'.
* See ibhl.-p. 67.
9 As in the present record so in the Katlapiru grant too the reading is sa Durjjayam samuchchdtya only
with the word Durjjaya in singular. Hence there is no reference in the said record to ‘the Durjjayas as.
believed by, some. Cf. N. Venkataramanayya. op.cit. pp. 18, 59.
19 Above Vol. XXDI; pp. ,88.ff.
11 Ibid., Vol. XXXV, pp. 221 ff.
■ 13 A. R. Ep. 1955-56, p. 3; ,
.j.
in his charters, as the grandson of one Maharaja Ranaduijjaya. So, taking into consideration.
(1) the probability of the names Ranaduijjaya and Durjjaya being identical as suggested by
scholars1 (2) and the common practice of naming the grandsons after their respective grand
fathers,2 it may be provisionally suggested that the person Durjjaya of our record might
be identical with Prithivimaharaja himself.3 4 In
* 6that case it would appear that at the time of'
the Chalukyan invasion this Durjjaya-Prithivimaharaja was ruling as an independent ruler
not only over Pishtapura, but also over major part of the Vengl-mandala.
. ^
Again the unequivocal statement in our record that Kokkili died after a rule for six
months, and was succeeded by his elder brother Vishnuvardhana III goes against the theory,
of the division of the Chalukyan kingdom between Kokkili and bis elder brother after the-
former’s six months’ reign*
. ' ✓
Another important new information supplied by our record is the claim of Vishnuvard-'
dhana IV (circa 772-808 A.D.) as a conqueror .of one Bali. It is obviously a reference to
the king's victory over his contemporary member qf the house of the Bana kings who traced
their descent From the mighty demon king Bali of- the Purdnas.* The reason of the Bana-
Chalukya conflict, though not stated in the record, is not difficult to surmise. For, the Eastern
Chalukyas were ruling over the Andhra country and we know that just on the western neigh
bourhood of.it, was situated the Bana territory.* Hence, it likely that Vishnuvarddhana •
defeated his 'contemporary Bana7 chief in a frontier war.
Besides,- the name Nirupama-Vijayaditya applied to Vijayaditya HI appears to solve .
a controversy. For the first part of this name cannot but remind us of the Rashtrakuta
king Nirupama-Dhruva. Though 'it is well-known that the above Vijayaditya’s mother
§ilamahadevi was a Rashtrakuta princess, scholars differ on the question of her parentage.
Some are of the view that she was not related to the house of Manyakheta,8 but belonged
to the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakutas9. As against this, others opine that she was pro
bably a daughter of Mrupama-Dhruva (of the Manyakheta branch) by his queen Sflama-
1 Above Vol. XXIII, p. 96. x v '
2 See ibid. Vol. XVU, p. 338. \.
3 One Atavldurjjaya figures as the ajnapti in the CMpurapaUe plates dated in the 18th year of Kubja Vis-
tujuvarddhana (Ind.Ant. Vol. XX, pp. 15 ff). Ha seems to be quite defferent from Durjjaya of Vengl under
question. For the fonner.is stated to be a member ofthe Matsya-family ruling over the Oddadi or Oddavadi
country i.e. the region around the modem Vaddadi to the north east of Anakapalle in the Viiakhapatnam
district far away from the Vengi country. See A..H. Ep., 1911-12 p. 84. In fact Odda is one of the names
of Orissa. See above Vol. IV, p. 315; Vol. V, p. 108, f.n.2. ’ I
4 The Early Hist. of the Deccan, p. 473 f.
6 See above Vol.IH pp. 76,232 ; Vol. XYH p. 4 Cf. also apahrita-Bali-mandala a description of Indra \
III signifying the Rashtrakuta’s conquest and annexation of the Bana tenritoty. See ibid. Vol. XXXVI,
pp. 225 ff.
6 Cf. Andhrat palhah paichimatafr kshiiih. Above Vol. HI, p. 76, verse 7.
’ There is no direct evidence to show who coilld have been the Bapa adversary of Vishnuvarddhana TTT
.Yet it is known that the Bana chiefs Vidyadhara and his son Vijayaditya Prabhumeru probably ruled, some
time during c. 885-920 A. D. (see above Vol. XVH, p. 3). So the former’s grandfather Jaya-Nandivaraman
the lord of the land west of Andhra may be assigned to the 2nd quarter of the 9th century. In fact he seems
to claim a victory over Kali i.e. the Eastern Chalukya Kali-Vishpuvardhana V (c. 846-47 AD.) (CiCnirakrita-
kalina ibid. p. 4 verse 11). So the Bana contemporary of Vishnuvarddhana IV the grandfather of Kali--
Vishpuvarddhana might be" either Bahadhiraja or one of his successors who ruled before the said Jaya-Nandi-
varam.- (See ibid., verse 5-6).
8 The Early Hist.of the Deccan, p. 273.
6 Ibid., p. 476 etc.
No'. A 3] - TWO COPPER-PLATE ‘ CHARTER'S OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 89
- FROM VINNAKOTA \
hadevi who' was the daughter of-Vishnuvarddhana IV1. Our record appears to-favour the
second view. The mame-Nirupama-Vijayaditya seems to indicate that the Chalukya king
was named after both his maternal grandfather Nirupama-Dhruva and his paternal grand
father Vijayaditya II.
The present epigraph for the first time furnishes the names of Chalukya Bhima’s mother
and "maternal grandfather,, viz. Gamakamba and Nissanna respectively. The latter, was
perhaps a feudatory chief (bhupala), and no other information regarding him is furnished
here.
Yet another interesting information lies in the description of a certain Siva temple named
Chalukaya Bhimesvara as having been built by the merchant Polayana. The passage under
question reads :
Kfitva vas=cha sivalayam Surasarit-tire Prayage=dadat tam dhcrmmam vara-Bhima- blmmi-
pataye Chalukya-Bhimesvaram\\ s
This hemistitch has been taken to mean that the said merchant built the temple on the
bank of the river Ganga at Prayaga for the merit of the king Chalukya Bhima, after whom
it was-obviously named.2 However, it may be remembered that Chalukya Bhima (892-921
A;D.')- was ruling -contemporaneously with Mahendrapala (c. ‘885-910 A.D.), Bhoja II
(910-14 A.D.) and Mahipala (c. 914-42 A.D.) of the Gurjara Pratihara dynasty of Northern
India and that the place Prayaga, now known as Allahabad, was far away from the Vengi
country and was well within the Gurjara-Pratihara empire during the period under question.
Hence, one may wonder how a temple1 after the 'name of. Chalukya Bhima could be built
there. For, we have so far no evidence to show that there prevailed a close relationship
between the Pratlharas and the Eastern Chalukyas, though both of them are known to have
been individually suffering from the Rashtrakuta. onslaught during the said period.3 More
over, while no Siva temple under the name Bhimesvara has come to light in the Allahabad
area, a great member of such Bhimesvara temples are known to be in existance in may parts
of. Andhra Pradesh4. Therefore the above passage may better be taken to mean that Polayana
presumably built the temple'somewhere (not mentioned in the record) in Vengi itself and
donated it for the welfare of- the king when the former visited Allahabad, obviously on a
pilgrimage.5 6
Coming to the location of the temple it maybe noted that there are many Bhimesvara
temples in Andhra, as we have just pointed out. However the inscriptions from those
temples belong-to much later times,8 and hence do not help us much in locating, temple.
Yet'there are fortunately two epigraphs associating some, Bhimesvara temples with Chalukya
Bhima-I. The first is the Pithapuram Pillar inscription of Mallapadeva III of the Eastern
Chalukya house of Pithapuram and it, is dated in Saka 11247. Here Chalukya Bhima.is
1 The Age of Imperial Kanauj.pp. 133-34.
\A. R. Ep.,1960-61, p. 13.
3 SeeT/ie Early Hist, of the Deccan, pp. 282 ff.
4 See e.g V- Rangacharya A Topographical List of the. Ins of the Madras Presidency Ap. 97 ; By 303-05
etc. Ct. 193 Gd. 495 593 Gj. 409 ; Gd. 19, 86-100 ; Gt.118-9; 197-99 etc ; Kt. 124,227-28 ; KI. 39j 218 etc. ;
Nl. 66, 340-41 etc.
5 So the locative Prayage may better be construed with the immediately following verb adadat rather than
with the slightly removed kyitva.
6 See e g. Rangacharya op. cit.
7 Above Vol. IV, pp. 226 ff.
3 DGA/77 3
90 EPXGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
described to have made a Chalukya-Bhimesvara temple famous after his own name,1 The
second is the Pafichadharla Pillar inscription of ViSveSvara of the same Pithapuram Chalu
kya line and it is dated in S. 1329.2 3 This record says that Chaluka Bhima donated liberally
to the temple of Bhlmesvara at Kumararama (i. e. the moderm Bhimavaram,® Cocanada
taluk, East Godavari district) and that the temple consequently came to be known as Cha-
lukya-Bbimegvara. The present record, perhaps the earliest of the known inscriptions
speaking of a Chalukya-Bhimesvara temple seems to tell us that the said temple was built
and gifted away by Polayana for the welfare of the king Chalukya-Bhima. Bhimavaram
is the only place that has the l§iva temple under the name Chalukya-BhimeSvara.4' *
The present epigraph like all the other known records of Chalukya-Bhima bears no date
as has been already pointed out. However, the following two points are worth remember
ing : (1) As stated above, the introductory part of the present record, excepting the passages
in praise of the ruling king Chalukya Bhima has been taken in toto from the Katlaparru
grant to Gunaga Vijayaditya III. (2) There is no reference to Chalukya Bhima’s victory
over the Rashtrakutas in the present record while it is described at length in the Vinnakota
set II and other cognate records, viz, the Attili and Masulipatnam, plates, all composed by
Bhafta Vamana.6 These seem to suggest that the record under study might belong to the.
early part of Bhima’s reign, i. e. before the king won his victory over the Rashtrakutas and
Bhafta Vamana composed his prasasti on which the Vinnakota set II and other records were
based.
Almost all the geographical units mentioned in the record have already been iden
tified. The place Ojreyuru from which Polayana’s grandfather Divakara hailed is
identical most probably with the early Chola capaital of the same name in the Tiruchirapalli
district, Tamilnadu. So the present epigraph may also serve as an evidence to the migra
tion of a merchant family from Tamilnadu to Andhra. The other places, viz, the gift village
Kakamranu and the territiorial division Orhgermargga-vishaya in which the above
village was included are difficult to identify.
TEXT*
[Metres : Verse 1 Arydgiti; verses 2-15, 17-25,27-29 Anushfubh; verses 16 and 26 Srag-
dhara., verse 30 Sardulavikrldita ; verse 31 Arya\
First Plate, Second side
1 ’On=namo Narayanaya ] Jayatu nija-khadga-sadhita-nikhila-dharamandal-aika-
patir=anavadya[h | *]
The conMrned passage reads iva-nawna/Jra/AZ/a/M vidhaya Chalukya-Bhlmeivaradeva-harmyam (above.
Vol. IV., P.234, verse 11). It has been rendered as "having found a temple (of Siva), called Chalukya-
Bhimesvara after his o2wnname” (ibid., p. 240). However in the light of the Pafichadharla inscription
we are going to see presently, this does not appear to be the meaning intended in the Pithapuram in-
scnption. Thus there is no contradiction between the said two inscriptions Cf. above, Vol.’ XIX p. 165
2 lbld.t 164 ft. yr •
3 In an inscription the name SkandarOma, a synonym of KurnSrarSma, is used to denote Bhimavaram
(see, Rangacharya, op.citGd. 20). In the above mentioned Pafichadharla inscription the expression
Kumararama-Bhltngfvara means the temple Bhimeivara at Kumararama and not a temple called Kumara
rama. Cf. above Vol, XIX, p. 165. Cf. also the experssion, Daksharama-Bhimesa-linga (ibid., p. 160.
verse 15) the Bhimesa -linga (deity) at Dakshararama.” See, ibid., p. 163. . ’
. .* fol'etiê Dr. S. S. Ramchandra Murthy draws my attention to some later traditions" according to
which Chalukya-Bhima built the said temple at Kumararama and the Siva temples in the other remaining four
dramas m Andhra. See K. Kvaradattu, Prachinarhdhra CMritra-Bhugolamu (Telugu), p. 195 : A P Govt
Arch. Senes, No. 19, preface.
* See below.
• From photographs, impressions and original plates.
’ Before this there is a spiral symbol.
No. 13] TWO COPPER-PtATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA 1 91
FROM VINNAKOTA
2 §cha (Cha)lukya-BhIma-nripatir=bhaya nata-ripun ripati- makuta-lalita-

charanah | [ | *] Svasti [ | *] Srimatam
3 sakala-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavyasagotranarh Haritiputranam Kau6ik!-vara-
pra-
4 sada-labdha-rajyanam=Matrigana-paripalitanaih Svami-Mahasena-pad-anudhyanarn
5 bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-vara-varaha-lanchhan-ekshaija-kshaija-
. vaSlkri-
6 f-arati-mandalanam=ASvamedhavabhritha-snana-pavitrikritta-vapusham(sham) [ [ =*]
Chalukyanam=a-
1 bhud=vam§e Vijayadityavallabhafc [ |* ] Satyafiraya iti khyata-namn=api
bhuvi viSrutalj [|| 2 ||* ] Tasy=anu-
8 jah prabhuh khyato ViBhnuvarddana-samjnitah [ 1* ] sa Durjjayam
samuchchatya Vengi-mandalam-aptavan [|1 3 ]||*]
9 Ashtau dasa cha varshani k ritva saurajyam=uttamam [ | *] yayau naka vadhu-bhoga-
vaihchhaya. marutam
10 padam H[ 4 ||* ] Tat=putro Jayasimh-akhyd bhuri-simha-parakramah [ | * },
trayastrimsat-samah p pthvimm=1abhuxhkt=a-
11 chatur-ambudhi*3 [|| 5 ||* ] Visliniiraja8=tadanujasy=£iidrar*iaBya nandanahi
[ | * ] sa dhotrin=nava varshani palayama-
iSecond Plate, First side

12 sa | p] lay a |[ | 6[|* ] Tasy=api tanayd Mamgi-yuvarlj-akhya-bhupatil} [ | * J
nyayen=apalayad=dhatri[m vatsara]-
13 n=pamchavimlatim(tim) [ | 7||*] Tasmaj=jatap sutah sriman Jayasimli&
mahlpatih [ | * ] sa trayo-dasa varsha[ni ] ra-
14 jyam chakre nripottamah | [8 ||* ] Dvaimaturas=tad-anujah Kokkilir=nnamai
viSrutah [ | * ] shanmasa-matram=e[v=a]-
15 sau palayitv=amuchad=dharam(ram) | [ | 9 H*J Tad-agrajas=tu Vikhyato
Vishnuvarddliana-namavan | sapta-trimsat-sapnah]
16 pri(pri)thvi[m] raraksha sakalam=imam(mam) | [ j 10 ||*] Sunus=tadiyo
Vijayaditya-nama mahipatih [ | *] so=pi pali[ta]-
17 van=urwim=ashtau dasa cha vatsaran | [ | 1111*] Vishnn-bhupas=tat6 jato
Vishnuvad=Bali-marddanah [ | * ] sha-
18 ttrimsad-vatsaran=dhatrim-apalya prayayau divam-(vam) | [ [ 12 ||*] Tasya sunur=
abhud=dhlman=Vijayadi-
19 tya-samjnitah [ | *] ashtottara-Sata-khyata-yuddha-labdha-jay-onnatih [[ | 13U* ]
Tava'mty=eva punah k ritva !§ambhor=aya-
20 tanany=api [ | * ] chatvarimSat-samah pri (p ri)thvim pralinarim=apalayat | [14 |j*]
Vishnnvarddliana-nam=abhut=tat-sunur=wi-
1 Read prithvtm=abhu°.
3 The anusvara is engraved above bu.
3a
-92 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
21 jit-ahitah [ | * ] so=opi ,-varsham sa-shanmasam bubhuje dharani-talam(lam)
| [ | 15 ||*] Jatas=tasy=api sunur=Nnirnpama-Vi-
22 Jayaditya-nama mahlSah ■ pirakhyatas=sarad-end-ujva-(jjva)la-dhavala-yas6-vyapta-
dik-chakravalah [. |. * ] nana-
23 dvipantar-abhyagata-para-narapa-Srimad-uttumga-maulisth-an-un-amghri-dvayabjah
■ ■ pri(pri)thu-guna-nir
Second Plate, Second side■ . ...
24 layas=Satyaratnaga(.ka)r-amkal} | [ |,16 || ,^ ], Sa. chatvarhnSatam; ch=abdanchatura§=

cha1 2tatah param(ram) [ | *] nyayen=apalya dha- ' ' *' v
25. ranim Purandara-puram gatah |[=| 17 ||*-J Tasy=anujah, prabhuh khyato, y •. •
Vikramaditya-samjnitah [ | *] trasa-namr-ari-[bhu] - ‘ ■ . ,
26. pala-mauli-mal-archchita-kramah ( [ |; 18||*] Atha Nissanna-bhupalad=Gamakamb3
=abHavat-suta [ | *] Lakshmir=iva mfc.
. 27 hambhodheh Par.vvat=iya Himachalat |[] 19||*] Tasyam [cha*]..Gamakambayam
Yikramaditya-bh'upateh [ | *] Parwatya- . ’
28 rn=Andhakarates=sunur=Gguha iy=abhayat . j [ , 20 ||*] Chalnbya-Bhima-na'm-
amkah Chalukya kula-varddh'anah [ | *] garbbbha(rbbha)- > ‘ ’ ■
29 stha eva bhurayja-patlabandh-archchito janaih | f | 21 || *] Yaj-janmamatren=aiv=
atra dharmmo nischalatarh ga-
30 tah [ | * ] veda gauravam=atyamtam loke satyam pratishlhitam | [ 22||* ] Parjjanyah
kamavarshitvam jagat=sa-
31 . rvvam. nirititam(tam |)durjjana vilayam sarvve sas-yam ch=ak rishta-pachyatam(tam)
[ || 23 || *] Yasya pratapa-santapa-khidyama-
32 nas=sada dvishah [| * ] padachchhayan=na mumchanti dvipantara-samagatah | [ | 24||*]
Yat-prasada-tar6r=Aindrarn (ndra)m=apakva-pha-- ~ '
33 lavat=padam(dam |) yasya krodh-analasy=api vahnir=aurwah kanayate ] [25 ||*1
Kalimgan=Kosalam(la)n=apy=Atavija-nripati- ...
34 n=6tfra-nathan=Udichyan=Prachyan=Lalan=Avantin=Malayaja-sahitan=Komkapan=
Ch.ola3-Pandya[n | *] nsa(sa)rvvan=eta-
35 n=vijitya prakatita-maliima-charu--kirttirn digantaih prapayy=asthapayad=yo
Nirupama-charitah §ri-jayastam- '
X
Third Plate, First side
36 bham=amtam [|| 26||* ] Tra(ta)tra Chalukya-Bhima-nripatau. rajyam kurwati sati

[ | *] Asid=Divakaro nama mahasa-
37 rtth-akhya-vamSajah [ | *] Ofeyur-ggramarvastavyo dharmma-silo- dayaparah
[II 27 ||*]. Tasmat=tu Ka[di]ya$reshthi-na]ma- jatar
1 Read =abdamS=chaturaS=cha.
2-Theanusvdra- is marked-above-fcd;
3 Read Kdmkartdms=Chdla.
TWO COPPER PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I FROM VINNAKOTA
FIRST SET
First Plate : Second Side

i
2 2
4
4
6
mm
8
r$ <5qp 3$. <& i> Co
10 iîn(g <s«|jjS ««f€ 10
Second Plate : First Side

ii (a)
12 12
14 WIjffeJMi| #4f n$| .f^P

|l||f'%$.*»^(f .50 4 ^^s6/4)'|}av^^} & 4p& 16
16
'iHtl
18
18
- -,;r ^ -c)
20 20
■V; - V. .;■• • pJ!;?j,.:. ■$}Wj.4}$»f'vT/ajÔiOi: • 11 v-S-oi •? ‘J'v* ^î^vCo^ÔvTi^
22 4'^M 0trip ■ is gi UTcX cr p &. &’ b cT^J m& *3«ff 22

Second Plate : Second Side
24 24
26
28
30 «/&3?$a& 'f(^P^lvki3j*tp<^c§
32
;f|f%i i; ^.' f <-
34 5#««w■'< </• 34
i#
Third Plate : First Side

m («)
36 ■$#§» 36
38
40 40
44
46 SS&sW îf^fcig «K« s-4te'■■%*■ 46

Third Plate : Second Side
in (b)
48 48
50
iSe^: $?$B 50
52. ,«5u '<z! 05.^^^*' 52
54 tefaitfl iw.i mNW&#53*®a 54
56 56
58 58
%tt jjM* -• : V -•••*■»■> 0>.^jS:'-'- '•“* , -Wf :-.-* ■
Fourth Plate : First Side

iv (a)
60
60
62
62
64 64
66 66
68 68
70 70
I
rwo COPPER PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I FROM VINNAKOTA
Fourth Plate : Second Side

iv (ib)
Fifth Plate : First Side

v
84 84
86 86
88 88
90 90
Scale : One-half
No. 13] TWO COPPER-PLATE. CHARTERS QF CHALUKYA 1HIMA 1 f|
38 s=sut-dttama^ [ j *] adyatvena maha[t*]tvgha Kuberan--=ch=attyaseta yah j [ j 28 }}•]

Tasmad-yah Ponnakambayam jato [Vai ]-
39 Syadhipas=sutah [ | *] khyatah Polayan-akhyo yah satya-viig-anaghah sucbm
] [ | 29;i* ] Yasya sribhavan-ajirajm]
40 dvija-pada-prakslidlan-ambum(bu)sphutam nityam katddamatasi nayaty-atitarri.ii
yin-oddhritam svam kulara(lam | ) [kyi ]tva ya[s=chaj
41 iivilayam Surasarit-tire Prayage =dadat=tam dharmmam vara-Bhima-bhuraipataye •
Ctelukya-Bhi- ‘
42 mesvaram \ -'SOI'*] Yasaai' YaiSyîyar^. ;:.Pbl^»n-Skhyay*=aiy» pfa'v'mtahilf#'
[j| 31*] sa raja Chalu-
43 kya-Bhlma-n
adat 1 da[t]tva cha sa
44 eva i
. astu vA'^njifibhir]*
45 Omger-mmargga-vishaye Kakamranu-nama-gramah sarwa-kara-
parihirSpa BfilMta^bhyd datuA Po-
46 leyana-sreshthine datta iti | sa cha Poleyana-sreshthi tadanim-eva Brahrnanebhyab
(bh>a)s=taih grimain=adl-
47 t 1 tatra samasta-gramam sama-pravibhagatvena [dvau] bhagau kritva puvvvfc*.
svamibbyam«5fkaai*arddhain=a-
■' Third plate, :SiO$pnd'Sid0d
49
'pr^pn)ffiiâi|yaEBti'l£«ilka-g6tra-
50
mukapatala-
51 ka-Mka-saWtaia:=aatfagrfi|pI;daiabhaga^'.:|»KaTigs(iiiya-g6tra-Bhaskir*b|;«ti|f#
dW'blligatt^|3KiS|'a|3ffl-p-
52 tra-Jannayabhattaya | Harita-gotra-Vitteyabhajtaya I'lhiradvlja-Yeapaiaabtetittp. j
aad-g@4ra4P#e- ■ -
53 yabhattaya •. | Harita-gotra Vennama-bhattaya | Ka«f|ii^-g6liÔb?«ld|ftna*bhattiy8
• |Shaf®dpj^..^;
54
bhajtaya | Kapi
55 g6tra-t)ameya
bhatta-
1 This is only a hemistich of an Ary&.
2 Wetter ieaM saluiB t$m>
3 This word probably stands for trfridi.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
57 fa! 1 Gargya-gotra-Turkama-bhattiya dvau bhagau j Bharadvaja-Rgvama-nama-
58 Divakara-dvivedaya | etad-gotra-Ruddapa-dvivediya | '
59 tra-Madhava-dvivedaya J Dojrjapod^-chaturwedaya J Chikita-gotra-Revama-
Fourth plate, First side
60 dvaja-Ruddapa-dvivedaya | Kauntdinya-Poteya-dvivedaya j Harita- • ■

Chimikurpt-dvivediya | e-
01 . bhyo dvivedebhyalj praty-ekam=ek-aik6 bhagah | .Wtf»ldv||a»iaif|b.|lattii»».:
• kramavide £ko bhagah |
02 • Kasyapa-gotra-Vennamasarmmaije dvau bhagau | tad-anaja-Kupî-sarminane eko • -4:'
: ':-bfcSg^j..Ei%apa-»Vi-
03 bhaga{h**] j tad-gdtra-Viddamasamimaije chatvaro bhagah {| ] Harita-:
0* • f*i^^8S!Cgi# i/Riiyapa-gStrt^^^ biigau f faisa-

gotra-Potama-sarminane dvau bha-
05 gau J Kasyapa-Siddhama-sarmmane chatu[r*]-bliaga(gl! J) Vatsa-gotra-Vikrama-
Sarmmane dvau bhagau | Kausika-go-
66 tra»Nagadfvfya dvau bhagau , Bhiradvaia-eotrava DamalarmmanS dvau hhaga„ | •
Mendeya- . .
07 dwidg^jlne*! tri-kbapdikafki!) [ Mereyasarmmane dvau bhagau | \f filaghariira.
SabMkaia4annniaBti|Kau9dinya-
■' 08 • MayindanWattBia^jtad-gdtra-Ko®|amaSwiniBa^|-iauife^&'
■' Divakarasarmmane | tad-gotra-Ma- •
69. dhavalamunanS [ tad-gotra-Divakara-Peddeyasarmmane J Vennama-sarmmane | ■
/Harita-MSfeyaia-
70 rammane J Harita-Narayanasarmmane j Kaundinya-Vimaiasamudraya J Hanla-
Dronasarmma-
: '71.' •,$£■ i Narayanasarmmane | Vatsa-gotra-Sarvvadeva-sarmmane ;.| etebhy6(bhyah) '
■ ■ ■ imty*6katesgk-alk».byt- ''
Fourth plate, Second side

72, ga| ] Kasyapa-gotraya Bhavasvami-bhattaya dvau bhagau | tad-gotraya
■ ■ Mahakalabhatta-
1 TM* name can also be read as AumÔtL
* Hus sentence! s written on an erasure.
TWO COPPER PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I
FROM VINNAKOTA
Seal (1st Set)

Seal ( 2nd Set)
Scale : One-half
No. 13] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 95
FROM VINNAKOTA
73 ya eko bhagah |1 Vajasaneyi-
74 KaSyapa-gotraya VikramayyaSarmmape dvadaSa bhagah | Bharadvaja-gotra-
Kondya[ma]-
75 shadanga-vedavide eko bhagah J Vajasaneyi-Kausika-gotra-BenayadiSarmmape tra-
76 yo bhagah | tad-gotra-Bejayita-sarmmane trayo bhagah | tad-gotra-Bikyanasarmma-
77 ne trayo bhagah | Vatsara-gotraya Nagamba-putraya kaniyase Kundi-
78 §armmane dvau bhagau | Parasara-gotraya Pandaranga-Sarmmane eko bhagah | Kau=
79 §ika-gotraya Chamyana-bhaftaya pancha2 bhagah I Vajasaneyi-KaSyapa-gotraya Cha=
80 myanasarmmane trayo bhagah ] Vajasaneyi-Kausika-gotraya PotamayyaSarmmane
81 dvau bhagau | Bharadvaja-gotraya Kamaiarmmane ek6 bhagah | tad-gotraya Ailama-
' 82 sarmmane eko bhagah | Kausika-gotraya Bhfmasarmane pamcha bhagah I KaSyapa-

gotra-
Fifth plate, First side
83 ya Damasarmmane dvau bhagau j Gautama-gotraya Doneya-kramavide eko bhagah {

tad-go-
84 traya Chamyana-kramavide sarddha-bhagah ] Kaundinya-Goleya-kramavide eko
bhagah ] Harita-Ve-
85 nnama-kramavide eko bhagah ] Bharadvaja-Sarwadeva-kramavide KaSyapa-Kesava-
dvivedaya
86 Kaundinya-Kesava-kramavide Lohita-Sridhara-kramavide praty-ekam=arddha-bhagah 8
Kausika-
87 Sridhara-kramavide khandika-trayam(yam) | Bharadvaja-Nandisarmmane eko bhagah }
Srivatsa-gotra-
88 ya Bawanasarmmane eko bhagah tad-gotra-Machyana-bhattaya dvau bhagau -=
Bharadva
89 ja-gotraya TalamaSarmmane eko bhagah | Kausika-gotra-Kautama-bhattaya
90 dvau bhagau | Harita gotra-Vennama-kramavide eko bhagah | Suvarnnakara-
Bhimanaya a-
91 kkasala-sahitam tri-khandika-kodravabija-pramana-kshetram dattam |
SET II
This is a set of five copper plates each measuring about 6.1* x 2.7*, with their rims raised
a little to protect the writing. The first and the last plates are engraved on their inner sides
only, while the other three plates bear writing on both their sides. The plates are strung
1 Between these two sentences there is a gap containing Kauiika-gdtrdya ValiyaSarmmane eko bh&gali*
written by a different hand, but erased not quite successfully.
* Ma, originally engraved after this, has been erased.
96 ■ ' • 'd-PlGR&PWlA INDICA ' -[Vol. XXXIX'
. , . ' ■ \ ' t . •
on a slightly oval-shaped ring measuring about .35" in thickness and 14" in circumference.
The two ends of this ring are fixed into the ornamental bracket ofthe'back of a circular seal,'
about 2" in diameter, on the counter-sunk-surface of which are found shown in relief the
following figures and designs : a running boar turned slightly upward facing proper right;
a crescent near the face of the boar; the legend Sri Tri[bhuvandmku]sa[h*] in-a line below;
and a full blown-lotus with 9 petals at the"bottom. ' The seal is damaged. Hence the other
usual signs of the Eastern Chalukyan seals, viz. the sun and the elephant goad are lost. . The
whole set, together with the ring and seal, weighs 134.5 tolas. -There are altogether 56 lines of
Writing which is fairly well preserved throughout.
The characters of the record belong to the southern class of alphabets, quite normal
for the time and the part of the country to which the charter belongs. As regards the indi
vidual letters, there is practically no difference between the Vowel a and the conjunct sra
(lines 24-25) and between the conjuncts ddh and dv (lines 8, 14). Of the initials, the
inscription has f (line 52). The form of jh (line 26), though wrongly used as a subscript of
njha, is interesting. The inscription contains signs for three final consonants viz., t, n and m
(lines 15,. 10, 8), and a sign for upadhmdniya (line 45). '
The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout but for some Telugu proper names of
persons and places. The text is written in an admixture of prose and verse. Though here
and there we find scribal errors, and though there is a defective construction (line 47), the text,
testifies, on the whole to the poetic skill of its composer. Thus, the verse 3, in Anushtubh,
though not quite relevant to the context, contains a reference in brief to all the kings of the
dynasty who preceded Chalukya Bhima 1. The next verse, containing as many as eight
finite verbs, of which many are aoristic forms, reminds us of the style of the Bhattikavya of the
famous grammarian poet Bhatti. Verses 8-9 give a vivid description of a woman's physical
beauty, a description not often met with in the epigraphical literature. There are also a few
rare words like the indeclinable sat (line 22) meaning ‘well’, ‘rightly’, and usra (line 25)
meaning ‘ray of morning light’. The word kshita (line 31) though of uncertain meaning,
seems, as the context indicates, to have been used as a synonym of srorii ‘buttock’.
In respect of orthography, it may suffice to say that dh preceding y, and the consonants,
in general, following r are doubled (cf. lines 3, 12 etc.). The use of t in the place of its corres
ponding aspirate is also at times met with (lines 5, 16). The influence of local dialect may be
seen in the spelling simgha (line 17).
This epigraph as has already been stated, is one of the records issued by the Eastern
Chalukya king Bhima I1 who was also known as Sarvalokasraya Vishnuvarddhana VI, and
who styled himself as Maharajadhiraja paramesvara and Paramamahesvara. The object of
the epigraph is to record the king’s grant of the village MSga to a woman named Mahadevi-.
Like all the other known copper plate inscriptions of the monarch, the present one too
bears no date.
The text of the record conveniently falls into three parts : the first part giving the fist of
the predecessors of the ruling monarch with their respective reign periods and achievements
(line 1-27); the second part, containing the royal order introducing the donee (Lines 27 46);
and the third, consisting of the formal portion of the grant (lines 46-56).
1 Though about half a dozen records of this king have been unearthed (e.g., C. P. No. 14 of 1909 ; No. 1
of 1914; No. 14 of 1918), only one (viz., the Bezwada plates) has been properly edited by Prof, kielhom
(see, above Vol. V,pp. 127 ff. and plate). The other record, viz. the Attili grant-has been edited by K. V.
Lakshmana Rao more than once with erroneous text. See, JBORS, Vol., VIII (1922), pp. 83 ff; Joun. Tei,
Academy, Vol. II (1922), pp. 241 ff. . -
No. 4 3] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I '97
FROM VINNAKOTA
The genealogical and chronological account given in the first part does not differ from
■what isToundinthe corresponding section of the Bezwada plates of Chalukya'Bhima.1 *Hence
it-would sufficeifwe confine ourselves only to those points which call for some special remarks.
To begin with it may be.seen.that the present record belongs .to the generality of the
Eastern Chalukyan epigraphs Which assign 37 years .of reign ho Vishnuvarddhana III and
does not follow the Sataluru. record of Chalukya. Bhima’s predecessor .Gunaga Vijayaditya
HI,a which seems to be almost a solitary epigraph-.to assign 35 years to the said king. This
.discrepancy is rather difficult to . explain. For, .the :Ponangy (also spelt . as Bonangi) ^plates
of the .said .Gunaga Vijayaditya himeslf3. *allot* * 37 years to Vishnu,varddhana TIL -Probably,,
it Is due to the .confusion on .the part .ofi the. author .of the Sataluru .plates regarding the'third
and the fourth Vishnuvarddhanas. For, as we -shall see presently, Vishnuvarddhana IV
might,have ruled for 35 years.
'Again, 'like the Ponangy plates, the present record and the Masulipatnam plates of
Chalukya -Bhima I* also allot 19 years of rule to Vijayaditya though -Chalukya BhTma’s
other records, viz. the Bezwada plates, Vinnakota plates Set I and Sataluru plates assign
18 years to‘that monarch. Similarly, while the Sataluru plates allot only 35 years of rule,
to Vishnuvarddhana TV, the present epigraph, like the Ponangy, Bezwada and Attili plates,
assign -36 years of Teign to this king.
The majority of the above mentioned records assign 40 years of reign to the next king
Vijayaditya H, while the Ponangy plates of Vijayaditya TEL and the-Ederu plates of Atnma
I give him 41 and 44 years respectively. It is not unlikely again-that the assignment of-44
years of reign to this king was due to some confusion between the Vijayaditya-II and -his-
next namesake who actually ruled for 44 years according to all epigraphs.8 -However
the difference between 40 and 41 years of Vijayaditya II as that between 35 and 36 *years-
and between 18 and 19 years respectively of two of his immediate, predecessors, seen above,
may be explained in a way. It might be due to the propensity on theipart of the composers
of the respective records to round of the fraction of the last-years of reigns of the respective
kings, with the nearest number, either lower .or higher. The same,propensity may also be
felt in recording the reign period of the next king.Kali-Vishnuvardhana V.in different records.
For, while the epigraphs like Ponangy plates* give 20 months (yimsati masan), many Cha
lukyan records, including the present one give one year-and .a half (i.e. a convenient,and
nearest fraction) as .the duration of that king’s reign. This probable practice of rounding
.dff_the.fractions at.the end-of-each reign in this-way-is also to~be taken into account, 'besides,
other things,7 while solving the vexed problem of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology.
1 -Above, Vol.V,;pp. .127 ff., and plate.
"-marali Vol.J.(192.4),:pt.i,.pp.l01.ff; JABRS.,‘VoLV (1930), pp.'112 ff.
a C.P. No. 3 of 1908r09.
‘C.P.No. 1 ofJ913-14.
___ ,^rVre(r Dr- £Ieet .opined that both these -Vijaygdityas ruled 44 years each'(see hid. Ant. Vol XX
pp.lOOff). It mayrbe pointed out that the later.inscriptions of-the, family t(i.e. -sinceithe davs of Btiimalh
assign'48 years of.rule to Vijayaditya II. This discrepancy-may .have to be explained by assumLlSl
Stn/ntut05 8 years denotes the years during which Vijayaditya H-was .perhaps a croton!?
Vnf1^ n ??^lyc'irhv1? sTome of the earliest of those records we have the text s^tachatvffirhSatam-Wwve
y°L Y.P-136 ;.*«/ Vol. I, p.47A ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVITI, p.249 etc.). For the other view see STAf
.Imperial Kdiiauj.p.133. Sa is used probably to .differentiate the.period of 8 years.as a crown -prince -ftemi thl
pf?36, °fm 8^^ 38 3 0thenvise in all these records is to be dubbed L-irrelcvam See Xve C. V
'•-For otherreferences see also N. Venkataramanyya op. cit.

7 See ibid p.49 ff.; JOR, Vol. IX, (1935), p.38.
3 DGA/77
4
Regarding the historical information furnished in this part of the present record it may
be observed that almost all the information given here is also found in the corresponding
part of the Masulipatnam plates of Chalukyan Bhima I himself the contents of which have
been dealt with at length by scholars like H. Krishna Sastri1 and others2, 3and that they need
not be repeated here. Yet, verse 5 in our record adds something important to our know
ledge.- It tells us how Chalukya Bhima mounted on his rutting elephant named Aditya-
prasada drove out, by showering arrows, the Karnatas4 *(i.e., the Rashtrakutas) and the
Lafakas (i.e., the Latas or the rulers of Southern Gujarat) like the rising sun mounted on
the eastern mountain drives out the darkness by means of the rays of his morning light. The
name Adityaprasada. of the elephant of Chalukya Bhima is interesting. This name also
occurs in the Masulipatnam plates4 though it has remained unnoticed so far. -Besides, the
verse under question informs us that the Chalukya monarch attacked his enemies on the banks
-of the Goda, i.e. the Godavari, where they were camping. The Masulipatnam plates
too suggest indirectly, more or less tha same area for the Chalukya-Rashtraktita encounter.
For, there in that record, Chalukya Bhima’s son Irivarttiganda is stated to have fought 'and
won battles against the Rashtrakutas first at Niravadyapura and then at i’eruvanguru which
are to be identified respectively with the modem Nidadavolu (East Godavari Dt.) and Peda
Yanguru (West Godavari Dt.),6 i.e., on either sides of the river Godavari. From the last
mentioned record we also learn that the said prince vanquished the Chalukya kinsmen
■(nirld\ya clia dayadany along with the Rashtrakutas. These Chalukya kinsmen are to be •
identified with the chiefs of the Vemulavada family of the Chalukyas.
In this connection it is interesting to recall that the Parbhani plates of Axikesarin' in pf
the Vemulavada family, dated §aka 888 describe Baddiga, one of the predecessors of that
-chief, as a captor of Bhima the terrible, in a war fought in the midst of water, i.e. in a locality
sorrounded by water.7 Similarly the poet Pampa (the protege of Arikesarin EL) also corra-
borates to the full extent the above statement of the Parbhani plates.8 The waters referred
to by these two authorities are to be identified evidently with the Godavari waters, as indi
cated by the present Vinnakota record. It may be seen that while the Parbhani plates and
Tampa's Bharata credit Baddiga with victory over ,Chalukya Bhima, the Chalukya eigraphs
induing the present one declare Bhima as the victor. This conflict between these evidences
may be due to the fact that they describe two different phases'—viz. the earlier and later—of a
feud in which were engaged the Rashtrakutas and their Vemulavada feudatories on one hand
• and the Chalukya of Vengi on the other. In the light of all the above evidences indicating
the Godavari region as the place of conflict tetween the Eastern Chalukya and the Rashtra
kutas, one may have to take only with a grain of salt the statement of a Chalukyan inscription
1 A.R.EP., 1913-14, pp.84-85.
8 N: Venkataramanyya, op. cit., pp.25-26, eto.
3 Here the text reads Karnnatan=durddurufan, in which the second word is an abusive term used in literature
denotes atheist. Cf. Mimamisaka-durddurutah (i.e.. nastikafi in the Kasika under Ashfadhyayi, II, i, 53). In
the Masulipatpam plates also we have Karr/iiafa durddurilfah (see, below f.n. under the verse in question) and
the word has been taken to mean ‘vile’. See, A.R.Ep. 1913-14, p.84. So to read here Dharddarufan and to
take .it as a dynastic designation, unknown otherwise require correction. See, A.R.Ep., 1960-61, p.14.
4 Cf. yOdv=Adityaprasdda-dviradavara-guru-skandha-bhasvat-svamurt1eh, lines 19-20. For other instance/
Of naming of the favourite elephants of kings, see, Bom. Gaz., Vol.I, pt.ii, p.322, f.n. 8 ; p.334.
6 The Early Hist, of the Deccan, p.481.
.6 Line 30.
: 7Cf. Bhimam bhima-parakram-aika-nilyam yd helay=aiv=agrahid=ugram grdham=iv=antar-aihbu samare
-ddrvikramad=Baddigah \ See, Sources of the Med. Hist, of the Dekkan, Vol.in, p.49.
8 Cf. moseleyam pidivamire niru]otti Bhimam=atigarvitam pidiye meygali Baddaganannanavano ] The Pampa
Bharata, Asvasa I, verse 26.
Wo. 13] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 99
FROM VINNAKOTA ,
of the subsequent period that on the death of Vijayaditya HI, the Veiigi was enveloped by
the armies of the Rattas and the Chalukyan kinsmen as if by. darkness.1 At the most, it.
may indicate that many areas in the northern part of Vengi were occupied by the enemies.2
The‘second part of our record contains the royal order addressed to the RashtrakiitaS'
(officers) and the householders of the territorial division Varavararashtra. Here we learn
the following : There was a chief (i.e. under the Chalukya king) named Sarvvaraja. His.
daughter. Tailamba (verse 6) was married by the Chief Yvddhamalla, who was the son of
the chief Baladakayya and who had the .sukaralanchchhai.a or the boar-emblem evidently
on-his seal (verse 7). They had a beautiful daughter, by name Mahadevi (verse 6-9). She
seems to have been married by one Vijayaditya of great virtues. The latter was the son
of Niravadya-dhavala and the grandson of Pandaranga and who had the hereditary fillet,
of Katakaraja (verses 10-13).
. % The third part records the royal grant of the village Moga, free of all taxes, to the above-
Mahadevi. It is stated that the grant was made by the king out of his happy memory of"
the help formerly rendered by the donee’s husband and in order to show his sense of grati
tude (lines 46-48). The respective eight boundaries of the gift village on its eight directions,
starting from the east are given as : (1) the tank called Pulliyeru tank ; (2) the Muntha-
ravula-giintha (pond) ; (3) the field belonging to (the temple of) Narendresvara (Siva) of
Chembaru ; (4) the field belonging to (the temple of) Taila-Sarva (Siva) ; (5) Devula-
Cheruwu (tank) ; (6) the western tank of Charmniandi (village) ; (7) the chariya (precipice
or the valley) of Peddapundi (village) ; and (8) some two trees (?) (lines 48-53). Of the.
above boundaries, the third is'interesting as it testifies to the existence of the temple of Siva
called Narendresvara, eivdently named after Narendramrigaraja Vijayaditya II to whom
some Eastern Chalukyan records attribute the construction of 108 Siva temples under the
name Narendresvara.3 Similarly the name Taila Sarva of the fourth boundary reminds
us of the name Tailamba of the mother of the donee Mahadevi.
/
The donee’s husband Vijayaditya is no doubt identical with his namesake who too is
mentioned as the son of Niravadyadhavala and as the grandson of Pandranga, in the Maliyam-
pundi grant of Amma II,4 *the great grandson of Chalukya Bhlma I. Similarly it was most
probably this Vijayaraja, who figures as the ajhapti under his designation alone, viz. Kadeya-
raja (Skt. katakaraja,the Superindendent of the royal camp) in the Bezwada plates of. Chalukya
Bhima i,6 issued at the time of his coronation." ...
1 Cf. tadanu savitary=astamgate timfra-patalen=Sva Ratta-ddyada-balen=abhivyaptam Vehgi-mandalam
in the Ecjeru plates of Amma I. See, SII, Vol.I, p.40, text lines 28-29. Dr. Hultzsch first took Ratta-dayada-
bala of the above verse in the sense of the army of the Ratta claimants (ibid., p. 42), and subsequently corrected
it ias the army of (Krishna II), the heir (or son) (i.e., dayada) of the Ratta (viz. Amoghavarsha X), See above,
Vol. IV, p.227 f.n. But from what we have seen so far, it is now clear that the expression in fact means (the
army of the Ratta (i.e., Krishna II) and the (Chalukya) kinsmen (of Vemulavada).’ . ’ .
3 See, The Ehrly Hist, of the Deccan, p.283. Consequently one may have to recofisider the view that'
the Rashtrakuta forces overran the Chalukyan territory as for south as Guntur and Nellore distrct.s. See,.
The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p.135. . ■
8 See, e.g., above, Vol.V, p. 128 text-line 15. Cf. also Set I, Verse 13 (above). • ' !
4 Above, Vol.IX, pp.47-ff. . . ,
6 Cf. Ajnaptir=asya dharmasya Kadeya-rajahpratapavan | pitdmahd=bhavad=yasya Pandarahgcdi parantapah |J ‘
Above, Vol.V, p.130, verse 7. ' !
“ See, ibid., p.129, verse 1.
100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA XXXIX
Though the Katakaraja family of Pandaranga is thus well known to us already rrom
other records, the other two feudal families, viz. those of Sarvaraja and of Baladakayya,1
are known from the present record for the first time. It is tosbe noted that all these
feudal families were friendly with each other ; had matrimonial relations among them
selves during the period of Chalukya Bhima, and stood loyal to their overlord. This
evidently must have greatly helped the monarch to come out finally victorious in his
protracted struggle aginst the Rashtrakutas. The circumstances under which .the present
grant was made, probably indicate that the donee’s husband Vijayaditya, like his grandfather
Pandarnga,2 took part and won victories in the wars of the king, that he was no ' more
on the date of the issue of the record under study,3 and that the grateful king had given
the present grant in favour of the general’s surviving wife Mahadevi, obviously for her
own maintanence.
The third part ends with imprecatory passages followed by references to the djnapti
or the executor of the grant designated as Kadeyaraja ; to the composer of the text of
the grant Bhatta Vamana ; and to the writer Kondacharya. As we have already seen, the
Kadeyaraja of the Bezwada plates is identical with Vijayaditya himself, whose widow '
Mahadevi is the donee of the present record. So, it is likely that the Kadeyaraja of our
record was a son of the above Vijayaditya himself. In the Maliyampundi plates of Amina
II, the donor is one Durggaraja who is described as the son of Vijayaditya, who was -
identical with his namesake of our record, as we have already seen. Therefore, the Kadeya-
raja of the plates under study was most probably identical with the above Durgaraja
himself or perhaps his brother, if he had any. Possibly it was he who figures as the
ajnapti under the designation alone (i.e. Kadeyaraja) in the Masulipatnam plates. Bha\ta-
Vamana4 *and Kondacharya figure respectively in the capacity of composer and the writer
in the last mentioned record also, where they are endowed with the titles \kavi-vrishabha,
and sarva-kal-agamakusala respectively6.
The record as has been stated earlier, is not dated. However the approximate period
to which it belongs may be arrived at as follows :
Chalukya Bhima I is known to have ruled for 30 years,* since the Saka year 814
or 892 A.D.,’ when he issued his Bezwada plates, of which Pandaranga’s son Vijayaditya
1 This name no doubt consists of two parts viz, the nume Baladaka and Dravidian name-ending ayya
{=Skt aryya). However, this name as a whole reminds us of the Dravidian balada-kayya ‘right hand’, and of
the military units and communities known as valafigai ‘right hand’ in the Tamil inscriptions of the subsequent
ages. See A.R.Ep., 1921, para. 47 ; ibid., 1933, para. 32.
* See, e.g., above, Vol. IX, p. 53, verse 15.
* There is however nothing to show that the genersi Vijayaditya lost his life in a war fought by Chalukya
Bhima I. Cf. A.R.Ep., 1960-61, p.14. Cf. also e.g., Parachakrena yuddliv=ajau datta-prdnasya bbupateh | sunuh
Kajeyarajasya Paiidaraiigd gunadhikah || a description of Vijayaditya’s great grandfather Katakaraja in the
Popahgy plates.
4 This name has been read as Chamata. See, A.R.Ep., 1960-61, p. 14.
6 Cf. Sarva-vkaldgama-kuSala-Kondacharyyo hastalipivid=anagham | alekliayad=agamavich=chhasanam=api
biiatfa- Vdtnanam kavi-yrishabham || Some have proposed to identify bhatta Vamana of Chalukya Bhima’s
records with his famous namesake, the author of the reputed work Kavyalahkarasntravritti (see, M. Venkata-
ramanayya, op. cit., p. 143). But, in the Rajatarahgirii, Kalhapa describes certain Vamana as one of the
ministers of Jayapida who ruled in Kashmir sometime in the last quarter of the 8th century, and scholars, in
general, basing on the Kashmiri tradition, hold that Vamana to be identical with the author of the said
work. (See, The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 115,192). At any rate the famous author Vamana must have
flourished earlier than 850 A.D. (i.e., earlier than Chalukya Bhima) at least, as he is referred to in the
Dhvemydtdka which is to be assigned to the second half of the 9th century. See, P. V. Kane, Hist, of Skt.
Poetics, (1971), p.146.
4 Above, Vol. V, p.133, text-line 16.
r I.e., according to the Attili grant. See, A.R.Ep., 1917-18, p.131.
No. 13] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 1 U
FROM YINNAKOTA
-acted as djnapti. The present record is clear enough to indicate that by the date of its
issue, the said Vijayaditya was no more and that Bhlma had won his final victory over his
Rashtrakiita adversary viz. Krishna II (880-914 A.D.), in the bitter feud in which the
former lost very heavily1 at an early part of his reign.2 3 According to some, Krishna II
•could not have controlled Vengi for more than a decade30 (i.e., c. 892-902 A.D.), while
-others assign the success of Bhlma to the latest years of the said Rashtrakuta.4 * Hence
*
•'our record may be roughly assigned to a date between 902 A.D. and by 914 A.D.
Regarding the geographical units mentioned in the introductory part of the
record it may be said that all the places excepting the G6da (i.e., the river Godavari)
'are also mentioned in the Masulipatnam plates of Chalukya Bhlma 1 and they have
already been identified by scholars who have dealt with that record. I am not able to
identify the gift village M6ga, its boundary-villages, and the district Varavara-
.rasbtra that comprised those places.
TEXT*
;[Metres : Verses 1-3, 6-9, 13-14 Anushtubh ; verse 4 lndravamsa ; verse 5 Sragdhara.,
verses 10-11 Aryagtti ; verse 12 Sardulavikrfdita]
First Plate, Second side
1 Svasti [l*] Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-sarhstfiyarnana-Manavyasago-
2 tranam Haritl-putranam KauSiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanaih Mat ri-
3 gana-paripalitanam(nam) Svami-Mahasena-padanudhyatanam bhagavar.-Na
4 rayana-prasada:samasadita-vara-varaha-lamchhan-ekshana-
5 kshana-YaSIkrit-arati-rnandalanam-Asvamedh-avabhrita-(tha)-snana-pavi-
6 trikrita-vapusham Chalukyanaih kulam=alamkarishn5s=Satyasrya-va-
7 llabh-endrasya bhrata Kubja-Vishnuvarddhano=shtadasa varshani* [|*] tat-suto Jaya-
Secotid Plate, First side
8 simhas=trayaslrimsatam7 [|*] tad-anuj-£ndraraja-nandano Vishnuvarddhand uava[[*]

tad atma-
1 See, The Early Hist, of the Deccan, p.-282 f.-
2 See, the Eijuer plates (SII, Vol.I, p.40), lines 28 ff.
3 See, The Early Hist, of the Deccan, p.283.
4 The. Age of Imperial Kanauj, p.135. ................
6 From Original plates, photographs and impressions.
4 An expression like Vehgi-mandaim=apalayat is to be supplied here and in the succeeding sentences
ending in the accusative case.
1 The word varshani also is to be supplied here and in the following sentences.
9 jo Mamgi-yuvarajah pamchavirnsati[m|*] nta(ta)-t-tanujo Jayasirixhas=t.ray6dasa.
[I*] ta--
10 d-anujahKokkili[h*] shan=masan [[*] tada(d-a)grajo Vish.nurajas=saptatrimsatarh(tarn !)■
tat-ta-
11 nujo Vijayaditya ekan-na-vimsati[m|*] nta(ta)- t-tanujo Vislmurajash=shattrim-
12 satam(tam|) tat-sunur=Vvijayadityas=chatvarimsatam [1*] tat-tanayah Kali-Vi-
13 [stm.u]varddhan6=dhyarddha-varsham[|H:] tad-apatya-mukhyah [|*] yas=tu[|*] ■

Kalimga-Gamga-rupy-adi ;
14 Ko§alesha(sa)-dvip-adi cha [|*] Pandya-Pallava-hem-adir balafj*] tyagartha[m=a]-
Second Plate, Second side
15 harata1 | [|1|*] Gamgan=ardpayad=Gamgakutam Mamgisiro=chchMnat [|*] Krishna[m]-

■rane= ■ .. : .
16 jayad=vaktu;m kas= samartto(rttho)=sya sahasan [||2||*] sa Vijayaditya s=chatuscha-
17 tvarimsatam Vengi-desam= anuvarsham=avarddhayat | Jayasimgha2-dvaye ch=ai-
18 vam Vislmuvarddliana- pamchake [I*] Marhgina Kokkilau Vijayaditya3 - tra-
19 ya ite tatah | [|3|[*]'.tasya Vijayadityasya bhratur=vvikram-akranta-saka-
20 la-bhuvana.-talasya Vikramaditya-bhupater=agra-tanayah [|*]
21 Adhyasta simhasanam=arddidad=ripun=apispasad=bhumim=a[namdaya]- ■ •
Third Plate, First side
22 t=prajah [|*] ya§6vyatanlt=sad=apupuja[d*] dvijan= amamsta sadhun=a-
23 -vahad=guna-jra(sra)jah [|4=*] Matt-Adityaprasada-dvirada-vara-guru-skandham=a-
24 ruhya kopat4 chapad=unmukta-banair=Udayagirim=it6 bhanur=u-
25 srais=tamisram(sram |) yadvata(t=ta)dvan=nira(ra)sthad=dh.rita-sakala-bhuvo yas=tu

■Goda--1 ■ ‘ '
26 tatasthan Karnatan=durdduruianjha-(fi=jha)titi patu-natad-ghotakan6 Lata-
1 Read=aharat .. ..
3 Read Jayasimha.
3 The third quarter is metrically defective as it has 9 syllables instead of 8 as required for Anushfubh..
1 Sandhi is not observed here.
• 5Cf. ■ Tigmdmso)‘=(inujdjair=udayagiri-jushd: vydpta-lukdsAamisrdh, yctdv=Adityaprasdda:dvirada-vara-
guruskahdhcl-bhdsvat-svd-murteh | ydsy=eshvdsd-pramuktair=ishubhir=abhihdta-prcthva-prishthd vyadhavon Karp-,
ndte durdduruta jha\iti pafu-natad-ghotakd Ldtakds=cha |1 in the Masulipatnam plates, lines 18-21.
TWO COPPER PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I FROM VINNAKOTA
SECOND SET
First Plate : Second Side

i

ii (a)
Second Plate.: Second Side
ii (b)
TWO COPPER PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I
FROM VINNAKOTA
Fourth Plate : First Side

iv (a)
Fourth Plate : Second Side
iv ('b)
44 44
46 46
48 48
7 ~
Scale : One-half
No. .13] TWO COPPER-PLATE CHARTERS OF CHALUKYA BHIMA I 103
FROM VINNAKOTA
21 kam5=cha H1 [5||*] sa Sarwal6kasraya-sri-Vi[shnuvarddhana-Glialukya]-Bhima-

mahara-
-28 jadhiraja-paramesvarah Barama-Mahesvarah Varavara-rashtraku-2
* \
Third Plate, Second side
29 niv[a]sino rashtrakuta-pramukhan=kutumbina ittham=ajnapayati [|*]

30 Sarvvarajasya samanta-mukhyasya khyata-tejasah [|*] Uma Himala-
31. yasy=eva Tailamb-akliya sut=abhavat | [6=*] Tam sri-Baladakayy-akhya-sa
.32 mant-adhipates=sutah [I*] avodha Sambhuvad=Yuddhamallas=£u-
33 kara-3 lamchhanah [||7|p:] Tat-sutam sri-MahadevIfra*] dhaval-ayata-lochana-
34 m=asoka-paUav-akara-pam-pada-tal-amgullim-(lim) [||8||*] Pin-onnata-kuch-ana-
35 mram nimna-nabhim guru-kshitam [|*] pakva-bimb=adharan=tanvim tapta-he-
Fourth Plate, First side
36 ma-prabham subham(bham) [||9||*] Niravadyadhavala-putro napta sri-pandaramga-

37 samanta-pateh | nuta-katakaraja-vamsa-kram-agat-anindya-patta-ba-
38 ddha lalatah4 *[ii 10 ||*] Ya6=cha [ Manur=iva sa-vichara-gira Harir=iva Lakshmya
39 kritanta iva saurvyena [ | *] Smara iva rupena dhi ■
40 ya Gurur=iva danena kalpataru=r=iva [bha[ti |[| 11||*] api cha[[*]
41 Sauryyam duryyamam=Aryyama dyuti vapus=chittam svabhav-ottamam
42 satyan=nityam=anatyayam -jayapatam kasa prakasam yasah [ | * ] saram
Fourth Plate, Second side
43 -ri6 vichara charu charitam danam cba(cha) dina-stutam jnanam jnanavatam ^

44 tan=tu8 Vijayadityasya yasya kshitau [|| 12 ||*] [So]=yam Sri-Vijayaditya[h]
45 [.]tya]7 -vadyah=parantapah [|*] ya[h*] prapya dharmma=kam-artthan=kri ...
1 These 7 letters are engraved on an erasure.
2 Ku is redundant.
'* Read more correctly sukara.
Cf. Niravadyadhavalah Katakaraja-pat(a-s6bhita-talatah in the MdilyaApuruJi grant, above, Vol IX,
P. 53, textline 45.
6 Bhuri is evidently intended.
6 The intended expression is obviously matbnût.
7 The work intended is satya. Cf. tatha saty=asya na mithya-vadyam (Bharati, I, iv, 16).
•104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX.
46 .^kritimîm) [|| 13 ||] * ] tasy-ai.s Mabadevyai tat-pati-kriia-purvv-6pa[kara]-sma-
47 rana-santushtah13 *kritajnata-prakhyapana-nimittam sarwa-kara-parihare-
48 na Mog-a'bhidhand gramo dattah [|*] asy=avadhayah||*,] purvvatah
49 Puliy-eru-nama tati ] Agneyatah Muntha-ravula guntha [ |* ]
Fifth Plate, First side
50 dakshinatah Cherhbaru-Narendre^vara-kshetram | Nairi(rri)tyaiii Taila-fsa] ■

51 rwa kshetram | paschimatah Devulacheruva4 ] Vayavyatah Charmma-
52 ndi paschima tatakam | uttaratah Peddapundi chariya ] I-
53 sa(sa)natah renthamrakulu | na kena chid=asy=opari badha karanlya |
54 tatha cha [uktarn Vyasena*] | Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhumida=
[(*] akshepta
55 ch=anumarita cha tany=eva narake vaset. J [| 14 ||*] asy=ajnapti[h] Kadc\arajae _
56 va ] bhatta-Vamanena rachitam=idam Kondacharyyena likhitam [|*]
1 Restore tentatively kritavan loka-sa.

1 Restore va cha.
3 Read santushfena, to be in rune with gramo dattah in'the next line.
4 This expression i n engraved on an erasure.
No. 14—AN UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTION FROM ACHALGARH
( 1 Plate)
C. L. SURI, Mysore
. This inscription was copied, by me at Achalgarh. on Mount Abu, Sirohi District,
Rajasthan, during my epigraphical tour in 1961. It has been noticed in the Annual
Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1961-62.1 As the record has remained unpublished so far
far,2 it is edited below with,the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist, Archaeological
Survey of India, Mysore.
The inscription is engraved on a black stone slab fixed in a comer along the wall of
the hall of Achalesvara Mahadeva temple at'Achalgarh. The inscribed portion which has
suffered considerable damage due to the peeling off of the stone, covers an area of about
1.32m by ,58m. There are 31 fines ofwriting in all. Many of the fines, especially those at
•the bottom portion, have been badly damaged by horizontal fines running through them
and therby give a feeling of their having been erased, perhaps intentionally.
The characters are Jaina Nagari of the 13th century and closely resemble those
of the Mount Abu inscription3 of Tejahpala dated,V. S. 1287. The letter ba is distn-
guished from va, only by a minute dot in the centre (cf. =avalambate, fine 6). This dot is not
seen in some cases (cf. =labdha, fine 7) when it is impossible to distinguish the two letters.
Again, jha is distinguished from ja only by a small slanting stroke attached to the lower
'.part of the semicircular left limb of ja which is often not seen(cf. samjhayd, fine 15, and
kairmjmyd, fine 16). The language is Sanskrit, and apart.from the introductory
passage, a few connecting phrases in fines 4 and 10 and the word subham at the end, the
whole inscription is in verse, the total number of stanzas being 88 as is indicated by the
numerical 'figures at the end of fine 31. As regards orthography, it may be noted that
the consonants following r are sometimes reduplicated.
The extant portion of the inscription does not contain any date. It is how
ever, not unlikely that a stanza in the last few fines which have been rendered illegible, con
tained the date of the record in words. Be that as it may, the inscription can be assigned to
a period between 1220 A.D. and 1239 A.D. as it mentions' the Chalukya Bhima II (c. V.S.
1235-1298=A.D. 1178-1241)4, Paramara Somasimha6 *of Abu and Chalukya-Vaghela Vira-
"dhavala6 as ruling the earth. • .
The inscriptin begins with the symbol for Om followed by the expression Om namah srt
mad Achalesvara-devaya, in prose and an invocation to the god Sambhu (verse 1 , fine 1).
The following eight verses (verses 2-9 ; fines 1-4) give a genealogical account of the Chalukya
family beginning with Mularaja (I) and ending with the reigning ling Bhima (II). The
»A. R’.Ep., 1961-62, App B. No. 697. , '
2 Pandit Vishwashwar Nath Shastri Jias quoted two verses of this inscription. Cf. Ind.Ant., Vol XLIII,
p. 193, foot note 2 . * t
, 3 Above Vol. VH3, PP. 208 ff. and plate. . ,
4 A. K. Majumdar, Chalukyas of Gujarat, P. 203, also see Delhi Sultanate, p. 223.
6 His known dates range between V. S. 1277-1293 (Cf. above, Vol. XXXVII, p. 209). *-■
- 8 His son VIsaladeva is mentioned as Mandalesvara Ranaka in V.S. 1296 (Cf. A. K. Majumdar, op.cit,P-170).
. .( 105 )
3DGA/77 ■ ' _ 5
106 EP1GRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
other kings who are mentioned in these verses are : Chamundaraja and his son Vallabharaaja
(verse 3),; Durlabharaja and his seccessor Bbima (I) (verse 4) ; the latter’s'son Karnadeva and
Jayasimha who was popularly known as Siddharaja (verses 5 and 6) Kumarapala (verses 7 and
8); and the latter’s son Ajayapala and his son Mularaja (II) whose younger brother Bhima
(il) was the ruling king (verse 9).
The mention of Ajayapala as the son of Kumarapala in our inscription
is interesting. He was so far believed to be the son of Mahlpala and the nephew of Kuma
rapala on the testimony of Merutunga and other chorniclers like Krishnaji, Rajasekhara and
Jinamandana.1 A K Majunidar has shown the contradictory nature of the statements made
by Merutunga and Jayasimha suri in this regard and has rightly concluded that Ajayapala was
the son of Kumarpala and not his nephew.2 The inscription under study provides the only
epigraphical evidence in support of this view.
The following eleven stanzas (verses 10-20 ; lines 4-8) give a genealogical account of the
Paramaras, which begins with a description of the Arbuda mountain (modem Mount Abu.)
(verse 10) and the springing of the hero named Paramara from the 'altar of the sacrificial, fire
of Maitravaruna (i.e. Vasishtha) (verse 11) and ends with the mention of the ruling king So-
masimha and his son, the yuvaraja (heir-apparent) Krishnadeva (verses 18-20). The other
Paramara kings mentioned here are : Dhumaraja (verse 12) ; Dhamdhu, Dhruvabhata and
others (names not given) (verse 13) ; Ramadeva (verse 14) ; the latter’s son Yasodhavala who
killed the Malava king Ballala in a battle (verse 15) ; Dharavarsha,the son of Yasodhavala,
who having smeared the earth with the blood'of the lord of Kumkana obtained the kingdon
(verse 16) ; and his younger brother Prahladana who is compared to Kesava and who is stated
to have given away wealth to the Brahmanas.
The lord of the Kumkana, killed by Dharavarsha has been identified with the Sila-
hara king Mallikarjuna.3 It may be noted .that Prahladana is mentioned here neither as
n ruler nor as an heir apparent.. It strengthens the view .expressed earlier by me while edi
ting the Dhanta image inscription* that Somasimha directly succeeded his father Dharavarsha.
Verses 21-25 (lines 9-10) describe the rulers of the Chaulukya-Vaghela family (here called
.(Chaulukya), viz. Arnoraja (verse 21), his son Eavanyaprasada (verses 22-23), and the son of
the latter, Viradhavala (verses 24-25). Lavanyaprasada who is mentioned in the Mount Abu
inscription as Lavanaprasada, is stated to have acted like Sesha by recovering (lifting up) the
Gurjara land which was disintegrating (slipping down) on account of ttoubled times.
/
Then follows a long account of the family of the ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala.
This family hailing from the city of Anahillapura, the city of the Gurjara kings,
is called PragvatavamSa (verses 26-27) ; lines 10-11). Verses128-29 which are partially lost,
appear to describe the family in glorious terms. The next verse (verse ?0) states that the
ancestor, of the family was Chandapa who is described as mamtri ,,:an4ala marttanda.
His son was Chandaprasada (verses 31-32). He had a son named Soma who is stated
to have crossed the rivers just as Kakutstha i.e. Bhaglratha had changed the course
of the rivers (verses 33-35). Soma’s son was A^varaja (verses 36 38) whose wife was
KumaradevI (verse 39). Her first son Luniga is stated to have died when he was still young
(verse 40). She gave birth to three more sons named Malladeva, Vastupala and Tejah
pala (verses 41-42). The next ten verses (verSes 43-52) give a description of the achievements
1 Cf. Bhandardar's List, p. 385. Also see A. K. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 127.
2 A. K. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 127. •
3 Above Vol. XXXV, pp.'90-91.
* Above Vol. XXtvn, pp.
i
M Tt VO OO
Tt 'O 00
h
O
M
CS
M M tN
00
D
O
m
AN UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTION FROM ACHALGARH
One-sixth
:
Scale
'OOOOCnJtJ-'OOOO m 't oo o
t—1 i—I i—I i—I rH <N <N (N <N CO
No. 14] AN UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTION FROM ACHALGARH 107
of Malladeva and Vastupala and of the latter’s son Jayatsimha. Of verse 53 which introduces
Vastupala’s younger brother Only a few aksharas are preserved. Verse 54 states that the laghuta
of the guru is heard sometimes in the metrical science, but in these brothers is seen the guruta
of the laglni n tailing thereby that Tejahpala,- though the youngest of the three brothers, had
attained a higher status than the others. The next four verses (verses 55-58) describe the good
qualities pf Tejahpala. Vers.es 59-60 mention his w.fe and her son Lavanyasimha.
It will be seen from the above that the genealogical accounts of the Paramaras of Abu,
Chaulukya Vaghelas and of the family of Tejahpala do not .differ from those given in the
Mount'Abu inscription except in their details.
The following portion of.the inscription is badly damaged and most of the stanzas are
so incomplete that it is not possible to give, a connected account of their 'conntents. The
object of the inscription was perhaps to record’the construction of new mantfapa of the god
Achalesvara at Arbuda possibly by Tejahpala and his brother (verse 65). The)inscription
however, refers to'several other constructions.’ Thus verse 68 records the construction of
two .shrines (ayatana yugma) in the temple of Tina Adinatha at Vimalagiri. Verse 69 also
■ refers to some other construction for Adinatha the exact nature of which is not ascertainable.
While jyerse 70 refers to a new construction (probably .a shrine) called Nandisvara, verse 71
refers to a tank called - Anupamasaras.' . The next verse (verse 72) speaks of a Vagbhatapura
. at the foot'of the Satrumjaâ hill. Verses 73-74 fo,rm a yugma as indicated by the expre
ssion yugmam at the end of Verse .74. While verse 73 is completely lost, the legible portion
- of verse 74 states that the minister {mamtrlriuhij built a strong tank (?) with stone slabs. The
minister referred to- here is in all likelihood, Tejahpala. The next verse (verse75) refers to a
temple of Yugadi-jina called Vastupala vihara. According to verse 77, three toranas of marble
were built by Vastupala. Verses 78-79 again speak of the construction of three toranas of marble
probably attached to, the mafia (?) of Kapardin (Siva) at the back of (the aforesaid) vihara.
The next verse'(verse 80) the first half of which is lost, also appears to have referred to some
construction: ' The second half of this verse expresses a wish that the holy men paying a
pilgrimage to.this place should see it in its totality.
Only a few-letters are legible in the last three lines (fines 29-31),. the name of Tejahpala
. occurring twice in fine 29. ■ The record ends with the word subham preceeded by the numerical
figures for'88. •' , , ' . -
Though the extant portion of the inscription does not coritain.the name of the composer'
of this record, a careful comparison of its text with that of the Mount Abb inscription reveals
■ that this prasasti was also composed by Somesvaradeva, the composer of the said inscription.
, TEXT1,* 3
■ [Metres : Verse 1 Pushpitagrd ; verses 2-9, 12-14, 17, 19,' 21-23, 25-80, AnushfiWi;
verses. 10, 16 Salim ; verse'll Indravamsa; verse 15 Vasantatilaka; Verses 18,20 Vpajati;
verses 24, 68, Irya ; verse 65. Viyogini.]
1 ll’Om’H Om namah srimad-Achalesvaradevaya. ]|Sa bhavatu bhavatam. subhaya Sambhuh
' sirasi kri§ah sa§abhrid=vibha[ti yasya] j nibh.ritam=i]va fsivam vilokayamtyah
* Surasaritah sphurito 'mukh-aika[de]£ah ||[1] Mulam Chaulukya-vamse=smin Mfila-
raj6 mahipatih | asid=dasikrit-aseshh-vipaksha-ksh6. . . -*11^] __________
1 From impressions, • / . .
‘This and all the following lines begin with two strokes which appear to .have been used for ,symme ry
and ornamentation. ’•
3 Expressed by a symbol resembling the numerial figures for 80. •
‘.The intended reading of the four aksharas lost due to the peeling off of the stone is ni-mariidami.
t
EPIGRAPHIA 1NDICA [Vol. XXXIX

108.
Chamuih<J ar aj as -t at-p atta-mam d an am medinlpatih [ Oilman Vallabharajo- smad-
abhavad=vallabh6 bhuvah || 3 Bhuvam Durllabbaraj6=‘tha bheje bbujava(ba) 1-
orjjitah | Bhimah, srlmarris=tat6 bhumi-mamdal-Akhamdald-bhavat |]4 Ka[r]nadevab
■ sutas=tasya bhumi-bharam=adhara[yat] ] devah sri-Jayasimh6=tha.tat-stitab kshitim=
anvaSa[t]0 ■ .
[| 5 Satv-avashtambha-sambbQtais=charitrair=bhuvamadbhu taih | Siddbaraja iti khyatir
=jata yasyk" ya§asvinah |]6 Devah Kumarapalo=tha palayamasa bliutalara ) bhu-
bhara-dharane yasya nyaya-dhara .... [||7] ■ -t. • âna-nirwira
dhana-moksh-adi-kurvvata | pfirvv-omi-pati-vritteSu kritah . ■ ■ Aranarah 118. .
. Tasma- ■ " >• ■
d=Ajayapalo=‘tha Mularajas=tachamgajah ] tasy=amijamma srl-Bbimo bhu-bharam ^
dharayaty=asau H9 Itas=cha|] Asti 6riman=Arvu(bu)d-akhyb=‘dri-mukhyah Srimga-
srenim vi(bi)bhrad-abhramliham yah | vriddhim [vim]-[ka] - - U. - d=ity=adityasya
bhramtim=amtar=vidhatte )jl0 Ta[tr]=atha Maitravaruiiasya. [juhvata]§=chamdo=
gni^kum-lla . ~ ,
dat-ptfrushah puro=‘bhavat ] matva munimdrah para-marana-kshamam sa vyaharat=
tarh Paramara-samjnaya H 11 Pura tasy-anvaye raja Dbfiinaraj=ahvayo= frhavat_[
Yena dhuma-dhvajen=eva dagdlia vaiMah kshmabhri[tam(tam)l|12J . . . pa •
naremdras=te Dhamdhu-Dhruvabbat-adayah ) jatah krit-ahav-otsaba-bahavo baha-
vas=tatah|]13 tad-a- ]
6 1 narhtaram * taramgita-klrtti-sudharsimdhu-s'umdhita-vydma ] sri-Ranaadeya-nama
Kamad=api snmdarah [so?]-‘bhut 1]14 Tasmat-mahim-avihit-anaya-kalatra-gotra-
sparso YaSfidbavala ity=avalambate [sma ] ’ - - U ra-kshi[tipa]ti’^ pratipaksham=
ajau Ballalam=alabhata Malava-medin=imdram(ram) Jj-15 Dharavarsbas=tat
su- • . '
7 Utah prapa lakshmim lipta-kshonih sonitaih KumbanSmdbb | sarwatr=ajau svais-
charitraih' payitrair=labdha slagha Raghaven=eva yena 016 Tasya Prahladand
nama Vasavasy=cva [Kesajvah j ahu-janm=abhayao=yepa datta-srir=agrajanmanaiii
H17 Sri-satnasimhah pitur=esha Dharavarshasya rajyam kurutach-chiraya J nasya
[d=hi]-
8 Orajyam ganatah [svajrajyam virodbi [bh]ir=yasya tu dattam=eva [|18 Sprnasimhb
n risimho=yamfeapurv\ah p rilhivl-tale j yan=na[nm=aiva] vidiryamte hridayani
- vir6dhinam(nam]||19 gri-K*i[shna]deva£ kshitldeva . . . . vyaprita-[sa]san6=
sau 1 sri-Sbmasimhe pitari svarajyavati sthiram yo=‘vati yauvarajyamfjyam) ] 20
9 ltas=ch=atr=aiya Ck[aii]lukya-vamse . . viseshakah { ArnCraja iti khyafto] jatas=
tejomayah puman|l[21] Sri-Lavanyaprasado=‘sya putrah - . siromanih j jajne
| [nija-prata]................... . [agamajh [|22 Imam samaya-vaishamyad=bhrasyamtim
. Gurjara-kshitim(tim) | d6rddam-den=bddharan dhirah sa=isha13 *2Sesham
10 Hvyaseshayat 1|23 Tanayo=‘sya Viradbavalo dhavalayati dharam ya§ah-sudha-puraih |
• kimat=ahita-yuvatinam pasyamah syamatam vadane |J24 Ehramati bhrisam=anyaya-
, tapa[n-6tta]pit=‘a[dhuna 1]............. ... • • ■ d-bhuja-damda-mamda[pe] [J25 I[ta^=ch Jj
- da-kleda-vlrajata ' puram pnram. j Anahi- ) .. ^ ■___________
1 These aksharas are completely lost.

2 Thi&c.dandas as well as those in some of the following lines are intended to fill up the line.
. 8 Sandhi has been observed here for the sake of metre vide Panini’s sulra : So=pi lope chet pada-puranam
(6-1434). . '
No. 14] , AN UNPUBLISHED .INSCRIPTION FROM ACHALGARH
IT Pa-puram nama dham=asrayah' sriyam=iha[[26 Ras-alamka-[rajrie tasmirm=ala-val-

anukarimm(mm) | pramsuh Pragvata-vam£6=‘bhut-pure [Gu]rjjara-[bhubhu]-
jam(jam) ||27 Suchisara-pare vamsah sa[da] patrani shas=tu
vamso=‘yam. dhatte patra-paramparam(ram)[||28]........................bhir=udbhut=
adbhuta-kamtibhih | [vi . . pita [ ]
- 12 ..ijviSeshena jagatl=va Sarasvati||29 Mamtri-mamda]a-marttamdas=Cbamdapah pratha-
• mah puman | kule tasmin=udaiti sma tamasam=avasana=krit]| 30 Bhadras=Chamda-
prasado=‘bhud=Gamgadimdapi[tam][nam[ I ] ..... [ku bh.a]- [sena] chakre
. sri-kbamda-mamda[lam (lam) ||31]............................pani-padma-gribltaya | gehiny=
eva vada- |
13 ilnyo=‘yam nripa-vyapara-mudraya ||32 Somah samuddhatas=tasmad=ujjagama
manorainah | savitri-jata-matrena yena dyaur=iva di[k-krita ||]33 dadhe guna-
. ratnanam yatra [chaityah] svayambhuva | tatra [sri]___............... disat|!34 Savitram
' vi..................rinim(nim) [ Kaku[t]sthen=eva yen=api nadl-
14 nam [vi]kramah ||35 Ameya-mahima-suman=Asvarajas=tat6= bhavat ) yena dan=
ardra-hastena- Hastirajo=py=ajiyata j|36 A[. ■ . nitam-sri] tad-vittam vyayitam
dharmma-ka[rmma]su | yaâs=tu jaga..................ti||37 Prak-kritam renuka-badham
................ur=visesbata£=chakre bhaktim yah purushottamah '
15 1)38 Satatam sachiva-sreni-maiiik>asy=amga-samgim { kamta Kumaradevi==ti tasya
kamtir=iv=abhavat ||39 Prathamas=ta[na]yas=tasyah sriman-Luniga-samjfiaya daivad=
av[apa] va(ba)lo=pi sa[l6kyam Vasavena sah ||x]40 Svabhavikena gauchena ma
---- I ] pravaha iva Jahnavya taya sutah sutas=tra- )
16 ||yah||41 Mukhyah sri Malladev-akhyo VastupaL-ahvayas=tatah | Tejahpal
abhidhah pa5chat=trayi bhati Trayi=va sa ||42 [Pura].. nam=imas=tesham paresham=
iva murttayah j.. tridha vibhidyamana..................h ||43 Tal-labdham Malladevena
[ya]............ [1] sishtair=na vishtape drishtam Kairavam Kairvajfiaya 1)44
17 Ijlyati Malladevasya Kaustubhena vibhinnata [ Jino hridi yadetasya Jinasya tv=
aparah [sada]||45 Vastutvam Vastupalafsya n=aiva] ve[ti Sarajsvati | tadiya vadan-
ambhoje ya=vagaty=anuvartate||46 [Va]s-stupalasya mamtr-Imdoh............sha sudhl.—
vaparah punah ||47 Shadbhir=eva gu-
18 11 nair=yena ka=pi Kirttipadi krita | vasumdhara dharambhodhi-sahita pihita yaya
H48 Ahmkaroti n=atmanam tvam karoti....[ | ][sah] punah [bhamdhajn-arambhe
humkaroti Virodhimah || 49....... .rwam..............hasti-va ya ||50 Tasmad=amatya-
jimuta-
19 |1 t=sukshetre=smin. arhkurah [ Jayatsimh-ahvayah so=yam va(ba)lo=pi phalitah satam
||51 .Purvve sarwe=pi dharyamte................sy.. na prataryamte |(53 Chhamdahsastre
sru-
20 || ta-smabhih-laghuta=pi kvacbid-guroh | tasmin va(ba)mdhu-jane drishta guruta=

sya laghor=api ||54 Apurwam tasya vaidagdhyam ya..............bhubhuja |............
Sabhih sarddham mene samdhy-aksharami [yah' ||55]......................... karoty=eva
mat-kritam tan-na, vakti yah' J|56 U-
i The ato/rarajin squaiebracketsiare completely lostdue to the peeling o£Fof thestone. These have been
restored with the help of a verse in the Mount Abu .inscription of Tejahpala, A.D. 1230 (cf. above, Vol. yni
p.209, verse 8, text-line 5), the second half of which is identical with verse 40 of this inscription
3I?GA/77 , 6.
«
110 EP1GRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
21 pakntya kritl pumsam .. tesham na kevalam(lam) | api yah stuti-lamchayam sachiv-

emdur=gata-sp rihah ||57 Apurvvam marhtri.......... nahi | Vasudha-valaye yena maha
.........[||58]............................ manye=ham=enam menamgajam=iva||59 Lava- ]
22 ||nyasimha-namanam [sa lavany=avatansinam(nam) | ta]-nayam janayamasa. vinay-
avarjjita-prajarh(jam)||60 [Se]-vyam ya...........'............................nyena cha punyena
yasya.................fl|61]..................natma-rajya-bhara-dhuram-dharah|j62 SrI-[Dhaval]-
dhar-o-
23 ||ddhara-dhurlnasy=6patkara . | ] . yuh sachivav=etau padau Sura-girer=iva ||63

Tabhyam,.....................[rajya-]srih kumdalabhyam...................................... | Achales-
varamamdapam navam rachayam-chakratur=enam=Arbu(bu)de |
24 ||65 Satrumjaya-girer=[-----]torana-mamditah ] purvvam sri.'......................mamdapah £
ll[66]...............yam ] nirmmame nirmma........... [|j67]...........................................jinayoh J
kiitavan=ayatana-yugam Vimala-girav=Adinatha-Ji-
25 ||na-bhavane ||68 [Purasta]d=Adinathasya tusharad=api ni[rumma]lara j .. .Tejahpala..
chakre sri-----[||69]............Namdlsvar-abhidham | navam ni............... [|J70]
.................h sreyase=‘nupamasarah | tatra kshir-abdhivat=tena vitene va-
26 JJ . . . bhih ||71 [Yad-Va]gbhata-puram ptirwam Satrumjaya-gir[rer=adhah | ] ..
11a... .lia-----[|J72] Yasyah................................ [||73]....................[pavi]tra-salil=ojvalam
(dam) | . karayamasa mamtrimduh sila-bamdhena vam(bam)-
27 ||dhuram(ram)|l74 Yugmam(mam)||Vastupala-vihar-a[khyam Yugadi] Jina-mamdiram |
.................[IF5]........................sudhih | nyadhad=........... [|]76]........................ torana-
trayam | [arasan-asmabhih subhraih Vastupalo Yiniramma-
28 ||me |1^7 Prishtha-bhage viharasya kaparddi-maftha]-... | Ma[ha]devam=ji...................
•-.................[1178]................................ [ | ]arasan-asmabhis=chakre torana-trayam(yam) [||79]
...............navam | Yatrayam=agatah samtas=tat-pasyamtu sarvatah.. ||80................
h
29 ||r-anukarena praka............................. [Tejah]palo.............................. [Tejahpalo=‘tra] mamtr-
isah.......................
30 ||.............................................................ma [mamdiram]||86
Srima...
31 IPSS Subham(bham) | *
;
)
*-
1 The last eight verses are so incomplete that, in most cases, it is impossible to ascertain their metres.
‘The inscription ends here. But traces of what appear tb be numerals are found below the last line.
If it is so, they may have contained the date of the record.
GMGIP (Pub. Unit), Sant.—SI—3 DGA/77—16-7-83—1,000.

I
\ ;
PGEI. I. XXXIX. 4.
r 1000
I V• ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

/ h o
EPIGRAPH IA INDICA
VOL , XXXIX OCTOBER 1971 PART IV
(/:
EDITED BY
P. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A.
'
Chief'Epigraphist
• . - I
*\ • '
A- : !' ■
.1
1985
&
, - . \ • •
& - v " - — . . ' i • • . . - ■' . . *
\\ . ./ i ' ' * “■/ . ' ' - ,

Published by the Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi-11
- Printed at the Gorerninent of India Press, (Publication Unit),
? ■ ’' ' ' Santragachi, Howrah, India
< Price.: Inland Rs; 8*00.Foreign 18 Sh. 8d. or 2 $ 88 cents.
\ ’ 1 . ‘ ■
11
\
.\ f,
V.
'U1:
-t
' 'J.. O
CONTENTS
s ' \'
Page.
■ V X
■ *No.„15.'/Nittur Minor Roclq edict of Asoka. By Shri P.R. Srihivasan, Mysore.'
’ "1 ' - . ' ■ '■ „ ■ . - /. ■ . ■ I ■ \ tr ■
. Ill • ''
^
V1
; No. \f>. . Nalanda Inscription of King Prathamasiva'. . By Dr. E>.<C.v Sircar, Calcutta. ,* 117*' • }
~Y 4
No. 17.-_ (TwoBrahmi Inscriptions. . By Shri P.R. Sfinivasan, Mysore . .7*7'. 123 ' y,
: 'No. 18, 'Two Silahara-grants from Dive-Agar. By Dr; G.S. Gai, Msyore : \ - 129':- ■
V --No. 19: ^Twd early Telugu Ch'ola'inscriptions Vorm Badinenipalle: BjrDr. K*V. V
V ' r-a - ■ Ramesh and Dr.' S.S, Rainachandra'Murthy, Mysore „ ^ I- 135' *
-/
' No. 20.' An Inscription of Ehavala-ChaPitamula form Alluni, Year L By Shri-. ‘
RR. Srinivasan,-Mysore . 'V ^ 139
/
.7
/
.7 7 s /
/ ~
( ^ PLATES
V • ' ' , / .. . 4 ■
- No. 17. Nittur Minor. Rock Pdict of.Asoka r ,. . to face fage 113 ..
D • . ^ ' ' ' , . 1
No. '18. Nalandh Inscription of King Prdtjhamasiva -7 .
to'face page- ' 121.
• *. . . ' . 1 . U I
3 ■' ■ /
: !-Np. 19- Two Brahmi Inscriptions ' . ... . . -. to face page - !' i23.
'' '' - \ _> ' ‘. X
, o No. 20.;^ Two Silahara Grants from Dive-Agar - . between pages 130 W131
■ No. 21. Two Silahara Grants from Dive-Agar . , P •* between pages 132 'and 133
No. 22. Twoearly Telugu Cholalnscriptionsfrom Badinenipalle to face page' 13|6 7
7 No. 23. ,An inscription of Ehavala-Chamtamula from Alluru,
Year P; . ' •< I!.
to face page^ 140 '• * ^ V7
•1 ' ’ ' ' I
7,
, *>■
, .-'A> .
./ ■
. % -
1 V .
7 ' 7
No. 15—NITTUR MINOR ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA
■ ' . . (1 Plate) ‘
. '.r •
. Nittur is a village in Siruguppa Taluk, Bellary District, Karnataka State. It is situa

ted on the Siruguppa-Hospet road at- about 10 km south-west of Siruguppa. This village
.can also be approached from Tekkalkota which is at a distance of 12 km south of Siruguppa.
From Tekkalkota, Nitt.ur. is to the west at a distance of 5 km. There are two live rock-boul
ders of pink granite variety situated about 1-1/2 km south of the village of Nittur. These
boulders are amidst dry-cum-wet lands. They are said to belong to the rock that goes by
the name of Chikkudappa-gudda. . The inscriptions1 edited here are engraved on these
boulders which were surrounded by bushes before they were located. It is said that Shri
C. Viswanath, a Junior Engineer, employed in the Bellary Branch Office of the Mines
*and Geology Department of Government of Karnataka, located these inscribed boulders,
and that he had brought it to the notice of the office of. the Superintending Archaeologist,
of the Mid-Southern Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India, Bangalore as well as
to the Department of History and Archaeology of the Karnatak University, Dharwar
early in August 1977. Shri Viswanath’s report is said to have contained no mention of the
Brahml script in which the records are written but it made mention of the writing being in
‘Chinese and English’ characters. There was naturally some delay on the part of the con
cerned people to proceed to the place to verify for themselves the importance of the inscrip
tions. By the last week of August, 1977, however, the Senior Technical Assistant of the
Office of the Mid-Southern Circle who was stationed at Kamalapuram, near Hospet, and
also the members of the Department of History and Archaeology of the Karnatak Univer
sity visited Nittur, identified the inscriptions as of Anoka’s and reported the fact in the news
papers2. I visited the'place by the end of August and the beginning of September 1977 and
copied the inscriptions. The Tahsildar, and the Block Development Officer of Siruguppa
and their Revenue Inspector rendered much help to me while copying the' inscriptions.
Boulder No. I is on the northern side while Boulder No.II is on the southern side,
at a distance of about 10 metres. Both of them are of irregular cylindrical foim. While
Boulder No. I is a single piece from the south-eastern top portion of which a big piece has
been removed, Boulder No.II is in four pieces, placed one over the other. Boulder No. I has
the writing from the floor level to about the height of 1-1/4 m. The edict in tbis boulder
is engraved from the north-eastern comer and continues upto the south-eastern corner.
The portion at the beginning is damaged. There are seven lines of writing which is very
well seen in its middle portion. The length of the writing is 5.85 m and the maximum height
at the middle portion of the wrting is 1.3 m. On Boulder No.H the writing is engraved at
about the height of 0.5 m. from the ground level. The length of the writing is 6.05 m. The
1 See TCarnafaka Bharati (in Kannada), Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 139-143, for an article on them.
2 See the Hindu, Weekly magazine, September 16, 1977 for information about this identification and
about the discovery.
( 111 )
5 DGA/77 1
writing consists of five lines. The lines are not regular. It is very much damaged in the
middle portion as Well as at the end. The letters are not evenly engraved. At some places
.they are bold and big while, at other places they are faint and small. At the place where the
writing is bold and well preserved the height is 0.80 m.
Besides these two places containing .the inscriptions, the eastern face of Boulder' No.I
seems to have also borne some writing. Only a few letters are seen of this which was not noti
ced by others but noticed by me .when I was examining the inscriptions in situ.
The characters employed in these records are Brahmi. Though they are of the
usual type met with in the other edicts of Asoka1 found in the Deccan, some letters call fpr
remark. A, j, d, r and y are wirtten in various ways; b has circular form (Boulder No.I,
in badham in fine 2) and a near circular form (Boulder No.,II, in bamhandni in line 3) and.
m has the form usually met with in Asokan edicts from North India, which is different from
its form showing a circle topped by a rectangular box open at its top found generally
employed in the ASokan edicts belonging to the Deccan.
The language of the inscriptions is Prakrit, and it is akin to that of the other ASokan
edicts of the Deccan. Its close similarity to the language of the i-Erragudi Minor Rock
Edict is very apparent. It is called Magadhan dialect2 in which n is used for n and s i^
used for s and sh also although in two words viz., savana (Boulder No. I, line 5) and
vyuthena (ibid., line 7) n is used for n. But the chief characteristic of this dialect vizv the
change of r of Sanskrit to l is seen in the word achaliya (Boulder No. II,line 3) and achali.
(ibid., line 4), while at other places r is not changed to l. In fact the inscriptions of
Ni(tur under discussion may be said to be almost a copy of the Erragudi version of the
Minor Rock Edict, except for a few minor ommissions and commissions.
This is a Minor Rock Edict of ASoka, very similar to the Minor Rock Edicts
of the emperor found at Brahmagiri, Siddapura, Jatinga-RameSvara and Rajula-Manda-
giri. The importance of this version lies in the following : In many respects this version
follows very closely the version at Ejragudi which contains more passages than the version
found at other places mentioned above. In as much the present edict contains one or two
more passages not found in the Erragudi version, it may be said to be the longest of all.
It is in this edict that we meet with the name of the emperor twice, expressed each time,
as Raja Asoko (Boulder No.I, line 7; Boulder No. II, line 1). No doubt the name Asoka
is already known to us from the Minor Rock Edicts at Maski and Gujarra. But at
Maski the expression is Devanampiyasa Asokasa3 and at Gujarra it is Piyadasino
Asokarajasa.1
It is necessary to say the following, whether the texts of the writing on both the boulders
together form a single edict or the text on each boulder forms a separate edict. It is.known
that the texts of the Minor Rock Edicts found at different places differ from each other in
language, spelling and the arrangement of the passages. In some versions some passages
which are found in others do not find a place, although generally speaking all the different
texts are based on a copy prepared at the head-quarters. This shows that when copies of the
texts were transmitted from the headquarters, evidently Pataliputra, to distant places, they
got disturbed in a variety of ways as mentioned above. It appears that the original of the
-------- --------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- : t.
1 The macron over e and o is not used in this article.

* Above, Vol. XXXII. pp. 4, 5.
a CIL, Vol. I, 1925, p. 174, text-line 1.
* Above, Vol. XXXI, p.209, text-line 1. , • ,
No. 15] NITTUR MINOR. ROCK’EDICT OF ASOKA < 113
text was mbre or-less of the land winch we find at Brahmagiri, Siddapura, Jatinga-Rame-
svara, Rajula-Mandagiri, Erragudi-and Nittur, and the versions met'with at Maski, Palki-
gundu, Gavimath Gujarra, etc. contain only one. part of. the original text. It is apparent from
these incomplete versions that they stop with the statement ‘this proclamation is issued on
toiir (for) 256(days).1 2 In these versions ,the text prominently mentions only the fact of ASokas
exertions in respect of Dharma and his anxiety to spread its principles amongst men of all
classes of his empire and amongst people living beyond the borders of his empire. What are
the principles of Dharma which he wanted to spread? This vital information is contained
only in the full original text' of which the versions are found in the places mentioned above.
In this full text, after the passage containing the number of days spent by Asoka on tour,
there commences the passage with the following expressions : At Brahmagiri it is Se hevam
Devanampiye aha2 at Erragudi it is hevam (Devanam) Devanampiye aha,3 and at Nittur it
is Raja Asoko aha. In the case of the Siddapura version even this passage is omitted and
the passage4 beginning
* with ma[td]........is given. More significantly in the Jatinga-RameS-
yara version, the passage,6 after the numerical symbols, starts with hem=eva mata-pitusu,
meaning that (the principles of Dharma) are “as follows”. Interestingly in the edict from
Nittur under study, the last sentence of the writing on Boulder No.I, reads as yatha raja
, Asoko aha thathati while the first sentence in the writing on Boulder No.II, reads as Raja
Asoko aha which is clearly indicative of the fact that the text of Boulder No.I is connected
with the text of Boulder No.II. This is paralleled by the passages like he[vam\ (Devanam)
Devanampiye aha' followed by the passage- yatha Deva[nam]piye aha tatha ka{aviye occurr
ing in Erragudi,6 and a similar passage which is much damaged and only conjecturally
restored occurring in the Raujla-Mandagiri version.7 In the light of the above discussion
it is clear that- the' complete versions at the abpve-mentioned places represent only one edict.
Dr. Hultzsch however has stated in his CII., Vol. 1(1925), p. xxvi, that the edicts at
Brahmagiri, etc. adds one more edict to that already known from such places as Rupnath,
Sahasram, etc. This is obviously a casual statement because while treating the edict in the
text portion of his book he has apparently, taken it as a single edict only.8 9 But
* what appears,
on the face of it, to have been stated casually'by Dr. Hultzsch has been perpetuated in
recent times by Dr. D.C. Sircar," which require reconsideration in the light of our discussion
above. - -
TEXT1"
BOULDER NO. I
.1 (1) Devafnajmpiyo11 heva[m] aha [ | *] (II) adhikani adhatiyani [va]sani ya12
1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 210, last line.
2 CII., Vol. 1,1925, p. 176, text-lin#s 8-9.
3 Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 2, text-line 12.
4 CII., Vol. I, 1925, p. 178, line 16.
6 Ibid., p. 180 text-lines 12-13. ,
6 Above, Vol.- XXXII, p. 7, text-lines 12-13.
7 Above, Vol. XXXI, p.217, text-lines 7-8. '
. 8 CII., Vol. I, 1925, pp. 175 ff. :
9 Above, Vol. XXXI,'pp. 211 ff.; Vol. XXXII, pp. 6*10.
19 From impressions.
11 This is given as Devanampiyasa Asokasa .in. Maski (CII. Vol. I 1925 p. 174); as Devaiiampiya in
Brahmagiri (ibid. p. 175); as Devanampiye in Siddapura (ibid., p.178); usDevana... in Jatidga-Ramesvara
(ibid-, p. 179); and as Devanampiye in Ejjagudi (above Vol. XXX3I p. 6).. In the Rock Edicts and Pillar-
Edicts this passage is variously given as DevSnampiye, Devanampiye piyadasi; Dev&nampiye piyadasi laja, etc.
12 After this there should have been written two letters .viz. hakam but no trace of them is seen now.
■ 2. lupasake [ [ *] (111) no [tu] kho ba2dham8

* pakarhte4 husam eka[m] samvachharam [ J *]
(TV) satireke tu kho samvachhare yam maya Samghe u-
3 Jpayi ...5 cha me pakam[te] [ J *] (V) imina chu kalena amisa ... ka munisa Jambudipasi6
mi(mi)sa7 [deva hi] [ ] *]
4 (VI) pakamasa hi i[ya]m phale* [ | *] (VII) [no] hi iyam [mahatpane]9 va sake10 papotave11
[ ] *] (Vm) kamam___ 12 kena pi pakaminena13 vi[pule] [sva]ge
5 [sa]k[e] [a]ra . y[i]tave14 ti [ | *] (IX) [e]taya iyam athaya savane savapite [ | *] (X) yatha15
[khu]daka cha maha16[t]pa cha imam pakameyvu17(yu) amta cha me [jane]yu18 *ti'
6 chira-thitikeJ 9 [cha]. iyam pake(ka)me hota [ | *] (XI) iyam ath[e] vadhi[siti vipulam].
pi cha, vadhisiti avaradhiya20 diyadhiyam va[dhisi]ti21 [| *] (XII) iyam cha savapite[na]22
7 savapite v[yu]thena . 50[6]23 .. 24patha
* vayam cha vavajite ti [ | *] (XIII) yatha. raja
Asoko aha tatha ti [||*]
BOULDER NO. II
1 (1) Raja Asoko hevam aha tatha26 anapay[i] . [ [ *] (II) r[a]j[uka] anapayisati [ja]-
napadam cha janam rathikani cha28 [ f *] (III) mata-pitusu27 sususitaviye28 ti[ [ *] (IV)
hevam=eva29 gurusu30 [ | *]
1 It seems that no letters were engraved before this letter.
2 This letter ba is circular in form.
3 This word is not found in the Erragudi Edict (above Vol. XXXII p. 6 text-line 2).
1 In the Erragudi Edict this word is put after samvachharam (ibid).
6Here the space is too much for the three letters te badham. Since only these three letters are required
it may be that these letters were big enough to occupy this space.
6 The words samanaJambudipasi are not found jin the Erragudi Edict (above, Vol. XXXII, p.6, text-line 4).
7 In the Erragudi (ibid- line 5) and the Brahmagiri Edicts (C/7. Vol. 1,1925, p. 174, text-line 4) misibhuta
is the word used.
8 This word is missing from the Erragudi Edict (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 6, text-line 6).
2 This word is put after sakaye in the Brahmagiri (CII. Vol. I, 1925, p. 175, text-line 4) and after saka
in the Siddapura Edicts (ibid, P-178, text-line 9).
10 This word is spelt as sakive in Erragudi (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 6, text-line 6) and as sakye in Brahmagiri
(CII., Vol. 1, 1925, p. 175 text-line 4).
11 This word is not met with in Erragudi and other places also.
42 The missing letters must be tu kho khuda. The expression kamam tu kho is not found in Erragudi.
13 In Erragudi this word is given as pakamaminena. .
14 In other plaoes the word aradhatave is used.
13 In Erragudi atha is found.
16 In Erragudi the expression khudaka-mahalaka is used.
17 This letter is written in a manner so as to look like yyu. In Erragudipakamevu is found while in Brah
magiri and Siddapura pakam^yu is met with. The scribe, in the present instance, was apparently in two minds
and hence h6 wrote this letter in a confused way as yvu. ■
18 In Erragudijanevu is used. •
19 In Erragudi chira-thitika is used.
20 In Erragudi aparadhiya is found.
21 In Erragudi this word is not found.
22 This word is a mistake for savane.
83 The symbols for the numerals have been erased except for traces of 50, but there is no doubt that the
symbols engraved here were 200 50 6.
24 The passages starting from here are not found in Erragudi and other places.
25 The first letter looks like tu or sa and the second letter looks like pha orphe. But the context seems to’
require tatha and hence its adoption here.
29 This sentence is not found in the Brahmagiri, Siddapura and Jatihgaramesvara edicts but met with
in the Erragudi edict.
27 Mata-pitisu in Brahmagiri.
28 Sususitaviye in Brahmagiri and sususitaviye in Erragudi.
• 29 Hem=eva in Brahmagiri Siddapura, Jatihgaramesvara and Erragudi.
89 It is garusu in Brahmagiri and Erragudi- At the latter place once again sususitaviye is introduced here
and that makes the passage clearer so that it is not connected with the following passage.
. >oV. NITTUR MINOR ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA 115.
f:2-;.^;â(j>ja)nesu dajitaviye1 ti» [ ;*] (VI) -W- dhammaguna pavatitaviya^ [,|*]
(VH) ...phe* rajuka anapayatha [ | *] (Vli)"se ' dana6 DevaDainpiyasa vachanena
anapayisat[i]rta.te [ | *] (DQ hem=eva anapayatha hesa hi
c3-.b'.'bamhananicha hachh-arohani6.cha karanakani cha yug-a....7 * [ j *] PQ.... i...

Lno[po]rana-pakiti [. *].(XI) ... sa y&ftaj i[yam] sususitaviye ti [| *] (XII) iyam
v.,...LKapachayataviye9 ti[a]chaliye apachayi- ,,
,4 teti(vi) ye cha sususitaviye cha [ | *] (XIH) ye pi achali....................... [tjl... yathayaraham1*

‘ . p'avatitaviye11 ti yadisi'porana pakitP2 [ | *] (XIV) yatha iyam 'v
.5 hi satireke huveya tatha paVatitaviye [ti] [ | *] • ;
TRANSLATION
Inscription on Boulder No. I
(I) Thus saiith the Beloved of the Gods.
(II) It is (now) more than two years and a half that (Ihave been) an updsaka (/.<?., lay follower
of the Buddha).
(QI) 1 was, however, not excessively energetic (in the practice and propagation of Dharma)
for one year (at the beginning of the above period).
(IV) It is (now) more than a year that 1 have been intimately associated with the Safigha
(i.e., the Buddhist clergy) and have been, excessively energetic (in the cause of Dharma). ■
(V) Those mem in Jumbudipa who were unmingled (with gods) during this period, have
(now) been mingled with gods.
(VI) This is the result of (my) exertion (in the cause of Dharma). ■ .
(VII) Indeed, it is not attainable only by a man of high rank.13_________________________
... ' IDrahyitavyaminBrahmagiri.

* After this there is the passage sacham vataviyam at Brahmagiri, Jsiddapura and Jatinga-Ramesvara and
sache vataviye at Erraguiji, which is missing here.
In Erraguijiit is ima. ■ . '
4 As in Erraguqli, here too the words might be hevam tumphe.
5 DSni in Effagudi.
• Hathty-Srohani in Eriagmji (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 8, text-line 19). .
• -7 The terms beginning’with bamhanani etc. are not met with in Brahmagiri, Siddapura and Jafulga-
Ramesvara.
' ' ' • This portion is completely erased. Probably here was engraved the passage hevam nivesaya .....
' yarisa, etc.; met with in the Erragudi Edict (above, Vol. 30001, p. 8, text-lines 19-20).
» Apachayana ya is found in Erragmji.
10 Yatharaham in Ejxagudi.
11 The letter ye is engraved in small size below the cracked part of the rock and so its alignment is disturbed.
12 The Enagiicji Edict has one ortwo more passages in this section (above, Vol. XXXII, p. 8, text-lines 21 ff.).
■: u This meaning seems to suit the context better than ‘the rich man’. Ct above, Vol. XXXII, p. 9.
5 DGA/77 2*45
<■' i j
116 EPIGRAPHIA INDIGA [Vol. XXXIX
,b5P)/Sureiy,[eyen the'.lowly" (man)1] lf.he is-energetic' (in the'oauser'ofBiiasrim)ffcaji- ’’attain
even the'great heaven.2" * • f :I ;•
(EX) It is for this purpose that the proclamation8 has been made fy me). "
- ■ (X.) So-that the man of'high rank and 'the lowly;should-also he:energetic imthis'cexertion
!'i-; -1 (ihJregard id :the'practice and propagation of Dharma); thatJthecpeoples -living .beyond
„ the borders (of my empire) should know(thwmattef) and'ihai;(thismatter)y/illu(contmUe
to be in vogue) for long. .
:V.JV jVi IXY , .......
(Xlj This purpose will increase, will increase,to a great extent, aricT(Jt) will increase' ’ (at least)
roughly to one and a half times. ' J
(XII) This proclamation is being issued byLme;(ivAen;J/AoveZ>ee«) on^tour ^
(Xin) As king Asoka says, so be it.
Inscription onxBoulderlNo. II
(I) Thus saith king A6oka,jand.soJtisi ordered thus.4 * 6 *

(II) The (officer called) Rajjuka will order the people of the countryside as Well* as the
(officers called) Rashfrikas (in the following words): ' ’ L: lf1 ;!•
i- ,i. i (TIT) i “Ohedi'encemustbe rendered to; mother landfather : , j ,. (. . ■ (
(TV)' “likewise to elders ; Vy-.'K. „
• . , , ;v(V) “compassion should be shown to animals ;, j .
(VI) “these attributes of Dharma.shouldrbe,propagated”.. , . , , ,
,\Tio.i,
(VII) Thus the Rajjuka. should pass orders. , .,. ;
(VIII) ^ He, will, now pass orders in the words of the.- Beloved of the Gods.
(EX) In this way he should pass orders on the Brahman as, the elephant-riders, the
o.’Kji scribes ;and-the. community [of teachers]0 • •; > t j,
(X) ..'..................ancient usage.. . . ,-..i ;
. (XI) .. -. ............and this order should be;;obeyed. ;; : (j /
(XII) This honour is to be (enjoyed) by the teacher, and it should be respected and
obeyed. ‘ • .... . u ■ iI / ;
(XIII) This too should be propagated in a proper manner [amongst .... ]iby dhe Teacher,
0ll~ • J -'in accordance with-what-is the ancient-usage. . ... : vs.-f
(XIV), You should so propagate this (principle underlying this order) as. to, mak© it cgrow
(among all). , ; ' •, _ _,
1 The lowly man’ seems to suit the context better than ‘the poor man’. : Cf. ibid., and-note 4,
.. The great,heaven’ is indeed the abode of the gods who are said to. visit the.earth off and„on and ^mingle
with the people here. Contra above Vol. XXXII, p. 9, note 3.
sThis. proclamation is the one contained in the writing on Boulder No. II; and this is .the,one ..which"is
found engraved in continuation of the passage mentioning that “the proclamation is being issued by .me..........
256 (days)” in the-Edicts at Enagufii and Rajula-Marjfiagiri. ' . ' "
* The context suggests that the king’s proclamation was addressed to his high officer at the placer Who in
turn instructs his subordinates like the Rajjukas, probably governors of the districts to obey.the king’s orders.
6 This. Edict classifies Brahmairas differently and yng ..... (probably yugy-achSriySni. offthe Eftagudi
Editct, aboyeiVol.-XXXII, p. 8, line 9), differently. Therefore, the meaning given to this passage in ibid. ;p. 10,
Passage XI, requires reconsideration.
No. 16—NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF KING PRATHAMASIVA
... (1Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Calcutta
Srl.Vijayakanta Misra recently published a paper entitled ‘A new Sanskrit Prasasti from.
Nalanda’ in the Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. LVH[, 1972, pp. 183-87 and
Plate. The beautifully inscribed stone, which is somewhat rubbed off in the central area,
was discovered in the course of the clearing operation of a small mound lying on the north
'of the road leading to the excavated remains at the place and is a rectangular block of black
stone, 74 cm. by 45 cm. It was found fixed on a wall in the niche facing east, 2.55 cm. below
the present ground level. There are 14 lines of writing, Which contain twelve stanzas in various
metres with a prose passage at the end. The characters belong to the 7th-8th—
century A. D. The inscription uses final t several times. As regards orthography anusvara
before s and s is erroneously changed respectively to h and n. Final m is sometimes changed
to anusvara.
Sri Misra says that Pandit Jagadisvar Pandey of the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute,
Patna helped him in reading the inscription. It seems that the gist of the contents of . the
record in Hindi, given after the text, was also prepared by the Pandit because I noticed some
discrepancies in the small introduction in English and the summary of contents in Hindi.1
Sometime ago, I was very happy to receive an offprint copy of Sri Misra’s article from the
author and to note that the inscription is of considerable historical importance. Since I
also noticed that there were some palpable mistakes in the published transcript while the
interpretation of the text in the Hindi summary of contents exhibits a large number of erorrs,2 * * 5
I requested Sri Misra to be so good as to send me a few inked impressions of the inscription
for my study. Sri Misra obliged me, and I am extremely grateful to him for his kindness.
1 had an occasion to examine the stone when I vished Nalanda in order to attend the convoca
tion of the Nava Nalanda Mahavihara in April 1976, for receiving an honorary degree con
ferred on me. Later, 1 received a good impression of the inscription from Sri P. R. Srinivasan,.
Chief Epigraphist in charge, who was kind enough to allow me to edit the record in the Epigra-
phia Indica. . .
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol followed by verse 1 which is in adoration
of the pair of the feet of the Muni (i.e. the Sage) meaning the Buddha. The said feet are stated
1 Thus the English section speaks of Icing Bhasiva Sri Rahula and Narapati’ while the Hindi part has
king Bhasiva his son Rahula and king Siva. Of course both the statements are wrong as will be seen below..
Among the wrong statements or suggestions the one that first drew my attention is that a person named Purna-
varman who was the maker of the kirti, i.e. an image of the Buddha installed by king Prathamasiva in the
present case, has been regarded as the installer of the image and as identical with Magadhan king of that name
mentioned by Hiuen-sang. For an image represented as someone's kirti, see above Vol.XXVm, p. 185.
[See below p. .157, n 1-Ed. ]
a Among the mistakes in reading, the first that drew my attention is the word pa.v hatyan (line 3) read as
parfoanyan. Likewise the second half of verse 10 in line 12, which is wrongly read arid very poorly interpreted
also attracted my attention almost about the-same time: In it the mention of the ftastri’s pratikriti (i.e. the
image of the Buddha) has been unfortunately missed.
. ( 117 ) •
5 DGA/77 3
to have borne the auspicious marks of the chakra (wheel), svastika, vajra (thunderbolt),
mma (fish), kalasa (jar), chhatra (umbrella) and dhvaja (banner). Verse 2 introduces king
Bhasiva who was. born at the city.of Mathura, just as the god Hari (i.e, Vasudeva Krishna)
had been born there for serving a particular purpose, a'nd was a kshatriya born in a Vipra or
Brahmana family. The stanza also speaks of king Rahul a, who was Bhasiva’s son,-
and of king Bhavi who wag Rahula’s younger brother. The following stanzas describe king
Prathamasiva who was the son of Bhavi.. Of these verses, the first two ("verses 3-4)
■credit king Prathamasiva with a victory over the Paschatya kings, i.e. the rulers of the
western territories, apparently meaning certain kings flourishing in the land lying -to the west
■of Mathura dr, less probably, in the Western' Division of India. The stanzas also emphasise
his affection towards the people devoted to him and say that he shared his prosperity with all
his friends and was like the father to his subjects. In continuation of the description of Pra-
thamasiva’s achievements, verse 5 speaks of his exploits in the Vindhyan region in which
he is stated to have employed two categories of elephants, viz.' the wild ones which were cap
tured and trained by his people and the others that were obtained from the-enemies defeated
an battles. The following stanza (verse 6) says how the Pr achy as (Easterners), the
TJdlchyas (Northerners), the Kalachyutis (Kalachuris) and other powers were afraid
-of king Prathamasiva’s prowess just as the elephants are of the lion. Verse 7 mentions that’
the heroic deeds of the king, resembling those of Visvatman (Brahman, Vishnu or fsiva
•probably the last one in the present case),1 reminded people of the exploits of Rama (any of
three Ramas, viz., Dasarathi, Haladhara and Bhargava) and Arjuna (probably the third
Pandava and not Kritavirya’s-son), and endeared him to the neighbouring rulers who exhi- •
hited their devotion to him through messengers and carriers of presents and letters.
Verse 8 says how king Prathamasiva installed a big image of Lord Buddha
in a Buddhist establishment apparently at Nalanda. The image is compared to the nayaka
•(i.e. the central gem of a necklace) in the Buddhist establishment described as an ornament
of the world. The said Buddhist establishment is indicated by the expression yati-var-
.avasa, ‘the abode of the Ascetic" (the Buddha) or of the Monks’ so that it may have
been a temple of the Buddha or a monastery where the Buddhist monks lived. In any
■case, the inscription does not claim that the said establishment was. also made by
iking Prathamasiva. The next stanza (verse 9) refers to the beauty .of the image and
jits establishment at a height by comparing it with the top of the Golden Mountain (Mount
Sumeru)2. • This may suggest that the image was installed on a small pillar in the open.
Verse 10 prays for the long life of the said image of the Sastri (i.e. the Buddha) which is
tcalled kund-amala probably meaning ‘white like the kunda flower’. The description there
fore suggest that the Buddha image was either made of white material Or was painted
white.
The name of the sculptor who made the beautiful image was Purnavarman as mentioned
in verse 11. He is called the maker of the said kirti or fame-producing object, i.e. the image,
for the king. Verse 12 (i.e. the last stanza) says that the prasasti or eulogy was composed
by Durgadatta who enjoyed the title Maharaja and was adorning the post of Mahasandhivi-
grahika (Minister for War and Peace) under the king, i.e. Prathamasiva. The prose passage
1 [Samyuga-sata-vyapdi a-viivdtmanah seems to mean only, ‘of (him) whose nature is all-pervading in hundreds
of actions of war’. Cf. the all-pervading activities of Rama and Arjuna in the war described in the Samayana
and the Mahabharata.—Ed.
2 [In the present comparison only three enumerated common qualities (sadharana-dharmas) are meant and
none of them seems to suggest the establishment of the image at a height.—Ed].
INo. 16] ■ NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF KING -PR!ATHAMASIVA '119
•at the end says that the eulogy was engraved by MadHava, son of Varaana, the epithet Nagan
-sutradhara, probably meaning ‘the carpenter or mason who was a resident of the city (i.e.
Mathura)’1- being applied to either the father or the son, possibly the latter. .
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it rspeaks of a line of Buddhist
kings apparently .of Mathura,2 which was originally a Brahmana family, but later became
-Kshatriya obviously because it mixed up its blood with Kshatriya ruling families and became
what was. usaliy regarded as Brahmd-Kshatriya having the blood of both the Brahmana
-and the. Kshatriya.3 It is not possible to determine whether Prathamasiva visited Nalanda
on pilgrimage and installed the image on that occasion or installed the Buddha image there
through some of his agents who' may have been sent to perform the pilgrimage on the king’s
ffiehalf.4 It is also difficult to say whether the image and the inscribed slab were both brought
.•from Mathura or were made at Nalanda ; but, as we shall see below, the first alternative seems
.-to.be more probable. '
The following four rulers of three generations of the Vipra-Kshatriya (Brahma-Kshatriya)
•.dynasty of Mathura are.mentioned in the inscription under study :—
1. Bhasiva
I------ ----------------------------- -*
2. Rahula 3. Bhavi
I
4. Prathamasiva.
-Since the present inscription may be assigned roughly to the 8th century A.D. on palaeo-
...graphical grounds, king Bhasiva may have flourished in the beginning of the century and his
grandson Prathamasiva about its close. It seems that this family succeeded the Mauryas
whose Mathura inscription, assigned to the seventh century, was recently published.5
'Probably the rulers of the Vipra-Kshatriya dynasty flourished earlier than those of the
Surasena family of Kaman that flourished in the Bharatpur District of Rajasthan about the
. ninth century.6
'• Prathamasiva’s claim of success against his adversaries'in the West, East and North
us vague ; but the specific mention of the Kalachyutis (Kalachuris) is interesting though
very little is known about the Kalachuri rulers of the eighth century. Probably these
Kalachuris were scions of the earlier branch of the family that later claimed descent from
Kartavlrya Arjuna of Mahishmati, modern Maheshwar in the East Nimar District, Madhya
'Pradesh. Thus they may have been assigned by the poet to the land lying to the south of
'Prathamasiva’s kingdom probably.in order to- represent him as a conqueror of all the four
.quarters. Unfortunately, the latest records of the early branch of the Kalachuri family,
1 [Nagara-sutradhara may as well mean that an architect well versed in the Nagara style (of temple arch-
tecture)’, which is said, in the Silpa texts, as one of the four important styles of the temple construction. Even
. if Nagara is taken in the ordinary sense "a person of the town’ that there is nothing to show that, that the
town was Mathura, and not Nalanda.'—Ed.
2 [The description of the progenitor of the family as Karyarthqm Mathura-pure-Harfr=pivaprito-grahij-
Janma yah (verse 2) seems to suggest that though he was born at Mathura he abandoned it subsequently. His
:upama with Hari seems to be significant.—Ed].
3 See Sircar, The Guhilas of Kishkindha pp. 6 ff. Cf. kshatr-opeta dvijati (Matsya Purana 49.41).
1 Cf. cases of pilgrimage by proxy above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103 ff.
6 Above Vol. XXXn, pp. 207 ff. '
•« Cf. ibid. Vol. XXXVI, p. 52 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. X, pp. 34 ff.
120 • EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX .
which succeeded in extending its F ower over Northern Maharashtra in the south and over
wide areas of Malwa and Gujarat in the north, are Buddharaja’s Yadner and Sarsavani
plates issued respectively in the years 360 and 361 (608 and 609 A.D.) from Vaidisa (Vidlsa
in East Malwa) and Anandapura (probably modern Vadnagar in Gujarat) while some scholars
assign Durgagana of the Jhalrapatan inscription of Vikrama 746 (689 A.D.) to the same.
dynasty.1 It may be mentioned here that the Kalachuris are believed to have been foreigners
who entered India along with the Hunas and Gurjaras and that Indian authors found it
difficult to represent this foreign clan name and wrote it variously as Katachchuri, Kala-
tsuri, Kalachuri, Kalachuti, Kalachurya, Kalichurya, etc.2
Among other points of interest in the inscription, reference should be made to the fact
that it contains one of the rare instances of the mention of the name of a sculptor. Purna-
varman, who made the image of the Buddha installed by king PrathamaSiva3 of Mathura,
at Nalanda, seems to have been a sculptor of the Mathura School of Indian Art. Another
sculptor of the Mathura School, Who flourished in the fifth century, was Dinna mentioned
in one inscription from Mathura and two from Kasia (ancient Kusinagara),4 the Mathura
inscription belonging to the reign of king Nripamitra. The installation of the two Buddha.
images made .by Dinna at Kasia in the Deoria District (formerly a part of the Gorakhpur
District) of U.P. points to his great eminence as an artist ; but we do not know whether-
he made the images at Mathura, which were transferred to Kasia, or was deputed or invited'
to Kasia to make the images at the place. The same uncertyinty is noticed in the present
case as well, because we do not know whether the image bearing our inscription was made..
at'Mathura and transported to Nalanda for installation at that locality or it was the sculptor-
who was deputed by the king to Nalanda to make the image there. It seems, however,,
that the first alternative was easier than the second because the transportation of heavy
objects of merchandise was managed by early Indian merchants for great distances on land
and water, and they would pot refuse to undertake such tasks if properly paid. Sometimes
ready-made eulogies were carried by the pilgrims to be engraved on the temple walls.
Another interesting information supplied by the inscription relates to the auspicious,
symbols on the Buddha’s feet. It is well known that the foot-marks of the Buddha were
an object of worship and are sometimes represented in sculpture, one of the excellent re
presentations showing the symbols having been found on an inscribed stone slab from Naga- -
ijunikonda.5 6
The Nagarjunikonda slab bears the representation of the soles of the two feet placed
side by side with that of the Bodhi tree in railing on one side. The symbols have been des-
cribed as follows : “The most prominent symbol engraved on each of the soles is the.chakra
, 1 See Bhandarkar’s List of Inscriptions Nos. 1207-08 and 14 ; also p. 393. Among the other early
rulers of different branches of the family Kokkalla, the first known king of the Tripuri branch ruled about
the close of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century while Rajaputra, the first known member of the
Sarayupara branch seems to have flourished in the first half of the ninth century. See ibid., p. 392, note 2,
and No. 143.
2 Bhandarkar’s List of Inscriptions; Nos. 143 , 748, 1206 ; Ray DHNI, Vol. n, p. 1081, note 4 ;
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, pp. 293, 468.
3 [Verse 4, the expression Purnachandrah seems to be used in the sense of Purnah Chandrasiva like
nfipatindu in the sense of nripatih indur=iva (verse 8). Hence it is very likely that Prathamasiva himself hadl
another name Purpa and that this name Purpa is described to have been written on the full-moon in verse 11,.
just as Prataparudra’s Boar-crest is described by Vaidyanatha to have been affixed on the moon—Ed],
1 Above Vol. XXXV, p. 200.
6 Above Vol. XXXH, pp. 247 ff.
, No. 16] N ALAN DA INSCRIPTION OF KING PRATHAMA5IVA 121
(wheel). Behind this are an ankusa (goad), a Naga symbol, a trimtm on chakra and a
pair of fish with a sankha (conch-shell) nearby, while in front of it are two Naga symbols,
a svastika, a srivatsa and a purna-ghata with a Sankha nearby. The five toes in front of the
above bear respectively a stambha (pillar), an ankusa, -another .indeterminable symbol,
a pair of fish and a triratw on chakra." What has been called ‘a pair of fish with a sankha
nearby’ seems really to be a second ankusa in the row. Any way, of these symbols, chakra
or wheel, svastika, mma or fish and kalasa or jar (the same as puma-gfmto) are clearly
mentioned in the list of auspicious symbols on the Buddha’s feet in our inscription. It is
possible that dhvajd is to' be traced;' in the representation of the stambha which, may have
6een the dhvaja-stambha while what is usually described as the triratna may be essentially
the'vajra or thunderbolt-symbol. It is also not impossible that the symbol regarded as
‘indeterminable’ is' a particular' type of the chhaim dr umbrella, although, it lias to be
admitted that it does not resemble the umbrella usually found in sculptures.1 *
We have seen above Low the poet refers in verse 7, to Visvgtman, Rama and Arjuna.
This shows the influence of Brafamanical mythology on the;composition. ' Strangely enough,
there is no such, influence of Buddhist mythology on this eulogy of a Buddhist king set up
at a Buddhist place of pilgrimage. 'This may have been due to the fact that its author was
a Brahnianical Hindu.
The fact that a subordinate of king Prathamasiva, Mahmmdhmgmhika Dtirga-
datta, enjoyed the- royal title Maharaja would .suggest that the king 'himself was an indepen
dent monarch- enjoying such higher titles as Mahdrdjddhirdja. The absence of the proper
titles of rulers is sometimes noticed in very few records.
The inscription does not mention any geographical name excepting Mathura.
I LA l
. {Metres : Verses 1-3, 6-8 Sdrdulavikridita ; verses 4-5, 10 Sragdhard ;
tdgra ; verse 11 Amishiubh ; verse 12 Aryd.]
1 Siddham3 tfl*j.Chakra-svastika-yajra-mlna-katasa-chchhattra-dhvaji-laksIanatlj
pad-fimbhp|a-yuiaiii.sphutan-nakha-map-chchltay-lbhishek-arufafii(|:am
prahva-suresa-danava-sird-ratnavall-bhasura[rh]
samsara-chchhidfirani dadhitu jagaflih Iriflnsi (yafiisi) sasvan=-M-«:.neh-| jl
Bhasiva-bhupatih prithu-yasa Vipr-anvayah Kshattriyafc ■ klryfajHia*
[ajpure Harirtova prIto-=grahfj=janma. yah [j*j pultrasfrasya ji-ttoddhat-ftri
1 If the symbol on the Nagarjunikonda slab is -reallya cAfegrit.it has resemblance with the
raised on a Lama’s head as-sometimes, found at Darjeeling and depleted" in local pictures. It may be noted
in this connection that the thirty-two signs ofthe Mahapurusha mentioned in the Buddhist literature excepting
-one (cf. Ho-. 2 in the list quoted below), have nothing to do with--symbols like those mentioned above.
Excluding five which are of- doubtful implication, those signs are-: .(1) feet which are-firmly-placed on earth
(2) wheel marks on the soles, (3)" longish heels, (4) long fingers, (5) soft-and tender hands and feet, (6) hands
and feet with webbed fingers* (7) legs like those of .a black antelope, (8) hands touching the. knees when
one ts -standing straight, (9) privities concealed, (1-0) '.golden complexion, (11) only-one hair in a pore on the
body, (12) .hairs on the body having upright tips, (13)"divinely.s:traight limbs, (14) -targe shoulders, (15) cir
cular in appeananee tike a banyan tree, (16) rounded shoulders, (17) jaws like those of a lion, (18)'teeth
numbering forty, (19) even teeth, (20) well-set teeth, (21) very white .canine teeth,.(22) tong tongue, (23)
pleasantly deep voice, (24). very dark; eyes,,(25) eye-lashes like those-of a heifer, (26) mark of hairs like white-
cotton between the. eye-brows' and (27) head surmounted.- by an excrescence. Cf. DtghmiMya II. 4 111 .7.
1-2 ; Nalanda ed, pp. 14-16, 110.
'Front impressions. The mistakes in the published transcript have not been noticed in our transcriot
of the text printed here. v v
3 Expressed by symbol.
5DGA/77 .
I
122 EPIGRAPHFA 1NDICA [Vol. XXXIX
3 rir=abhavat1 srl-Babulab parthivah2 3tasy=apy-ayatavikram6 narapatir=-Bb&vih kanyan=

abhut II [2*] Dusht-aratighata-vidarana-patuh sur-agranls=tat-sutah PMcbStya»=
nripatln=vijitya samare
4 yen=Spi sifthisanarii* [ | *] sikta yasya yasas-ehhattbhir=amala-spashtas=sa!ttasta
disc Iakshmir=yena cha sarvva-va(ba)iidhu-suhridam samanya-bhogyikrita || [3*]
£attrushv= aty-ugra-tejah Pra[tha]masiva iti khyata-nama
5 kshitlsah snigdheshu sneha-mattrah prakaiita-mahima4 * tata-vritljh
*7* prajasu [| *1 yair=
drishto ye cha srinvanty=atula-guna-nidheh klrttyamanarh gup-aughath teshSm
sakshad iv asaujarutyati manasaiii purna-chundrah'’ •
6 sukhani ]| [4*] Varivafba)ndh-adi-ytikti-grahana-vasa-gataJh prajya-siksha-vinitaib prtp^
tair=anyais cha jitva praharapa-kalile samgare pratyanlkin || mattair=yasya dvipen-
drair=ddalita-gura-sila-sariichay6 Gairik-a- , ,
7 dri-sroto-vyajena Vindhyah kshatajam=iva vamann etin=ady=api santiriimfntim) !f |5*]
Prachy-Odlchya-Kalachyuti-prabltriuyah saury-avalipta bhrisam rajano va(ba)
[ia]-desa-sadhana-dhana-sphlta-pratapa api [ j *] yasy=ottuAga-parakraina-
8 sya bhuvana-khyata-prabhav-onnateh sinha(simha)sy=eva na gocharam dvitadana
yanti sma saftk-anvita[h] [6*] [S-oddesya ?] api yasya [sam]yu[gva(ga)]-£ata-vyap3ra-
Vi^vatmanab srutva karrama tatha-vidham yadi kritam Ram-Arjunabhyam bhavet [ | *]
9 prfty-avarjjita-manasali pulakino vispharit-Iksha njipah* dut-&p8yana4ekfaa-viha*.
vidMbhir=bhaktiJj samaehakshata II [7*] Yah khyat-ayati-bhuri-slra-vibhaya|l:
sat-tejasaih=asrayah prajfia-paurusha-nirjjit-orjjita-ripub
10 slaghyd nivasah sriyafy [ j *] ten=aitan=Btipat-Indun3« Yativar-avSse jagad-bhu$ape
nyastam nayaka-ratna-vad = bhagavato Vu(Bu)ddhasya vi(bi)mvam'mbaxii) mahat
|| [8*] Ati£ayita-samasta-deva-sampat=sthira-vipul-ayata-pun>a-
11 ratna-rasi [ | *] SaSi-ravi-kara-murchchhan-ofu-lijah §ira iva Hemagirer=idam vibhati ||
[9*] Yavach=cfiandraMu-(ndr-amsu)-pugah sitayati kakubhah kshuppa-mukta-phala-
htih? yavan=murddhnam sahasr[airj=wahati vasumatlfm*] bhara-namram(mrah)
12 Phanindrah [ | *] ylvad=dyaus=tigma-rasmi-dyuti*visara-sikha-palita-dhvlnta-jlll tavat=
kund-amal=eya[m] pratikritir asami tishthatam Sasftujr [urddhv*]es [:] [10*] Nama
irl Pftr4navarmm=iti tasy=aitat-kirtti-kariijah [ | *]
13 na kgvalaih sthitam prithivyaih likhitara chandranjasy=api ||» jjfll*] Lavdha(bdha)*
Maharaja-padO n ripater=asy=aiva Sandhi vigrahikah [ | *] etam prasastlhx=arardt1#
bhakti-paro(rab) M Durggadatt-akhyah Ip1 [12*]
14 utklrnn=eyam Nagara-suttradhara-Vamana-puttra-MIdhavena II9 *[j 11
1 Read afirirmbhmach=4rt or °abhamch=chhri.
* Read parthivas=tasya.
3 Read simhasanam,
* Read mahimaMata°
6 {Here seems to be a reference to the name of the ruler.—Ed. ]
« Sandhi has not been observed here.
7 Read srir yarn'.
■ • The restoration of the lost letter has been suggested to us by the extant matra and the comparison of the
image with the top of Mount $tan#ni in verse 9. fSMur= uchefmih may as well as be the reading in t he original.
Here uchchaiah may mean either ‘high’ or ‘ famous * or something like that. Regarding the comparison
containing in verse 9 seeabovep. 156 n. 1—Ed.J
3 There is a doubie-cricle symbol between the double dapclws.
™R.md:°akarfida. ■
11 The intended name may be Durgadatta as read by Misra ; but there is no a-tnatm in the second akstmra.
BODH GAYA INSCRIPTION OF SAKA YEAR 64
From Photograph
MITHOURI INSCRIPTION OF SAKA YEAR 80
o
CN
<N
rt"
vc
VO
oo
00
oo
First Face Second Face • . Third Face
Size : One-fourth
No. 17—TWO BFAHMI INSCKIPTIONS
(1 Plate) -
. The two epigraphs edited here are noteworthy in certain respects. But their importance
has not been clearly brought out by the scholars who have written on them. Hence they
• are dealt with below in detail. For the sake of convenience they are referred to as A and B.
A. Bodh1-Gaya Inscription of [§aka] year 64

Of the two records, A is known for a long time. It is engraved on the pedestal of a
huge seated Buddha image, measuring about 117.5 cm by 93.75 cm, carved out of red sand
stone of Mathura. This image was discovered by A Cunningham in 1892 2near a small
. ruined temple; close to the south gate cf the railing of the Great Temple at Bodh-Gaya,
and it is now preserved in the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta.3
It is reported4 that by 1898, the inscription, which was already, in a damaged condition, has
suffered furthei damage. Liiders had referred to it in a certain context6 and later noticed
it in his List.6 Subsequently Ramprasad Chanda published a transcript of it along with his
brief comment in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1922-23, p. 169.
According, to Chanda, this record, on palaeographical grounds, may have belonged to the
Gupta times. Following this lead, D.R. Bhandarkar had included this item in his List.7
Thereafter scholars writing on early Indian Sculpture began to ascribe the Buddha image
to the Gupta age.?
The inscription is edited here from a photograph of the illustration given in A. Cunning
ham ’s work0 and it consists of four lines and not three lines,10 the fourth line having been
almost completely obliterated. The characters are Brahmi and are similar to those of
several records of the 2nd-3rd centuries A.D.11 Especially noteworthy are the letters m,
I, s and h which resemble the same letters occurring in inscriptions dating from the beginning
of the Kushana period.12 The language of the inscription is Prakrit influenced by Sanskrit.
That the engraver of the record was not very careful is indicated by the addition of super
fluous matra-signs to letters13 and by the peculiar ' spelling of the word pralis{hapiyati for
1 The macron over e and o is not used in this article. ’
2 A. Cunningham, Mahabodlu, p. 21.-plate XXV.
3 ASIAR, 1922-23, p. 169.
4 JASB, Vol. LXVn, 1898, Part I, p. 2 82.
6 Journal of the Asiatic Society for 1909, p. 661. •
9 No. 949. .
3 No. 1258.
8 A. K. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p. 74 ; The Classical Axe d. 518
9 Mahabo'dhi, plate XXV.'
49 ASIAR, 1922-23, p. 169. '
11 Above Vol. XIX p. 96 f., and plate facing p. 97 ; ibid. Vol. XXXTV, pp. 9-10, and top figure of plate
facing p.-10. ....
42 See Mathura Inscriptions by H. Liiders (edited by K. L. Janert), pp. 116 ff. for a discussion on this topic
43 See note 7 of the text below.
( 123 )
5 DGA/77
5
pratisthapayaii, as well as by the omission of some mdtrds e.g., viharasya (line 1) for
viharasya. An orthographical peculiarity noticed in the record is the doubling of the con
sonant following r, e.g. purvvaye (line l),and sarvvd (line 2). The mixed dialect of the record
and the manner in which it commences and the method adopted for stating the particulars'
of the date are also in the characteristic style of the records of the Kushapa period.1
‘ The date of the record expressed by numerical symbols is stated as the 5th day of the
3rd (month) of summer in the 64th year (line 1). This statement follows immediately
the expression in the genetive case mentioning the ruler, as is usually met with in the records
ot the. members of the Kushana dynasty.2- As in the case of the latter, here also the year
does not refer to the regnal reckoning of the ruler but is to be referred to an era. For the
palaeographical and -other reasons given above, the year 64 may have to be refereed to the •
Saka era which is now generally believed to have started in 78 A.D., and not to a different
era.3 Then the equivalent of the year in the Christian era would be 142 A.D.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a certain Maharaja Trikamala1 who is
not known from - any other record. As there is no mention in the record of any overlord, .
-it appears that this ruler.was either semi-independent or independent. Similar early records3
revealing the existence of rulers of this category are already known, and this suggests that
such rulers held sway, over isolated territories, in North India, more or less in an indepen-'
dent capacity, during this period.
This inscription records the setting up of a (stone?) image of Bodhisattva evidently the
one on the pedestal of which the record is engraved. The words svaklna samartho srama
■; ■» aPPear to qualify the deity represented, but it is difficult to be sure of their real connec
tion.^ The.word Sihdrathd following the expression patimdm, probably stands for Simha-
latha, the name of a person who was responsible for the setting up of the image. The
image appears to have been set up. in a vihara of a certain monk whose name ends with
matyadhara and who was a companion of another monk who was a master of Vinaya (yina-
yadhara) and who was a resident of another vihara of which the name is not clear. The
donor of the image appears to have been a certain lay-woman (upasikd) who was probably
assisted by Dhanna who was a teacher of the law (dharmaka(hika).. Here, too, the passage
artha-dhayma sahdyitiye Dhanna..which follows the word updsikaye, seems to refer,to
1 Luders’ List Nos. 42,66,etc.; especially noteworthy is No. 906. It must be noted here that R. P. Chanda
was quite aware of these early characteristics of this record ; but somehow he was led to believe that the charac
ters are of the Gupta period ” and accordingly referred the year to the Gupta era. (ASIAR,, 1922-23 p. 169)
Though D.R. Bhandarkar was also aware of this feature, he could not resist the temptation of including the
™te4)m h'S L’St ’ PCrhaPS Und6r the inflUenCe °f R' P’ Chanda’s remarJ« (Bhandarkar’s List, No. 1258 and
2 Luders’,List, Nos. 42, 66, etc. .

t • ► P;“ m ASIAR’ 1^22-23, p. 169 has referred the year to the Gupta era. Also see Bhandarkar’s
List, No 1258 where , after expressing his doubt about the ascription of this year to Gupta era by putting a
query after G. (Gupta-Valabhi era), D. R. Bhandarkar has suggested in note 4 under that number, whether
the date should be referred to the Kalachuri era, apparently oblivious to the far-reaching implications of this
suggestion such as the assumption of the spread of the practice of using this era as far east as Bodh- Gaya • which
has not so far been proved by any record. However, this vacillation on the part of D. R. Bhandarkar is indi-
cative of the fact that he was not quite convinced of the ascription of the date to the Gupta era.
4 A’ Cunningham read the name as Tukamala or Turamala although he was not sure of the correctness
of the reading himself (Mahabodhi, p. 21). ness
Luders read it as Tj-ikamata with a queiy (List ,No. 949). R. P. Chanda’s reading, adopted here seems
to be fairly correct (ASIAR , 1922-23, p. 169). ’
. 5 Luders’ List, No. 906, above Vol. XXXI pp. 167 ff., and plates.
No. 17] . TWO BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS 125
thq lay-woman, but its import is not clear. The concluding passage which is almost com
pletely lost, seems to state that this work was for the worship of the parents (evidently of
the female donor) and of the teachers, etc.
The consequence ,of the attribution of the inscription to the 2nd century A. D. is ob
vious viz.i that the image on the pedestal of which it is engraved becomes an example of
the art of the period. It may be said that all the Characteristics of the figure, like mass, work
manship, decoration, etc., being in the style of sculptures of the period in question, become
meaningful only now.1 Its facial features, showing closed eyes are, however, not seen in
the sculptures of the Kushana period especially from Mathura, and such a characteristic
^ is common to sculptures of the Gupta period. But here this feature may be taken as rare
and due to the influence of the Magadha school.
TEXT2
1 Maharajasya Tr[ika]ma3 [la4]sya

5 sa6 60 4 gri 3 di 5 [etajsya purwaye bh-
[i-]ksha (kshu) Vinayadharasya [shta]-v[i]ha(ha)[ra]sya sadhav[i]hari [vina] ___kshu
2 matyadhara-vihare sva kena sa(sa)6 martho srama .......................... [saijlikam Bodhi-

satva-patimam Slharatha pratisthapiyati]]7. upasikaye artha-dharmma-sahayitinlye
Dhanna.. ... . . -[take] .... ye sarvva
3 . . . ................[sa]hayena Dham[m]aka(ka)thikena Dhannena8 imena kusalamulena
matapitunam pujaye bhavatii upadha[ya]................. jaye.. dhar___ dhij
4..................... ya..........
B. Mithouri 'Inscription of [Saka\ year 80
The second inscription0 under study was discovered in Mithouri in the former Rewa
State in Madhya Pradesh, in January 1946 by Dr. B. Ch. .Chhabra, the then Government
Epigraphist for India. It is stated to have been inscribed on a faceted stone pillar. Due
to long exposure to the elements of nature, the pillar has suffered damage. The record
is said to be engraved on three of its faces. On account of the damage caused to the pillar
the writing is not well preserved. There are 17 lines of writing of which 8 lines are engraved
on two faces while the remaining lines are engraved on the third face. The writing in lines
8-11 has suffered damage so much that it is difficult to be sure of the reading of several letters
1 Stella-Kramrisch while clearly noticing these features was led to ascribe the sculpture to the Gupta times
obviously because of the ascription of the record, by other scholars to that period, (Indian Sculpture pp 61
168-69, and Plate XVm, Fig. 54). ’ ’
2 From photograph.
3 This form of m has a wider^belly than the other forms of the letter occurring in this record, and has there
fore the appearance ofp and there seems to be some trace of a line going.downward from its right arm which
makes the whole akshara look like pu which is however only an illusion.
1 This letter is of a form distinctly different from that of t, and its identity with p in line 3 is easy to recog
nise.
5 There is an e-matra also here, but it seems to have been added by inadvertence.
'There is an e-matrd also here but it seems to have been added by inadvertence.
7 This virama is indicated by a couple of slightly curved lines in a horizontal position.
- 8 This virama is indicated by a single horizontal stroke.
• A.R-Ep., 1945-46 , No. B 206.
126 v EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
in them. A chip from the bottom of the third face has been broken and lost causing the
loss of a few letters from lines 16-17. This inscription has heen noticed briefly in Anci
ent India. No. -5, p. 52 with a facsimile on plate XXXIII. Since it has not been fully discussed
so far, it is edited below.
The characters of the inscription are Brahml and resemble those of the record A
dealt with above. Especially noteworthy is the affinity of tie letters m, 1, s and h of the
latter with the same letters of the record under study. The tripartite v in the conjunct letter
sya of maharajasya (line 1) is another noteworthy early palaeographical feature.
Besides, the style of the introductory passage, the manner of giving the date, and the nature
of contents, of this record are similar to those of the record A and others of the period to *
which they belong.1 On these grounds, this record may be assigned to the 2nd century A.D.a
The language is, however Sanskrit influenced slightly by Prakrit, e. g., Vasusya (line
6), and the composition is in prose. It may be mentioned here that though the majority of
the inscriptions of this period are in mixed dialect, records in Sanskrit, dating from this period,
are also known.3 As regards orthography, it may be noted that there is reduplica
tion of consonants after r; e. g., Panina (line 10), Sarvvasenaryydya (line 7) and punvayam
(line 4). It appears that in some letters the mark for the medial a has not heen indicated,'
e. g., maharajayai (line 2) for maharajasya and viharaka (line 5) for viharaka.
The record is dated and the details of the date are given in lines 3-4 as year 80, varsha-
paksha 5, and divasa 10, the numerals being expressed by symbols. In this respect this,
record is similar to the Ginja6 and Bandhogarh6 records. Since the record, for the reasons
detailed above, may be one of 2nd century A. D., the year 80 of the date may be referred
to the £aka era, in which case its Christian equivalent would be 158 A. D.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of a certain ruler named Jangata7 who bore
the titles Bha{{araka and Maharaja. Records of several rulers of this period usually con
tain the title maharaja only, prefixed to their names, and the records of the members of the
Kushana dynasty, contain, in addition, sometimes, the other characteristic titles of theirs
such as rajatiraja, devaputra, etc. The presence of the two above mentioned titles in our
record is, therefore, interesting. The ruler Jangata is also described as Avantlsvara.
Previously this word was read as Vangesvara with a query.8 But the letter nti is distinctly
clear and it is different from the letter hga occurring in the name Jahgata (line 2). It is
also clear that the word Avantisvara is compounded with the previous word as maharajasy-
Avantis varasya. This ruler is known for the first time from this record and it is interesting
to note that he is stated to be the lord of Avanti.
.Avanti was part of Malwa which was included in the dominions of the Western Ksha-
trapas9 during this period. But about the middle of the 2nd century A.D., and for some-
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96 ff., and plate; see also Liiders Mathura Inscriptions, (edited by K. L. Janeit)
pp. 116. ff.
2 See Ancient India, No. 5, p. 52, where the inscription has been assigned to the pre-Gugpta period.
3 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96 ff; ASIAR, 1910-11, Pt.H, pp. 40-48 and plates 23-24; above, Vol. XXIV, pp.,
208-10,No. 7.
4 Of course, there are instances where this spelling is also met with, see Liiders’ List, Nos. 38, 925, 927,.
6 Liiders’ List, No. 906.
8 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 176.
7 In Ancient India, No. 5, p. 52, this name is given with a query, but the reading seems to be all rights
8 Ibid.
9 The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 184 ; see also Liideis’ List, No. 965'. 1 .
No. 17]. : < . TWO BRAHMI. INSCRIPTIONS 127'
time thereafter, due probably to the struggle! for the throne between the successors of Rudra-
daman I (circa 130-50 A.D.,)a there was confusion in the political life of the kingdom, and
this opportunity was perhaps seized. Vupon.. by .the, feudatories of the Kshatrapas or other
local chieftains to declare themselves independent rulers of some territories, at least
for a short period. .Jangata of our record was apperently one of them and he thus became
the lord of the Avanti region. Furthermore, the findspot of the present record .shows that
the sway of this ruler extended in the east upto the.Rewa region. This was possible: because
apparently there was no opposition to this ruler from any local authority in this region. It
has been concluded3 *that* this territory was held by a certain Maharaja Bhlmasena of the
Bandhogarh cave inscription of the year 51!, who, has., been identified, with his; namesake
of the Ginja hill inscription in red paint of year 526 and that his successors continued to rule
in that, region. It is, hpwever, significant that the earliest date of the successor of Bhlmasena,
also known from another Bandhogarh record,fis.year 86(° and no. records of this family with!'
dates in between years 52 and 86 have come to light so far. It appears, therefore, .that, after;
the reign of Maharaja Bhlmasena, there was no political authority worth the name in and
around Rewa region for about a quarter of a century, and this situation was so propitious
for making inroads into this region by rulers like Jang*ata1 of our record, which is dated in
the year 80.
’. The object of the record was the setting up of an umbrella (lines 15-16), obviously of
stone, on the shaft of which this inscription is engraved, over an image of the Buddha in.a
_ Vihara called the Saptaparnna-vihara (lines 9-10). The epithets of the Buddha like, Bhagavatii
Pitamaha, Samyaksambuddha, Atmarinishudana, Dasabala, and Aparimita-guâdhara are
contained in lines 10-14. The person who caused the setting up of the umbrella seems to
be a certain Pettuka (line 7), the son of Jayasena and grandson of Vasu who is stated to be
a householder residing at the vdjaka of another vihara called the Svastinikaya-vihara (line 5),
and it seems that this was done for the sake of one named Sarwasen-aryya whose relationship
with Pettuka is not stated. The writing in line 8 and in part of line 9 is so much damaged
that it is difficult to make out . the passage contained in it. It, however, appears to state: that
Pettuka did the work along with someone else. The passage in lines 17-18 contained the
usual benediction for the welfare and happiness of all sentinent beings.
The epithet bhagayan pitamaha of the Buddha is rarely found in the Buddhist records of
this kind7, and Liiders has opined • that this is a feature of records discovered in the eastern
parts of north India8. But the provenance of the record under study suggests that this charac
teristic had a wider vogue.
There is mention made of two viharas in the record, one called the Svastinikaya-vihara
and the-"other - called the Saptaparnna-vihara. It is not known where the former was situa
ted. The latter was evidently situated in Mithouri, the findspot of the record.
1 The Age oflmperial Unity,p. 186.
‘ Liiders’ List, No. 965.
* Above, Vol. XXXI, PP- 167 ff.
‘ Ibid., pp. 169, 177.
* Luders’ List, No. 906.
'«Above;'Vol. XXXI, pp. 169,170, 178,
7 Above, Vol. XIX, p. 96 f., and plate ; ibid., Vol. XXXVII, p. 152 ; Liiders’ List, No. 910.
* Liiders, MathurdInscriptions (ed. by K.L. Janert), pp. -118-19'
5DGA/77 ‘ ' 6
128 EPIGRAPHIA IND1GA - [Vot. XXXIX
i • TEXT1,. ■ - •• . . - ■ ; ........■-■j
uii:. -.a .■ . ■ _ ... ■ ■' '•-'•■-■A,. •
, Two faces on the shaft i

1 Siddhamijj*]
2. , Bhaftta]2. *raka maharajasy-Avantlsvarasya - j
3 ' Jan^gatasya4 *samvatsare 80 varsha6
4, pakshe 5 divas® 10 eta (ta)yam purwa [yam] ,* .
5 Svastinikaya-viha(ha) raka-vataka-vastavyasya ' ■ • • .
6 " gribapatikasya Vasusya* napta7 Jaya-
. — . ■ ly;; -j ’ ■ 1* - - _ " #
7 senasya putro Pettuka[k] Sarvva[se]n-aryyaya . ..

8- [putregu Hamanaka vuddhl guru]8 *sahi
Third face of the same shaft

i ' ■
9 [saM-£cha dhui]8 Sapta- . ■■ -

10 pamna-vihare Bhagavat
11. Pi8 ta10 mahasya Samya-
12 ksambuddhasy-atmarinishu-
13 danasya DaSabalasya '
14 aparimitagunadhara-
15 sya chba[tram pra] tishthapa-
16 yati..........[sa] rwa-
17 [sa]tvanam[nam]..........[||*]
1 From impressions. *
* This letter is badly formed.
* The horizontal stroke attached to the left of this letter seems to be due to a flaw in the stone.
4 A white patch looking like some broken letter exists above this letter but this is due to flaking off
of the stone at the place. _
1 A space that could accommodate a couple of aksharas after this letter is left blank.
• Sanskrit grammatical declension has not been followed due to the influence of Prakrit.
7 A i-m4tra seems to be attached to this conjunct letter, perhaps by mistake.
• Owing to the damaged condition of the stone at this place, it is difficult to read the letters with
certainty.
8 This letter is not clear due to damage caused to the stone at this place.
10 This letter looks like v, but the horizontal bar at the bottom requires to b,e ignored.
NO. 18—TWO SITAHARA GRANTS FROM DIVE-AGAR
(2 Plates)
. G. S. Gai, Mysore
. F°ur se^s °f copper-plates including the two edited here, were discovered sometime
before 1962 at Dive Agar, a village'in Shrivardhan Taluk of Kolaba District, Maharashtra
State1. They were found by one Shrimati Chandrabai alias Nauriya Panduranga
Nakti in her field in sub-survey No. 4 in survey No. 88. They were first acquired by the
Bhhrat Itihasa Samsodhak Mandal, Poona and then by the Director of Archives and Archaeo
logy, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay, in whose custody they are deposited. The
late Dr. M.G. Dikshit, who was Director of Archives and Archaeology, was kind enough
to permit me to edit these records in the pages of this journal.
• 1- Grant of Ghhittapa, Saka 949
This set consists of three plates, each measuring about 15 cm x 10 cm. There is
•a hole, about 1.5 cm in diameter, in the middle of the upper side of each plate, through
which passes a ring, 2 cm in thickness. The ends of the'ring are soldered into a seal which
is circular in shape and which measures 4 cm in diameter. The seal contains the represen
tation of a seated Garuda, facing front with folded hands and spread out wings. The set,
together with the ring and the seal, weighs about 655 gm. The first and the third plates
are engraved on the inner sides only while the second plate contains writing on both
the sides. •
' The. characters are Nagari and are regular for the period to which the record
belongs, viz., the first half of the 11th century A. D. The language is Sanskrit, prose
and verse, and the draft is full of errors. In respect of orthography, it may be obser
ved that the consonant following r is usually reduplicated and v is used for b.
The record refers itself, to the reign of Ghhittapa of the Silaharas of Northern
Konkan- and gives his genealogy form Kapardin I. This Kapardin I was succeeded by Pulas-
ati or PhullaSakti who was succeeded by his son Kapardin II and the latter by his son Vappu-
vanna. The next king is Jhanjaraja whose brother was Goggiraja. The next ruler, whose
relationship is not given, is Vajjada I, son of Jhanja and Vajjada’s son Aparajita is men
tioned by his epithet Diptimartandadeva. Next comes Vajjada II and his brother Kesideva
who was followed by the ruling king Chittapaiya, son of Vajjada II. In recounting this
genealogy, the inscription does not furnish any historical information about these rulers.
The date is given in lines 22-25 as &aka 949, Prabhava, Pushya vadi 11, Monday,
Udagayana-parvan. This corresponds to 25th December, 1027 A. D., though the
Udagayana-parvan or XJttarayana-sankranti occurred on the previous day.
The object of the record is to grant, by the king, the remission of the tax of 20
drammas to a certain brahmana named Govinda, son of Saudayaiyya of Kasyapa-gotra
1 These have been registered in A.R.Ep., 1962-63, A Nos. 45-48. The two grants edited here are
Nos. 47 and 48 and are briefly reviewed on pp. 21-22 of the above Report.
( 129 )
5 DGA/7-7 7
#
and Bahvricha-sakha and a resident of Dipak-Agara. It is stated that this gift was made
for the orchard called Arama-Gumma, apparently for its maintenance, situated in the village
Velasivagara in the Mandaraja vishaya and donated by the dartdanayaka Nagavarman.
The record was written by JT6upaiya,.the nephew of the. treasury, officer (bhandagarasena)
Nagalaiya who is-described as a great' poet (mahd-kavi). This Joupaiya figures'as a writer
in the Bhandup plates1 of the same Icing..'/ \ 1
As regards the place-names, Dipak-Agara is the same as Dive Agar which is the
findspot of the plates. I am not certain about the identification of Mandaraja vishaya
and the village Velasivagara situated in it,. though it is likely that- they, might be in -the
vicinity of Dive Agar. .. ./. ' ..................
' .TEXT2 *
[Metres : Verses 1, 2 and 6 Anushtubh; verse 3 'Vasantatilaka; verse 4 Sragdhara •

verses 5 and 7 Indravajra], - '■ ’
; First Plate
1 Siddham3^ [ | *] Jayas=ch=abhyudayas=cha H'Labhate sarvva-karyeshu pujaya gana-na-
2 vighnam nighnan-sa vah payad=apayad=Gana-nayakah ||[1*] Sa vah patu îvo

3 nityam yan-maulau bhati -Jahnavi ] Sumeru-si(si)khar-odgachchhad-achcha-
chandra-ka-
4 1-opama || [2*] Jimutaketu-tanayo niyatam dayalurj=Jimutavahana-
5 iti tri-jagat-prasiddhah | deham nijam trinam=iv=akalayan=par-artthe yo raksha-
.6 ti sma Garudat=khalu Sankhachudam(dam) || [3*] Tasy=anvaye || Adyah
sriman=Ka-
7 parddi tad=anu Pulasatis=tat-suto=nyah Kapafddi tat-sunur=vVappuvannah
'8 kshitipatif=abhavat=Jhanjharajas=tato=bhut [ tad-bhrata Goggiraja-
9 s-tad-anu cha nripatir=yVajjaqiacharyyadevas=tasmaj=jatas=tanujas=tribhu-...............
10 vana-tilako Dipti-marttanda-devah ||[4*] Sriman=abhud=Vajjadadeya- . .
11 nama sri-Kesi(si)dev5 nripatis=tato=bhuta(t) || (|) tad-bhratrijo •
12 Vajjadadeva-sunuh £rI-Chcliliittapaiyd .nripatirwa(r=bba)bhuva H-[5*]-

13 Atha svaklya puny-6dayat=samadhigata-pancha-maha-savda(bda)-maha-sa-
14 mant-adhipati Tagarapura-paramesva(^va)ra-tyaga-jaga-[j*]jhampa sa(sa)ra-
15 nagata-vajra-pamjara-prabhriti-samasta-rajavali-virajita-sri-Chchhi- . ...
16 ttapaiyadevarajah saryvkn=e[va*] sva;samva(mba)dhyamaha(na)k5n=anyan=api'
samagami-
.—_______________ ___________________ . ' -■; . . ... r 1 . . ' , )' .
. .
1 Ind. Ant., Vol: y,. pp.277.ff.:. ' ■ . ... ... ^---- ;—r-r-r:-------- ------- :—-
2 Fromth&impressions-taken UndermysupervistonT'-— ‘ . ’
■a Expressed by a symbol.
DIVE AGAR GRANT OF CHITTAPA
Size : Three-fourth
, N0..1#].. ,, f] TWO SILAHAR*r«^ll»ll^«©I¥E-AGAR , 3tt.
17 prada(dha)n=apradMn=In«sa(sa)yino),vli|ftjte>fraijati-8u(pS)ji-satkaa‘-Siai«lii»' •.
18 yaife samdisa(sa)ty=astu vah saviditarii1 *yatha
* j; Asaro-yam samsarah pavana-cha-
19 lita-kamaEnl-dala-gala-jala-lava-tarala-taredlian-iyuste M malyft
20 dridhatara-sfiktivûdMyi*''’saiJigrihyIcfcMuncBLas 'dfna-phalarh(ktn) ■: tatha cha
• Kfita^Ye(TiS)f.;:. ..
21 ta-Dvaparepu(sfau) tap5-ty»lhph,praiât|
danam=e-
•22 katii Kalo(lau) yuge [6*] Iti muni-vachanani matva maya Saka-nripa-k&l-&~
23 ' tita samvatsara-sa(4a)tepu(shu) ■fe?vn;aawas»\>-:;:>.tSKJSa»4i«tetotIia,*|€s#«ll»ki8lm
‘ PrabRava-sanatra-4
24 tsar-Intasggata FidssbaCshya) vadi SMdaiflpEb*] yaW(trifc)kat&*=,pi somvat*
949 Pudya(sl>yaJ::'.;^';;::;:-Si7;.:7;:,\
25 vadi |J SOmp saixxjat=6dagayaaaa=5parvvani su-titthQ(rUhe) snaiva blagtâala-
■ 26 m=Umapatim=aMw^Whd^. ,.lMpalsS|pai?ar--idyasinI: : ,Kasya(|^pii-g9triya va(ba)«
Second Plate : Second Side
27 hvricha-sa(sa)kMaS . shat-kamuna-nirataya. ' maM-vra(brI)liia»!|a-CjSwiiidIga(ya)

Ti(DI)paklya Sandal W '*77.
'28 yaiya-sutaya Mandaiaja-vishaye 'VillsW%aj?v,-Interv¥atf|p&» daftdanl-
29;,, yaka-sri-Nagavarmma-piadata(tt-a)rama-Gummaya v¥iitjsa{ia)ti-dEainiat'' ■ udNMt" ■
30 ti-sagge(rgge)na namasya-vjittya pratipaditah | tad=asya s&vaya vadftd-5' 6 7 * * *
31, r=api bfaurfijatd bh6jayat©;';Yl''svakiy-Srimaka-Gdai&a-^tsWys m
32 ken=api pari-panthana 'karagiyfr |j" yata;
33: .yavaha* dattani rau(pu)ra naredraii®-ddanani dharmm-arttha-yasas-karaye(nu> ;
34 nirmraalyavanti sra(pra)timani tani; ,10" ;Bipa;i#dk»^'J:M, mttpiftdftfi-'.
35 vata11 12
1. [7*] It! matva 'sarwair*agi((pi)''^''8a»ipiabfti| ''"-efci{btt)pll*i|';7'§a{pa)l#.
36 na-dharraa-lobha eva karaniyah | na sba|paJnA=tal>l#pana v,pi^^(8)p#«va(ka)-
37 kmkascbasaâ1*'::sa(Wâ)yitavps^y^la);Jyas'V^tafll#»;''
38 ;tbhya]rttWt6=pi lobhad= ajiiana-timira-patano vrita-sa11
' . * Read sammviditmft,
8 The intended reading isr-vlrakti-buddhya.
*%md$amgrihy^chchharhs^dm. -
4 Read jfwftvo- '■
■ J5 Read «B*var. ■ ;.;,t 77.77 7.7.i V-:, V. ; , . . 7,
6 The letter nS is superfluous,
7 Read s-iinvaya-bandlid-
■ ■* Rg&dy$nthm. :ii]r: ’ !
" <* Read1 1 '■ 7 .s,vs; v.; ..

10 This da$4a is unnecessa|y.
11 Read punar=Sdadi>d. '
12 Read kalank-Sgrisarena. ,
12 Read yas-=tv=evam-a
14 Read patal-avrita-mati-
r
132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vot. XXXIX
Third Plate
39 r=SchchluihdyM=achchMdyamanam=anum6deta va sa pafichabhir=api pya(pa)-
40 takaidu(r=u)papatakais=cha lipto ro(rau)rava-maha-raurav-anta(ndha)-
41 tame(mi)sra(sr-a)di narakamkhe(s=chi)ram=anubhavishyati || yatha ch=ai-!
42 tad=evath tatha sasana-data lekhaka-hastena sva-matam and ^
43 cha yavi** yatha |J mataiit mama mahamapdalesva(sva)ra srlmaeh=Chhittapaiya-.
44 devarajasya mahamapdlesva(sva)ra-srlmad=-Vajjadadevara- '
45 ja-sunoh(no)r=yad=atra sSsane likhitath [j* ch=aitan=ma- ,
46 yi Mmad-raj-anujBayS sSmanta-M-Chchhittapaiya-niyami-
47 eh=cha bhandagara-sena-mahfi-kavi-srI-Na(Na)galaiya-bhratri- ?
48 suta Joupa(pe)na yadatra4 [nyu*]n-aksharam=adhik-aksharamva5 ta-
49 t=sarwarft pramanam=iti [| chha |1 lrir=astu || Mamgalam=iti Jj chha ||
2. Grant of Mummupiraja, Saka 975
This is a single plate measuring 34.5 cm in length, 24 cm in breadth and ,3 cm in thickness

with slightly raised rims. ' A hole, 1 cm in diameter, is found in the middle of the upper part
of the plate interrupting the continuity of writing in the first two lines. The ring, with the
seal if any, is missing. The weight of the plate is 2780 gm.
There are 18 lines of writing on one side of the plate, neatly executed. The characters
are Nagari and are similar to those in the grant of Chhittapa edited above. Initial
vowels a (line 2), d (lines 2, 11, 17), f (line 14), and e (line 16) occur in the record. The
language is Sanskrit prose. In regard to orthography, v is written for b, s for s
and vice versa in some places and the consonant following r is generally reduplicated.
The date is 'given in lines 1 and 2 as' Salta.-078,.-. Vijaya,^ Ashlfha vadi W,-'
In the absence of the week-day, the date is not verifiable. However, the given tithi in the
year Saka 975 corresponded to 8th July, 1053 A.D. when the week-day was Thursday
and the cyclic year was Vijaya as stated in the record.
The inscription belongs to the reign of the Silahara king Mahamundalesvar-ddhipati
Mummupiraja who was the younger brother of Chittar&ja of the record edited above.
He bears a string of epithets, some of which are used here for the first time, e.g.
Pamara-meghddambara, Nishhka-Lankisvara, Vira-charita-Bhdrat-dvatara, tarura-hriday-
dkrishfi-mamtr-dksham, etc.
The charter is in the form of a vyavasthd-patra or a deed of settlement issued by the
ruler Mummupiraja. It is, in fact, a ratification made by him of a previous ryavasthd-petta
1 An unnecessary punctuation mark indicated by the letter chha is engraved alter ch-ci-
8 Read sva-matam=ar0payati.
* These datfdas are unnecessary.
* Read yad=atru.
* Read -dkshamm va.
DIVE AGAR GRANT OF MUMMUNIRAJA
\No. 18] - TWO SEAHARA GRANTS FROM DIVE-AGAR m
issued by Fadmaladevi. This Padmaladevi may be identified with Padmai described
as the queen of Mummuniraja in his Thana plates1 dated Saka 970, The cfee8~0f settlement
relates to the village of Dlpakagara (also called Agara-Dipaka) together with three
ffimaJiiiealed-lfS^^ It is stipulated that the
princes as well as the'.nayakm and (hakwm should not claim any enjoyment ot
v the village and the, hamlets. The brdhmanas should paythe annual levy according tO'flc ■
previous custom.' The fine as'imjmsed by the aSsemMy -of;life S&ieeh:'.p»#tos t#
paid. ^)nly Dlpakagara was exempted from denaka (cess) Md:pa4aêkA fawcoMmoilitioa),
while the :three hamlets are not so exempted. . Tins. vymasttmpatm Was .made jit the presence
oSpipistet (jpradhana) Nariyanaiya, mndhivigrahika Vilthapai|a-nft|ak», the-
Vlsudev-oMdhvava and Natlyapa-panffita, the;astrotoger'?(iFd#w^fc:) t5iviihri,:.&eai«rf
»officer (bhandagara) Joupaiya, sdttdKvigmhika^ T^fareya,''and C/iAâlf-^VSchafâ had:
the 400 brahmam -residents ôfAgafadDIp^-heêd-bf the 16 Mdmttanm, -.The- Biht was
. written by the treasury officer and minister Joupaiya' who was also the writer1 of the- other
pant edjted above.
tleotltfjattt, IsMptllii'wifli
: Div# Agar, the findspot of the plates. The three hamlets viz., VOrivall, JSavils awl
• , which must be in the vicinity of Dive Apr, cannot be identified.
TEXT*
1 Siddham* t ||*] Japi^3h=-abhyudayai^te- ,1 ■ .S^laJka-appa-kalKitlitarSa^y^îSair#-*

sa(Sa)teshu navasu(su) paficha-saptaty-adhikeshu vijâ-Iamvachchhari-i-^
;; ..r'2' ■. ntarggata Asha<jha - vadi palc|amyaffi:-yatr=ihkid#*pi:.:;famvato* ■ ;975 Arth§||ha mdi
i. ady=eha sam-adhi-gat-ase-
3 sha-pancha-mahasavda(bda)-maha-simant-adhipati-Tagarapura-paramesvara-sri-.
Silara-narendra-Jimutavahan-Snvaya-pra-
4 suta-Su(su)varnna-Garuda-dhvaja |7Silara-marttanda j • raja-mirttopd# |s«»fa*
megha-damva(mba)ra j vlra-puran$a(nda)ra I nissa(Sla)hka-Lahtt»
- 5 Svara ripu-munda-mal-a]amkrita-vasu(su)mati-sva(sva)yamva(yamva)ra i vlm-cMlt-
BMrat-avatira ari-vIra-patana-KMa-
6 ra | prati-raja-prajagara j ; raya-chaturahga-jaya-chatura f iaitya-ripti-4alaaa-
Dimodara | taruijihpday-akf*ishti-mam-
7 trlkshara [ sau(sau)rya-mada-gandha-sindhura | ■. - sa(Sa)rap-Igata-vajra.paIj«r-

ety=adi samasta-rajavali-virajita-mahamaiidalesvar-adhipa-
* Above, Vol. XXXVIU, pp. 145 ff.
* From ink-impressions taken under my supervision.
* Expressed by symbol.
9 Read -sarmatsara.
•Read -samatsara.
•Read sathvat.
»This punctuation mark is indicated by a cipher and is redundant. Similar marks in the following
lines are also redundant,
1 Read tmflt-hriday -O’.
5DGA/77 8
>r
134 EPIORAPHIA INDICA
8 tWrlman-M«»miwirfijadiira-vIjaya-rajye | tath=aitrt-iljya-cM«ta(nta-)bhara(raih)
samudvahati maM-sandliivipabika-M-Vitlhapai'nlyake saty^f-
9 tflsnrinskali pravarttamane sa cha maha-mandalesvar-adhipati-M-Mummupideva-

raja(jah) I pradhana-m-Narayaiiaiyah tathf sandhi vigrahika-Sri-Vi- ^
10 tthapai-nayaka(kah) | pur6hita-sri-Vasu(su)dev)6padhyaya(yah) i tatha Sri-Narayana-
pap#ta(tah) I tatha to-DivSkara-jyotishikafkah) | bhiijdfigSia-sena-pradh^
11 na-£ri-Joupaiya(yah) | sandhivigrahika-$rB?hs(tha)kureya(yah) | tath§
chchhepatI-sena4ri-Vachapaiy-a(a)di-pradhlna-purushaiiaih pratyaksham
12 paka-niv5<;i.sbndasa(sa)-niahattaiaka-pramukha-chatussa(ssa)t-6pet5nu(tan) y jjn§|i?
brlhjnapana(f3n) purwaih sri-FadmaladSvi pradatta-vyavastha-patra-vyavasthay=
aim €ta-::';V-‘ ■
13 na(tan) vyavasthipayati yatha jj1 smabliir- d-Dipak-agara-gramah Vdrivali |
1 IJdaija 1 grtma-traya-srfutah KSsh|hfya(yah) kfitah 1|A§ tatr-
/Mi'''sfyajfifvyavasthI j | *1 ;
14 ItaJj prabhriti asmadiya-karane na rajnibhih kumarair=vva bhoktavyab II sSroanta-
nayaka-tth§(tha)kur-8dinam kasy=fipi na deyab (1 vra(bra)hirapais-cha
15 prati-varsham pnrwa-rudhya siddhayo deyah | shodasa(Sa)bhib smarika-madhyi
vichirite dap# dSyah | Dipak-agarasy- aiva denaka-padapa-
16 k-adikaih na grahyam | prag-likhita-grama-trayasya tu punah mandalacharena dcnaka-
padanak-adikarh p2(gra)byam ||- evam=anaya vyavasthaya purvva-
17 ka(chi)repa vyavaharanto vr2(bra)hinapa a-chandr-Srkkaih prati-palaniylh | Ukhitam
ch=aitan=maha-bhapdagara-sena-pradhana-sri-Joupaiyen=eti ||
18 Srir=astu ||
1 An ava tcha mark is engraved after the two strokes. Read yatha-
. No. 19-TWO EARLY TELUGU CHOLA INSCRIPTIONS FROM BAMNENiPALLl'
, (1 Plate)
K. V. Kamebh' and S. S. Ramachandka Murihy, Mysore

*>»
# The two inscriptions edited. here with the kind permission of the Chief Eplgraphkt,
Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore were;. found engraved on two stone slabs'set up at
.I.- till! fCIlr entrance to the Ramasvamin temple at Badinenipalle, Cumbum taluk, Rtirnooi
; ; ^ district, Andhra Pradesh. Both these inscriptions, hereafter referred to as A1 and B*for tie
sake of convenience, are in Telugu language and the earls Tetagu-JCannada characters pala-
; eographically assignable to' the- 8th century. 'While inscription A is in good- state of -preser-
vation and the text is'in 7: fines, Inscription B. written in 16 lines has suffered -some-damage
at the bottom resulting in the mutilation of lines 14-16. The palaeographies! features of
: of these -records - are- -regular to. the period-'to which they are assigned .while the following
' ' orthographical features- are -noteworthy. In both'' these records y is palatalised into j ia the
expression stirjyagr4/ia*]na (line 7). In'inscription A both the class nasal mi the
_ anus vara are found simultaneously used in the expression prasidamtehiski (line 3).
Attention-may be drawn to the imprecatory portions, of both' these inscriptions wherein
the place- Galtu-KodjapaJJi (inscription A, lines 4-5) or KbdJapaJJi (inscription B, line 13)
•: 'is mentioned, as a holy place, the destruction of which will amount to a mahapdtaka.
Though this place cannot be identified it was obviously a place of great sanctity in those days.
A,—Inscription of Bikramahadityaraju
This undated., record, as pointed, out above, is-paJaeographically assignable to the 8th cen-
ry.. The initial letters cl i and « each occur-once in ."lines 2,'-3 and 5 respectively. The
record'commences with the.auspicious: word syaitt- (line .1) followed by. 'the- infeoduetion
(lines 1-2) of the ruling Tetagu-Cftola chief BilommaBMityarlju (Vikramlditya) as belonging
to the Solar race, Kasyapa-gotra and KarikSl-anvaya. The inscription -next .-records the
grant as pannasa, of a land of the extent of being sown with 2 kfmpiukm of seei'-'measured
by the rdjamana to Alabola Sabisarmma by the chieftain. The gift-land "is stated to be
.situated; in XopduR* NuAganyu.3 Lines 3-5 are in the nature of Imprecatory passages
In Telugu and lines 6-7 contain one and a half imprecatory verses in Sanskrit.
. - "The reference to the chieftain Bikramahadityaraju is of interest. The'epithets ascribed
to him.make it dear that he was .a member of the Teiugu-choja family. It k known' from a
'few other inscriptions* that during the 6th-8th centuries a family, of the Tetagu-CItoias was
holding sway over Renapdu-7000, a territory which comprised a major portion of the
Cuddapah and parts of the Kolar and the Chittoor districts. The undated record* from
1 A.R. Ep., 1949-50, No. B 232.
8 Ibid., No. B 233.
’T*tis may be a mistake for Kovduka Pinumganrulu. as it occurs in inscription B below-
* Above, Vol- XXVII, pp. 220 ff.
* Ibid., pp. 236 ff.
( 135 >
5 DGA/77
/T
J3§ EPIGRAPHIA 1ND1CA [Vol. XXXIX
Chilamakuru, Cuddapah district, palaeographically assignable to the same period to which

our record belongs, refers itself to the reign of Vikramadhya-choJa-maharaju. It is not
unlikely that Bikramahaditvaraji. of cur record is the same as Vikramadnya-chola-maharaju
of the Chilamakuru record. If this is accepted, the provenance of the present record
suggests that the Telugu-Chola ruler had extended his sway over parts of the kurnool legion
either by conquest or as the feudatory of an imperial ruler ol his time. ^
Of the place-names mentioned in the inscription Konduka Nurmganru’ may denote
either a village or merely a locality. The name is not found on modern maps.
TEXT*
First piecei3 *4 * *
1 Svasti[ ; *] Siirjya(Surya)-vams-odbhava-kula-tilaka Kasya(sya)pa-gotra Karikal-anvaya

2 sri-Bikrama’naditya'rajul Alaboja Sabisarmmaku Koncluki Ntzrhg-anrla laja-^^-.
3 manaritbu iru-gandug-adlapattu pannasa prasudarhhchefchcjsiri [ [ *] diniki vakrambti
4 vachchuvaru Bi(Va)ranafna)si fetchchinava(va)n ru Gattu- —
Second piece
5 KodlapaUi Jachri(chchi)na papambagu [ uttarambuna gufla® velpu7 [ | “]
6 “yasya yasyafsya) yatha(da) bhumi[s*]=tasya tasya tatha(di) phalam(lam) [|| j
7 Samdattarh8 *para-dattam(ttam)
* va yo hareti vasundhara[m j *] shashtim varisha"
safha*]srani narake pachyate11 tu salt [!(*]
B.—Inscription of Bikkiraju
This is also an undated record like inscription A and can be assignee to the same period
to which the latter belongs. The only initial vowel that occurs in this inscription is a and
iloccurs thrice in lines 6, 8, and 9. This record commences with the auspicious word svasti
(line 1) followed by the introduction (lines 1-3) of the ruling Telugu-Chola chief Bikkiraju
who as in the case of the ruler referred to in inscription A, is stated to belong to the Solar
race* Kasyapa-gofra and Kurikakanvaya. The inscription records (lines 3-8) the grant as
i See footnote in p. 135 above.

• From the inked e-umpages. .
s To the left side of the piece are engraved a crescent and a circle represcentmg the moon and «k sun
espec.ively.
• Read VikramaAitya0.
4 See footnote 3 in page 135 above.
6 Probably for gmtla-
t An expression like lachchina papambagu needs to be supplied here.
• The first pMa of this verse viz-, Bahubhir-vwsmtha etc., has been omit ter. nerc.
•Read Sradatt’-m.
» Read shashtirvarsha .
u The letter cha has been engraved in a peculiar way.
INSCRIPTION OF BIKRAMADITYARAJA
Size : One-eighth
INSCRIPTION OF BIKKIRA.TU
Size : One-fifth
TWO EARLY TELUGU CHOLA INSCRIPTIONS FROM 131
BADINENIPALLE
pannasa of a land of the extent;of being sown with Aputtis of seeds to.thc-PuMnJRevahabdlu
in. favour of Kodlapahi by .'the. cMeftain. The grant was made on account of a solar, eclipse,
and the gift-land is ' stated to have been 'situated in Konîika'Kauaftfaar®..
is. stated that the proper maintenance of the said grant devolves on Sobagatia-peggfdfc ...In
lines 9-11 it is stated that the tax on the gift-land will be 7 putim .of a-grain os a-teM-of.4
putiis *5f seeds, 1 lumu of ghee. and; 1- gold gadydtja. Lines 12-16 .contain, imprecatory . pass
age in Telugu,
-Since Bikkiraju receives., the-same epithets as -Bikkramahidityaraju of Inscription A and
since BikM is a well known'..abbreviation of the name. Vikramaditya, he may be idea tiled
with the ruler mentioned in inscription A and also in the Chilamakfru inscription.1
; it is interesting to-note.-that the. donee ■ Puja[ri] Revanabota received the grant in the ■
name of the village. Kodjapalji. . He was obviously a,priest of some, important temple in
that village. KodlapalJi, ..which is mentioned as Gattu-KodjapaJli.in inscription A, itself
^pears to haves been a place of considerable sanctity, for, it is mentioned; ia ■ inscription A
as well as the present one in the imprecatory portion.
It has already been discussed regarding-the identification' of the places mentioned in. the
record.
TEXT*
1 Syasti; [|*] Surjya (Surya)-vams6tbhava (dhbava) [knlaj
: 2 laka Kasya (Kasya)pa-gotra Karikal [ap....
3 srlmat Bikkiraju srl-Puja.
4 Revanabolaku Koijduka Pinuga[nrla]
5 padumaru polamu pannasa
6 nal(nll)gu vutlu a(a)dla pau« raja[mft]-
7 narhbu Surjya(Surya)-gra[ ha* ]na-nimiivarnu Kodjapa-
8 Hi adi yichchiri ['■*] yin-nela taginavaru Soba-
9 gana-peggadalu [| *] dlni ari nal (nSlJgu vutlu
10 golgu doyendu vuttalu tumendu _____________
1 Op. cit.
* From the inked estampages.
*Read Karikalunvaya.
138 EPIGRAPH IA INDICA
11 neyu ga<lya(dya)naniu pasindiyu [|^]
12 dlni stith.i(sthiti) dappi oherichma(na) va(vi)ru-
13 rana(pa)s:yu K-odlapaJliyum-ali-
14 sinava{va)ru pritivi (ppthiYi) dukiamu ...
15 nava(va)ru i| [yi] bumi yi
16 .. .ru Gammanati [pe]...
No. 20—AN INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALA-CHAMTAMULA
FROM AI I I RU, YEAR8
(/ Plate)
P. R. Srinivasan. Mysore
The'inscription1; is engraved on an octagonal limestone pillar discovered recently at

a stupa site at Allm u,2 Nandigama. Taluk, .Krishna District, Andhra Pradesh. It is in two
..pieces. Its present height is -.about: 2m, Its top portion is..broken and missing, At its
•bottom there is.. a carving ofm half lotus medallion, usually .seen on the uprights from the
stupas of Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda. The writing;: covers three-faces of the pillar.
Probably due to the Fact that the pillar .wak lying-with the face which fortes-the.middle one
of the three faces, on. the floor, this face'Ms been eaten up by the soil, with theTesuft that'
.-.almost all the lefters;engraved .on this face have been damaged beyond' recognition, -C.oti-
.-sehuently -the text of the inscription has lost some important- words.' Notwithstaitding this
. serious handicap, the purport of the -record- is- fairly clear. . There are twelve lines of writing,
"the; spacing'between the. lines is perfect, and the letters are-written-neatly-and beautifully.
The characters of the epigraph belong to the lkshvaku alphabet and the i$sg«8ge is
Prakrit. The writing shows only once a conjunct letter in VeplmsirP (line 2).
.It refers itself to the reign of the lkshvaku ruler Ehavala Chantamula.1 There-is no
mention made of his father or grand-father. The traces of letters after mmffia in line.8,
show that the phrase used here was Ikhakmam siri. The date is given as the 40th d»y of
;-;the filth fortnight of the sumnier -season in the. eighth year. This is-the- third
inscription dated in the eighth regnal year of the ruler, the two5 other inscriptions being
found at Nigarjunakonda -proper. -The latter two belonged to the fourth fortnight /of the
summer - season.'... of. the year white the inscription under-examination belonged to the fifth
fortnight of the same season.
-.- The object of the record is .stated in lines 1-8 . It is the erection of a-.stpne pillar
at a place of which the name ends in ' rage. Probably it- referred to Halim Itself where tfcis-
inscribed pillar is found. The pillar is described as righteous and one which causes the
crossing over of the world (obviously the cycle of life and death or samara). It is stated
to have been erected by Vcnhusiri, a giimika (a villager or more probably- the ..headman)
residing at Halura, for the accumulation of religious merit of his wife Chaiftdi, of fakhasiri.
1 Registered as No. B 13 of A.R.Lp. 1976-77.
2 This place has yielded a very interesting inscription in Brahml characters of about the end of the 1st
century A.D., registered as No. C 331 of A.M.Ep. for 1924 and plate facing page 97.
* For his other records see above, Vol. XXXV, p..<5;'Vol. XXXI, p, 62, Ins. G 2; ibid,, p. 62, Ins. G 3;
Vol. XX, p. 23, Ins. G; Vol. XXXV, y. 8. Ins A; Vol. XXI, p. 9-,.Ins, B; Vol. XXXIII, p. 149; Vol. XX,
p, 24, Ins. H; Vol. XXXV, p. 10, Ins, 3; Vol. XXXIV, p. 19 f.; Vol. XXXV, p. 11. Ins. 4; Vol, XXIX,
,’p 139; Vol. XXXV, p. 13, Ins. 5. His title is spelt variously as Ehmuta, Ehavala, Ehavala and Ehavala, but
in a large number of instances Ehavala is used.
6 Above, Vol. XXXV, p, 8, Ins. A, and plate; Vol. XXI, p, 9, Ins. B, and plate.
( 1391
5 DGA/77 10
140 EP1GRAPHIA INDICA IVoL. XXXIX
Nigasiri and another, whose name is lost, belonging lo the Balakasa community (?) and '
of other intimate; arid close relatives. .The. name of the ruler mnd the . particulars-' of date*
mentioned above are contained,, in .lines 8-9. ilie lines. 10-1.2 where also the letters in the
middle sections are lost make mention of teachers residing on a hill (seta-sikhara) of which
the name is not clear, and of a certain Cliaiittenaka with the suffix vast (resident ?) and
seems to state that this (i. e. the ejection of the pillar) was for the religious merit "of .a. group
of the Buddhist monks fr) called the [Ka] raUTafarimaj&k&s (Skt. Karatalaparimirjakas—
those who use their hands for cleaning). ■ *'• ..
'Regarding the probable reign-period of the Iksfavaku1 *king Ehavala €h$mtamflla,
nothing can be said definitely.' ' This may, however, be stated fiorn the palaeography and
• language of this record and otter rtcdfds of his times that his reign-phriddfell wiritta thd*
third century A. D. Itself, and it, at any rate, did not extend much beyond 300 A.D,
This record-, is. important in more ' respects than one. It shows that-..-Buddhism.-':
continued to exist,at Alluru at least, till the date of this record viz., the 8th year, of; The
Ikshvaku. .king Ehavala Chfimtamfcla. It refers to a group of teachers residing on a hill of
which the name is lost, known for the first time only from this inscription. Already,; we
know of two groups of teachers called Aparamahavinaseliya or Aparaselika, from Nagfirjuna-
konda inscriptions5 and Puyaseliya from the earlier record from Alluru3 already referred to.'
The- Karatalaparimajakas, probably a group of Buddhists or Buddhist monks (?) are ...known.,
only from, this record, the'description of the stone pillar as
maya is noteworthy. ' r ,
Two geographical names occur here. One is Haliira (line 1) which is evidently
the ancient name of AlISi u where the present inscription has been found. The other is
[Ava]nagaselseihtara (line 10 ) which is difficult to identify.
TEXT4
1 Sipamm6 [jj*] Halura-vatliavena gamikena
2 Venlntsirino apand bhayaya chamdiiya
3 Balakasanam ...... Jakhasiriya
-4 Nagasiriya ....... sa sachatlga
5 mim-saffibadhi bam[dhava]-ja.sa,ma[ta]-pumjnopa- .. m;-
6 chaya-sampadfflne loka-samtarano v- ! .
7 dhammairayo sela-khambho . . . rage patitha-
8 pito ramjno [lkhakunam] siri-Ebavala- Cham
9 tamfiiasa samvachhara 8 gi-pa 5 diva 10
TO ackariyanam [avanajgasela-sikhara-vasi-
11 nam vasi-Chamdanaka..............[ka]ra-tala-parima-
12 jakanaift amriyae-sarhgha{ sa pujnaye ] []|*]
1 Contra, above Voi. XXX¥, p. 2.
a Above, Voi. XX. op- 4, K), etc.
* A. R. Ep„ .1924, No. C 331, line.17.
•4 From im-'-rcssions.
5 Read Sidham. A scratched figure looking like dha is seen below pa. The final m is engraved below
this line.
"Read anya.
GMOIP (Pub Unit), Sant.—SI—5 DGA/77—1-6-85—1,000.
ALLURU INSCRIPTION OF EHAVULA CHAMTAMULA
Size : One-sixth
Itllll
i
!IM
. t< ' CONtENTS _
No. 21. Jayarampur Plate of* Gopacliandra . By P. R. Srinivasan,

Mysore. . . ........................................................
No. 22. Four Inscriptions of Sivagupta Balarjuna from Sirp‘ur. By
S. Sankaranarayanan, Mysore and Balachandra Jam,
}V
No. 23. Three Telugu Inscriptions from K. V.
No. 24. Note -on Four Gupta-period Inscriptions. By P. R. Srinivasan,

sore......................................................................................
By B. R, Go-
No. 26. Dhundsi Inscription of Krishna III. By Madhav N. Katti,

No. 2J_ JAYARAMPUR PLATE Of ^WpACHpIDlA
(1 Plate)
’The copper-plate inscription * edited below is stated to have been *;‘4iseo««MJn 19® .
^by a certain Syamsundara Jenna while excavating the earth near &-moundip the vfllaige.sf
Jayarampur” * in the Bhhgafai sub-division, . Balasore District; -€>rissh:» - Subsetflently' It
was acquired by the Orissa.-State Museum, Bhubaneswar, Its impressions' w®®;s:e©ured''by
me while! was camping at Bhubaneswar in December 1964 during tny;:annua!,eol|*ctiofi toujv
"It has been publil!»gd.ly:pB!trS4^»r3itt-$g$û:jurthe:Qris$a Historical Research Journal
Vol. XI, pp. 206 ff. together: with a very: unsatisfactory facsimile. Dwing to -i
tance of the charter, it is edited here in greater detail8,
It is a single copper-plate measuring 27,7 cm long and 19 cm broad, with,®' .citewte scat;y
having a diameter of 5.2 cm attached to the middle of the left side. The details in the'*aT ;
are not clear. The plate has writing on both sides, and. the' rims of the plate have not been •
raised to protect the writing. Owing.to this fact and also to the corrosion.:theplh%vli3*. suffer*
ed, the writing has not been preserved well in some places, and some letters have therefore
been obliterated beyond recognition in those places and consequently. the''.:f.a#.#ges'there:,«i'
difficult to make out. This plate weighs 1165 gins.
The writing'.consists of 51. lines with obverse having- 25 lines'.and'''the' MW*be.-.2S" fatet
The characters are late Brahrnl and there is a-prominent dash-like stroke st the top
of each character. They may he seen to be closely -akin to those of the Khoh plates of the
Maharaja Samkshobha of the year 209. They may also be found to be somewhat similar
to those of the KSritalai plates5 of the Maharaja Jayanitha of the year 194. the KJhoh rimes-
.of the Mahardja Sarvanatha of ths'year -193: and the fiftp-Boar inscription,; of - T8ramSfa,f
In all these cases the letter y of the characteristic tripartite type, with its' left anti-/being curved -
up slightly or fully. Though the cforicters of the charter,.-under-study..-are-, also somewhat
similar to those of the three Faridpur plates,8 there the letter y show-not only-Ihhrnore deve
loped form with its'left-R«n having a hook shape but also the still more developed form when,
the tripartite shape has given place to a shape resembling the letter p w th an elongated dent
at its left bottom.. In view: of this palaeographica! feature,- the. record -ipty-i#. Wsig-:
ned to about the early part of the 6th century A. D. In refpect of other pal»ap-*phical- fea
tures, this record resembles, the above-mentioned charters, - including the- use of two forms' of
h, one with the archaic shape -of the letter r curving up- to left and the-othsr with the moredeve-'
loped shape of curving to right and hooked. The vowels u (line 3), it (lines 43,4S)s
1 This is registered as:No. A 42 of A. R P. ; : ’ — "*~ ——
2 Orissa Historical Research Journal, Voi, XI p. 206.
8 Dr. D; C. -Sircar .has. .given a running .text, in part-sin the-.recent edition of his ISeket Mieriftimsji9$5}
pp: 530-31 for which he made use of the impressions of the piste prepared by us.
4 CII., Vol., III. plateau facingp. 112.
* Ibid., phte Xvi, facing p. 120.
8 Ibid., plate Twii, facing p. 128.
’ Ibid., plate Xtti A, facing p. 160.
8 //irf. Ant., Vol. XXXI, plates HII between pp. 1 >6-207, and the discussion on the development of
fetter y on pp. 206-208,
4DGA/77 * ( 141 ) 1
142 . EPIGRAPHIA IND1CA . '[Vql. XXXIX-
u (liaes 32, 48) and § (line 50) occur. The letter t and bh are indistinguishable in several
places. The medial i and e are to be understood in many places only from the context.
Similar is the case with s and sh, the latter being generally shown with a larger loop at left.
The subscripty is indicated in a right angular as will as a cursive manner.’
The language of the record is chaste Sanskrit and the text is partly in prose and
partly in verse. Some passages like the one describing the'ocean (lines 32-35) are poetic in
character. In respect of orthography, the record shows the use of v for b, and the doub
ling of a consonant following r. ,•
The record contains particulars of date, stated in words (line 10) like the 20th day.
in the. month of Fhalguna of the first increasingly victorious year in the reign of
Mahardjadh.itaja-sri Gopachandra. This date is repeated in symbols in line 50.
The object of the record is that the king at the request of the feudatory Mahasdmanta-.
Maharaja-Achy granted the village of SvetavSlika-grSma, 'after' purchase,/.for tie
construction of a Buddhist monastery, at a place (name not clear) presided over by
the Buddhist deity Aryya-Avalokitesvara, for worship and offerings at the institution and ;
for the maintenance of the Buddhist community at the place, as a tax-free gift but with the
stipulation that the feudatory or the Buddhist establishment should pay annually* 100
Arlpiridalea ehurrinikds, probably a form of currency.
The record begins with the word svasii. Then in lines 1-5, there is a beautiful descrip
tion of the earth. In lines 5-6 there is a description of a family to which one Dbanschandra,
belonged. His wife was Giridevl. In lines 7-10. the donor* king Gopachandra is refe
rred to. He was evidently the son of Dhanachandra through Giridevl, . Gopachandra''is
styled as Mahdrdjddhirdja andParamamahe&vara and he is described as the cause for the esta-:
blishment of varnrta (casts) and dsrama (the stages in life), as dharma (justice) incarnate,as one
who bad obtained the iakti-traya (i.e., the mantra, prabhu and utsaha), as one who excused
even those who did harm to him as one who'had made the whole group of kings-bow fo'-hinv-
and as one who has a large heart. Further he is described as one who was enthroned as the '
ruler by the people. The passage in line 10 contains the date expressed in works when the
grant was made, viz,, the 20th day in the month of Phfilguna of the first year in the king’s
growing and victorious reign. In lines 10-13, the king’s appeal to several royal olfcials both
of the present time and of the future at Svetavalika-vithl, is contained. The officials
included Kdrttdkritika, Upartka, Kumardmatya, Rajanaka-Vijayavarmma, Vishayapati,
Tadffyttktaka, and others subsisting on the grace of the ruler. Vijayuvaitnma'njentioned ■
here may not only be a Rajanaka but he may have held the other positions of Kumard
mdtya, etc., referred to earlier. Any way the real import of the mention of a person named
Vijayavarmma at this place is not easy to understand, because usually this passage contains a
list of designations of officials only- Furthermore, it is stated that the king appealed to the
mahamahattaras, mahattaras, pradhdrtas and adhikaranas of king’s station and of the twenty
agraharai and from other villages. Then follows (lines 13-14) the statement by-the king that,
he was requested by his feudatory Mahasamanta-Maharaja-Achyuta as follows.: “lit your
vithi, there has been and continues to be the gift of villages, fields and house-sites after pur
chasing them from you, made by many sddhus for the gods, dvijas (Brahmanas) viha-
ras, and hdras-vasathi, There is the uncert- i inity of the life of all beings. So I a-ffi interested in
building a vihdra in this place (name not clear) presided over by Aryya-Avalokiteivara des
cribed as Ratna-chaityddbhma, khydpita-asesha-tribhuvana-pmtapa-mahatmyatiiaya and Bha-
gavdn, and am interested in donating a village for providing the means for bali,chatou,gandha,
pushpa and pradipana, evidently at the vihdra, and for providing the Buddhist community
No. 21] JAYARAMPUR PLATE OF GOPAC HA N D R A 143
. (Aryya-Samgha) with the necessities for their food, bed. seat, recreation and medicines. So.,
be. pleased to grant through, a copper-charter the village of Svetavalika-grima by : seUing”.
then follow some passages in lines 20-24 which are difficult to make out owing to the ^ corro
sion the plate has suffered at. this, place. But here occur references to the. sitaatwof
the village near the; sea-shore,, to. the accruing of. ..one-sixth- of., the merit, of kks^Smrfm
to ..the Paramabhattdraka. and to the . officials . like.-- the
viniyuktaka, kumSrdm&tya and .r<f/dn#:«- in charge- of-.Dan^b-hukti.: The.-pasiages . iii:
lines 25-28 are aisp: not easy to. male out. owing to the wearing .oat- of the. plate --here. -Bat it
appeapuhat these .passages refer, to various'district officials by name who were probably to
be consulted in connection' with, the sale of the vilage of Sv€tavalika. They, iadoded IffiM-
niahaitara-Gtsh&wimm, .-l&Aatfflm-Dharaiasvamin, Mahamra-JMymt^xmn, Makatim-
Endrasvamin and several pmtlmws and kamnikas. -Here'figures Pmtapela -Bkogabtisita
. who is evidently the same, as the one mentioned -at the -end-of the record us the heater of the
plate. In lines 29-30, mention-.:is Made of the completion of the formalities of -the sale and of
the maxing of the gift, evidently: fey; the. king, for the increase of the merit of his.-parents and
of himself, to. the monks, of-the Mahayina order of the °padra (name -of the p^mis net pre
served). In line JO, the :PustapdlaJfAm<k& and., the Dharammakarapiku JufSil/ijw-Sthayapala
of the Bhar6laAgal.Mvi.tM are mentioned, probably as witnesses. Then follows the passage in
lines 30-31, which says-that the village, made.free from all imposts, was given to Mahasammte-
• Achyuta with the'stipulation that, annually one hundred Ari-piijdaka-dturm^fk should be
paid in this behalf. TjJiis. payment was to-be made probably-by Achyuta,*or it. may be that it
was to be made by'the monks of the MahaySna order.- The boundaries of the gift-villages
are stated in lines 32-37. There was the IJtk.iTa-khi'|ika..in. the east : Bhagavm lalanidbi,|
(i.e. ocean), described in a beautiful kavya style, in the south (here the .reverential, description
of the ocean is noteworthy); the house-site of Damga-grimaG'iB).adeva-mant!ala in tie. west;
the area (iMesa) called'Srigala-padrika in the north west'-; then in the north upto the gifrillfH
of the grihadhisfithaka Adiyadastt; then,there was the mapdola-xsheiro of Bfmgevm Govgavara ;
there were a 'banyan' tree'and a couple of 'Chchharapeta in the north -east ; and again in the
east there weresome tanks. The passage-'in line's 37-39 relates to the request of the donor to
the officials for the protection of the gift and to the warning to a member of Ms family anti to
nny other person that if he was to--harm the gift induced -by passion, hatred, or avarice he
■.. should incur the'sins due to the commission of the,partcha*mahaptitaka and -ttpapimbtf - !»
lines 40-50, thirteen customary verses are quoted extolling the giver of land and enumerating
the sins that -would be incurred by. one who.disturbs: or causes hindrance/to the .gift. The
plate is stated to'have-been heated-by Pustapald Bhogabhatfa and the text written by Xmmsflm
Manadatta (line 50). Then'-the date as year 1, Phaigima tli {dimsa) 20 is given. In line SI
the passage reads as kfmtram ■Chitiukena. Here khatram seems to be a mistake for: fclmstmk--
■■meaning ‘incised’. Then- the passage will mean that the record was incised.'by' C-M'IMes,
. This inscription is important in many respects. From the point of view of poli
tical history,-it gives a very interesting-information that''MakarAjdSumjt, GSpachandra was
enthroned as the nilar by the people (prajabMr-ardpit-iMiitajyah, lines 7*8). In all pro
bability this ruler is identical-with his namesake who was the issuer of the Faridpir copper
plate inscription of the year-181 -and the Mallasirul copper-plate inscription of-the-year 33.*
The present charter being issued in the first year in the .reign- of the ling becomes ■ thus the
1 bid. Ant., Yol, XXXIX, 19-10 pp, 204. ff. and plate ; Bhandartar's List, No. 1724 Sekct Imertptmm,,
(1965) pp. 370 ff. and'note 1 on page 370 where- the year of the date is corrected to 18 from l-f/regd- by Pargiter.
Above, Vol XXHI, pp. 159 ff. and plate ; Select inscriptions, (1965) pp. 372 ff.
A
144 EPIGRAPHIAINDICA [Vol. XXXIX
earliest record of his rule. Even in his first year Gopachandra is given the tiite maharaja- •
dhiraja which clearly indicates that the Gupta rule over the region around Jayarimpfir where
the plate was discovered broke down completely and the family to which Gopachandra belon
ged which must have been subordinate to the Gupta sovereignty became completely indep
endent when Gopachandra was installed as the ruler. About his parentage the two other
plates of his reign referred to above do not say anything, whereas the present record states
that his father was Dhanachandra and mother Giridevl. Further his family is praised hand
somely in some passages, (lines 4-6) and this shows that he belonged to a respectable lineage.
Though his family is praised Dhanachandra is not endowed with any royal titles. This ‘Shows
that he was not a man of importance but only his son became very active and important in
the administration of those times so that when there was a break down at the time in the impe
rial administration, the people chose him to be their ruler. The findspot of the plate shows
that his family, in all probability, belonged to this region. The mention made of several offi- '
eials administering Danclabhukti indicates that Gdpachandra held sway, even at the beginning
of his rule, over this area. Gradually Gopachandra must have extended his sway to the
Faridpur District in Central Bengal and the Burdwan District in South West Bengal as can
be inferred from the places of discovery of the two other charters of his mentioned above.
As regards his period, there is, as expected, some doubt. According to Pargiter he was
later than Dharmaditya of the other Faridpur plate, on palaeographies! grounds.1 But the _
palaeography of the. charter under discussion appears to be earlier than that of the Faridpur
plate of Dharmaditya as has been stated above. Further the Mallaslrul plate of Gopacha
ndra was issued during his 33rd regnal year by his subordinate Maharaja Vijayasena, who is
considered to be the same as Maharaja-sri-mahasamanta-'Sijayasena figuring as Dutaka in the
Gurtaighar plate of Vainyagupta dated in the Gupta year 188 (=507 A.D. ),2 and this fact has
been taken in to account to place Gopachandra immediately after 507 A. D.,3 which appears
to be a reasonable proposition. In our present plate, too, a rajanaka Vijayavarman figures.
It is difficult to say whether this Vijayavarman or his family had any connection with Vijaya
sena or his family mentioned above. If Gopachandra of our charter is identical with Go
pachandra of the above mentioned charters, then we might say that he, in all probability, star
ted ruling from circa 510 A. D., and that he might have ruled upto about 543 A. D. by adding
33 years to his reign as per his Mallasarul charter which is dated in the 33rd year of his reign.
The object of the charter under study seems to lend support to this conclusion. In the
Gurtaighar plate, referred to above, the gift of land was made to a Buddhist vihara called
Aryya Avalokitesvar-asrama-vihara.4 In the present charter which is only a few years later
than the above one the gift of the village was made for building a Buddhist vihara presided
over by the god Aryya-Avalokitesvara and for worship and offerings therein. This is only an
expected thing, for it appears that though GOpachandra was a staunch devotee of Siva- he
is called a paramamahesmra— be had to support the other faiths like the Buddhism imme
diately after he was made the ruler, in order to enlist the support of all the subjects under
his rule. Interestingly the other two charters of his reign deal with gifts made to brih-
xnapas. The same is the case with the charters of Dharmaditya* and Samacharadeva® who
may have followed Gopachandra in the rulership of Eastern India.5
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX p. 207 ; Select Inscriptions (1965), p. 370. note 1.
* Select Inscriptions (1965), pp. 340 if. ■
* ibid., p. 372, note 6.
4 Ibid., p. 341, text-lines 4-5.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 195 ff.
* Above, Vol XVIII, pp. 74-86.
J See The Classical Age, pp. 76-77 where this order of the kings is given.
JAYARAMPUR PLATE OF GOPACHANDRA
Obverse
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
Reverse
Scale : Two-third
No. 21] JAYARAMPUR PLATE OF GOPACHANDRA 145
The plate under study reveals for the first time a feudatory of Gopachandra, named
Mahasamanta-Maharaja Achyuta at whose request the former permitted the gift of the vill
age of Svetavalika-grama by purchase as recorded in the charter. Evidently this Achyuta
was a local chief just as Vijayasena of the Mallasarul plate was another chief in that locality.
As has been stated above, the gift was made for erecting a vihara at the site (name not
•■clear) of another vihara presided over by the Buddhist deity Aryya-AvlokiteSvara, as well as
for providing food etc. to the monks of the Aryya-Samgha there. Aryya-Avlokitesvara is
•■one of the Bodhisittavas or the future Buddhas according to the Mahayana sect of Buddhism.
The Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta, mentioned above, also refers to a vihara of the
same deity, and records the provision made for worship and offerings to the Buddha
• therein- It is clear from this that during those times the Mahayana sect of Buddhism and
the worship of Aryya-Avalokitesvara were popular in the region- Though the village
£vetavalika-grama is aid to have been given exempting it from the payment of all taxes,
. a stipulation is made that an amount.of one hundred Aripindaka-churnnikas should be
paid annually obviously to the government- Though it is not made clear as to who should
pay this amount in respect of the gift of the village, probably the feudatory chief Achyuta
was expected to pay this amount. The term Aripindaka-churnnikas probably refers to a
currency that was in vogue in this region at the time but its value is not known. This
currency is known for the first time only from this charter-
Among the boundaries of the gift village, mention is made of the mandala-kshetra
of Bhagavan Govesvara. Govesvara is a form of Siva like Gokarnnesvara who was the
favourite deity of some 0f the Eastern Gahga kings1 The term mandala-kshetra, like
. mandala-vastu (text line 35), is interesting- It may denote either a circular field or a field
in the enjoyment of the deity'.
Of the geographical names occurring in this record Daudabhukti is already known. The
gift village Svetavalika-grama, Bharfilangala-vithI to which Pustapala Chandra belonged,
6rigalapadrika which formed a boundaray mark, Danga-grama, and Asunapadra are
difficult to identify.
TEXT2
[Metres': Verses 1-9 Anushtubh / verses 10-12, Vasantatilaka ; verse 13 Aryyd.]
Obverse
1 Svasti [||*] Chatur[r-u]dadhi-salila-slman-tayam-aneka-dvlpa-nagara-pattan-adhishthan-

adri-saro . .-prava[ha]-siddha-devat-ayatana-Sreshthayam-avanyam sva-dha-
[r*]mma-karmma-..........ny-asrama-prakriti-janapada-samagrayam-aneka-dvija-
[var-e]Svar-agnihotra-havana-havir-dhuma-surabhikrita-pavana3 '
arkk-endu-mayukh=[eva] bhasi[tayam]=avirata-ved-adhyayan-any-asanvanany- .... ya
tribhuvana-sadhara[nena-rtu ?]-vipa[nna ?]-sasya-sarva-
ttra-surabhi-svadu-kusuma-pha!abhara-vividhatara-vitapa-[lata-pradha]navaty[am]
sudrisya(sya)-[sa]rasa-rupa-gandka-guna-sampatsthitayam prithivyam chatuh-
1 Bhandarkar’s List, No. 1528, 2965.
s From impressions.-
3 Sandhi has not been observed here.
146 ■ EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
5 samudr-aUJcranta-ya$asam=udara-guna-sanTuday-arudha-gauravanam... .dan-ava- ■
[li] .... yadachara-pa[ri]g"raha-' • ‘ '
6 pratyaut-asesh-anale ch=chhrimato [Dha]n.achandrat=sakala-jana-sadharana-dharmm a-
pratilabdha. vigraha ... ttr-aryyah srl-Giridevyafni*] va-
7 rnn-asrama-vyavastha-hetuh-sakshad=dharmma iv=opatta-janma saman-abhikamika-
guna-yoga.. .satorniya ari .." [pra]-
8 jabhir=aropit-adhirajyah sakti-tray[cr:]-pa-hartt;i . ta pakshe=[tya]nt-[a]pakariskv=api
pranattraso=attra so........tsaiit-amarsh-a-nurakta pra[jna?]-
9 bhir=visram-bpanat-asesha-rajamandalah pa[ro] .. •..-ahhinivishta-cketah pararaa-
mahesvaro maharajadhiraja-srl-Gopa- ■
10 chandra rajyafrh] pra[sasa]ta(ti) pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-[samvatsare]
prathame Phalguna-mase vimsatitame divase Svetavalika
11 vl[thi]-samupagatan=varttamana-bhaviskyat-kallyan=karttakritik-[aupari]ka-kumar-
amatya-rajaiiaka-Vijayavarnima-vishayapati-tadayuktakan=anyarns=cha raja-
12 pada-prasad-opajivi[nah] [yathajrharh manayitva [sirobhis=cka] pranamy=asmad-
adhivasa-vimsaty-agrahara-tamra-patta-pata-sasana-liiranya- ..
13 samudayika-grama-vatakebhyo [mahamahattara-mahattaraj-pradhana- . .laadhi-
karanau=cha vjjnapayanti astu [ ' *] vas=samviditam prarthita
14 vayam srl-mahasamanta-maharaj-Achyutena yusliinad-VItbya[rii] sadkubhir=aneka-
ir-a-chandr-arkka-kalnia-tainra-patta-pata-sasana-sthitya sata mulyena
15 grama-kskettra-vastuni yushmat-[krltva-kritva] deva-dvija-matha-vihara-vasathe-
bhyd=tisrlsht-aty(ny)=atisrijyamaaani tath=aiva samyak prati-
16 palyamanan=lti samlkshya maha[tan=cha]........isarvva-praninara jala-budbud-
avasyaya preshita-gaja-kalabha-ka[ntha]-agra-bliujaga-jihva-tadi-
17 t-sampata-ckapalani jivitan=ity=aja-va............. m-utsa[ho]-jata[h*] so=ham=
[ichchhe] Ratna-chaity-odbhava-khyapit-a£esha-tribhuvana-pratapa-
18 . naahatmy-atisaya-bhagavad-Aryy-Avalokitesvar-addhyasita.. .hare vihara-karanaya
tasnaims=cha va(ba)li.charu-gandha-pushpa-pradlpan-a
19 di-kriya-pravatttanay=aryya-sarngh=asya cha yatha [kajlam bhavishya-pi]ndapata-sayan..
asana-glana pratyaya bhaishajya-parishkaray=a[ti]srashtu[m] [ [ *] tada[rhatha]
20 Svetavalika-gramam krayena deturii tamra-sasanlkrity=eti[ 1 *] yato=sma ............yati.
sa cha gramas=samudra(dr-o)pasarppita-pratyantatvat=sa
21 gan-adkyasena [te] pratibhayana[stha] sa.....................n[ad-]itthambhutena ta . ta ..
[rthah] as[t]i ch=asa .. ma.
22 tpadyamanany=aika-prayojana-prata-sa . dkana-grama................. yatam=asmai
deyam a[na] . nah paramabh'attarakasy=api
23 dharmma-sha[dbha]g-opachay[a][ne] [da] . yati.........................Dandabhukty -
adhikrita-maha-sama[nta]' maharaja- ...
24 .. vin[i]yuktaka-kumai'amatya-[rajanaka]- ..............[Svetajvalika .. vyavahari]-
prapta........di§a ..... .............
25 Svetavalika-gramas=sakala-samudayah krayena(na) [vishayadhikara]na-ma[hn]maha-
ltara-[Griha]-svamy-adibhih yata.................
No- 21] JAYARAMPUR PLATE OF GOPACHANDRA 147
\
: Reverse
26 . Bhava........mahattai'a-Dharmmasvami-mahattai-a-Devasvairii mahaltar-
Eudrasyami A[su]napadraki [ya]-pradhana ....
27 padrakiya-Tanuka-pra[rtha]na .. drakiya-Vo(B6)ddhasvami-Hulava(ballajeya-
chittrakarmana-mukliiya-prathan-askadha-Svetavali [ka] ... ka ...
28 _ [tri][sha]nda-Dharmma[she]na-pradhana-Dharmma-g6n[a]mak[a]ya-[Ta]varata-
• vaniokas=cha karanika-Datanandi-karanika-Anudutta-karanik-Adity idasa-pu
. [stapala]-[Bho]ga-[bhatta]-[stbiaya]. '
29. prabhave[shta]bhih vikritena nishpannah kntva mata1-pittrbr=atamanc's-~cha sarvva-
satvanarft cha puny -abhivriddhaye daksha(kshi)naya(yam) disi .... padraka[ya]
mahay-[anike]-
30 [bhyo] bhikshu-samghaya pratipaditah yatra srl-Bharolangala-vaitheya-pusfapala
Chandra-dharmmakaranika Jatadhya-sthayapalas-cha . s=cha sarvv[a-de]-
31 ya-vaijjitah prativarshan=ch=Aripindakachurnnika-satam=ekam deyam -ity=upaniva(ba)
• ddhya su-mahasamant-Achyutasya dattama(m. ||* a) sya cha gramasya sima-lingani
32 Utkira-khalika purvvatah dakshinasya(syam) disy=aprameya-dyutih v[e]ladhara-nane
. nidhanan-apa[ma]chintya [mu ?][ta]-vyaya[kshipta]-[sthi]ra ... prava(ba)la-
33 m-ahat-oddhuta-kshubhita-jalatararii(ra)iiga-sam[gha]t(;a-janita-kalaka]a-rava-phena(na)-
punj-attahasah kari-makara-jhasha-nakra-graha-[vana] ' ■
34 dka-vihaga-gana-v[ru]t-6pag6(gi)ta-pulinas=surasura-muni-gana-siddha-charana-
manuja-manujendr-adibhis=samstuto=nyavydta-vatani .. [nya]=
35 ■ salila-kali-kalush-apahara-vividha-ratna-nichayo bhagavan-jalanidhih paschimato
Damga-gramiya Gunadeva-mandaia-vastu pagchim o[ttara]-
36 ta[h*] si(svi)galapadrika-nam-oddesah tato=py=uttaratah grih-adhishthak-Aditya-
dasasya vritti-kshetram yavata(t) || tato=pi bhagavato Govesvarasya mandala-
ksh[etram]
37 purv-ottaiasyam disi [va]ta-vriksha-chchhara-peta-[dva]yam=ante purvvasya[rh] dig-bhage
ganara-pushki(shka)ranyah purvvadir=iti tad=etad-udde5a~samudayan=cha pravevib-
hajya
38 sariram=asmabhir=v5dhavyam tad-yushmabhir=api yath=opari-likhitako [ddhjarmma-

gaurava[t*]=vish.ay-adha(dhi)karanan=vijnapy=adya-pratipalan-anugrahaparair= ...
39 asmas=cha bhumidane y6=smakkru(t=ku)ly6=nyatamo va raga-dvesha-lobha-moha-
prerito=nyatha kuryyat=sa paficha-mahapatak^-opapatak-aditbhih*] sa[m*]yukta[s*]=
sya(sya)d=[iti]
40 [ch]=an[u]sriiyate dharmma-sa(sa)stre || Shashta-var[sha-sahara]n[i] svarge modati
bhumidah [ | *] akshepta ch=anu.manta cha tany=eva naraka(ke) vaseft* jl 1] Svadatta
[m] paradattam va (ttam va)
41 yo hareta vasundhararh [ | *] sa vishthayafm*] krimir=bhutva pitribhis=saha pachyati ||
[2*] Purwa-dattam dvijatibhyo [ya]tnat=raksbya(ksha) Yudhisht’bira [ | *] maha
(hi)m=maha(hi)mata(taih) [sre]-
—------ r*. ---------- _________________________________________ ___________
1 An unnecessary top matra is seen here.

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIX
148
42 shtha danach=cbhreyo=nupalanam(nam) II1 [3*] Va(Ba)hubhir=wasudha [datta] rajabhis=
Sagar-adibhih [ | *] yasya yasya ya[da] bhumi[s*]=tasya tasya ta[da] phalam(lam) ||
[4*] [Asphojtayanti
43 pitarah pravalganti pitamahah [ ] *] bbumi[data]nku-(ta ku)le jatah s6=smaihwai
(sman vai) tta(ta)-rayishyati || [5*] Aditya Vasavo Rudra Somo Vishnur=Huta£a
[nah] [ ] *] '
44 Dandapanis=cha bhagavan=abhinandanti bhumi[dam(dam)] || [6*] Bbumyu .. yo ma
srutarasyaya dadvat=sasyava[ti] sa[ti] [ ] *] .. ti grihituS=cha punamy(ty)=
ubbayata[h]
.45 satafm*] |] [7*] A-janman=a-sahasresliu papam yank ri-(t-kri)tavanna{tva na)ra[h* |'J
api go-charmma-mattrena bhumi-danena suddhyati [] [8*] Vri(sha) .. [sa]tam
yattra gavatti(sti)shthaty=aya[m*]tritam
46 ba(ba)lavat=sa prasutanam go-charmma tad=iti smritam(tam) || [9*] Bbumi-data yati
lokam surana[m*] hatsi(sti)r=yyunuya...................kumbha-pakva-thanai(tai)la-
pu[rn]na-
47 hartta karah kshipyati kaladute [|| 10*] Ity=evam=anuchintya[ | *] Y[a]n=iha dattaai pura _
narendrair=ddanani dharmm-artha-yasaskarani [ | . nripa-gauravach=cha
ma[y=]a-
48 py=anuj£ata ya(pha)lani(ni) tani [|| 11*] Api cha e[ta]ni daridratayanma(ya ma)nushyair=
dhanani(ni) dharmm-ayatam(m) kritani [ ) *] utsrishtava[tta]-prati ... (kana) ..
49 [ndra]h pu,nar=avaditak [|| 12*] Kshititala-jala-chandra-lolam sriyam=anu[chi*]ntya
manushya-dharmma-bha[va][n*]=cha [ ] *] nikhilam=idam=uda-hrita[n]cha buddhva
na hi baya . pasavi- ,.
50 taniya iti (]| 13*] Etanya(ch=cha) sasanam tapitam pustapala-[Bho]ga-bhattena likhitam
kayastha-Manadatten=eti samvvatsara 1 [Ph.otPha)lguna] di 20
' 51 khatrarh2 Ghillukena [j|*]
'This double danda is peculiar.

‘Probably kshatam (= incised) is intended here.
No. 22—FOUK INSCRIPTIONS OF SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA FROM SIRPUR
. (2 Plates)
S. Sankaranarayanan, Mysore
AND
Balachandra Jain, Raipur
The subjoined four inscriptions, referred to hereinafter as A, B, c and D for the sake
of convenience, come from Sirpur, Mahasamunda Tahsil,. Raipur District, Madhya Pra-
desh. . This place has yielded inscriptions which have bpen already published1. The follow
ing four inscriptions are published for the first time here from the inked impressions kindly
supplied to us by the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore, to whom our thanks are due.
All these inscriptions are fragmentary and much mutilated excepting B and are written
in what is called the Siddhamatrika characters, which are assignable to circa 600
A. D. and resemble those of the already known inscriptions of the. time of. the PanduvamsI
king Sivagupta Balarjuna,2 • to whose reign undoubtedly these inscriptions belong.
Similarly orthography of these records too resemble that of the known records re
ferred to above and hence does not call for any special remarks. The language of all
these records.is Sanskrit and their texts are written mainly in verse excepting in the case of
the short records B and G.
. None of. these records bears any date.
A. Gandharvesvara Temple Pillar Inscription of the time of Balarjuna
This inscription3 is found engraved on the southern, face of the left pillar of the mandapa,
near the central shrine in the Gandharvesvara temple.4 The writing covers a space of about
42 cm in height and 33 cm in breadth. There are altogether 20 fines clearly written and
deeply engraved. The preservation of the record is far from satisfactory especially in fines
19 and 20 which are not at all readable.
The epigraph commences with an auspicious symbol for siddham followed by a short
prose passage invoking the god Siva. Then comes the first verse invoking once again Siva
described as residing, for the sake or protecting all creatures, on the banks of the cold (liaimi)
holy river Mahavahinl. Then we are told as follows : During tlie reign of the victo
rious Balarjuna (verse 2), there was at Sirpur, itself (atra) an individual by name Ud-
bhavarasirudra, preaching his own doctrines or conclusions, presumably of Saivism (verse 3).
His humble and pious disciple named Ambulloka offered garlands to the'god Sambhu (Siva)
bearing the name Gandharva, i. e. Gandharvesa (verse 4). It is stipulated that as long as
the earth, the sun, and the moon exist these garlands were to be supplied daily by the gar
land-makers residing in the locality Sripura (verse 5). From.this, it is clear'that the
donor created some trust by granting something, like land or money, and entrusted the same
\TfJncLAÂ XoL xvm’ PP-179 ff; WQ, Vol. XXXII, pp. 233 ff; above, Vol. XI, pp. 184 IF; Vol. XXXI,
pp. 103 ff; pp. 197 ff. •
2 See above, Vol.-XI, plate facing p. 190; Vol. XXXI, plate facing p. 198.
3 s. a: No. B 283 of A. R. Ep., for 1954-55.
4 This pillar contains also another bigger, but very much worn out .inscription consisting of about 51 lines
For details see. Hiralal’s List (second ed.), p. 99, para. 3.
(149) '
■4DGA/77 . 2
150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX .
•
to the garland-makers of Srlpura with the above stipulation. Then follows an exhortation
on .the impermanence of the. wordly pleasure and riches and an imprecation for the protec
tion of the gift (verse 6). The next and partly preserved verse referring to one Tara as the
composer of the pmsasti (verse 7), The inscription ends with a passage, probably in prose,
of which almost all letters, excepting the single syllable Ipi, are lost. Probably it contained
a reference to the silpin1 or artisan who might have been responsible for engraving the record ' -
on the pillar.
The king Balarjuna is no doubt . identical with Sivagupta, also called at times as
Maha-Sivagupta,2 of the Pandava family ruling over the South Kosala country in about 600
A.D. Though some inscriptions call him only as Sivagupta3 and some other4 like the
•present record, only as Balatjuna, there are inscriptions suggesting that his original name
was Sivagupta and that he was famous by his appellation Balarjuna6. The way in which •
(Jdbhavarasirudra is described in the present record seems to suggest that he was perhaps
a Saiva pontiff residing in Sirpur itself. The. °iWra-ending of his name reminds us of the
Sambhu-tndings and the siwz-endings of the names of the Saiva-pontiffs who are known to
. be heading their respective mafhas in different parts of Central India in the subsequent age8.
Regarding the composer of the pmsasti, all informations, excepting that his name was
Tara are unfortunately lost. Yet it is not unlikely that he was none other than Taradatta
whose son Sumangala is known' to have composed the texts of at least three inscriptions-
■of Sivagupta himself—two from Sirpur itself7 and one from Senakapat.8 In that case, it
may be suggested, tentatively at least, that the present record composed by the father is of
earlier date than those composed by, the soil.
Of the two geographical names mentioned in ■ our record, the first one . viz. Maha-
vahini is no doubt the same as the famous MahanadI, on the very brink of which
on the eastern side,9 stands the Gandharvesvara temple as stated in the record. The other
geographical name Srlpura, also found, mentioned in another record10 from the Gandhar
vesvara temple, is the same the modern Sirpur itself, the find-spot of the record.11
A
TEXT12
[Metres : Verses 1, 4 and 5 Mandakranta ; Verses 2 Upajati; verses 3 and 7 Indravajm;
verse 6 Santitlavikridita].
1 Siddham13 [1*] Namah Sivaya |] Y=eyam [h]aim[I]14 pravahati Mahavahim punya-to-
2 ya |15 drishfv=aiv=alam kshapayati malam kim punah snana-panaih[|[l) asyas=ti-
1 Cf. inscription D, below, line 14. • .
2 Above, Vol. XI, p. 191, verse 12.
3 See, e.g. inscriptions B and C below. -
4 See, e.g. above, Vol. XXXI, p. 198; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 233.
5 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 198, verses 3-4; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 180, lines 7-8; No. B. 282 of A R En
for 1954-55. .. . . ' ' ' ’
.6 See, CII, Vol. IV, pp. clii ff. s .
7 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 198; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 223'.
8 Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 35-36.
8 See, Cunningham, Arch. Rep., Vol. XVII, (1881-82) pp. 23 ff. and pi. XIV.
10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVHI, p. 180, line 13. Here in that inscription too, as in the present record, Srlpura is
referred to as a place of residence of the garland-makers.
11 See also Cunningham, op.cit, pp. 24, 25.
12 Prom impressions.
13 Expressed by a symbol.
14 Originally mi was written. Haimi means "cold”.
15 This, punctuation is unnecessary. ‘ -
A—GANDHARVESVARA TEMPLE PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF
MAHAS1VAGUPTA BALARJUNA
Scale : One-third
-GANDHARVESVARA COURTYARD INSCRIPTION OF
MAHAS1VAGUPTA BALARJUNA
<N
Scale : One-half
•No. 22] FOUR INSCRIPTIONS OF SIVAGUPTA BALARJUNA FROM SIRPUR 151
3 re vasatim=aka [r5jdl=diMntifi y6 hitaishi | 2 *GIi»(GI)ndharvvesal?
***7 prathita-mahima
so--
4 yam-avyach=chiram va^8\,fl-.
9 10
[I*] -'-'KantiitokM^^ y^®|-
/ ' pravah-a-
5 vpta-dik-samuhe f)I.. |) srimaty= avatindhana-dipta-vahnau rfijaiti,
,6 pati ppthviifo(vlm),. [2*1 Srimam(man) sva-siddhtnta-dhuni-pgyS ^ ■ pa prablj-
odbhasi-
7 - ta-iuddha-bhutih | atr=abbavad-vig-amptiHa lokam(kan) yas*t{dsba]yaty*Udbb«--
8 . varasirudrah I (|){3*] Tat-padavja(bja)- praehura-rajasa raifiill-Stm-§tlaaiIiiig6f“
9 bhaktyS ch=ayarh niyajaita-itianab pu[nya] 4hlr<*ddtiarmma-illa|. I Amballo-
10 kas sakala-vibudh-adhisa-[Ga]-rvva - - p pradan-raala rucKra-
11 kusumth SaAbfaa-* f§}fi¥ata{ya]'l [4*] Ya[va]d-visvaifii vahati vasudbSib ya»
' 12 vad=aste" satnuirabrl'? "ytvat=su[ryyajs=ta,pali gaganS ylvad-iadof=vifehlti 1
13 tavad=deyab prati-dina[m]=imth §rip«ri=smubCsiniitt) [valsadMir-aimailkitrlai-
14 pi eha mkhilaih palayMbhi[lj] ' [sya}raB]i[5*]' Lak{sto}Im=dgha------- taradtga-
mamfcha] | ni-
' 15 w bhogaS^cha safiilbhedinab. 1* -'syrth pari-11 ma-klla-firas§
16 v —12 *jivitaifi(tam)5(;vudbvaiva[ifi§M:-
** :h[i]. vili- w — ni ma v —w'bM bh6 jaoll) si[4gj16\
. 17------[gni?]r=bhagavariifyap|: ^ — -wfblm]ya[fa6] — —sadl sfej ^ — Ap [$*] 'T[i}ral»
ehakre — ^-
18 •—pfalaslim .[sjikshepldfv bbaktaiw:----- -[|], (1) kfl] t[l]=nf i .gfya v — —
19 -—— ---------w—-^w— -
20 ......... IpF...... : ________ ____ _ .
1 The present tense kaMti Is changed into' akardt to suit the metre.
-2 This punctuation rs'Unnecessary.-
a Read=cft»rort y#, ■
* Probably my-bttha~0pa: was intended.' 'One iniy better expect something likepayMhu~ph&ta.
«. Restore sorhetbiag'like. 'GSimthttma-nMimte,
• Evidently ve-is the broken letter here.
7 This puhomaation«aatt«»aiy. Read scmudrd,
8 -Obviously' rmpi iktMe-llJteHded; letter."' '
9' Restore spimthmg^tka:dhatmmam(rmimm).'
10 NitarSm may be the word intended here.
11 Evidently pariwlma is the intended word.
18 Restore something like sthiram.
12 Read buddliv-aivam.
14 Probably vilasitnni manusa is the expression mutilated here.
15 The intended word may be sadaram.
u This mutilated fourth quarter of the verse may be tentatively restored as
subhavaho bhaktya sadS sivyatam.
i* Can the intended word here be silpi ?
2k
152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX.
B and €. Two Buddhist Inscriptions of Mah&Sivagupta
Of these two inscriptions, B1 is engraved on a stone now found paved on the floor of the
courtyard of the Gandharxesvara temple. It is in two lines occupying an area of about 40 x
18cm. The writing is well-preserved excepting the first letter in the second line.
The other inscription, viz. C2 3is found incised on a stone built on the floor at the Buddhist
monastery in site No. 15. It is in three lines covering an area of about 36 >x 20ep. The
preservation of the writing is not satisfactory and some of the letters are lost either totally
or partially. Both the inscriptions are engraved in bold characters, the height of indivi
dual letters, omitting the medial vowel marks, being about 5 cm. Below each of these re
cord? is engraved a rectangular diagram divided into two rectangles almost equal in' siz&
by a horizontal line in the middle. Each of the two halves, thus formed is again divided into
two unequal rectangles by a vertical line. The way of dividing by the vertical lines in B is
different from that in C. It is difficult to be sure about what these four-fold rectangular dia
grams indicate. Do they stand for the lands granted as stated in the records ?
Both these records belong to MaM-Sivagupta, who on the basis of the age and area
of the records must be identified with the P&nâva ruler of that name who bore the appe
llation Balarjuna, as we saw earlier. The inscription B, containing single sentence, records
that MahS-Sivagupta grants (pradattef to a monastery, obviously a Buddhist monastery
whose name seems to read as [Rajmyavihara. And the inscription C, also consisting of only . *
one sentence, records that the same king grants to a monastery, again evidently a Buddhist
one, whose name appears to be [Dharjmyavihara. It may be noted'that in both the inscrip
tions the first letter of the name of each of the vihdras is unfortunately not well preserved and
hence the reading of the name may be, either, Ramyavihara or Dharmyavihara in both the.
records. However, these names may better be read differently, as has been done by us here,
not only because they are the more likely readings, but also because it would do proper justice
to the existence of these two different inscriptions of the same king. ' Or else one may have
to take the one epigraph to be a duplicate of the other—a phenomenon, though found at
times in the case of votive inscriptions,4 5is *not very easy to explain in the case of land-grants.
These two inscriptions shed welcome light on the policy of religious tolerance of Sivagupta
Balarjuna. He styled himself as parama-mdhehara* and his own Senakapat inscrip
tion speaks eloqently of his deep devotion to the god Siva,4 Yet, our two inscriptions reveal
for the first time that Sivagupta himself personally patronised at least two .Buddhist ''monas
teries (or one) at Sirpur, although we already know from epigraphs that In the Papijava king
dom, and in Sirpur itself, Buddhist monasteries flourished7 side by side with the !§aiva and
Vaishnava temples.8 No doubt, §ivagupta‘s well known Maillr plates® record his grant
of a village to the inmates of a Buddhist monastery at TarapdMMaJca. But, as that charter
claims to have been issued by the king at the request of his uncle Bhaskaravarman,l0 it is very
1 It has been noticed as No. B 288 in the A.R.Ep,, 1954-55.
This inscription is the same as No. B US of A.R.Ep., 1956-57.
3 Note the use of present tense.
* See, e.g, Arch.Surv. S. Ind., Vol. I, p. 110 and Journ. Am. Ind. Hist., Vol, III, p. 30.
3 See, e.g. above, Vol. XX1JI, p. 120, text lines 4-5.
6 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 35, verse 3.
5 Ibid., p. 198 and No. B 117 of A,R.Ep., 1956-57.
" See, e.g. inscription A edited above and No. B 119 of A.R.Ep., 1956-57,
9 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 120 ff.
Ibid., p. 121, text line 13.
C-BUDDHIST MONASTERY INSCRIPTION OF MAHASIVAGUPTA
BALARJUNA
Scale : One-third
X
D-FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF MAHASIVAGUPTA

BALARJUNA
Scale : One-fourth
.No. 22] FOUR INSCRIPTIONS OF SIVA GUPTA BALARJUNA FROM SiRPUR 153
likely that the village was actually within the jagir of the latter, who was, therefore, the real
donor.1 * 3 * * * 7
Finally, the present locations of these records. may indicpterihis, The stone bearing the
inscriptions B must have'been.brought' to the Gand&arfgfyara temple and- paved -info 'the,
^ 'floor there, after ^the:disappearanee:r#f the Ramyavihira-lnot :«a$y..to.'identify ;a|v:pres;«it|.
to which it originally belonged.. .• Again the stone:'with 'the inscription 'C/most -probably fie* ■
' longe to the vihara (i. e. the-Dhsrmyavihftrahat site No.- 15, » bereft is found' now-. Yet
.4
it is very likely that it originally formed 'part of some well, or. something hdonpng to .an ardbi-
' tgctural scheme, after the ■ collfipse': of which it -found its- wayto the:- pavement vef the.floor.
For, the inscriptions recordin§-'.permanent land grants are dot likely.'to be engraved-on stones
, of the pavements,lest they should be- lost -soon because of the continuous treading on it by
the visitors to the establishment; ■: ..
• B . ..
.I Srl-Maha-îmsaptaPljadSifab ' •
2 ' [Ra]*m'yavi.harasya.-bhfim.im pradatte [(*]*
. .v - -£• -■-
-/TEXT*
1 ..sha-Siva.'.*raph '
2" [Dhar],myavihS.r-asf3--bhfl-
mim pradatte |1*] ---. ■-i
. ' ■li.—Fragmentary }Jm£riptlom of [Sivagapia]

' -The'stone slab bearing.:tWS''lnscriptlon*::.was" originally'found fixed :on':tbe-t«f.--.of •'de
compound wall-outside-the river -.gateway,of-ffe/Gandliarvfsvara temple, and-.slace Iff?
it is -being kept in the.Mdhant -GhasMas Memorial Museum, .Raipur,
Regarding' the preservation,,of rile inscription one feeli sorry' to note that an' iodefitite
portion of the upper part of the Stone has-been-cut'' -off-ant lost. '"Again the right side -of fie
available part of-the stone too Is'ihaevenly'broketoof .andriost- afttf-the upper aaidtewei:
corners on the left side have .atso'^disdppedtod.' Hence no fine of the record is complete'and.
the number of letters lost in. each fine varies from 35 (line 3|-to. T- "(line 1.4). . The'preserva
tion of the extant writing'is also not-quite satisfactory, 'Thus the 'record, as we have now,
is very fragmentary.:. There'are 'altogether'T4‘ lines left" now-.-and the available text shows
1 See ibid., Vol. XXS11, p. 115-
s From impressions. ,
3 The reading of the first letter of the name is doubtful.
* From impressions.
8 The two letters lost here may be Mma.
8 Here what is lost is actually the expression gupta.
7 The reading of the first letter of the name is doubtful.
* This is registered as No. B 285 of A.R.Ep., 1954-55.
154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vot. XXXIX
*
that these lines must have originally comprised 24 verses in different metres, though some
of them have disappeared totally.
The extant text contains no name of any king.

The partly preserved first three verses of the extant portion speak of some place, usSl ^
as a residence by those engaged in the difficult task of controlling senses (samyamamdyu-
tdndm)—a place which had an auspicious banner (mbhadhmja-pa\a}, the height of which,
the record describes in a poetic way, was such as to cause concern even to the sun in the
sky ; a place of cool breeze all around ; a place of ascetics (tapdsdfr) practising medita
tion (dhyana-yogaih). No doubt this description suggests that the place under description
was a matha or temple—may be the Gandharveivara temple itself.1 The next verse (verse 4).
is totally lost excepting the expression tasmmn=idam=iha, which probably indicates that
something was built or set up in that place and that the stone slab bearing the inscription
originally formed an integral part of that.
Next 14 verses dwell at length on the hallowness of the worldly life and they remind us
of the Vairagyasataka of the third century of Bhartrihari’s Satakatmyi. They impress
upon us that not even an iota of happiness for the man between his birth and his. death
(verse 5) ; that all that are born, though desire to be youthful always, do suffer from old-
age (verse 6), and the threefold miseries (verse 8);* that all relatives, including sons, do
not come to help when one is taken away from the house evidently by the god of death.
, (verse 9) ; that even the king of gods, viz., Indra is saved at times of danger, only by the
tears, obviously of his queens;*4 and even the sun is to disappear at the time of the total dis
solution of all things (kalpanta) ; that men should therefore act suitably without fear (verse 10);
that even the gods guarding the quarters, like Indra, Varuna etc., and the sun, moon etc.,
observe and bow in awe to the veracious person (.mtyavrata) (verse 12). ;4 that the man-lake
(nri-sarait) can be approached without fear as long as the crocodile in the form of money
does not enter it (verse 14) ; and that man foolishly thinks that only somebody else
somewhere sometimes become the prey of the Death. This section encs with the advice
that on understanding the very nature of the Death one should become yogin or an ascetic
(verse 15) ; that one should not mind one’s friends and riches (verse 17) ;5 6and that being
bound by the thought of what is right and what is wrong, one should earn money only by
righteous method (verse 18).
Verses 19-20 speak of the composer of the pmsasti whose name is lost. It may how
ever be noted that he is described as the son of a famous expert physician by name DSva-
nandi and as a friend of the king, i.e. the ruling king, who, as we shall see presently, was
no other than Sivagupta. Hence this prasasti-kavi (verse 20) may be identified with
Kfishijanandi, who is already known to us as the son of the physician Devanandi and as
the composer of another inscription of Sivagupta from Sirpur itself.® The next two verses
(verses 21-22) seem to describe a person (name not preserved) as the author or executor
of the pious work (karmmapi-samprayokta)—obviously the one mentioned in verse 4 above
—perhaps in commemoration of which the present prakmti was composed and incised on
‘See below.
’Verses 7, 11 and 13 are lost totally.
5 The idea is that seeing their tears the enemy spares Indra’s life, or the supreme gods like Vishnu, Siva,
etc., save him.
* Verses 7, 11 and 13 are totally lost.
6 What is intended to be conveyed by the verse 16 is not clear.
*lnd. Ant., Vol.'XVm, pp. 179-81.
No. 22] FOUR INSCRIPTIONS OF SLVAGUPTA BALARJUNA FROM SIRPUR 155
the stone. Verse 23 is in praise of the god Vishameksharui, ierlliva, The last or the
24th verse tells %s that the prasaSti was engraved in the:temple'ôFlIiavabhidin lie, Siva),
which is perhaps the same as the Gandharvesvarh"temple as ftieioeatidb of the febonl jacfc-
cgtes, by the-artisan (silpin) Gonpasiva who is to be idetified with his namesaIecwho-:en-
_.. graved the Lakshmanesvara temple inscription of fivagapta: at Sifpur itself.
As we have already pointed out, the extant part of the text of the inieriftMm contains
no nairfe of any -king. - -YetYhrreference-to verse I# suggests'that the .earlier-
portion, now lost, must have contained the name of the.'ruling monarch, w-ho-utay be identified
wifh Sivagupta Bfillrjuna, of' theinscriptious' A, JF-aod.. C.. on the basis ofThe ideatifteatioiB.
of the-composer and the -engraver iof the pmmsti, we have-just now seen. TM-spito of its.
fragmentary nature, the inscriptiott,fe-interesting'-in:sdfe:a&it'.represents arare upigtapMcal
piece of poetry on the theme of vairagya.
"TEXT1.
[Metres. .-.-Verses' 1, 14, 17 .and- 19-22 Vamntatttma ; verse 2, Mailin'.; verses 3, 4,
■. ■ 5 (?), 6, 7 (?), 9, 11 (?), 13,||), 16,18 and; mcMmiiitAh ; verse.23: Mfd : verse 10 '
Sardulavikridita ; verse 12, &ikhart#i; verse 15 Smgdhars ; verse 8 J
1...................................................................................... , [l|*] - . V -. V \J V "
v w [thil-gatfuam yatnSntaraseM* kfita-sariryamati-odaylntACii-Im)'.'. [.- yasaiijp';:-.(si»iii):

- subha-dhvaja-pata « ^ -..jp-ft-lapm--- w - v *'pjy=Arund bfcsyiaa[|P*| - - «--«
2,.'.-—chy=-asamsant-ah sltalo mltaiiIvaj|[2*]--SafldhyI-ragaih tiras|:ritya-yattr=dj|fva|lana,. ..|

. dhvan.a-yogair=mmand viphajm . ruvanti t.apasihif[3*].:-T*sminii=idain=!i'ha
lyy- ' • • • * * * * ,- - * . . • - * il m
'$ [d]=as.miifi:Csmin) duh-sukhisi-prapfidtSlt i vidyate.-sukha-lllo-pi n=intare mptyu-ja
• •3 !P*] [Aj&fin]lt=prayimudh-Itml. punar=yativattam=tch©hh''atih-(ti) j
klisyamti'samsare j-arl jaqjari. .* [116*] .- . . . . ; .......... |1 *3
[|7*] ■
4 Nln-oru tapa trisho[dbfcCf]tl fatr=nna.-§riyase dhigili vandana.,, yfi . .... . . . .
khyaro,khySm)|[8*']-yI putttl.va'-(ba) ifdhata(vdj y-it'li nareji{vajti' eva* vllbs)aitavlh" f
nishk-asya ggbat=sva']anai; . " A '.'1 . . , . . [|[9*] - - - w v - -
5 16chana-vSri-matta-vihita-traHtS=maranarh patifi | 'kalp-anti ravi - w si w tafid—un-

mesha-bhramd - w - - kgnu yad=evaih=«jjhits-bMyas= •chesh|adhvam=en§ |aoSb|[l'0*|
Ja • • • • • ...............................f { *3...................... .................. ...
______ [11] [11*3^-----___________' _____ ________
1 From impressions, -
2 Read : yatnantrais-cha.
a Mrtyu-janmandl} may be the intended expression.
4 Restore something Hie tmkgiikajt. After this nearly 32 letters, i-.e. one verse in-c«?fl|*M is lest.
. * Probably: the intended'idea Is trtilMMftuM ggnatan^dkig-Ui, Tie metre of this verse
is very doubtful.
6 This word #va may be dropped to honour theTnstre!
156 EPIGRAPH IA INDiCA [Vol. XXXIX
6 sa-Vanipa-Vasu-Vra(Bru)hnw-Pavana Dbanadhyaksho=nye cha grahapati v - - w
patayali \ namamto vikshante sva-pada-hararja-trasa taralah sad aikagrah satya-
vratam=avikalarij pala v <-» - (| [12**] . • • • * • • • * ■ • * * ‘
u*] ..................................... ....... • ,
7 ta Ul [13] Mishkalka-mlnasa-jalarii nri-sarah sucharuvaktra-aiimi(bu)jath vimala-vxi -

(bu)ddbi-mripallkavat | tavan=m$hevituro=apfikptabhiti sakyam na sajyate dbaaa-
maharoakarena yavat|j [14*] Pravah pra-w..uuuwuu..u-.u-- - - - - v -
* -
8 tor=vvidhi-nipunataya lakshyate kintu n=aiyarfijam) j lakshyarh syad-etad=eva

kvaetud=api mritibhlk=ka§eMd=ev=eti m6hin=mrityos=ta[t*]tv-avavd-(6&)dhi.
niyatam=iha jano yogitam= abhyupeyat (j | [15*] ....... * •
....... [1*] . .... . ....
9 t=syaad=va sarit[stha]-nibandhane | [ !16*]-tasya mitrasudhanasya v - gatasya kiiichim=
o=na chintayati2 yady=asi sadhu-bhavat | utprekshatS tad=api tatt[r*]a cha s6=pare=pj
nirbhartsite sva ^ [j|17*] .............
10 niva(ba)ndhanaim(nam) l sainp[a][da*]yan dhanaih dharmma [d*] dhaimm-
adhamma-niva(ba)ndlianah ] [ | 18*] [Sri]-Deva=nandirGti visn!ta-kl[rttir=a]
sid=vaidy-6ttam6=ntaka-vicheshtita-viglma-kaii | tas\=atmajo narapati pranay- aika
--.■u.wuO-uw-w- - [; ]19*] - 3
11 samprati Kalav=api ch=Itikashte sdagh-opanama-bhara-nirbhara-gamito= pi { yan=
n=avahan=vikritimat=prathamaih vaya£=cha dhamme4 pr?[ia]sti-kavir=esha jahati
vu(bu)ddMdi (ddhim) |l [20*] Aste - - -- w- vw
12 cha karmmapi samprayokta j mitrafrii] jana u na v * ^ u t6=grajanma ja - ^ ^ ra
V/ - « M - khyava(ba)ndhuh' [21*] Aradhya[n gu]ru-janarii charame yuge=pi rape w
13 . ww V- tmaja-varjjit-ilxra - - ^ - di krita-dhlh ksha v. - Adhaktre lt[22*] Jayatl vijita-

mptyur-esha sakshad=ib.a nivasan=Visham5-kshapo .nar[a]iiaA (nlm) [| *] . ./
14................ ..... [fichayS]pupye||[23*J. ..... . £astur=bbavanS BhavabhediBa^KH

■ silpi 'Gdppa#ivas=turppain=iinarr - utkiqmv§n=iha|| O !j [24*].
1 The verse which is lost was probably in Anushtubh. „ •

s Evidently to suit the metre. This word seems to have been used in the Vedic Subjunctive mood, meaning
chintayit. ■ - j. . - ,,
* This damaged portion may be restored conjecturally ss—pStrarh SrkKiish$-kmir~imanay’mpivasam
Cf. vaidyairhDevmandinat} | sri-Krkhnanandi tanayO nayapranaya-kitanatn\\ in another Sirpuf inscription
of Sivagupta (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVSB, 180 line 17).
‘ Better read dharmyam. Construe dharmyOrh buddhim Ssha na jahbti.
No. 23—'THREE' .TEUUGf INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUUFlNOKA^TAIUK^
(2 Plates )
■ ■•K. V. RaMISH AMD'S.':S/RiMACHANttRi;:':MlTBTHy, MfSOitS
The three inscriptions- edited here; with' the kind permission, of the Chief-Eptgrapltist,
Archaeological Survey of India,, Mysore were copied during the years '1945-47. For the sale
of convenience the three records will be referred to hereinafter as A,' Irani O,. All thfe-tbi*
records are in early lelugu characters and their language js also ::.Teiugii. ; Moiie
of these three records is dated. But on grounds of palaeography ail'of "them-are to be
assigned to the 9th~10th centuries A. D.
While inscription A mentions a certain Davalejar&ju, .probably--.as the -rulerres
ponsible for the-engraving of the record, inscription B refers itself to the reign' of Afgapa,
who receives the usual Sana praimli, 'Inscription G mentions "¥certain Aggajhya' who,
in all. probability, is identical with Aggapa of inscription B.
As regards palaeography it. may.be pointed'out that initial a .oeeip in. inscription
B (lines 6, 11 and-23)' and C (line I ), initial a in inscriptions B (line 13) and-G (line 2),
intial./ in inscriptions A -(line 12) and B"(line 14) andTnitial e (or:«)i’n-inscri;ftioas'-A'(iBe if)
and B (lines 16) 19 and 30), It is interesting to note that in Inscription C the letterf ..occurs
in two form's,-one. having a dent at-the bottom andthe other without it. As: regards' -ortli#-
-graphy, kreckdhu, which is a. verbal form meaning‘to engrave, -is-used-'
sense of ‘engraver* in inscription C (lines 6-7); in inscription B. the'form Uilu it -employed
(line 1.4) in the-place of the correct 'form kalfu meaning ‘feet*; In inscriptions A (line 15)
and. B (line 20) the words kolgu and kolugu respectively are used.for ‘grain’. In.. later. Tditgo
this-.word becomes kolcfm or kolucJiu-as a result of characteristic palatalization.
A.—Balapanuru Inscription of DavafeyaKlJa
This inscription1 was found engraved-on 'a stone setup inside-the compound-:.of the
Siva temple at Balapanteu, Puliyendla Taluk, Cuddapah District,'A.I*; 'tlefe''-'att:M'all
IS lines of writing and 9 more very'fragmentary lines. The slab-has :%©p broken frrrgyla«i>
as a result-of-which the first five lines'have lost a number of letters' along the right
lines 7-15 have lost a few letters along the left margin.
The recrod is not dated but, as pointed out above, is to 'he assigned- to-
centuries on grounds of palaeography. It mentions a l)avaleygil)ii:'"'in"''fi|*'' 2,'-
ptobably'as the ruling chieftain and records the. grant of IWmaitrtu of imS'm^nmm Msam-
ted by the tdjamdna, to a donee, the last five letters of whose name were eharikatna\\\i.
The record is of interest .because it mentions ■ Bavaleyara|m. It is - fkely--' that
this chieftain'is-identical with the Baija chieftain Dhavafeyarasa whose iaseripIfetA from
Pollipadu, Jammalamadugu Taluk, Cuddapah District, Andhra Pradesh is dated -la. Salt.
807 (wrong for Saka 804), £ubhakrit=882 A.D. In "that inscription Dhvafeyafasa is given
1 A.R. Ep.f 1946-47, No. B 2.
•Ibid, 1935-3d, No. 306.
( 157)
4 DGA/77 4
158 EPIGRAPBIA 1NDICA .IVoK':XXXIX-
the usual Sana pnasasti. This Dhavaleyarasa of the Poftipadu inscription'-;has .elsewhere1;
been identified with. Vijayaditya Prabltumeru belonging to the main line of the.BSija family.'- -
It is, however, lively that Phavateyarasa tm®aya|jpar|jy was-a memheriof-a'minor'braflctii-
of the Bana family 'which was'administering some pnncipMity' in the'Ptiliyendla-Iammala-;
madugu-Podili-Tadpatri region. This yiew is,supported by-the fact that many branches'':of:'
the Bana family are heard of in inscriptions from Kargafaka, Andhra and Tamil Na# over’
a long period. Such .were the-Blna families .of Vaftganuru-yishaya,2 *Suramaru-vishaya,*'
*5
Khandava-mandala.* etc.
TEXT6
' 1 Svastif (- •] sri

2 Davalejaraju .....
3 n=ichchina pannasa ......
4 na-kam;1(ma)la(la) iri[ya]........ ,
5 ntha baleyambu___
6 . Jaga Vengapa .,,,,,
7 , charikamayya
8 . rajamanambu niiru >
9 . rutulnela yichchina
10 . parashludtyitrii su
11 »tiyu mapyg -
12 . chchtinu irma
13 . dachina kampulcKt
14 . deyambu rendu vushti6
15 . korhbidi vutlu golgu jjj*]7 * 9
1 Ibid, para.2J.
* Ibkl., 1958-59, No. B 26; ibid., 1959-60, Nos. B 5 and JO etc.
*Jhid.* 1958-59, No. B 17,
* JOM, Vol. XXI, pp. 98401.
' { From estampages.
,rKkst&vutti.i' .;,CV;.'
7 The following is engraxed cn am <lti i iri i probably as imprecatory portion :
'•I .tOfta... ■ Jj .
'f4;Bara;-""" 'y"""" ■ "f" • ■

5 yali " :1 ' ; :
.fi-p&pa';.
Tgudl-bti-:
' tappina / '
9 ki '" ' '
A-BALAPANURU INSCRIPTION
OF DAYALEYARAJ U
Third piece
No. 23] THREE TELUGU INSCRIPTIONS FROM "PULIVENDLA TALUK 159
B. —tJdavagan<pa Inscription of Ag-gapa
This inscription1 was found engraved on two fragments of a .broken pillar set up at
two different places inside the. village of fhjlavagamll&, Pttlivendia Taluk. Cuddpah
District. There are in. all 42 lines of writing and, but for lines 6-8 and 21-22 which are some
what damaged, the rest of the inscription is well preserved.' The inscription is not dated
but is to be assigned, on grounds of palaeography, to the 10th century A, D,
It refers itself to the reign of Aggapa, who is endowed with the usual Blip.
prcdasti (lines 1-6), and records the grant of 50 marutu of land- measured; by rdjamma as
panqasa to Pishtamayya of Alikoticiiapalla by Bejayitiyya after laving the'feet of the donee
(lines 10-17). The gift-land Is stated to be situated .in- the village ■ 'Ofagpfaifcipfa
(line 13). Lines 17-19 contain the names of two witnesses one of which is that, of Ba(Ba)
payara(ra)ju. Lines 19-20 state that the skldkaya from ihe gift-land was 7 puflis of pain
(koliigu). Lines 21-35 mention a number of persons, but .the context in which they' are
mentioned is not clear. ' It is interesting to note 'that some of these- persons had the-surname
of ratfagudi, which is probably the- colloquial form of 'rmhfmkuta, an official designation.
It is likely that like pergade {pregada%'[ sinabova etc., this official desigttdfibtt also:dame to
be a surname in course of time.
• The Bana ruler Aggapafs known to us from- two more inscriptions, one** of them from
Sannamuru, Podili Taluk, -ffellore District, 'and 'the other® from Chtaapdppfiru, Tadpairi
Taluk, Anantapur District. The.-Saimamfiru -inscription probably 'bears a date in Saka
890=968-69 A. D. and gives Aggapa the usual Banapraiasri. In addition to the epithets' given
to him in our* record, the Sannamfifjur inscription -also has kri$hnadhvaja-vir3jita> PaiM~
chika-patahagh'jsfmna, ' vrislmbhu-lamhchhma,' . 2fandigiriputha, Parigipum-pmmsiMmf
Bmurotgapdu and Balikularjum. 'The Chinapappuru inscription, which-is-badly damaged
but-which belongs to the 10th century on -grounds of palaeography, also gives some of the
epithets found in the Sannamuru ia|eription. It is likely that he-belonged''to the-''same
riling house of Dhavaleya which was holding sway over parts, of the Tadpat.ri-7anMtt#l*iaa-
(htguiPulivendla-Podili region.
’ Of the two -geographical namesAseurring in the record we are unable to- identify.Allis®*-
ndlapa}la, the village to-which the donee-' .- belonged.The other village ©fmgag-aibdlya
is the same as modem Cklavagandia, the find-spot of the record.
TEXT*'
First Piece
1 Svasti [ | *] [Sakala-jaga] tri(tra)(yij-

2 bhivandi[ta-sura(rl)-su]-
3 r-athl(dhi)sa(sa) Pa[ra]mesva(sva)ra-
4 pratiha(ha)rikri(k ri)ta-[Ma]-
5 habha(ba)li-kul-od[bhava]
. A.R.Lp., 1945-46. No. B 149.
* AD/. Vol. Ill, pp. 101-03.
* A.R.Ep., 1947-48, No. B 6.
4 From estampages.
160 EPIGRAPHfA 1NDICA
h sriniat Agga[paj ..
7 landunu svastya .
8 . srl Pi.i.. ka
Second Piece
9 Kannara(ri)julandunu Mu-
10 reyarajula Beja- ' ' . '
11 yitayyayu Ali-
12 kondajapalja Pishtama-
13 yaku Udugugamdlya
14 karlu gadigi ichchiua

15 ■ pannasa ra(ra) jama(taa)iiabu
16 ebadi mapitullu
17 nela [ ( *] di(dl)niki sa(sa)kslit Ba(Ba)ua-
18 yara(ri)jutm Polla . a
19 yu [ | *] di(di)niki Skldha(ddhu)yabu e-
20 lu vutlu kolugu [ 1 *]
Third Piece
21 Chandiva ..
22 deya-ratta ..
23 yunu Aramulla
24 Chamunda-rattaguCdi]-
25 yunu Kaliyeda-
26 vari Deveya-ratta-
27 gudiyunu Chamu-
28 pd'-rattagudiyanu
29 Gachchavaparay U-.
B—UDAVAGANDLA INSCRIPTION
OF AGGAPA
Fourth piece
Scale : One-fourth
C—KASANURU INSCRIPTION OF AGGALAYA
Scale : One-fourth
No.. 23] THREE TELUGU INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUUVENDLA TALUK 161
.30 ttavayyayu Eda-
31 vari Chabladeva-
32 nûnu Choreya-
33 [ka]dallunu Baliyachchu-
34 dla Mallapavu- t
3r5 n=ddhi(di)niki vakrabu
36 vachchinava(va)ru
37 [Va*]rana(na)si[n=lachchinava(va)]- '
38 ru Srlparva(rva)ta[muna]
39 kaj(ka)vilayun=a-
40 J.isinava(va)ru [l|*]
411 Makeya
C.—Kasanuru Inscription of Aggajaya
This inscription2 was found engraved on a stone slab lying by the side of the road
leading to the market in the village Kasanuru, Pulivendla Taluk, Cuddapah District. The
letters in the record are somewhat indifferently engraved. Though the record is not dated,
its characters” bear remarkable resemblance to those of inscription B above.
This inscription records that the land (probably the one on which the inscribed slab was
lying) which was of T.alaravidu, was granted to Vamanaya of Kachchanuru by Aggalaya on
the former's death in a battle in the village (lines 1-4). Lines 4-6 contain imprecations
and lines 6-7 state that the engraver of the record was Varadhali.
Though Aggajaya does not receive any regal titles and epithets, in view of the palaeogra-
phical similarity of inscriptions B and C, he may be tentatively identified with the Bana
chieftain Aggapa.
The, gift-land is referred to as Talaravi(i pola. On the one hand Talaravldu could be the
name of a village. In this case its representative is not found on the modern map. On the
other hand, it is possible that Vamana died in the battle, discharging his duties as talara,
and that the land was granted as compensation, to be enjoj ed by the members of his house.
Kachchanuru to which Vamana belonged -is the same as Kasanuru the find-spot
of this epigraph.
1 There is a blank space in between lines 40 and 41.
2 A.R.Ep., 1946-47, No. B 10. The gist of this inscription given therein is inaccurate.
4 DGA/77 4
162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX
TEXT1
1 Svasti[ | *] sri Aggalaya Kachcha[nu]-
2 ra Vamanayaku(ku) uru po[ra*]
3 chachchina Talaraviti po-
4 la2 vakrabi(bu) vachchuva(va)ndu Ba(Va)-
5 [ra]na(na)si vrachchinava(va)nû pasupa]
6 Barana[sin=a]lisi[na*]va(va)pdu [ | *} kro-
7 chchu Varadhali ckapduko[ma] [||*]
1 From estampages.
2 Here a word like ichchinadi is to besuppl>ed.'
No. 24-NOTE ON FOUR GUPTA-PERIOD INSCRIPTIONS
1. The Gadhwa Stone Inscription cf the alleged year 88

Dr. Fleet has published the inscription under review in his C.I.I., Vol. Ill on pages 36 ff.
The inscription is illustrated on plate iv B of the same book. He has read the date, occurring
in line 11 of the text, as 88, and this reading has stood unverified all along. In view of the
fact that this year 88 falls within the reign-period of Chandragupta II, this record has been
attributed by Fleet to this ruler and has been adopted as such by other scholars too.
On a close examination of the numerical symbols of this record, it has been found that
Fleet has, by sheer inadvertence, missed to note the real value of th8 figure representing
the tens, and has read it as 80 whereas it actually stands for a different number. The most
important feature of the figure for 80 is the presence of a vertical stroke and the absence
of a horizontal line in it e.g. the figure 80 in the Udayagiri Cave Inscription of the year 821. On
the contrary, the figure in the record in question displays unmistakably the horizontal line
though the vertical fine is faint.. So, it becomes clear that it is not 80. If this is so, then
it has to be ascertained which other figure has, besides being circular in form with a vertical
line in it, has a distinguishing, horizontal line also. This sort of numerical figure is only that
which represents 90. This special feature can be seen very prominently in the Sanchi stone
inscription of the year 932 and the Gadhwa Inscription of the year 983. It, therefore* becomes-
clear that the real date of the record is 90 [+]<§, i.e. 98. This correct reading of the date:
makes the inscription belong to the time of Kumaragupta 1. In fact all the three records,
namely those illustrated on plate iv B, C and D of C.I.I., Vol. Ill, belong to the time of this
ruler only as is apparently seen from their palaeographic features also. It is very likely
that they were all engraved by one and the same person in the year 98.
That there were other similar records at the same place in Gadhwa has been known
from the fragmentary records engraved on two faces of a four-sided sand-stone pillar, pub
lished by Fleet in C.I.I., Vol. Ill, pp. 264 ff. and illustrated on plate xxxix B therein. This
inscription has been rightly surmised by Fleet to belong to the time of the Kumaragupta 1,
on palaeographical grounds. This pillar and the one on which the records dated the year
98, discussed above have been engraved, appear to have belonged to a structure, probably
religious in character.
2. Khoh plates of the Maharaja Samkshobha of the year 208, and not the year 209.
While writing the note on the Bhumara pillar inscription of Hastin4 Dr. D. C. Sircar,
has as usual, first corrected the reading of the record which is the most important aspect of
the science of Epigraphy. Besides correcting the name of the grandparent of Sivadasa,
Dr. Sircar has corrected-the unit figure in the divasa date also as 8, which it really is. When
1 CII, Vol. Ill, plate ii S.
2 Ibid., plate Hi B.
3 Ibid., plate iv D.
4 Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 167 ff., and plate.
(163,)
4 DGA/77 5-
this is done, it naturally raises the question whether the unit figure occurring in the date
‘209;1 of the Khoh plates of Maharaja Samkshobha is also correct as read by Dr. Fleet2.
When this unit figure 9 is compared with the unit figure of the divasa date of the Bhumara
pillar inscription referred to above it seems to agree in toto with the latter. If this is so
then the unit figure in the date of the Khoh plates under discussion also becomes 8, and
consequently the date is really ‘the year 208’.
3. Only one set of plates and not two single plates each of a different charter from Khoh
of Maharaja Sarvanatha. .
Dr. Fleet,has published two single copper-plate inscriptions, each separately on pp. 129 ff.
in his C./.7., Vol. III. These plates are illustrated also separately, on plates xix, A and B
in the book. While dealing with the first plate Dr. Fleet has stated on page 130 of his' book
the .following : “ The inscription is one of the Maharaja Sarvanatha ; and the charter
recorded in it is issued from the city or hill called Uchchakalpa. The date is lost, in the
second plate.” Similarly in dealing with the second plate Fleet has stated on page 133 of
his book the following : “The first plate containing the name of the Maharaja and the place,
, \yhere the charter was issued, is lost ; but the date, and other details at the end,- show
.,that the inscription is one of the Maharaja Sarvanatha of Uchchakalpa
■ If is Veal ly surprising to note how such an eminent master of Epigraphy as Fleet has been
lead- to believe that these two plates belong each to a different set of copper-plate charter,'
•of one-and the same ruler, inspite of the fact that in shape, size and palaeography both the
•■^plates should belong to one and the same set issued by the ruler Sarvanatha in the year 197-
Any one'can see that the text in fines 15 and 16 of the plate A, viz. ye ch=asmad-vahs-dtpadyae
mandlcn-rdjdnas=tair=iya{rh*\ dattir=na viloky (py)=dmimodaniya runs1 perfection with the
“text in fine 1 of plate B, viz. yathd-kalah=chd pratipalaniya [ | *], etc.
In view of the above, the two separate plates illustrated on plate xix A and B of C.I.I.,
' Vol. IjQ and dealt with as two different records by Dr. Fleet, have to be taken as belonging
to only, a single set of plates of Sarvanatha dated in the year 197.
.' 4. The caste ofRavikirtti of the Mandasor Stone Inscription of Yasodharman of the Mdlava
., year 589..
Dr. Fleet has edited this interesting inscription in his C.I.I., Vol. Ill, on pp.150 ff. and
plate xxii. Regarding the family- of ministers figuring in the record -he has the following
to say : “ The genealogy of this family of ministers is given ; and it includes a somewhat
noticeable name in that of Bhanugupta, the wife of Daksha’s grandfather, Raviklrtti. Her
date would be just about one generation before that of the king Bhanugupta, for whom we
have the date of Gupta-Samvat 191 (A.D. .510-11) .from the Eran Posthumous pillar inscrip
tion of Goparaja, No. 20 above, page 91, and plate xii Band the, coincidence of name and
lime, is such; that it is almost impossible not to imagine some family connection between
him and her. Bhanugupta, of course, must have been ,a Kshatriya; and Bhanugupta’s
husband,Raviklrtti, was evidently a Brahman. But the ancient Hindu law authorised the
marrying of Kshatriya wives by Brahmanas. And we have an epigraphical instance of this
practice in the. Ghatotkacha cave inscription of Hastibhoja, a minister of the Vakataka
1 CII, Vol. HI, pp. 112 ff., and plate B. ............ ' ’ '
«Above, Vol. XXXIII, plate facing page 167.. / : ' >
.No. 24] NOTE ON FOUR GUPTA-PERIOD INSCRIPTIONS 165
Maharaja Devasena ; it tells us that Hastibhoja’s ancestor, the Brahman Sorra, “ in accord
ance with the precepts of revelation and of tradition ” married a Kshatriya wife, through
whom Hastibhoja was descended, in addition to some other wives of the Brahman caste,
whose sons, and their descendants applied themselves to the study 'of the Vedas ’’h
This long quotation may be excused, because it has been found necessary to give it here
in order to make the points given below clear. It is apparent from Dr. Fleet’s remarks that
he wapts to make the family of ministers as qf Brahmana caste, wants to connect the name
of Bhanugupta the wife of Ravikirtti, one of the members of the family, with the imperial
Qupta family, and that he cites inscriptional and Dharmasastra evidence for the marriage
of a Kshatriya woman with a Brahmana.
In ancient records and especially in the records of the Gupta period, if a Brahmana
is,mentioned not only he is mentioned as a Brahmana and his gotra is given but also he is
described as learned in the Vedas, etc. This appears to be almost an invariable feature.
Besides, in many cases, the Brahamna names end in sarman. We may cite here some
-examples from the records of the period in question, viz. (1) The person Devavishnu figuring
in the Indoi Copper-plate Inscription of Skandagupta of the year 146, is described as Brahmana
.and as satat-Agnihdtra-[ch*]chhanddgd Rdndyani{ni)yo Varshagana-sagottra,2 and (2) the
persons, among others, Devasvamin a!nd Sarvvasvamin in the Khoh Copper-plate Inscription
■ of the Maharaja Hastin of the year -163, are described as Bharadvdja-sagdttra-Vaiji(ja)saneya-
.sabrahmacharu(ri)ne , In the case of persons belonging to other castes such distinguishing
descriptions are seldom employed, as for-instance Parnadatta of the Junagadh Rock Inscription
of Skandagupta of the years 136,137 and 138, and Madra, the son of Rudrasoma alias Vyaghra
and the grandson of Bbattisoma and great-grandson of Siimila of the Kahaum Stone Pillar
.Inscription of Skandagupta of the'year 141. - -
Coming to the record under discussion, the members of the family of ministers figuring
in it, including Ravikirtti, are not described as Brahmanas ; neither are they called as belon
ging to any gotra ; nor do their names end in. sarman. Above all none of them is called as
learned in the Vedas etc. This, itself, is enough to show that they Were not Brahmanas.
That they belonged probably to the Vaisya community seems to be suggested by the manner
they are described as well as by their name endings, like °datta, (e.g., Shashtidatta and Abh-
.ayadatta) and dasa, (e.g., Varahadasa). And this seems to get support from the fact
that they are stated to have belonged to the “pure race of NaigamEs’. No doubt the word
Naigama may means, as has been explained by Fleet himself “an interpreter of Vedic quo
tations as words \ and would thus make the race as of Brahmana. But in the absence of
a specific mention of the members of the race as Brahmana etc., this word Naigama has to
be taken in the meaning of a merchant. So, here the description of Shashtidatta as “spreader
-of the pure race of Naigamas” has to be taken as denoting the fact that he belonged to the
merchant class. If this is so, then Ravikirtti, a descendant of Varahadasa, the son of Shas
htidatta, also should belong to the same class. Interestingly this Ravikirtti is stated to have
married a certain woman named Bhanugupta. The °gupta ending of the name, instead
of reminding one of the name of imperial Gupta king Bhanugupta, suggests at once that
she also belonged to the VaiSya community as some of its members were also called guptas.
Now it is clear that Ravikirtti, a member of a merchant class, no doubt an influential group
.1CII, Vol. Ill, p. 152.
2 Ibid., p. 70, text lines 6-7.
3 Ibid., p. 103, text lines 7-8. -..............- ............. - — -........*—................
* Ibid., p. 328.
, •
of that, married naturally a woman belonging to his own community. If it were at all true
that there was even a remote connection of her with the imperial royal family, the fact could,
hardly have been omitted by the writer of the record. Now that the caste to which the mem
bers of the family of ministers has been decided as above, there is hardly any room for discu
ssion about the permissibility of a Brahmana marrying a Kshatriya woman as admitted by
the Dharmasastras. As has been stated above, there is no evidence of yarra samkara or
cmuloma marriage in this record. On the contrary, the marriage between Ravikirtti and
Bhanugupta was a perfectly valid one as per the injunctions of the Dharmasastras•• True,
there is the instance of a Brahmana marrying a Kshatriya woman as known from the Gha—
jotkacha cave inscription of the Vakataka king Devasena. There the Brahmapa had regu
lar Brahmana wives also whose sons and their descendent are stated to have applied them
selves to the study of the Vedas” 1 so that the Brahmana lineage was continued unbroken./
In a note under A.S.W..I., Vol. IV, p. 140, quoted above, Biihler has stated that the custom,
of “Brahmanas taking wives frcm other castes prevailed and considered lawful up to the
sixth century, though the compilers of the modern Nibandhas, such as Nilakantha andKama-
lakara, who are as profoundly ignorant of the history of their country as Hindu school
men always are, declare that it is forbidden in the Kali-yuga, i. e. since 3101 B. C. “I think
this criticism of the Hindu schoolmen in general and of the Nibandha-karas in particular
does not seem necessary. For, the DharmaMstras have recognised not only the anuldmd
form of marriages but also the pratiloma form. These texts are known to be ancient and
that Nilakantha and Kamalakara must not have been ignorant of them in whatevei other
matters they were ignorant. The anuloma and pratiloma form of marriages did not stop from
taking place with the 6th century but are even now prevalent. All that the Nibandhakaras-
intended seems to be that in the Kali-yuga such marriages should be avoided. Similarly the-
Hindu schoolmen have been and are there as any other schoolmen in any other part of the-,
world to inculcate in the minds of the people what is enjoined by the scriptures only.
1ASWI, Vol. IV, p. 140.

No. 25—CH1KKANANDIHALLI INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMADITYA-X
(1 Plate)
B. R. Gopal, Dharwar
The two inscriptions, impressions of which were sent to the office of the Government
•Epigraphist for India (now Chief Epigraphist) by the Superintendent of the South-Western
Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India, were found in the village of Chikka-Nan dihalli
• in Byadagi Taluk of Dhanyar District. The exact situation of these inscribed slabs are
pot known.1 They have been noticed in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1960-61
(App. B Nos. 406-07 and Introduction p. 23-24). I am editing them here with the kind
permission of the Chief Epigraphist who got the inscription recopied by Dr. S.H. Ritti, as
the ones sent by the Superintendent were not satisfactory.-
These records are very important, for, they belong to the reign of Vikramaditya I,
of the Chalukya dynasty ruling aj^Badami, of whom we have very few stone inscriptions.
The Dimmagudi2 and TurimeHa3Inscriptions
*5 are the only two lithic records which can be
assigned, without any doubt, to this king. Both of them are dated respectively in the 27th
and 2nd regnal years. The records now being edited are undated, but they have a more
confirmatory evidence than palaeography to show that they belong to the reign of Vikrama
ditya I, son of Pulakesi II. These two records refer to the king as ‘Kokkuli Vikramaditya’'
and this is -the most interesting feature, for, no record of his till now found described him with
the epithet (?) Kokkuli. Only in the Sanjan plates of his uncle Buddhavarasa Vikramaditya
is described as ‘Kokkuli Vikramaditya’. While editing that record Sten Konow said that
“we are justified in making use of the historical information contained in the Sanjan grant
and even the attribution of the name Kokkuli to Vikramaditya I, may very well be justified
if we remember that the name Kokili occurs in the genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas.”1
For the first time the records under study confirm that Vikramaditya I was known also as.
Kokkuli Vikramaditya.6 Tin's, in itself, is enough evidence to attribute the records to that,
king. It may be noted that the Rugi inscription dated 1015 A.D. while narrating the genealogy
of the Chalukyas also refers -to this king as Kokkuli Vikramaditya.
The palaeography of the records call for some remarks as it also forms a basis,
for assigning them to Vikramaditya I. For the sake of convenience, the records are
numbered as A and B. The initial a occurs in fines 4 and 6 of A, fines 1 (twice) and 3 of B
1 Dr. Ritti informs me that it is a deserted village and the inscribed slabs were lying near a small
Siva temple.
2 SII, Vol. X, No. 24.
3 Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 160 ff. -
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 148.
5 Ranna while giving the genealogy of his patron Irivabedanga-Satyasraya (Gadayuddha, Asvasa II
•prose passage after verse 7) refers to Vikramaditya II, son. of Vijayaditya as Komkarii Vikramaditya.
It is not sure, however, whether ‘Kokkuli’ is a mistake for Komkaiji- in which case that epithet must be
attributed to Vikramaditya I also. But most probably ‘Kokkuli’ and ‘Korhkani’ are two different epithets,
the meaning of which, however, is not clear. It may be noted that a certain Kokili or Kokiliraju is known
to have been a Telugu Chola chief, from records of the 8th-9th centuries (cf. ARIE, 1964-65, Introduction,
and B. 52). . .
C 167 )
4DGA/77 6
and a in line 4 of B. This latter is somewhat different from the same found in the TurimeJla
inscription. Vowel i and i are found in line 6 of B and in line 9 of A respectively. The
downward curve attached to the consonant on its right side to indicate the medial a is not
always the same. Na in send of line 2 of A and in send of line 4 of B are cases in point. The
Dravidian r is indicated by a circle which is divided into four quadrants by two lines
interesecting at fight angles.
The language of both the. records is. Kannada. The. object is to commemorate
the death of certain individuals. The meaning of the inscriptions is not very clear, however, '
so far as the details . are concerned. The first record (A), refers to Dosirajagara.
. Senavarasa as governor of Mugunda-nadu while- in B the chief is referred to
wrongly as. Dosadirajagara-Senavarasa. A damaged record from Elevaka1 refers to a.
Senavarasa as'ruling the Banavasi-12000 division. The record is assigned to 1015 A.D. by
Mr. Rice though no reason for doing so is stated.2 But it looks probable that the king
Vikramaditya-Satyasraya referred to in that record was- Vikramaditya I, for, no -later
Chalukya king suflixes the title Satyasraya to his own name. But the badly damaged nature
of the record precludes us from coming to any definite conclusion.
However, we have another record from Mayitammana-muchchadi3 in the. same District
which .refers to the chief Senavara who appears to haw; been governing Mugunda-nadu
as a feudatory of Vijayaditya-Satyasraya, grandson of Vikramaditya I. Though we cannot
be sure about it we may possibly identify this Senavara with his namesake of our records.
Another inscription from Kigga4 in. Kadur District refers to a Senavarasa who was con
temporaneous; with the Alupa king Chitravahana. The latter is the husband of Kumkuma-
mahadevi, granddaughter of Vikramaditya. The record, however, does not say what
position Senavara was holding. If he were the same as the Senavarasa of our records, then
he would be a senior contemporary of Chitravahana. That Senavarasa of our records is. the
earliest member of the family, known hitherto is, however, clear.
The records state that he was governing Mugunda-nadu, obviously the same as Mugunda-
nadu referred to above in the Mayitammana-muchchadi record. A record of Vikramaditya
VI. from Ukkund5 in Ranebennur Taluk of Dharwar District refers to Vijayaditya of the
Matura family as the governor of Mugunda-12 division, besides others. Another record
of the same king from Belagami6 dated 1081 A.D., refers to mahapradhdna Tambarasa, a sub
ordinate of prince Jay.asirhha, as ,ruling Mugiinda-12 division besides others. This division,
must be different from Mulgunda-12 referred to in some records.’ The latter division- could
be identified with the villages round about and inclusive of Mulugud, in Gadag Taluk,
which, however, is far removed from Ranebennur'and Byadagi Taluks. There is yet another
division comprising of 30 villages and named after its chief, place—Mugud. This latter'
place is identical' with Mugad in Dharwar Taluk, which also, for the same reason, cannot
be the headquarters of the Mugunda-nadu of our records. It is, however, possible that
Mugunda-nadu might be identical with the area round about the -village Magod in .Rane
bennur Taluk. • This might be the chief village of the division Mugunda-12 referred to above
1 Ep. Cam., Vol. VIII, Cb. 381.
2 Ibid., translation, p. 67.
3 Ibid., Vol. VII, Sk. 278. .
4 Ibid., Vol. VI, Kp. 37.
4 A. JR. Ep. 1934-35, B.K. No. 66.
. 6 Mys.A. R. 1929, No. 65, pp. 131. ff.
’ S'//, Vol. XI, Pt. I, Nos. 28,65 etc -.
A—CHIKKANANDIHALLI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA
Scale : One-third
4
B- OHICKIKANANDIHALLI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA
Scale : One-third
No. 25 CHIKKANANDIHALLI. INSCRIPTIONS OF VIKRAMADITYA I ■. 169
m the.record from Ukkund, within ten miles to the west of Magod. But, if this identification
is correct, we do not know how the name Mugunda came to be known as Magod later on.
Another badly damaged record from Chikka-NandihallP also registers the death of a
hero and therein refers to Dosi Senavarasa who is the same as the chief of our records. The
inscription, however, does not refer to the ruling king. But from the context it appears as
though he was Vikramaditya I. .
TEXT2
- A
1. • [Srima]t3—Kokkuli Vikkramaditya sriprithu-
2 [vl]-rajyarh keye DSsirajagara Sena-
3 4varasah=Mugundu-xiad-ale- Vallabha-maha-
4 rajara vesade Kana-Arkadiyan-kolvalli •
5 Senavarasar-koliserh'nattiya kundugo-
6 []a]l-aluttu tamuttirvaram pade sandu Kana-A-.
7 rkadiyul=ejrid=erupettu sat[t*]u sargala-
8 yakk=ejdo[m]g=iydug=eridu rajamatali matal=pa-
9 ttu kerevodiyara nagadige kottadu I
10 dattiyan=alivon=sasirva-
11 rrpparvvaru kavileyuman-konda pancha-maha- '
12 pataka-sayuktan-akku [|J*]
, Top panel
1 Tavaman-pade-sandu Arkadiyan-erivalli Nattiya tavutirvarum mun-sandu- Arkadi-
2 yan-vaheridu Puradevana Kiriyananu satft*]u sarggalayakk=eridon '

1 A.R-Ep., 1960-61, No. B .408. '
s From impressions.
Theslab is broken at the. top left corner and the extant portion appears to
part of srimat.
.. * A Portion of probably the letter sti is seen in the beginning of this line. This might be a part
the word svasti which generally appears at the very beginning of inscriptions.
170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XX XIX
Middle panel
3 Kokkoli-Vikkramaditya-srI-PrithuvI-vallabha-maharajar-p ri-
4 thuvi ale Dosadira]'agara-Senavarasan=Mflgu-
5 [nd=ale Valla]bha-makarajara vesade Kana-Arkadiyan-kolvalli
Bottom panel
6 sri-Sinda-kalkutiya irvvaru
7 kamara[da]varu kedor[u] [||*]
No. 26—DHUNDSI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNA III
(1 Plate)
/ Madhav N. Katti, Mysore
The inscription3 *edited

* below with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist, Archaeo
logical Survey of India, Mysore, was copied by me at the village Dhundili, Shiggaon
Taluk, Dharwar District, in the course of my tour of that Taluk, in April 1969. The inscrip
tion is on a hero-stone which was brought out in the process of clearing the area about a
furlong away from the village, for the construction of a culvert for the Shiggaon'-Dhundsi
Road. The stone is broken into two pieces and the inscribed portion is slightly damaged.
The inscription is in Kannada language and characters of the 10th century. The
palaeography, of the record is regular for the period to which it belongs, the letters being
indifferently engraved in some .cases., The letter ri in parihara (line 9) which is having
the i sign in a triangular form instead of cursive is worth noticing. Amongst the ortho
graphical features, it is interesting to see the use of medial vowel o in place of a in the
word muvadimbaru (line 8).
The date portion of the record has lost a few words pertaining to the Saka year
and month, but on the basis of palaeography, It can be restored as Saka [8]69, Plava,
ashfami, Sunday. These details are not sufficient to give the exact corresponding equiva
lent in the Christian era. But since ashtami fell on Sunday only four times during the cyclic
year Plava, in the said £aka year, the date can .be taken to be May 16 or 30 of October 10 of
A.D. 947 or February 20 of A.D. 948. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Krishna-
raja, who is obviously Rashtrakuta Krishna III as shown below.
The text of the inscription is entirely in prose. • It starts with the auspicious word svasti
and states (lines 1-4) that while Krishnaraja (his epithets given) was the paramount
ruler of the earth, his feudatory mahasamanta Ka[livi]ttara, described as samadhigata-
panchamahasabda was governing the Banavasi province and the Kuppa[tiir] district.12. Kaliy-
ugarama is mentioned as administering Tiyganur-30 andKadakuppi-grama. Lines 5-9 state
that Kamalasila of Baraduru lot his life in the raid on the village Dhundasi, on the 8th day
of... . .(the name of the month is lost), in the Saka year [8]69, cyclic year Plava, that a
stone was set up (in memory of the deceased) by his wife and that the muvadimbaru of
Tiyganur granted some inattar of land as parihara to her. Lines 9-11 contain the impreca
tory portion.. |
The record brings to tight a hitherto unknown fact that in the year A.D. 947-48 the pro
vince of Banavasi was governed by mahasamanta Kativittara who is mentioned as a feudatory
of Krishnaraja. This Krishaparaja bears the epithets prithuvfvallabha, maharajadhiraja,
paramesvara and paramabhatfaraka and the inscription refers itself to his reign.. He is,
1 A. R. Ep., 1968-69, B No. 77.
2 The reading Banavdsi-Kiippa[tur]ncid-ale, has to be taken to mean in this way since Kuppatur was a
part of the Banavasi province.
< 171 )
4DGA/77 . 7
therefore, Rashtrakuta Krishna III who is mentioned as Krishnaraja in a number of records1
and who ruled over this territory during A.D. 939-67.
It is known from the Kyasanur inscription2, dated Saka 868, Visvavasu (A.D.945-46).
that the Banavasi province was governed by nahasamanta Kalivitta of the Chellaketana.
family, as a feudatory of Rashtrakuta Krishna III. The earliest reference to tins chief
occurs in an inscription3, belonging to the reign of Krishna II and dated Saka 835 (A.D. 913)4-
" He seems to have assisted Govinda IV in'fighting the Eastern Chalukyas in A.D. 934-385.
His last date known to the historians so far is A.D. 945-46 furnished by the Kyasanur fnscrip-.
tions6 discussed above. Mahasamanta Kalivittara of our record, who is stated to be govern
ing the Banavasi province and Kuppatur district, is the same as Kali-vittarasa of the Chella-
ketana family referred to above. The inscription states that in A.D.947-48 he himself was
in charge of the administration of the Banavasi province along with Kuppatur district which
was not known so far. A damaged inscription from the same District, belonging to the reign
of the same ruler (Krishna HI) and dated Saka 871 Saumya7 (A.D. 949-50) states that Kalivi-
(tarasa (particulars of his dynasty or his epithets not given) was governing the province of
Banavasi as a feudatory of Kandharadeva8 9while the former’s subordinate Gavandiga.
was administering over Edema) al-7011. This Kalivittarasa is obviously the same as maha
samanta Kalivittara of our record. ,
The Atakur inscription10 belonging to the regin of Krishna III and dated Saumya-samva-
tsara, Saka 872 (current)11 corresponding to A.D.949-50, states that Krishna m assigned the,
administration of the Banavasi province to Gaiiga Butuga II, in that year. This record and
the one12 discussed above are dated in the same cyclic year, viz., Saumya and it is possible
that Kalivittarasa13 had died some time earlier than the date of the Atakur inscription.
1 See above, Vol, II, p. 171 ; Vol. VI, p. 53 ; Vol. XIX, p. 289 ; Vol. XXXII, pp. 55 IF.; Ind Ant.,.
Vol. XXXII, pp. 215 IF. and S/I, Vol. XVIII, No. 26.
2 Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 280 fF.
3 Ep. Cam., Vol. VIII, Sb. No. 88. .
4 The other details of date are not given and More.es takes it as A. D. 912 (v/cfe, The Kadmnba Kula,.
p. 85). The inscription gives the cyclic year as Prajapati which is not regular for the Saka year.
5 Ibid., p. 86.
e Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p. 420.
i A. R.Ep., 1949^50, B No. 125. The last line of the text seems to indicate that the inscriptnn was.
engraved on the Chaitra Vunjima (which can be read out of the traces'of the wornout letters) and if this
is taken to be correct, the date of the inscription would be A. D. 949, March 17, whichWas a Saturday.
8 Read from the impression. In the above A. R. the name is;read as Kannaradeya.
9 This division formed a part of Banavasi.-l.2C00. It is also mentioned as Edevolal-nadu (see above-
Vol. XVI, pp. 280ff.), Edevolal-visbaya and Edevolal-bltaga (I F. Fleet, op. cit., pp. 309, 369, 370), This
district fprmed a part of Banavasi- 12000 and was to the north-east of Banavasi. Gavaridiga here referred"
to as administering over E<jemalal-.70, is the same as Gamunîga mentioned in the Kyasanur inscriptions,
(above, Vol. XVI, pp. 280 fif.) as governing Edevolal-nadu as a subordinate of Mahasamanta Kalivitta.
in A.D. 945-46. ,
10 Above Vol. II, pp. 167 fF. and Vol. VI, pp. 50 fif.
11 Other details of date do not occur in the record..
12 A. R. Ep., 1949-50, B No. 125. • ; -
13 It is also known from some records that Kaliviftarasa was the son of Lokaditya, had an elder brother
Senavarasa and a son Rasaniia, the last of whom was the last governor of the Chellaketana family to hold-
sway over the Banavasi province(vide G.M. Moraes, op. cit., pp. 85 ff.). v
DHUNDSI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNA HI
Scale : One-third
No- 26J DHUNDSI INSCRIPTION of KRISHNA III 173,
Kaliyugarama is mentioned, as administering Tiyganur-30 and Kadakuppi-grama This

word Kaliyugarama, appears to be the title of this chief. Since, here it occurs in the place of
he proper name, we may take that‘the title, replaced the proper name as the concerned chief
may have been known well as Kaliyugarama. Muvadimbam were the thirty persons who
formed the representative body of the village Tlyganur
• Amongst the geographical names occuring in the record, we come across Banavasi
and KuppatGr-nadu. Banavasi province is the same as Banavasi-12000, which spread
over the major parts of the. present-day Dharwar, North Kanara and Shimoga Districts.
Kuppatur-nadu formed a district within-the Banavasi province with its headquarters at
Kuppaturu*1 i.e., modern ICuppatur in Sorab Taluk, Shimoga District. TiyganGr-30 was.
also a unit of Banavasi-12000 and was the area around Tlyganur which may be identified with
modern T. Gonur, in Sirsi Taluk, North. Kanara District. Kadakuppi-grama may have
been within Tiyganur-30 and can be identified with the modern village Kalkop in the same
Taluk and District. Dhundasi is the prsent day village of Dhundsi, the findspot of the
record and Baraduru the present day Baradur, both belonging to Shiggaon Taluk, Dharwar
TEXT2 3 * * 6
1 para[iâi]CFiSh3?araJa ^yiJthuvibha(va)nabha mabarajadhiraja parm esva(£va)ra*
2 mâs^bda rSjya[m=utta]r'6ttar'5bhiv!'iddhi sale svasti samadhigata-paucha-
3 mahasamanta Kaflivijttara Banavasi-Ku[ppatur-nad=a]le Kaliyugarama
4 ka[l-a>UPPi'gr5ma' ‘TIyga[n0r‘m^vatta nal-ga(ga)vundu gaya‘ [||] Svasti Sakrinapa-
5 tita-sam[va*]tsara-sata[mgal=Sritu]nura a(a)ruvatt-o[m]bhbha(bha)ttaneya Plava-

samvatsaram pravarttifse]...
.ashtami adityavara yati[pa]tamâge Dhundasiya atikrana7

1 XX’ 34 In-’ 7- If is known as Kuppa{ur-sa
Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb 265 and 377. sasira in some inscriptions ; for e.g see, Ep.
2 From impressions.
3 Traces of the letter ra are seen above the line.
1 Wrong for geyye. • -> .
6 Read Sakanyipa.
6 Wrongly written for vyat!paiam.
7 Read atikramana.
7 . , nda Baradura Kama[ljaslla sattu sagg-alayakke sanda[|*] Atana pendati-
8 .. nirisidode T!yganur=xnuvadimborum=i]du bitta keiyu-mattala.
9 . .. .parihara[|*] Ida kadatam Vara(vara) nasiyol=suryya-grahanadol=panneradu ka
10 ... pkald idan-alidataiii brahmati-geydom kavileya kond[a''?]papa[tna].
11 ............ bildam[||]*
OMGIP (Publication Unit) Sant,—SI—4 DGA/77—13-7-85—1,000 Co.pie?i

• \
* r■
.1 v PGEI. 1. XXXIX. ).
' , 1000.
f ' <•
A
EPIGRAPH IA IMDICA V.
■> \
VOL, XXXIX PART

X■
APRIL 1972
\ ; ;
■L ; , - EDITED BY
P. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A.
Chief Epigraphist (Retd.) -
V ■' ■,
M ■
/ ' 1 • ' \ ■ '• ' ■
Published by the Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi-11

Printed at the Government of India Press (Publication Unit),
, • Santragachij, Howrah, India. ‘ 1
j . Price ) Inland Rs. 8‘00 Foreign 18 sh. 8 d. or 2 $ 88 cents.
f ' ■ ' ■' '
\ ' i . . ■
CONTENTS ' . '
.
, ■
'' . •^• ■ __ • ' ' Page
No. 27. Nadol Plate of'Jayamtasimha, V.S. 1238.' By P.R. Srinivasan, Mysore ' . ■ 179 •
No. 28. Vadgaon Madhavpur Memorial Pillar Inscription of Somayasas, [Day] 10082
By S. Sankaranarayanan, Mysore . .. ' 283
No. 29. Garh Stone Inscription of the time of Mahipala, V.S. 979. By B.Dntta, ' ■, •
New Delhi and C. L. Suri, Mysore . l8c>
No. 30: Masod Kampti Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena II, .Year 19. By P. '
' • R. Srinivasan, Mysore . . . . . . ‘ . 299.
*
No; 31. A grant of Sambhu-Choda, year 50 by P. R. Srinivasan, Mysore . . 205

No. 32. Two Hero-Stone Inscriptions .from Irulappatti by K. G. Krishnan,- ,' .
’ Mysore , •. ^ .1211
'No. 33. Ghaghsa Inscription of Guhi'la'Tejasimha, V.S, 1322.by G.L. Suri-
and S. Subramonia Iyer, Mysore .r . . . .• ; . 215
PLATES
No.- 31. Nadol Plate of Jayamtasimha, V.S. 1238 ' . . to face page
No. 32. Vadgaon Madhavpur Memorial Pillar Inscription of

- ' • Somayasas, [Day] 10082 ■ . '. . . .'to face page ■ 186
No. 33. GarhStone Inscription of the'time of'Mahipala, V.S.
-..979. . . .... . . . . to face page 194
No. 34. Masod Khmpti Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena II, '
. Year 19 . . . . ^ . ... between pages 202 and 203
No . 35. A. Grant of Sambhu-Choda, Year SQ-. . . , between pages 208\tnd 209
No. 36. Twd Hero-Stone Inscriptions from Irulappatti . to face page 2)2
, ' - ^ • • -V
No. 37-. Ghaghsa Inscription of GuhilaTejasimha, V.S. 1322 to face page 220
No. 27—NADOL PLATE OF JAYAMTASIMHA, V.S. 1238
(.1 Plate)
The.copper-plate inscription1 edited below was received at the Office of the Chief Epigra-
phist from Shri K.V. Soundara Rajan, now Director, Archaeological Survey of India, in June
1965. In his letter to the Chief Epigraphist, he has stated that “the copper-plate grant (con
sisting of two sheets with subject matter only on one face of each) was secured by me from
the Sarpanch at Nadol in the. Desuri Taluk, Pah District, Rajasthan, through the good
offices of the Collector. The plates were with the Sarpanch for a very long time.” No other
particulars of its discovery are available. The plates are rectangular in shape, without ring
and seal, measuring 13 cm by 8 cm, with a single hole having a diameter of 1 cm. The thick
ness of the plates is 1 cm. Both plates are engraved on the inner sides only. There are 23 lines
of writing, 11 on the first plate and 12 on the second. The writing is well preserved. The two
plates together weigh 235 gm.
The characters are Nagari and they are regular for the period, although the letters
are somewhat squat and not well formed. The language employed is Sanskrit and the
text is in prose and verse. The inscription refers itself to the reign of 6rlmat- Jayamtasimha
of the Ghahamana family. It is dated in V. S. 1238, VaiSakha su. 8, Saturday which
regularly corresponds to April 5, 1180 A.D., when V.S. 1238 is taken as Chaitradi.
The inscription commences with the Siddham symbol. The first stanza (verse 1) refers to
the Chahamana family which trampled on the heads of all rulers. The next stanza states that
in that family was born king Anahila and his son was Jemdraraja. Then in verse
3 his son ASaraja, his son Alhana and the latter's son Kelhana are referred to.
In verse 4 Kelhana's son Srimat-Jayamtasimha is mentioned as a flourishing ruler
and as a great warrior who has vanquished, with the prowess of his arms, all other valiant
warriors. Then follow long passages in prose. In lines 7-8 the particulars of date viz.
V.S. 1238* Vaisakha su. 8, Saturday are given. The passage in lines 8-13, records the annual gift
of a sum of 8 drammas, (given also in words), form the dany-udgranaka or the prince’s share
of the taxes reserved for the purpose of gift’of the village of Slmapati, a fief of the prince
(Kumara-pada), to the deity Parsvanatha of the sri-Anala-vihara at Analapura, which
belonged to the Suddhavatl-gachchha, for the purpose of ball offering to the deity on the
occasion of kalyahika festival falling in'the month of Pausha. In line 7 it is stated that the
king endowed this gift after considering the uselessness of the worldly affairs. In lines 12-13,
it is stated that the gift should remain as long as the sun and moon endure. The passage
in lines 13-14 states that the aforesaid drammas should be paid to the deity by the people of
Slmapati from the udgranaka tax. Then follows the passage (lines 15-17) which says that
this order was accepted on behalf of the deity by four persons of the merchant class, viz.
Ralha, the son of Bhabhata, Tilhana, the son of Alhana, Bahudeva the son of Dasala and
Alhana, the son of Sodhai. Immediately after this comes the undertaking that (the gift)
should be protected by these foremost sons from the encroachment of Ranakas or royal
1 A.R.Ep., 1965-66, No. A 38. ' '
( 179 )
6 DGA/77 1
H Hiar
people. In lines 18-22, three customary verses are given. The last line (line 23) states that
this was wirtten by Pam {Pantfita) Vidyadhara, the son of Pam {Pandita) Silana.
The inscription is important in several respects. It is the third record belonging to the
ruler Jayamtasimha, known so far, the other two being (1) the Bhinmal inscription of V.S.
1239,1 and(2)Sadadi inscription of V.S. 1251.2 In the former he is called as maharajaputra
while in the latter he is given the imperial title of maharajadhiraja. This shows that only in the
year V.S. 1251 (A.D. 1193-94) he was actually ruling. Since no record of his rule earlier than
V.S. 1251 has come to our notice so far, it is difficult to say when he succeeded to the throne of
his father Kelhana,. The latter’s last known date is A.D. 1193 which is known from his Paladi
inscription.3 It may be that his son Jayamtasimha became the ruler immediately after this
date.4 No inscription of Jayamtasimha’s time dated subsequent to V.S. 1251 has come down
to us. This shows that during his time there were political troubles in this region and accord--
ing to the chronicles of the period, Nadol kingdom was invaded in 1197 by Qutb-ud-din,5
which had resulted in the extinction of the family of Nadol Chahamanas.
Coming to our record, it is the earliest of the three records of this ruler and here his
ancestors viz. Anahila, Jemdraraja, Asaraja, Alhana and Kelhana are, called simply as
bhumipati, raja,nripa, and bhupati, and Jayamtasimha himself is endowed with the customary
srimat and does not have any other title. Further the description of the village of Sfmapati
as the fief enjoyed by the prince (i.e.,Jayamtasimha) clearly indicates that at this time he was
merely a prince without holding any official position. On the other hand in his Bhinmal inscrip
tion dated V.S. 1239 he is given the title of maharajaputra which means that he being heir-
apparent came to hold an important position in his father’s administration. D. R. Bhan-
darkar has stated that “in V. S. 1239, he was probably a yuvaraja or heir-apparent, holding
S rim ala (Bhinmal) and the surrounding district, and has, therefore, been called Mahdraja-
putra only in the Bhinmal inscription6.”7
The gift of money was intended to meet the expenses of the offering of bali on the occa
sion of the kalyanilca festival of Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara, occurring in the month
of Pausha every year. According to the Jainas, five auspicious events {pdhcha-kalyanasy
that have taken place each on a specified date in a particular month in a year, are important in
respect of every one of the 24 Tirthankaras. On the occasion of the particular auspicious
event of Parsvanatha faffing.in the month of Pausha every year, the offering of bali is to be
done to the deity obviously on behalf of the Prince Jayamtasimha. For this purpose, he had
ordered the payment of eight drammas in favour of the deity from the share of taxes due to
him from his village, of Simapafi by the mahajanas (merchants ?) of the place. The term
dany-udgraiyalca (fine 11) is interesting,, but in fine 14, only udgranaka is mentioned.' In
dany-.udgranaka, dani seems to be a mistake for dana meaning ‘gift’ and udgranaka means a
kind of tax. So, the term is taken to mean ‘share of taxes reserved for gift’.
The deity was obviously in the Analapura-vihara at Analapiira and it is stated, that it was
attached to (i.e. worshipped by) the members of the Suddhavatl-gachchha, a term which
was not spelt properly in the text. Suddhavati-gachchha may perhaps be another name
for Sarasvati-gachchha. ’ •
1 Bhandarkar’s List, No. 397. - - ■
2Ibid., Np. 429.
• v .3 Ibid., No. 425. -
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 73.
6 Ibid., The Struggle for Empire, p. 87.
6 PRAS WC., 1907-08, p. 38. -
7 Holy Abu by. Muni Shri Jayantavijayaji, p. 199. ,
NADOL PLATE OF JAYAMTASIMHA, V. S. 1238
Actual Size :
No. 27] NADOL PLATE OF JAYAMTASIMHA, V.S. 1238 181
The record contains two geographical names, viz. Analapura where the vihara (temple)
called the Analapuravihara of ParSvanatha existed and Simapati the gift of money fro m
out of the taxes from which is recorded here. I am not able to identify the places.
TEXT1
First Plate
1 11 Siddham [ll*]2 Nyasta-padah samasteshu masa(sta)keshu mahibhritam(tam) l

Ghahama- . ,
. 2 n-abhidhah £riman-van(vam)§ah pramspu(su)r=ih=asty=aho ||13 §riman-Anahilas=ta-
3 sminn=abhud=bhupatih krinl(ti) 1 raja sr!-Jemdra(ndra)-ra]'=akhya(khyo) babhura
(v=a)sya tantibhava-
4 h || 2 Asa-raja-nripas=tasmad-asmad=AlhanaTbhupatih 1 srlmat-Kelhana-
5 devas=tad-dehabhur=udabhun-nripah 11 3'Bhuj-orjja-nirjjit-asesha-vi6esh-
6 odbhata-sad-bhatah 1 srimaj-Jayaiiitasimh6=sya putrah saubhagyabhur=abhut [|| 4*]
7 Samsaram=asaram-alochya tena kramajkhya-Vikrama]- sarhvat-1238
8 varsh.e-Vaisakha-sudi-8 Sanau sri-§uddhavatl4-gachchha-prati-va(ba)ddhaya &n-
9 ■ Analapura' gri-Anala-vihara-Parsvanathadevaya Pausha-ma-

10 sina-kalyanika-mahotsave prativarsham bali-hetoh Ku-
11 marapada-bhujyamana-Simapati-grama-satka- danya-udgra
Second Plate ■
12 naka-madhyhat varsham prati drammah 8 ashtau dramma a-

13 chandr-arkkam §asanena pradattah [ ami drammah Slmapatl-
14 ya-mahajanena udgranaka-madhyad=devaya datavyah [ | *] e-
15 tat Sasanam devasy=arthe vanika-Bhabhata-suta-Ralha-A-
16 lhana-suta-Tilhana-Desala-suta-Bahudeva-Sodha[i]-suta- .
17 Alhana ity=etai[h.*] sunubhir=maulikai [h*] Ranakanam parsva-
18 t palaniyam(yam) 11 asmad-vamse vyatikrante yo^nyah ko=pi _________

1 From impressions;
3 The verses 1-7 are in Anushfubh.
4 Probably Suddhavatl is intended as a synonym of Sarasvati.
19 bhavishyati 1 aham tasya kare lagno na lopyam mama Sasanam(nam) 11 [5*]
20 Rama-Raghava-rajendra sapta-ka]pat=smaramy=aham(ham) | na srutS na maya dri-
21 sh|ah svayam datt-apaharakah | [|] 6*] Vimdhya (ndhy-a)tavishav=a-tbyasu sushka-ko-
22 tara-vasinah ] krishna-sarppah prajayamte(nte) deva-dayam haramti(nti) ye || [7*]

23 likhitam=idam pam° Silana-putra-pam° Vidyadharena ll
No. 28—VADGAGN-MADHAVPUR MEMORIAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF
SOMAYASAS, [DAY] 10082
S. SANKARA NARAYANAN, MYSORE
In March 1976, Shri P.R. Srinivasan, Chief Epigraphist in charge, visited the Museum-
attached to the Kannada Research Institute, Karn'atak University, Dharwar and got copied
there the subjoined pillar inscription. He was good enough to pass on to me the estampages
for examination and to advise me to write on it. To him my heart-felt thanks are due.
The pillar in question was discovered as early as 1941-42 by Shri R.S. Panchamukhi
the then Director of the Kannada.Research Institute, Dharwar. ■ It is said that it was found
in'an elevated site surrounded by cultivable fields at Vadg-aon-Madhavpur about two
miles to the east of Belgaum, the headquarters of the Belgaum district, Karnataka. _ Shri
Panchamukhi also noticed the inscription in his. report ‘Progress of Kannada Research in
Bombay Province from 1941 to 1946\ pp. 4-5, 50-51 with a sketch-drawing of the stone pillar
[Plate VIII (b)]: Oft the .basis of his own examination, he remarked that the inscription
‘which is written in Brahmi characters and Prakrit language seems to record the erection
of the stone pillar, on which the writing is incised to commemorate an event not specified,
by a person of Kasapagota (KaSyapagotra). The pillar bears writing.on one face only.
The inscription which is damaged may be assigned to the period from the 1st century B.C. to-
1st century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. This is.the earliest known stone inscription
in Bombay-Karnataka, throwing light on the Yedic culture prevalent in the area.’ It will be
seen in the sequel that a major part of the above statement requires revision. This is mainly
because the inscription was not studied fully by Shri Panchamukhi. Unfortunately the
record remained undeciphered all these years.
The stone on which the present inscription is engraved is a sort of a hexagonal pillar, not.
well shaped, and well dressed and it is tapering towards the top. The upper part of the stone
measuring about T 5" in height is broken away diagonally obviously due to an original flaw
in the stone. The broken piece is kept separately in the Museum. The lower part of the-
stone measures about 8' 3" in height above the platform on which the stone is setup in the
Museum. The bottom part of this stone is said to have been fashioned like an ill-shaped
baloon measuring about 3' 9" in width and 3' 5" in height obviously to set up the stone
firm as stated in the record itself.
The pillar bears writing mainly on one face. There-are altogether sixteen lines out of
whicji the first line alone is found on the broken upper part of the pillar. The fifteenth line-
is continued on the side to the proper left of the main writing. In the middle of the stone on
the face in the proper right of the inscription there seems to be a Sivalihga faintly carved
in a panel. ■
The characters of the epigraph belong to the Western Indian variety of the Brahmi
alphabet generally met with in the Satavahana and Western Kshatrapa records and may be
roughly assigned to the beginning of the second century A.D.
The unique feature of this inscription is this : A major number of lines i.e. lines 4-15 are
to be read from left to right as it is usually the case in the epigraphs written in Brahmi and
( 183 )
6 DGA/77 2
184. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX
its off-shoots. But the first three lines and the last one (i.e. lines 1-3 and 16) are to be read fronr
right to left as in the case of the inscriptions written in the Kharoshthi script.1 The only other
instance where this kind of double treatment is noticed so far is the Erragudi Minor Rock
Edict of Asoka, also written in Brahmi script.2 An additional peculiarity in the present
Tecord is worth noting. The anusvara marks in the Erragudi edict are found to the left side
•of the letters to which they belong.3 4But 5 in our record both the anusvara and the visarga marks’
are added to the.right side of the letters to which they belong (cf. khambhah, line 3). Coming
to the individual letters, it.may be noticed that more than one form is employed in the case
'•of kh (khambhah, line 3 and sakha, line 14) and m {soma, line 5, and homa-dhuma, line 10).
. The rare form dh (see gadham, line 6) and the forms of conjuncts ss (kassapa, line 15) and ttr
.(gottra, line 15) are worth noting.
The inscription contains symbols for the numbers 10,000; 80; and 2. The symbol for
10,000 is rather interesting as it is formed by connecting two symbols for 100 denoting one
hundred of hundred (100 X 100=10,000), just as the symbols for 400, 500 etc. are formed in
the early inscriptions by joining the symbols for 100 together with that for 4, 5 etc., as the
case may be.
The language of the record is a variety of the mixed dialect, resembling to some
■extent, that of the Kushanas and the Western Kshatrapas. Sothi* (Skt. Svasti, line 1),
bhaihdhu (Skt. bandhu, line 4), _ydy/ (Skt. yajin, line 8) and anakha-veja (Skt. anaksha-vedya,
line 12) are some of the words of phonetical and lexical interest.
The object of the epigraph is to commemorate the death, of an individual by name
Somayasas and it bears a date, mentioned probably in days, of an unspecified era. The
actual date is mentioned as the 10,082nd day. If this number is divided by the
number of days of a year viz. 365, one may get 27 years and 227 days. Thus it would appear
that the record is dated in the 227th day of the 28th year (i.e. 27 years having elapsed) of an
unspecified era. If the palaeography of the epigraph is taken into consideration one may not
he wrong in identifying this unnamed era with the §aka era that commenced in 78 A.D.6
As the Chaitradi 6aka year 28 (current) probably commenced on the 22nd March, 105 A.D.,
the 227th day of that year might have corresponded to the 3rd November, 105 A.D.
The epigraph commences with an auspicious svastika symbol followed by the auspicious
word sothi. Then comes the text of the record consisting of three sentences. The first sentence
•(lines 2-3) contains a brief, statement that the pillar in question was (set up in memory) of
Somayasas. The second sentence (lines 4-15) elaborates the above statement. It is said that
the pillar was firmly set up [in memory] of Somayasas by a group of his relatives who are
described as maulas or indigenous inhabitants.7 There are eight adjectives in the sentence,
1 The macron over e and o is not marked in this article.
2 Above, Vol. XXXII, plate facing p. 7.
3 Cf. e.g. hakam(line 2), devanam (line 24). Ibid. Of course there is no visarga in the Erragudi Edict.
4 See Buhler’s Palaeographical Charts, Table IX. Though in the Nanaghat inscription of Naganika, the
. -symbol for 10,000 is formed by clubbing the symbols for 1000 and 10 (10x1000-10,000) (ibid).,-the basic
principle in forming the numerals in that record and in the present inscription is the same.
5 [This is not clear on the stone—Ed.]
6 This suggestion may also get some support from the variety of the mixed dialect of the text of the record
as in the Kushana and Kshatrapa inscriptions, dated in the fiaka era and from the way of writing resembling
to some extent, that of the contemporary Kharoshthi inscriptions also dated in the Saka era.
7 Cf. maulah in the Manusmriti (VIII, 62) which is explained as tad-deiaja)i by Kullukabhatta and as
janapadafi tad-des-abhijanah by Medhatithi.
No. 28] VADGAON-MADHAVPUR MEMORIAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF 185
SOMAYASAS, [DAY] 10082/
describing Somayasas. From them we learn as follows : (1) Somayasas, obviously a.Brah-
mana, was a scholar of the Katha-sakha. (2) He had performed as many as eighty Vedic
sacrifices including the Vajapeya. and other wish-fulfiling rites. (3) The smokes arising from
his sacrificial fires enveloped all the directions. (4) He knew things that are beyond the ken
of the [five] senses (i.e. he had an intuitive knowledge). (5) He had hailed from what is called
Saketa. (6) He was a friend of a gentleman (arya) named Balapa. (7) He belonged to the
Kasyapa-gotra. And (8) he had gone to the heavens (i.e. died). .The third or the last sentence
(line 16) contains the date of the record, we examined earlier.'
• The present record is important in many respects. We have already seen that the
record is dated in the 10,082nd day probably of the Saka era. Thus the present inscription
‘ may be the earliest of the southern records, known so far, to be dated in the Saka era. Probably
it is a singular early record to be dated in days of the era as we have seen.1 2This may also
suggest that the Vaidikas had started spreading the Saka era in the south much earlier than
the Jainas are believed to have done it.3
Besides, the Belgaum region, from which the present epigraph comes, was well within
the Satavahana empire. But no Satavahana record is known to have been dated in the Saka
era while their neighbours and rivals in the north, viz., the Western Kshatrapas used that
era in their epigraphs and coins. Hence the present-record being dated in that era seems
to suggest a strong possibility of the Western Kshatrapa influence in the area during the period.
This may furnish a clue to decide, atlea.st to some extent, the much disputed problem of the
Satavahana chronology. For, it has been accepted on all hands that the Saka-Kshatrapas of
the Western India eclipsed the Satavahana power for about a century that preceded the reign
of the great Satavahana emperor Gautamiputra Satakarni.3 ' Hence the Saka date of the
record together with the absence of any reference to any ruler in it, may indicate that on the
date of the inscription, viz. 105 A.D. Gautamiputra Satakarni had not yet restored the
Satavahana glory. Thus the present record may support the theory which assigns the said
Satavahana emperor’s rule to c. 106-130 A.D.1 5
Further the present inscription tells us that a person of Saketa in the far off north viz.
Somayasas, obviously a Brahmana, not only came down and settled near Belgaum in the far
south; but also had relatives, evidently by means of marriage, among the indigenous popula
tion of.the locality ; and that these relatives set up a pillar, obviously following the custom
of the area and of the day, to commemorate his death.6 Moreover we learn from the record
that Somayasas was able to perform as many as eighty6 Vedic sacrifices. This again reminds
us of the Nanaghat inscription of Naganika7 of the earlier age, which enumerates the Vedic
1 Cf. e.g.the Gramam (Sivalokanatha temple) inscription of Parantaka Cho)a I containing some details
of date including the 1477037th day of the Kaliyuga era. See above, Vol. VIII, p. 261.
2See D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy (1965), p. 263.
3 See e.g. The Age ofImperial Unity (1951), p. 200 ; A Comprehensive Hist, of India, Vol. II (1956), p. 312 ;
The Early History of the Deccan (1960), p. 125.
1 SeefTAe Age of Imperial Unity, p. 202. According to other views Gautamiputra ruled during c. 62-86
A.D. (The Early History of the Deccan, pp. 112,125 ff.) or c. 72-95 A.D. (A comprehensive History of India,
P- 312). . .
5 [The act of installing a stone (pashana-sthapana) for the dead person by his sons and offering rituals to
it during the first ten days after the death of the person, is enjoined by the Smritis. The present instance seems
to be hot only an early example of this practice but also an inscribed one of that one—Ed.]
6 The significance of this number eighty is difficult to explain.
7 Op. cit.
186 EEIGRAPH1A INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
sacrifices that Satavahana queen claims to have performed evidently along with her husband.
No doubt, to- perform- these sacrifices Somayasas must have enjoyed, the, full co-operation
and support of the local people, who, therefore, must haye held him> in, high: esteem. • The
Dravidian apa- (i.e. appa) ending of the personal name of. Bajapa, a, friend, of Somayasas,,
suggests that, the former was, most, probably a local gentleman, and, was perhaps, mainly
responsible for setting.up.the memorial-pillar in question.
Moreover in the present record we.have a rare reference to the Katha sakha, which is a
branch of the Krishna or Black Yajurveda. The sage Katha, who perhaps popularised this
sakha is believed to have belonged originally to the country on the southern bank, of the
' Godavari river somewhere in the region of the present Nanded district, Maharashtra.
However, all the twelve divisions of the Katha, sakha and people belonging to them, are
usually said to be Madhyadesiyas or the people of the central region.1 Our inscription'
seems to subscribe to this view by describing the Katba-scholar Somayasas as a person
hailing from Saketa. For, the ancient Indian writers like Varahamihira and Parasara
include Saketa in the list of the janapadas or countries of the Madhyadesa.2 The city of
Saketa has been identified with, or located in-the neighbourhood of, Ayodhya, i.e. the
modern Oudh in Uttar Pradesh.3 Hence the Saketa country is. to be' identified with the
Ayodhya region. We have no clue to decide whether Saketa of our record denotes a city .
or a country.
. TEXT4 * 6 7
1 eSoth[i]
2 So-0
3 mayasasa khambhah.[ \ *]
4 ’Mola-bhamdhu-vagefna]
5. Kathanasa Somayasasa [kam]-
6 [bho] nithapito gadham asi-
7 ti-Vajapeya-ka[m]ya-
, 8.. katu-yayisya •
9.. aneka^yana-
10 homa-dhuma-
11 [gahi]ta-disa-ibhaga]-
1 See the Kathasamhita, Audh Ed. 1943,.Sanskrit Introd. p. 8-. '<
' 2 See Brihatsamhita, Ch. XIV, verses 2-4 and Utpala Bhatta’s commentary thereunder.
3 See Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 39.
4 From the impressions and photographs. ■ '
AThis word is written to the proper right of a svastika symbol and above the break of - the stone, n0f
illustrated in the plate. As has already been said the first-three lines and the last one are to be read fromj right
to left. ,
6 This letter is written to the proper left of the break in the stone.
7 There is space for a line in between the lines 3 and 4.
Size • One-fifth
No. 28] VADGAON-MADHAVPUR MEMORIAL PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF
SOMAYASAS, [DAY] 10082 •
12 [gasya?] anakba-vejas[ya]
13 Saketakasa
14 Balaparya-sakha-
1.5 sa Kassapa-sag[o]ttrasa sva[rga?]tasa [ |*]
16 [diva] 10000 80 2*
TEXT SANSKRITISED
1. Svasti [|*]
2 So-
3 mayasasah skambhah [ |*]
4 Maula-bandhuvargena
5 Kathajnasya Somayaâsah skam-

/
6 bho nistbapito gadham asi-
7 ti-Vajapeya-kamya-
8 kratu-yajinah
9 aneka-yajna-'
10 homa-dhuma-
11 grahita-disa-bba- _______________
i The two dots one above the other, which we have taken to denote the number 2, may as well
as a punctuation mark. The 16th line is to be read from right to left.
.6 DGA/77
.. .................. ;.r. epi(jRAPhiA: ii<tdi(â _ [.Vol.xx.xix
12 gasya anaksha-vedyasya -,-,L - '
13 Saketakasya
14 Balaparya-sakhasya
15 Kasyapa-sagotrasya svargatasya [ | *]
16 divase 10000, 80 2 [||*]
L
No. 29—GARH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHIPALA, V.S. 979
(/ Plate)
B. Datta, New Delhi and C. L. Subi, Mysore.
The inscription, edited below with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist, was
found at Garh in the Alwar District of Rajasthan. It has been noticed in Indian Archaeo
logy 1961-62—‘A Review’,1 as well as in the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1961-622.
The original slab which was lying for sometime with Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra3, * the * 6 then Joint.
Director General of Archaeology in India, , (now professor of Ancient Indian History and
Culture, Panjab University, Chandigarh) is now preserved in the National Museum, New
Delhi. It is in two pieces of almost equal size, due to a vertical break in its centre. Both
the pieces joined together cover an area about 79 cm x 50 cm. The inscription is engraved
leaving a margin of 2 to 3 cm on all.sides. It consists of 19. lines of writing which is care
fully and boldly executed and which is in a good state of preservation with the exception
of some damaged letters along the breach in the middle and a few others here and there.
.The average size of the letters is roughly 2 cms..
The characters belong to the Kutila variety of the Proto-Nagari alphabet of about
the tenth century. Of the initial vowels, a (lines 2, 19), a (lines 6, 10, 13, 14) and i (lines 6,
16, 17, 18) occur in the record. Medial a is indicated by a vertical stroke to the right of the
letters but in some letters like ja (line 14), td (line 6) and na (line 5) it is indicated by a
downward curved stroke rising upwards to the right. The form of medial u in ru (line 15,
etc.) is interesting as it is indicated differently in'conjunction with other consonants. Medial
e and 6 have invariably been indicated by a siromatra except once in °deva (line 10) where
e is indicated by a downward curved stroke to the left. On the other hand, medial ai and au
have been indicated by a curved stroke at the top and a downward curved stroke to the left
of the letters except in °janair° (line 1) and =asau (line 4) where two curved strokes at the top
have been used. The anusvara and visargas are indicated respectively by one and two hollow
circles in the first two lines, while in the remaining fines the hollow circles are changed to dots.
The forms of subscript na, subscript h and subscript tu are interesting. The subscript n in
rnna (fine 1, etc.) lies on its side and its form is not distinguishable from that of subscript n
(Jhana, fine 2) and subscript tu (vastu, fine 8). The form of the symbol for dm (line 17) is
also noteworthy.
The language of the record is Sanskrit and the whole of the text with the exception
of the initial Om namo = ‘rhate and the portion recording the date in fine 17, has been composed
in beautiful verses embellished with a. profuse use of the various figures of speech. These
verses, apart from their historical value, present an elegant style of ornate poetry. The
record has been written and inscribed with great care for the number of omissions and comm-
ssions is small. The employment of the letter v for both v and b, the reduplication of the
1 Indian Archaeology, 1961-62, A Review p.85, Serial No. 63.
1 A.R.Ep., 1961-62, App. B. No. 128.
3 We are thankful to Dr. Chhabra for allowing us to edit the epigraph. He has also helped us in trans
lating some of the difficult passages in the record.
( 189 )
6 DGA/77 ' ■ 4
consonants following r, with the exception of th in arthi (line 4) and of m in sandhi in sindhw
= makara in line 16 contrary to the reduplication of the consonant v in sandhi in bhiipatir
= vvijayatam, and the frequent use of the avagraha may be noted as the orthographical peculi
arities of the record. The word Sagaranandi has been either mis-spelt as Sagarariandi or else
it has been taken to be a single pa da being a personal name to effect the change of na into na.
It may also be noted that the sandhi in Sakralayam arodhum (line 4) has not been observed,
The date of the epigraph is given in . line 17 as Samvat 9791, Vaisakha badi 13,
Bhauma. It regularly corresponds to 921 A. D.,2 May 8, Tuesday.
The inscription opens with a salutation to the Arhat, and the first two. verses (verse 1-2)
are devoted to Jinendra Santinatha mentioning all his virtuous qualities. In the following
verse (verse 3) a certain king Mabipala,, whose feet were adored by a host of feudatories,
is introduced. The fourth verse introduces the ruling chief Savata. He has been compared,
with the Mahabharata heroes Karna and Bhlma, in philanthropy and valour, respectively and
his person is stated to be endowed with the auspicious marks (lakshman-anvita-tanu) . In
the following three verses (verses 5-7) we are introduced to a certain Sarvadeva, son of Deddu-
laka, and grandson of Ardrata4 born in the Dharkkata family hailing from Purnnatallaka.
He is stated to have built a beautiful Jaina temple for Santinatha in the city of SirrLhapadra.
In the following verse (verse 8),- Sarvadeva has been compared with Visvakarma, the divine
architect. It is stated that by virute of his skill in the art of architecture his fame enveloped
•the three worlds and that he was held in high esteem by the assembly of architects. The
following two verses (verses 9-10) state that the great king Pulindra who had realised the tran
sitory nature of the world called Sarvadeva who, at his instance,made a lofty image of Santi-
deva and installed it at Rajyapura In the 11th verse, Sarvadeva is also credited to have
erected a stone house, i.e. a temple. The next two verses (verses 12-13), describe the magni
ficence and excellence of this temple. This is followed by a statement (verses 14-15) that
the temple together with a permanent endowment for worship, was entrusted to the learned.
■acharya £urasena and to the goshthikas (i.e. members of a goshthi), who were merchants
and were devoted to the Acharya. The next verse (verse 16) lecords a wish that the temple
may endure as long as the Jaina Dharma, the Meru mountain and the sea exist. Verse 17
mentions the two famous poets Sagaranandi andLokadeva as the co-authors of the prasasti.
Then follows the date discussed above and a particular symbol intended to mark the end of
the record.
The above is immediately followed by another record which is in the nature of a supple
ment to the first. Of this only four complete and one incomplete verses have been preserved.
The first verse refers to a mighty earthquake which shook (literally uprooted) even the lofty
mountains as also toppled this temple down. The second verse introduces the wise Varanga,
son of Sarvadeva as the chief of the architects. Next two verses (verses 3-4) speak of his
1 Cf. Indian Archaeology 1959-60- A Review, p. 74; No.56, where the date is wrongly given as ‘Samvat
919’. . . . ..
3 The date is given in the current year 979 which is equal to expired 978; Cf. Swami ICannu Pillar s An
Indian Ephemeries, Vol.II, p.244. However, if the year is taken to be Karttikadi, the date would correspond
- to 923 A.D. April 15, f. d.t. 84; cf. A.R.Ep.,. 1961-62, No,B 128 where the equivalent has been given accor
ding to the Karttikadi reckoning, but the day has t een wrongly given as Wednesday.
3 The pun used here on the words lakshman-anvita-tanu is noteworthy. Could it also suggest that Savata
had a brother by name Lakshmana who was generally by Iris side and gave him a helping hand in. adminis
tration 7 But we do not know of any Lakshmana from the political history of the region and period under
* This name has been read as Arbhata in Indian Archaeology 1961-62.—A Review, p, 85, .No. 63.
No. 29] GARH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHIPALA, V.S. 979 191 •
beauty, eloquence, wisdom, philanthropy and above all of his adeptness in the science of
architecture. The fifth verse which is incomplete states that he was a rich man, perhaps,
the chief of the architects, and that he was honoured by the king. The record ends here--
abruptly1.
The object of this supplementary inscription seems to be that Varanga renovated or

reconstructed the temple after it was affected by the earthquake. The calligraphic simila
rities of the two records coupled with the reference to the destruction of the temple by the
earthquake in the second record, suggest that both the records were engraved simultaneously-
and that the first record is only a copy of the original set up by Sarvadeva on the date men
tioned at its end.. As the extent portion of the second record is not dated, it is not possible:
to ascertain as to when exactly this slab containing the two records was put up.
Mahlpala whose feet are stated to have been worshipped by a host of feudatories;
(sdmanta-chakra-vihitadara-pdda-sevah) was undoubtedly a suzerain king. This is also-
confirmed by the mention in the inscription of a ruler {bhupati) named Savata who must have
been a feudatory of Mahlpala. A sovereign king named Mahlpala is known to have been:
ruling at least during 914-17 A.D.2 He has been identified with the Gurjara-Pratihara.
king Mahlpala (I). As our record belongs nearly to the same time and mentions Mahlpala.
. as a sovereign king, there seems to be no doubt in his being identical with the Gurjara-Pratihara.
king Mahlpala I. This is also corroborated by the fact that the feudatory princes, ruling;
at Rajyapura where a temple was built according to our inscription, acknowledged the sover
eignty of the Gurjara-Pratlharas as late as Y.S. 1096 (960 A.D.), the date of the Rajorgadh:
inscription of Mathanadeva. If this identification is accepted, the last known date of the.
Guijara-Pratlhara king Mahlpala which was fixed by the Asni inscription as 917 A.D. would;
be extended iipto 921 A.D., the date of the present inscription.
The Rajor inscription3 referred to above mentions a certain Maharajadhiraja Savata-
of the Gurjara-Pratihara family as the father of the ruling chief Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara
Mathanadeva who was residing at Rajyapura. The latter was a feudatory of the Paramabha-
Itaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Vijayapaladeva who meditated on the feet of the Para-
mabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Kshitipaladeva. Prof. Kielhorn who edited,
the inscription takes Vijayapala and Kshitipala as the kings of the Imperial Gurjara-Pratihara.
family. As seen above, Savata of our epigraph was also a feudatory of the same family-
and was ruling over the Rajyapura region only thirty-nine years before the date of the Rajor -
inscription of Mathanadeva. He, therefore, appears to be identical with Maharajadhiraja:
Savata, the father of Mathanadeva.
Now, if Vijayapala and Mathanadeva were contemporaries, then fathers or immediate'
predecessors, i.e. Kshitipala and Savata, could also have been contemporaries. Our inscrip
tion which mentions Savata as a contemporary of Mahipala who was also known by the
1 That the slab is not broken away at the bottom is evident , from the ornamental designs in its lower
margin. ' It is likely that the remaining portion of the second record was engraved on another slab which
is not yet available.
3 Cf. the Asni stone inscription dated V.S.974(=917 A.D.) (Ind. Ant. Vol.XVI, pp. 173 If) and the Haddala.
grant dated Saka 838(=914 A.D.) {ibid., Vol.XH, pp. 193 ff. and Vol. XVIII, pp. 90-91). While the Asniinscrip-
tion describes Mahlpala as a Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara the Haddala grant describes
him as Rajadhiraja Paramesvara.
8 Above, Vol. ID, pp. 263 ff.
4a.
i
'192 ' EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
synonymous name of Kshitipala1 may lend support to this view. Kshitipala of the Rajor
inscription would, therefore, appear to be identical with Mahipala 1 of the present epigraph.
However, difficulties in the way of the identification suggested above arise due to the
'existence of a number of intervening kings who are believed to belong to the Gurjara-Prati-
hara family. They are : (1) Vinayakapala,2 known from his Bengal Asiatic Society’s Copper
plate3 dated V.S. 988 (931 A.D.), (2) Mahendrapala (II) of Pratabgarh stone inscription4'
dated V.S. 1003 (946 A.D.) wherein he is described as the son of Vinayakapala ; (3) Devapala
who according to the Siyadoni inscription, was the son of Kshitipala, and ruled in,V.S. 1005
(948-49 A.D..) ■ (4) Vinayakapala (H) who in the Khajuraho inscription,5 dated V.S*. 1011
(953-54 A.D.) and belonging to the time of the Chandella king Dhanga is stated to be ruling
over the earth ; and (5) Mahipala (II) of the Bayana Ukha-mandir inscription6 dated V.S.
1012 (956 A.D.) of the queen Chitralekha, Mahipala II was succeeded in 960 A.D. by Vijaya
pala, son' of Kshitipala, of the Rajor inscription. With as many as five kings intervening
between Mahipala I and Vijayapala, it is difficult to identify the latter’s father Kshitipala
with Mahipala I. It may be assumed that like Mahipala I, Mahipala II was also known
by the synonymous name of Kshitipala which has been used in the Rajor inscription. Kshiti
pala of the Rajor inscription may, therefore, be identified with Mahipala (II).
It may, however, be pointed out.that some scholars do not consider the five intervening
kings as distinct rulers. Bhandarkar, for instance, identifies Vinayakapala I with Mahipala
I alias Kshitipala, Mahendrapala II with Devapala and Vinayakapala II with Mahipala II
alias Kshitipala.7 Dr. N. Ray, on the other hand, distinguishes Vinayakapala I from Mahi
pala i whom he identifies with Bhoja II. According to him Devapala was the son of Mahi
pala I alias Kshitipala while Vinayakapala II and Mahipala II were the sons of Mahendra
pala II and Devapala respectively8. Dr. Tripathj while accepting the identity of Mahi-
paia I alias Kshitipala I alias' Vinayakapala I takes Mahipala II to be a vassal chief
and not as a Pratihara king9 Thus, according to the chronology of the later Pratiharas
proposed by Dr. Bhandarkar and Dr. Ray, Vijayapala’s father Kshitipala alias
Mahipala II was the grandson of Mahipala I alias Kshitipala. He, therefore, cannot
be identical with the latter. But Dr. Tripathi who does not consider Mahipala II as a Prati
hara king, takes Vijayapala to be a brother or half brother of Devapala, son of Kshitipala.
Thus, according to him Vijayapala’s father Kshitipala is no other than Mahipala I alias
Kshitipala. We have already seen above that the evidence of our inscription seems to lend
some support to the identification of Kshitipala of the Rajor inscription with Mahipala I.
However, the possibility of Vijayapala’s father Kshitipala being identical with Mahipala II
■cannot be completely ignored, for the available evidence is insufficient to prove or disprove
any of the identifications.
1 See, above, Vol. I, p. 171i '
2 He was identified with Mahipala (I) by some scholars but this identification has been opposed by some
other scholars who believe them to be two different persons. For all the views, see Prof. N.Ray's article
entitled 'A note on the chronology of the later Pratiharas’, published in lnd. Ant., Vol. LVH, pp. 230 ff.
3 lnd. Ant., Vol. XV, pp. 138 ff.
4 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 180 ff.
6 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 162 ff.
6 Ibid., pp. 122 ff.
7 Bhandarkar's list, p. 400.
8 lnd. Ant., Vol. LVH, p. 234.
"Tripathi, History ofKanauj, pp. 274-75.
No. 29] GARH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHIPALA, V.S. 979 193
The inscription under study mentions a certain Pulindra who is described as a great king
'in verse 10. This verse does not tell anything about this king except that he brought the
renowned architect Sarvadeva who installed a big image of Santinatha at Rajyapura. As
the Rajyapura region was being ruled over by Savata, there is no possibility of another king
ruling over the same territory. Further, the fact that Pulindra is described as a great king
. precludes the possibility of his being a subordinate of Savata. The only possibility is that
Pulindra was a secondary name of Savata1 for 2 only the latter could have brought the architect
Sarvadeva to construct a temple at Rajyapura.
Our inscription mentions two famous poets Sagaranandin and Lokadeva as the authors
of the prasasti. While the latter is not known from any other source, a poet named Sagar-
nandin is known as the author of the Na}aka!akshanaratnakosa and probably of a play named
Jdnaldharana. Sylvain Levi3, who discovered the manuscript of the Nd(akalakshanaratna-
ma, and M. Ramakrishna Kavi3 have both shown that Sagaranandin was earlier than
Dhananjaya. The latter was a contemporary of the Paramara Vakpatiraja (II) Munja
(A D 974-994) during whose reign he is known to have composed the Kdrikds. Hence the
date of Dhananjaya being the later half of the tenth century, Sagaranandin has to be placed
earlier than that; Again, the fact that the Ndtakalakshanaratnakosa contains quotations
from RajaSekhara’s Viddhasdlabhanjika and the Karpuramanjarl proves that Sagaranandin
'flourished later than Rajasekhara who is known to be a contemporary of the Pratihara kings
'Mahendrapala (I) (A.D. 893-907) and Mahipala (I)5. But Sagaranandin of our inscription
was a contemporary of Mahipala (I) and consequently of Rajasekhara also. However,
as the latter claims himself to be a guru of Mahendrapala he must have been a very old man,
if at all he was living, at the time of our inscription. On the other hand, Sagaranandin of
our record, who composed even this short prsasti jointly with Lokadeva, seems to have been
a voung poet who in spite of his claim'of being famous, was not yet very well established.
He was possibly a junior contemporary of Rajasekhara (c.875 to 925 A.D.) and belonged
approximately to the first half of the 10th century. This date would admirably suit Sagara
nandin, the author of Na\akalakshanaratnakdsd, who was earlier than Dhananjaya and
later than Rajasekhara. Sagaranandin, of our record may, therefore, be identical with
Sagaranandin, the author of Ndtakalakshanaratnakosa.
Now Sagaranandin seems to have belonged to some part of eastern India.6 As our
inscription comes from the Western part of India, the identity of the two Sagaranandms
may be questioned. This does not seem to be a very strong ground to set aside the conclusion
1 It is also possible to take Pulindra as another name of Mahipala (I) who was the overlord of
Savata and who probably bore several names like Yinayakapala, Herambapala, Harsha, Chandapala
and Karttikcya (Ind. Ant., Vol. LXII, p. 202 and footnotes).
2 Journal Asiatique, cciii (1923), p. 210.
3 New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 412 ff.
4 The Ase of Imperial Kanauj, p.195. ..
"The Bdlabharata ox Prachapda-Pdndava, a fragmentary play ascribed to Rajasekhara, contains a
veice wbicb ctates that the pl?y was enacted before an assemblage of guests invited by a king of the
uS whose name was Mahipala and who was the son of a king whose btnida or title was
^rhfavanSraCd who w^s the paramount sovereign of Aryavarta. Further, Rajasekhara, mall
uufnn/extant nlays declares himself to be the spiritual teacher (guru or upadhyaya) of a king Mahen-
his lour extan p y * -j *p ft. vtahendraDala alias Nirbhayanarendra and Mahipala have been
L son, Mahipala (I) respectively, (Cf.
The Ase of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 33 and 180). , , , , ,
4 See Journal Asiatique, Vol. cciii (1923) p. 212, Levi considers Sagaranandm to be a descendant
of rhetoric (New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, p. 419).

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX.
194
reached above, particularly because no specific place has been mentioned in the epigraphs
to which Sagaranandin belonged. The latter might not necessarily be a local man; he might
have belonged to some place in eastern India, in which case he might have composed the.,
.record and sent it to Rajyapura (Rajor in Alwar District of Rajasthan).
The Dharkata-jati to which Ardrata, the father of Deddulaka and the grandfather of;
Sarvadeva, is stated to have belonged is known from many records’. The Sakrai stone,
inscription2 dated Y.S. 699 provides the earliest instance of the mention of the Dharkata.
caste.P It is interesting to note that in our inscription the Dharkata-jati is stated t.o have-
hailed from a place called Purnnatallaka mentioned m the Bijolia inscription which has.
been identified by Dr. Dasharatha Sharma with Puntala in the Jodhpur state of Rajasthan .
.Of the place-names mentioned in • our record, Purnnatallaka has . been,
identified above. The place named Sinhapadra where Sarvadeva is stated to have ■
built a beautiful Jaina temple cannot be identified*. Rajyapura where a temple was built
.and an image of Santi-Jina was installed by Sarvadeva, is also mentioned m the Raj or ins
cription of Mathanadeva. It has been identified with Rajor or Rajorgadla,or rather with- •
Paranagar, close to the modem village of Rajor in Alwar District of Rajasthan.
TEXT8
Metres: Verses 1, 4,10,13 Sardulavikridita; verses 2, 8 Sragdhara; verses 3, 5,7 Vasanta--
tilaka; verses 6, 11, 14-15, 18-21 Anushtubh; verse 9 Upajati; verses 12, 16 Mandakrdntd-
verse 17 Arya.]
1 Om namo=’rhate || gri[man=yo] mriga-lanchhano=’pi sakalah sasvat=kalank-ojjhito
nishkamo=’[p]i [vijtirnna-bhavya-vibhavo yah purnna-kamo- bhavat | datt-
argho=’pi nirantaram vu(bu)dha-janair=yo= nargha-
2 tarn yatavan=sa sreyansi(msi) samadadhatu bhavatam Santir=Jinendrah sada||[l*].
Avyad=vah Santinathah smara-sara-nikar-alakshya-vaksho- ngabhasi Lokalok-
ava-loka-sphula-hatad=amala-jnana-
3 [SS]mrajya-sampat | bhakty.ay5t-»nat-Endra-aatha-matata._t^^^^
sLrchdiir-nimSIa-vidyolit-aiighrir.ghanalaia-duiit-arSLi-iiirnnasa-dakslialill [2 ]Yasya.
pratapa-sikhirio jvalatah ^phuranti
4 tara-chchhalena ra[ja]nim paritah sphulingah | jiyad=asau bhuvi chira_m_ MaW-
paladeyah s[a]manta-chakra-vihit-adara7-pada-sevah|| [3*] Tyagen=arthi-
manorathan=saphalayan=Karnnayate yo=’niSam m-
5 shnan=Kaurava-sarh[bhri]taiii parava(ba)lam Bhimayate _yo rane | san'attr=api.
cha Lakshman-anvita-tanu Ramayate yo. bhiiâm sa sn-Savata-bhupatir-wijayatam
. urakhyata-kirttis=chiram|| [4*] Sri-PurnnataJlaka-____________ ;____________
------- rATjRAS WC, 1908, p. 37, above, Vol. XXXIV, p. 80, and ibid., Vol. XIX, Pp. 58, text-line ■
3 where Dharakkata-Jatiya is wrongly read as Varkkafa-jatiya.
2 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 32.
• 3 Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 97.
* Early Chauhan Dynasties, P.^3- a place' mentioned in the Harsha stone inscription-
of Vyir^rCabove, VoT II pp: 119 ff.) which’has been identified by D. R. Bhandarkar with Sinhof
(Jnd. Ant. Vol. XLII,, p- 60).
2 From the original stone and impressions. ,
2 The letter ra was first omitted inadvertently and was inserted later on between da and pa.
GARH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHIPAL'A
Size : One-fourth
No. 29] GARH STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHIPALA, V.S. 979 195
' 6 vinirggata-Dharkkat-akhya-jatau sa Ardrata=iti prathito va(ba)bhuva | yo=neka§5

* vividha-Silpa-vikalpanasu nishnata-dhir=drishadi Jaina-mat-anuraktah|l[5:>] Tasya
Deddulako nama sva-bhu-
7 j-oparijjita-sriyah ] suto’=jani! jan-ananda-jananaj=janat-archchitah||[6*] Tasy=atmajo
vidita-sarva-kala kalapah ! prap=adhipatyam=iha silpishu Sarvvadevah | ve£m=
atha Jainam=ati-sunda-
ra[m=a]dvitlyam yb=’chikarat=puravare=’pi cha Sinhapadre||[7*] Kurvanen=

. atmano=’dhas=tribhuvana-vivara-vyapinim ViSvakarma-prakhyatim vastu-vidya
parichaya-chaturaih silpa-karm-opadesaih ] vidy-a- »
9 rthinya kritinya purusha-parishada sevyamanena nityam nama svarn sutradhar-

• op ap ada-vi shayat am yena ' dhanyena nitam||[8*] Sandhy-abhra-vidyuj-jala-
vudvu(bud-bu)d-augha-phen-ormmi-gandharva-pur-endra-chapa-
710 n f vyati]tya ma]nushyam=anityam=evam vijfiaya1 Lakshmiin chapal-atmlkan=cha||

[9*] A[ni]tena mahibhrit=atimahata. srimat-Pulindrena sat-purwe deva-g riham
chikarayishata ten=edam=aty=ada-
711 [rat] ] ram[y]e [Ra]jyapure Purandara-pura-prakhye svakiya-sriya devah

Santijino=’yam=uttama-maha-kayahpratislithapitah|[ [10*] Karitas=cha samuttunga-
sring-ottambhita-tarakah | silamayo='yam pra-
712 sadah sarad-indu-kar-6jvaQjva)lah|l [11*] Svarggad=etad=Dravinapatina preshitam

marttya-loke [Sa]kr-adesad=ruchira-ruchina kim svayam svam vimanam | n=edam
Meroh sikhara-sadrisair=unnatair=udgha-kutair=Jai-
713 nam ha[r]mya[m] pihita-gaganarii bhati ketu-pratanaih ||[12*;] A-Kailasa-girer=

udagra7sikharad=a-varidheh ' sat=tatad=bhrantva Bharatavarsham=etad=anagham
sasvad=yasobhasuram | punjibhuya. Jinendra-cha-
14 ru-sadana-vyajena Sakra-alayam2 arodhum svayam=ichcbhat=iva sutaram yat=Sarv=

vadevam mahat||- [13*] Karayitva samuttungam Santibhattarak-aspadam |
s-akshaya-nivi pujayai tad=aiv=atha samarppi-
15 tam|| [14*] Sri-Surasen-acharyasya jnanino=’ti tapasvinah | vanijam goshthikanan3-

cba tad-bhaktanam suchetasam|| [15*] Yavad=dharmo Jina-nigadito moksha-
saukhya-pradayi yavan=Merus=tridasa-va-
' 16 nita-sevyaman-bru-sringah | yavat=sindhur=makara-nikar-ollasi-kallola-malas=tavat=

stheyad=idam=api subham ' Santinathasya sadma ||[16*] Sriman=Sagarahandi
vidvan=api Lokadeva ity=asya- .
17 m | [dva]v=apy=etau sukavl vikhyatau sat=prasastayam [|[17*] iti]| Samvat 979

Vaisakha vadi 13 Bhaume|| ||Oih4[ | *]Sransayan=bhudharan ucchchaih
kampo bhumer=abhud=atha, | chachala ten=a-sikharad=e
1 There is an unnecessary anusvara mark on ya. .
eSar.dhi is not observed here. 1
3 The letter na is written below the line between two crosses and a cross is engraved above (he letter
■, ka to indicate the same.
* Expressed by a symbol. 1
196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXlX
18 tat=sadma=samunnatam|| [18*] Maha-matir=vva(bba)-bhuv=atra Varanga=iti visrutah |
tanayah Sarwa-devasya sarwa-vijfiani-nayakab|| [19*] Yd var-ang6=py=anangasya
sadrisatvam=avaptavan [ bhasva-
19 . [n=a]pi cha vagisah kalavan=api yd vu(bu)-dhah|| [20*] Yen=arthi-chataka-vrate
maha-jaladha[ra]yitam [ vastu-vidy-artha-samsiti-gahane dahanayitam|| [21*]1
ASrantam nripa-pujitena dhanina mukhyena vijna2 ....
TRANSLATION3 *
Om ] Obeisance to the Arhat.

• (Verse 1) May Santi Jinendra always confer on you all the good things in life—Santi
Jinendra who even being the veritable glorious full-moon (or having mciga as his lanchhana)
is ever flawless, who even being nishktima (without any desire) was pwrnnakama (one
who has fulfilled the desire of others) having granted rich gifts to others, and who even
being always dattargha (one to whom homage has been paid).by the learned became anarghct
(invaluable, high in esteem).1
(Verse 2) -.—May Santinatha protect you ] —gantinatha whose body that had never
been a target of Cupid’s arrows is resplendent, i.e. who has conquered Cupid, whose sovereign
wealth (consists of) pure clear and shining knowledge that could view even the Lokaloka,5 6
whose feet are brightened by the multitude of rays emanating from the excellent jewels set in
the loosened crown of the bowing (god) Indra who has approached (Santinatha) with devo
tion, who is an expert in the extirpation of enemies in the form of dreadful sins.
(Verse 3) May that king Mahipala be victorious on this earth for long, at whose
feet all the feudatories have respectfully placed their services. These are the sparks of the
blazing fire of his prowess that shine forth all around at night in the form of stars.
(Verse 4) May the illustrious prince Savata of wide renown be victorious for long,
Who by his generosity, always fulfilling the desires of supplicants, is a veritable Karna ;
who on the battle-field destroying the earth (kau) (for destroying the enemy forces reinforced
by the Kauravas) is a veritable Bhima ; and who also being endowed all over the body with
auspicious signs (or accompanied everywhere by Lakshmana?) is very much Rama incarnate.
(Verse 5) There was a renowned person Ardrata by name in the Dharkkata family
hailing from the glorious Purnnatallaka. He was an expert in carving out various sculptures
in stone and'was attached to the Jaina faith.
(Verse 6) -.—Ardrata who had amassed wealth by dint of (labour and skill of) his arms
begot a son named Deddulaka, who. on account of his being a source of delight to all people
was respected by them. ____
1 This incomplete verse seems to be in Sardulavikridita metre.
3 The record ends here abruptly. The intended reading seems to be vijndnina.
3 The author has displayed his poetic excellence in the choice of diction. The alamkara in this verse is.
vvatireka based on slesha.
6 The word Lokaloka means 'world and.no world, the visible and invisible world’. It is also the 'name-
of a mythical belt or circle of mountains surrounding the outermost of the seven seas and dividing the visible-
world from the region of darkness’. Monier Williams : A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v. Lokaloka under
loka on p. 872. The term may also signify lokakasa and Alokakaka which, according to Jain Cosmographic:
conception, are the two parts of the space, the universe being situated in the former. This Lokakasa is com-
posed of two entities of essences called dharma and cdhavma, the substrata of motion and rest, conceived, as.
the conditions for the presence of all existing beings. The Alokakasa is described as an absolute void im--
penetrable to anything, material and spiritual’ (J1HVol. XLVIL, Pt. I, p. 53).
. No.-29]<GARH STONE INSCRIPTION! OF.,THE TIME OF MAHIPALA, V.S. 979 197-
. (Verse 7) :—His son Sarwadeva.who had-masteredvall.the.fine arts in their entirely

attained supremacy among the architects here. It was he who built the very beautiful and
unique Jaina temple at the excellent town Simhapadra.
■ (Vefse'-S)! :-1-1He3-the;blessed:ohe;i.whp: was-alwaysrskilful attended; upon by. the .assembly

of persons who were his ’ students,;andiwho: by his discourses on isculpture. replete; with .the
knowledge of the science-of architecture outshone the fame of (the divine architect) ViSva-
karma which envelopes 'the 'three'worlds ’ had1 got1 his name always appended with the-epithet
siitradhara. . . * ' ;
(Verse19-11) :^HavingL realised-that-impermanence'oF the- human'.existence surpasses

. (that of) the evening cloud, the lightening, bubble of water, the foamy the-wave, the town-of
Gandharvas (an imaginary town in the sky) and the rainbow, and that fickle is the fortune
he (Sarvadeva) who was brought by the great illustrious king1 Pulindra and who was desirous
of- building a temple of. a Jina(?) installed with devotion the excellent and lofty (image of)
Jina Santi (Santinatha) by his own wealth at the beautifuL(town of) Rajyapura which equalled
the town of (god) Indra, (i.e. Amaravati), and caused to be built this stone temple glowing
like the beams of the autumnal moon and supporting the stars with its. lofty peak.
(Verse 12) :—Is it by the orders of Indra that;the Lord of Wealth of radiant splendoury
has himself sent his own vehicle, from heaven to this mortal world ? Oh ! no ; this is the
jaina temple covering the,sky and shining by. its spreading banners and lofty Summits which
are as high as the top of Meru (mountain).
(Verse 13) :—The radiant, great, and eternal faultless glory of Sarvadeva after having
travelled the whole of Bharatavarsha from the high peaks of the mountain Kailasa .to the
coast of the sea (now) collecting together very much longs to approach heaven (the abode of
Indra) in the guise of the beautiful temple of Jinendra.
(Verses 14-15) :—Having caused the lofty temple of Santibhattaraka to be built (SarWa-
deva)' entrusted it together with a permanent endowment for worship to the learned and
great ascetic Surasenacharya and to the benevolent merchants who were members of a
gdshfhi (i.e. committee of supervisors in charge of the.religious institution) and were devoted
to him (i.e. Surasenacharya). .
(Verse 16) May this auspicious abode of Santinatha stand as long as the dharina pro
pagated by Jina, leading to emancipation and bliss (lasts), (as long as) the high peaked moun
tain Meru enjoyed by the heavenly damsels and the sea (full of) waves (caused) by the multi
tudes of crocodiles (exist). • ,'
(Verse 17) 'The two famous and noble poets the illustrious Sagaranandin and the
learned Lokadeva (have composed) this prasasti ||end|| Samvat 979 Tuesday, the 13th day
of the dark fortnight of VaiSakha|j '
Part II
(Verse 18) A mighty, earthquake toppling down (even) the mountains occurred and
on account of that this high building shook from top to the bottom.
. i The meaning of the expression sat-purvve is not clear.
6DGA/<f7 . . 5
198 EPIGRAPHIA INDlCA [VoL. XXXIX
(Verse-19) :—The wise, renowned, leader of all architects, Varahga, son of Sarvadeva,
was born. •' . . ?
(Verse 20):—He (Varanga), of beautiful limbs, resembled Cupid (or one devoid of limbs),
though handsome * (or the Sun) he was master "of speech (or the planet Jupiter) and though
a learned man (or the moon) he was wise (or the planet Mercury). . •
(Verse 21) Who was the yery cloud for the chatakas in. the form of supplicants, who
was the very fire for the forest in the form of problems of Architecture.
(Verse 22)By the one, who was rich, held, in high esteem by the king and chief among
the. architects.............. , ■ •'
No. 30—MASOD KAMPTI PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA IT,
• YEAR 19
(2 Plates)
P; R. SrINIVASAN, MYSORE.
The copper- plate inscription 1 edited below is now preserved in the State Archaeological
Museum at Nagpur. The charter was kindly sent to. my office by Shri P. M. Muley, the Cu
rator of the Museum through Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer, Epigraphical Assistant of my office.
According to Shri Muley, the plates were secured from , a private individual of the
village of Maso.d Kampti in the Achalpur Taluk, Nagpur District, Maharashtra. The
. set cohsists of .five piates strung together to a ring, which does not bear any seal. Each plate
.measures approximately 17.3 cm long and 8.4 cm broad. The diameter of the hole on the
left side of each plate is 1 cm. The first plate bears writing oh one side only while the other
plates have writing on both sides. The1 writing is preserved well.- The weight of the five
plates together is 1430 gms., and that of the ring alone is 80 gms.
The characters of the inscription are of the familiar box-headed variety of Sou-
. them alphabet. The letters are well written. But in several cases, the writer or the engraver
■has omitted the anusvara mark.' The language is Sanskrit and the text is in prose and
verse. The usual orthographic features like doubling of a consonant after r are
noticed. Generally the texts of the Vakataka . grants are full of mistakes in spelling.
They contain many colloquial usages. • Similar, features are found here also. As examples
jo (line 46) achchhettd (lines 47-48) and varisham (line 48) may be cited. These are corrected
in the text. . . ’
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II (circa
420-50 A. D.).2 Several grants of his time have come down-to us. But this is the only plate
belonging to his 19th regnal year. The text of this charter is similar to the texts of the king’s-
other charters, like the Wadgaon plates3.
The record commences with the words Siddham and drishti (for drishtam). It was issued
from- Pravarapura. The genealogy of the king is given exactly as in the above-men
tioned Wadgaon plates in fines 1-17 including the fact that the king’s maternal grandfather
was Devagupta. In fine 18, King Pravarasena is described as Parama-mahesvara. The pas
sage in fines.19-20 records that at the request of Aryya-Mahadevi, a land of 300, (here probably
the \yord nivarttandni is left out) measured according to the royal measure situated on the
north-western side of the village Matsakadraham to the west of Padmapura, was granted.
In fines 20-27 the names of the Brahmana donees are given. To begin with, however, two-
shares are assigned to Mahapurusha, perhaps the deity. Vishnu. The fist of the Brahmana
donees includes the following : Boppa-aryya, a chaturvedin and of the Kaundinya-sagotra,
Vishnu-varyya of the Bharadvaja - gotra, Raty-aryya of the Bharadvaja-gotra, Bhavaryya of
the Parasara-gotra, Bhavaputr-aryya of the. Parasara-gotra, G5l-aryya of the Bharadvaja-
gotra, Sriy-aryya of the Bharadvaja-gotra, Bopp-aryya of the Kasyapa-gotra, Narayan-aryya
1 A.R. Ep., 1976-77, No. 1. ~ ’
2 ClI., Vol. V, Introduction, p. xxiv. ,
3 Ibid., pp. 54 ff.
' ( 199)
6 DGA/77 ' d
200 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
of the KauSika-gotra, Suval-aryya of the Kausika-gotra, Dev-aryya of the Kaundiya-gotra,
Dam-aryya of the Kaundinya-gotra, Kesi(£a)v-aryya of the Kausika-gotra, Kumar-aryya
of the Vatsa-gotra, Dam-aryya of the JK aSyapa-gotra, Gol-aryya of the Kaundinya-gotra' Gol-
aryya of the Kasyapa-gotra, Kottiryya (K.otty-aryya) of the Gautama-gotra , and Rudr-aryya
of the Gautama-gotra. The passage in lines 28-29 states that a land for vataka (garden )
in the low lying area in the middle portion of the Rajatintinika-nadi was also given to the
twenty - four Brahmanas and the deity mentinoned above, each a share. This land is said
to be situated on the western side (line 29) of the village.
The subsequent passages are similar to those of other charters of his reign. In line 44
Sendpati Katyayana is mentioned and Devasakha (or simply deva-sakhd-the friend of the
king) as the executor of the grant. This Sendpati is known from the Pattan plates 1 of the
29th year of the ruler. There he is referred to as the master of or superior to Kalidasa2
who wrote the text.
At the end (lines 48-49) the particulars of date such- as year 19, 2nd fortnight of the
xainy season and 5th day are given. This method of giving season dates are met
with in the Basim plates 3 of Vindhyagakti II and the Dudia 4 and Pandhurpa plates5 of
Pravarasena II, who issued the present charter.
The importance .of the charter lies in -the fact that here figures the deity Mahapu-
rusha (i .e. Vishnu) for whom, probably there was a temple at the gift village. Aryya-Maha-
■devi at whose request the gift was made was apparently a queen of the king. The adjective
•aryya (noble) given to her is noteworthy. Here too figures, for the first time, Sendpati ka
tyayana. That Padmapura was a town and not a capital which it might have become at
z later time is known6. . . ’
The geographical names mentioned here are Pravarapura, Padmapura and
.Matsakadraham and the Rajatintini-nadi.. Of these Pravarapura is identified ’with
Pavanar, 10 km from Wardha7, and Padmapura may be identical with Padampur near
Amgaon in the Bhandara District. We have to look for Matsakadraham and the river near
Padampura.
TEXT8 . '
. First Plate
'1 Siddliam [ | *] Svasti [ ] *] Fravarapurad. = Agnishthcm-Apto[r:]yya(ryya)- ’
mo-kthya-Sh6dasy-Atiratrah9(tra-) • > '
1 ClI., Vol. V, p. 58. : ~~ ' : -------------
2 Ibid., P, 61, text-line 45. Identification of this Kalidasa' with the poet Kalidasa who wrote the
Abhijnana Sakuntalam, Rag/mvamia, etc., has been proposed, rather very surely, bv Dr. V. V Mirashi-
<CII., Vol. V, p. 58). But considering the very defective and sterotyped texts of the Vakataka erakt«
in general and those 0f Pravarasena II's reign in particular, this indentification does not seem to
reasonable. Although Dr. Mirashi says “Kalidasa, no doubt, figures only as a scribs in the Present'
grant, but that does not per se disprove his- identity with thegreat Sanskrit poet" ’ if he was reaiiv
the author of the above mentioned books, he could never have written a text like ’the onr- nf th
Pattan Plates, nor would he have been attached to the Sendpati of the king. A. poet of KalMa^’
eminence should be mentioned as the poet laureate of the kingdom rather than as a writer of a fa„u-S
text of a government document. raulty
1 Ibid., P„ 95.
4 Ibid., p. 44. . .
8Ibid.,P.64. ■
6 Ibid-., pp. 77-78.
7 Ibid., p. 23.
‘ From impressions.
6 There are two dash-like marks put one over the other standing for visarga after tra and it is
superfluous.
No. 30] MASOD KAMPTI PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASJENA II 201
2 diishti(tam) 1 [ | * ] Vajapeya-Brihaspi(spa)ti-sava-Sadyakra(skra)tu-chat.ur-A§va-
medha-yajinah
3 Vishnuvriddha-sagotrasya -samrajaft Vakatakanam = maha-
4 raja-sri-Pravarasenasya suno[h*] sun oh atyanta-svami-Makabhai-
5 rava-bhaktasya asambhara-2sannivesita-Siva-ling-6dvahana-Siva-
Second Plate, First Sidei
6 suparitushta-samutpadita-raja-vamsana[m:|'] parakkram-adhigi(ga)ta-Bhagi(gi)rathy-
-a-
7 mala-jala-murddh-abhishiktana[m*] da£-A£va-medh-avabhri3tHa-snatana[m*]
Bhara§ivana[m*]
8 maharaja-^rl-Bhava-naga-dauhitrasya Go(Gau)tamipu[tra*]sya putrasya
9 Vakatakanam = maharaja-£ri-Rudrasenasya: sunor=atyanta-mahesvarasya
10 saty-arjjava-karunya-sauryya-vikkrama(ma)-naya-vinaya-ma(ma)hatmya-dhi(dhl)
matva-patragata-
Second Plate, Second Side
11 bhaktitva-dharmma-vijayitva-manb-nairmmaly-adi-gunassa(na-sa)mupete(ta)sya
varsha-£ata-
12 m-abhivarddhamana-k6$a-danda-sadha(dha)na-santana-putra-pautra-Yudhishti-
(shtbi)ra-vritte-
13 r=Vvakatakanar(na)m = maharaja-sri (sri)-Prithivi-senasya suto bkagavataS

-Chakkra-
.14 paneh = prasad-6parjjita-sri(6ri)-samudayasy = aneka-sangrama-vijayinafh]
15 sbad-gun-arppana-pras'asta-Vakataka-vams-alankarabhutasya Va(Va)katakana-
Third Plate, First Side
16 m = maharaja-gri(£ri)-Rudrasenasya sunor=mmaharajadhiraja-sri(sri)-Deva-
gupta-su(su)ta(ta)ya[m*]'
17 Prabhavatiguptayam = utpannasya Sambhoh = prasada-£ri(dhri)ti-karttayugasya
Vakata- ..
18 kanam = ParamamaheSvara-Maharaja-sri (irl)-Pravarasenasya vachana[t*| |
1 Written below Siddham of line 1.

3 Read amsabhara.
3 This letter is written below the line.
202 - ' EPI&RAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX
19 Padmapurasy = apara-margge Matsakadrahan-namna(ma)-gramah asya ch- ^

aparottara-parSve
20 rajamanekamanena bhumi-sata-trayah a (5)ryya-Mahadevi-vijnapyal [||*] pra-
tigra-
Third Plate, Second Side
21 haScha (§ =ch = a)tra Mahapu[ru*]shasy = a[m*]sa-dvaya[m*] brahniana(na)scha

(s^cha) Kaundinya(iiya)-sagot:ra6=chatu- . ‘ .
22 rweda - Bopparyya - Bharadva (dva) ja - go.tra - Visbnu - varyya2 - Bharadvaja - Raty-
ary>a-
.23 ParaSara - Bhav - aryya-Para£ara-Bhavaputr-aryya-Bharadvaja-Gol-aryya-
24 Bharadvaja-Sriy-aryya-KaSyapa-sagotra-Bopp-aryya-KauSika-Narayano (n-a)rryya •
25 KauSika-A.chal-aryya - Kaundinya(nya)-Dev-aryya Kauptfinya(nya)-Dam-aryya-
Fourth Plate, First Side
26 Kausika-Kesi(sa)v-aryya-Vatsa-Kumar-aryya-Kasyapa-Dam-aryya-Kaundinyafnya)-
27 Gol-aryya-Kasyapa-Gol-a(a)ryya-Gautama-K6tli (tty-a)ryya-Gautaroa-Rudr-
aryya(ryya)[h |*]
28 3 Rajatintijiika-nadi-gartta-sabha-madhye vataka-bhumih [ j * 1
29 evam = bahamanana4 dev-amsesyaha5 pancna-visatya8 -vva (va) takah (kah) gramasya

(y-a)para - margge ■ .
30 datta(tta)[h*] yato = smat = satta(nta)ka[h*] sarvv-adhyaksha-niyoga-niyukta .
ajfiasanchari-
31 kulaputr-:adhikrita[h*] bhati(ta)£=chha(chha)tra£ = cha vrisbitapurvyam = ajnay-
ajnapa ..
32 pittarvya7 •
Fourth Plate, Second Side
-.33 yath=e(a)smabhir = atmano dharmm-ayur-balam-aisvairyya8 vivriddhaye ihe (h-a>-
. mutra-hita- _____ -
1.Read vijhaptya:
2 This spelling where the sandhi rules have been given the go by is due to local influence.
8 A small cross-mark is seen before this letter, on the margin.
* Read brahmarianam. .
6 Probably dev-amiasy-eha is meant here.
6 Read pancha-vimsati.
7 Bead viirutapitrvay-ajhay-ajnapayitavyah. .
8 Read bal-aitvaryya. ... -
MASOD KAMPTI PLATES OF VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II
-No.v30] MASOD KAMPTI PLATES'OF'VAKATAKA PRAVARASENA II 203 ‘
34 . rtham! ='. atma-anugrahaya vaijayike dharmma(mma)-sthane' a-bhata-chchhatra-pra-

ve^ya ■ ,u
■; : ';i; • 1.' ...
35 a-parampara-go-balivardda-a-pushpa-kshi(ksha)ra-sandoha a-charaSa(sa)na-
36 charmm-angara-a-lavana-klinna-kle(rejni-ka(jkha)naka-sarvva-veCvi)shlp* parinara-
37 parihrita sa-parikli(kli)pt-oparikli(kli)pta-a chandr-aditya-kala(l!)ya-putra-
Fifth Plate, First Side
• 38. pautr-anugama-bhunjata na kenachi[d*] = vya(vya)ghatah = karttavyas = sarvva-

kriyabhifh*] sa[m*]raksbi-
39 tarvyah parivarddhayitavya£ = cha ya6 = cha (ch =a)- smach = chhaSan-e(na)m = aga
nayamana[6*] = svalpam = api
‘ 40 paribadha[m*] kku(ku)ryya(yya) t = kari(ra)yita va tasya brakmanair = aveditasya

sa-danta (nda) -
41 nigraham =kuryyama |3 apurvadattada(tty=oda)ka-purwam = atisrishtafh*] uchitas

=ch = asya
42 pu(pu)rvva-raj-anumata6=cha (tarn cba)tur-we ,(wai)dya-maryya(ya)da(da)[ya*]

parihara(ra)n = vitara(ra)mah [| *] tad = yatha akara-
43 dayi dando(da)-nigraha[m*] kuryyamab [|*] api cha dharmmadhikarane ati(ti)ta

aneka-
Fifth Plate, Second Side
44 raja-fda*] tta[h*] Senapato (tau) Katyayano (ne) Deva3 sakha4 - mu (mu) kh-ajna (jna)
pte prabha-
45 vishnu-gauravad = va bhavisya(shya)[h*] vijnapayi [ta*]vya[|*] Vyasa-gi (gi)to(tas=)

ch=atra sloko, pra -
46 mani(m)-karttavya[h*] sa (sva)' datta[m*] para-datta[m*] va jo(yo) he(ha)rete(ta)

vasu(su)ndhara[m*] [|*] gava [m*] sata’-saha-
1 The letter sh looks like p.
3 This danda is shown as a hook with the hook portion to left, and it is superfluous.
3 This va was originally written as sa and later corrected by erasing the right arm of sa, although it
has not-been completely erased. .A. .■ - .
4 This kha is shown without the box at the bottom as is seen in thel etter following the next one.
6 DGA/77 .7
.204 ' ■ EPIGRAPHIA INDICA" r [Vol. XXXIX
47- srasya ha[n*]tu[h*] pibati dushkrita [m* ||1 J1 Shashti-vari(r)sha sahasrani svargga-
(gge) modati bhu(bhu)[mi*]da[h*] achchhe -
48 tta* ch = anumatta(nta) cha tany = eva narake fva*]se [t* || 2 H]1 Vari(r)sham
eku(k6)navi[m*]sad-varsha-paksha-dviti(tl)ya-i
49 divasa-pa(pa)nchama [||*]
1 -t ’’
1 The metre of this verse is anusfubh.

-2 Read akshepta-
No. 31—A GRANT OF SAMBHU-CHODA YEAR 50
(/ Plate)
The copper-plate grant1 edited below from the impressions kept in my office is stated
to have been received from Shri M. Kalidasa-garu, High Court Vakil, Guntur and the plates
were reported to have been found in the possession of a private person in the village Pach-
chala-Tadiparru in the Bapatla Taluk of the Guntur District.2 The set now consists of three
. plates and one or two .more plates are missing. Hence it is an incomplete record. No seal
is found. “They are rectangular in shape with low rims and measure about 21 cm long and
10 cm broad. On the first face are carved two padmas (lotus-designs) one above the ringr
hole and the other below it. Close to the iipper one of these on its proper left is cut a circle
representing the sun with the inscription ‘Suryamandalam’. The crescent is cut to the proper
left of the lower padma with the inscription ‘Somamandalam’ on its proper left.”3 The first
plate contains 8 lines of writing on its second side, the second contains 9 lines on each of
. its sides and the third plate has 8 fines on each of its faces, thus making a total of 42 fines
of writing. Though this record has been reviewed somewhat in detail on page -171 in the
A.R.Ep., for 1917-18, it is dealt with here afresh owing to its importance from the point
of its contents bearing on the history,and culture of the period to which it belongs.
The characters are Nagarl of the type which subsequently developed into the Nandi-
Nagari script which was widely in vogue in the Vijayanagara period. It has already been'
suggested that tire palaeography of the record indicates a 12th century date for the record.1
Its language is Sanskrit and the text is in prose and verse. The composition is couched
in a language which is fairly correct. As regards orthography anusvara is employed
. whenever the class nasal is to be used (e.g., mamtra- fines 11, 17, Kalimga-raja- fine 18 etc.),
the consonant following r is not doubled in several places and instead of ri simple r is used
in several words (e.g., pruthvl for prithvi, fine 1, gruhitvd for grihitvd, fine 11, dasi-kruta for
dashkrita, fine 17 etc.)
The inscription refers itself to the rule of Samhhu-choda (fines 8, 10) and is dated
in the 50th year (fine 19) of his rule. The object of the record is to grant the village
Kumbhaduru or Kummaduru on the banks of the Tungabhadra, to two deities
Agastyesvara and Shanmukha, to his preceptor and to other servants, each a fouth part
of the village. . ..
The record commences with the siddham symbol. In verse 1 (fines 1-2) the god Varaha-
Vish'nu is praised. In the following verse (fines 2-3), reference is made to the god Sadasiva
described as nitya, satya and sthira, and to Chaturmukha (i.e., the god Brahma) who is engaged
in creation. Tn.the next verse (lines 3-5) Kasyapa-prajapati is stated to have been born from ■
Brahma, and from the former, Vivasvan (i.e., the Sun) who purifies the three worlds. In
1 A.R.Ep., 1917-18, No. A-4.
2 Ibid., p.1-70. , .
3 Ibid., pp. 170-71. „
.‘Ibid., .p.. 171.
( 205 )
6 DGA/77 8
• 206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX
verse 4 (lines 5-7) reference is made, to the family of Vivasvan which was chosen for the in
carnation of an amsa of Vishnu (obviously indicating the avatara of Vishnu as Rama) and
in which were born a number of great and illustrious rulers. Then in verse 5 (lines 7-8),
Ku£a (evidently the son of Rama) is mentioned, and in his family, it is stated, was born
dambhu-clioda the son-of Rama-choda. Sambhu-choda’s queen Peryyanachchi, who
was the daughter of Chich-chakravarti, is mentioned in lines 8-9. Sambhu-choda is stated,
to have been ruling the territory between Nelluru and Kalinga, residing at the town of
Nelluha (Nelluru) (i.e. with Nelluru as the capital), in lines 9-10. (verse 6). In lines 10-11,
the god Bhairava, pleased by the power of the incantations of the ruler, is said to have
taken him to the peak of the hill called Koty-adri, where he was shown an inexhaustible
treasure. In the second half of verse 7 (line 12) this ruler is stated to have killed his enemies,
by means of trident,, at the battle-field of Plthapuri. Verse 8 (fines 13-14) states that he
performed a sacrifice for begetting children (putr-arthi-yajham) in front of the god Shan-
mukha of Tamrapura and in front of the god Agastisvara (Agastyesvara) of Kammeru, and
obtained two sons who were accordingly named Agastisvara-choda and Shanmukha-choda
and who were educated in all knowledge (verse 9). In the prose passage that follows in fines
16-19 the fact of the impending war with the king of Kalinga and his preparation made
for (participating in) it by Sambhu-choda is given. -It was the 50th year of his rule (fine 19),
and he arranged for anointing both his sons as heir-apparent (before he left on this campaign).
In line 20, the main purport of the record, viz., the granting of the village Kumbhaduru
(Kummaduru in fine 32) on the Tungabhadra, on this occasion is stated. In the following
lines it is stated that this village was divided into four parts. One part which was fertile and
on which stood the temple of the deity Agastya-finga on the bank of the Jamkara-nadI and
which went by the name of Kammeru was given in favour of the deity Agastyesvara-linga,
another part, was given in. favour of the deity Shanmukha of Tamrapura, and the third part
to the ruler’s preceptor (purohita) Ruchyaka-sarmman and the fourth part to the servants
and priests of the two deities mentioned above. The purohita Ruchyaka-sarman was a
chaturvedin and he belonged to Harita-gotra and Apastamba-sutra, hailed from Ahichchha-
tra, and was a teacher, of the commentary on the three Vedas, and of Yajurveda and had
performed different kinds of sacrifices.
It is stated in fine 27 that the village was given tax-free (sarvva-kara-pariharam).

This gift was announced by the ruler in the presence of five of his Rashtrakutas (or
provincial officers) viz., Sikanamdi, Malayarhdi, Kamdandi, Periya-Sambhuraya and Chiriya
gambhuraya, and other subjects of his own, and they were requested, to protect the same
at all times (fines 28-32). Then follows the description of the boundaries.of the gift
village Kummaduru. It is stated in a running fashion as follows : In the east, leaving
out a measure of twenty dhanus to the west of the Tungabhadra, and going towards
Jnaryya reach the intermediate space of a pond to the west of Chchira-chchekuru, then
going to the south-east, leave out a measure of 2000 dhanus to the north-west of the
curved corner of the Tungabhadra .then going south of the vdstu, leave out a measure
of 5000 dhanus to the north of Namduru, then going, towards the south-west of the vdstu,
reach a measure of 6000 dhanus, then in the west of the vdstu reach the pond with saltish
water to the east of Kakamranu, then going . towards the north-west crossing the
series of ant-hills, reach a measure of 4000 dhanus in the north-west of the vdstu then
from there going towards the east, reach a measure of 4000 dhanus to-the north of'The
vdstu, then to the south of Manva, in the direction of the north-east of the vdstu reach
a measure of 300 dhanus where it is located in the direction of Poraduru.
No; 31]' A GRANT OF sambhu-choda, YEAR 50 207
. This' charter is important in several respects. Firstly, this is the only record of the chief
■gambhuchoda of KaSyapa-gotra, who ruled over the region around Nellore having this town
as its capital. Like.the Telugu-choda families,1.this family too is said to belong to the solar
race. ' The chief mentioned is stated to have belonged to the family of Kusa, evidently
referring to the son of Rama. This family too was apparently subordinate to the imperial
Cholas, although there is no mention made of the Chdla overlord of the ruler of the record.
This family seems to have preceded in this region the Telugu-choda family of which the
earliest known member was Manumasiddhi who was a contemporary of the Chola king
Rajadhiraja II2. „ Since no other record of the chief Sambhu-choda or his successors has so
far come to our notice, it appears that this, family has not survived after him. . The
reason for this s ems to be that the present record states that Sambhu-choda granted a village
at a time when he was about to join the wai against the Kalihga King. It is known that
. there were two wars against Kalinga waged by the Cholas, one in th; last years of the 11th
century,3 and the second about A.D. 1110.4 . It is not known to which of them the present
charter refers. There is the phrase Kalmga-raja-yuddhe prasakte in lines 18-19 of the record,
. meaning‘when the war against the king of Kalinga has begun’ and this might refer in all
probability to the first war. Since the record is dated in the 50th year of the rule
of this chief, it is clear that he was sufficiently old at this time and therefore, he may not have
survived this war for long if at all he did. His sons who were anointed as heir-apparent
■(lines 19-20) were evidently not able to continue the rule as can be infeircd from the absence
of any records testifying to their - rule. Anyway the informaton contained in this
record about th; Kalinga war is interesting. He was probably in the army headed by
"Vikeama-chola, which conquered southern Kalihga in the first Kalihga war.5 6 That Sambhu-
choda was apparently a notable warrior is testified by the statement in line 12, that he killed
his enemies at Pifchapuri, It is interesting to note that this chief was childless and he had
obtained two sons after performing a sacrifice for this specific purpose called putr-arthi-
yajnam, which is probably the same, as the putrq-kameshti performed by king Dasaratha
of the Ramavana. It appears that Sambhu-choda performed this sacrifice twice, once in
front of (the temple of) the deity Agastlsvara of Kammeru and a second time in front
of (the temple of) the deity Shanmukha of Tamrapura, and therefore he had named one
' son' after the former deity and another son after the latter deity.
Among other noteworthy pieces of information, the.name of Sambhu-choda’s wife is
interesting to note. She was called Peryyanachchi, a variant of Peryyanachchi, which is
clearly a Tamil name of which the Sanskrit eqivalent would be Brihannayaki and this is
the name of the goddess the consort of Brihadlsvara the presiding deity of the famous
BrihadiSvara temple built by the Chola king Rajaraja I. Her father is stated to be one
Chich-chkravartij butjhis identity is not known. Similarly the names of Sambhu-choda’s
subordinate officials Sikanarhdi, Malayamdi and Kamdandi are again Tamil names. The
names of other two officials Periya-Sambhuraya and Chiriya-Sambhuraya suggest that they
belonged probably to the Sambhuvaraya family which, was another feudatory’s house
supporting the imperial Cholas. This fact seems to indicate that these Sambhurayas
had some-relationship besides the political one with Sambhu-choda. In this connection the
statement that Sambuvarayas belonged to the Sambhu-kulafis significant.______________
1 JAHRS., Vol. 5CX1II, P. 48.
. 2 Ibid., p. 69,
3 The Colas, (2nd ed.), p. 321.
5 Ibid- but prbf.K;A.N. lakanta Sastri has not mentioned the nam; of this chief any where in his book.
6Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 155.
208' ' EPIGRAPHIA INDICA \ Vol. XXXIX
Another matter of interest is that the Brahmana priest of this chief is stated to have
hailed from Ahichhchhatra which is the modern Ramnagar in Bareilly District in Uttar
Pradesh. TlrV shows that during, this period such people from North India had migrated
to South India and settled down here. This Brahmana Ruchyaka-sarman is stated to be
a teacher not only of the Yajurveda, but also of the commentaries for the three Vedas,
It is of great interest to note that there were commentaries for the three Vedas even during^
the llth-12th centuries, which were subjects for teaching. Unfortunately no further
information is available about this very important matter. We know of the Veda-bhashyas
of Sayanacharya of the early Vijayanagara period1 and the Veda-bhashya of phatta-
Bhaskira of the early 16th century.2 The Veda-bhashyas referred to heie being older than those
mentioned above should refer to those of some other author. It is not known if thqse
bhashyas originated in North India or were the works of some South Indian author. ■ Purohita
Ruchyaka-sarman is said to be a sarvva-Kratn-yajin. It shows that the practice of .
performing sacrifice was in vogue in South India at that time.
A number of geographical names occur in this charter. There is mentioned Neliuha
or Nelluhapuri which is evidently the same as Nellore ; Kalinga is the region now re
presented by the southern part of Orissa and the northern-most part of Andhra Pradesh ;
PIthapuri may be Pithapuram ; Tungabhadra is well known ; Tamrapura is identified
with Chebrolu in the Bapatla Taluk of the Guntur District and Ahichhchhatra has already
been identified above. Jamkara-nadi on the bank of which the deity Agastyesvara ’
was. installed, Kummaduru or Kumbhaduru the gift village and several other
hamlets mentioned in connection with the description of the boundaries of the gift-village
are difficult to be identified.
TEXT3 * 5
[Metres ; Verses 1, 2, 3 Anushtubh ; verses 4, 5, 7-9 Upajati; verse 6 Indravajrd.\ ■

First Plate% First Side
(a) ‘Suryya-mantjalam [ j *]
(d) 6S6ma-manda!am [ | *]
First plate, Second Side
1 Siddbam [||*] Jayati sri-Varahatma Vishnu [h*J grlpatir-avyayah [ |*]"yasya damshfr-
amkure pru (pri)-
2' thvi dhuru(dhri)ta Lakshmlm ch=odvahat=va(ba)'bhau [|| l*j Asti Sadasivo devo
nityas=satyas=sthira- , • ' ■ ;
3 . tmakah [ | *] tatas=sru (sri)shty-unma(nmu)kh-atma ya (yo) yukt-atm=abhuch=
Chaturmukhah [|| 2*] tat[o] •
4 vagdhrita-bhayuktat^sa Kasyapa-prajapatih [ | *] tatah prabhut=sa Vi-
1 A.D. Macdonell, History of Sanskrit Literature (1925), p. 275. ‘
- - 2 R. Shama Sastry.(ed) The Taittinya Brahmana by Bhatta-Bhaskara-misra (1921), pp. iii ff. ’
3 From impressions. ....
* Preceding this letter there is a circle representing the Sun, and before that is. a six-petalled lotus
design within a circle. •
5 Preceding this- letter there is a semi-circle representing the Moon, and before this a six-petalled lotus
design withm a circle. •
A GRANT OF SAMBHU-CHODA, YEAR 50
i(a)
Size : Three-fifth
No. 31] A GRANT' OF SAMBHU-CHODA, YEAR 50 »
* 5 vasvan=loka-tritaya-pavanab |jj3**] fkafc=kula[in] 16ka-Mt-artha-yatna[A]
6 Vishnavamsa1 janm-arham —ih =aiva etat[ asmm=
hfit—param-
7 parayarii tridivam gatayam(yam) [jj 4*]. Kuiasya:'l»|fpasfa'Eulg^vIBiatTtrl-RSiia*
8, dho^-atmaja-Saihbbu-chddab • [ | *] ■ GMcteeWakfavarly-ah’vaya-rfiapoIrHri-
i Peryyana-
. Second Plate, First Side

9 [cheb]Ity=udit=4$ya divl 4PSJ ;\Srt-lfai»b-ikbflAtIkhyaiii) ■ parii»=iyasatt-4fl*
Nillft-
10 ru-Ka[limga]ka-madhya-desam [(*] sasan -mahatma kurete sa rajyaA"'itl-liairafS

yasya
11 karam gru(gri)hitva |j|6*J' Koty-adri-kute nidhiiR=akshay-Irthaii Byaiaflap3i=
mariitra-vara-pwsa-
12 nnak':-''J’f*j' sa ' cha ' 'rape"-' pwSgai-iula-kshata»*iyyaktty<'awdliiB=
nij-arin |j [7*]
13 Sa Tamrapttsb-Sliaijimukha-sannidhane Kainmirv-Agastllvara-sannliilai [)•§
putr-ir[thi]-
14 yajfiam bhuvi kirayitvt laMtaa . suliv==uttama-I#;shafo(pa’U) dfam-lff*] Taydr=
Agastl-
15 svara-choda-samjfiam kritva kramfsh(t)=Shapmukha-choâ-samjtaii [ I'*}ahiflsajat»
—yb-
16 gya-samasta-vidyas=tabhyarii sutabhyam sahitas==sa bhiti ]|{9*J Ku*
17 sa-vaiMyena Kasyapa-gotrena mamtra-sakti-dasikru(kri)-ta-Bhairavena srl-
Second Plate, Second Side

18 Neltohapuri-vasata»$rI-SariibMu-ch6â-devena Kaliriiga-raja-yuddhS pra-
19 sakti pravrirddhamana--nija-rajya-pariichasat-saihvatsare putray5r=
yyuvarajya-abhishek-a-
20 vasare Tumgabhadra-tate Kumbhaddru-nama-gramaii t
chaturddha vjbhajyaika(kam)=amsam [Ja]mka-
21 ra*nadi-tir-amru(mri)la-sar6-‘gastyaliriiga-samiidhyena samru(infi)dhyl cha Ko-Mfni
22 r=nam=agra iti jata-gaurvval=labdha Ka[&]miru-oan®kaih puryya-Agastyg-
23 kvara-deviya dvitiyam=am|arii Tamrapura-Kumarasvami-deviya tra{tp)ll-
1 Read Vishm-omsa.
* Read pravarddhatnana.
6 DGA/77
21®- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
24 yamÂsaA sva-purohitfiya Harita-gotray=iApastai&Wya!r=AlueMi#|tliatMys-

25. ."-ya. ■ ■■':VidaTtiaya?hhashya-yajur¥edy-adiaryyiya-R**€hyaika].ia,Raa^hatiiry##<sar-'
wa-kratu-
26 yajin|.chatujtham=amsam vairigy-aharyy-ldibby6 deya-dvaya^na(oB)jai-pafi-

Third Plate, First Side /
27 charakebhyab pujak-idibhya[h*] a-chamdr-arkarb sarvva-kara-parihSram=uda-*
28 ka-dharaya datva sva-rashtrakula-pramukhln [Si]ka[nam]di Malayam-
29 di. KaAdiindi Periya-&i»bfauriya GMriya-iaifabhuraya ■ £afejft§n=svi‘SaMa>
30 janaih ch=ahuy=ettham=ajfiapanam anuprasasanam kru(kp)tadi [ j *] viditaa*
31 vab ayam bhudana-rupa-dharmo may ==eha kru(k?i)tab sa cha sarvatha sarvai-

32 s==saiftftfadllya Iti [ j *] atra Kummaduru-gramasya slma vastunabpurva-
33 difi Tutbgabfaadra paSehimatd vvi(vi)msati-dhanpr-m#nadi lyaktva [Ijnajyyo-
34 nmukhi gatva Chchirachchekuru paschimato yathakuly-abhyantaram gatvi
Third Plate, Second Side
35 vagtum agn%yaih Tuibgabfaadrft-vakra*kppasya vayavyato dvi-sa-

36 hasra-dhanur-manam tyaktva Namdury-uttarato vastuno dakshipatab paihcha-sahasra-
■ dba- - :
37 nur-manam prapya nirrutyl-unmukhi gatva vastund nirrutyidp shat-sahasra-

38 dhanur-manaib prapya vastunah paschimatah Kakamraau puruvato-lavapa-lculyam
39 prapya valmika-mfdaya gatva vayavy-onmukhi-vayavya-disi va-
40 stunah chatus-sahasra-dhanur-manam prapya pranmukh! gatva vastuna uta(tta)rataS=
cha-
41 tuS-sata-dhanur-manarh prapya Manva-dakshipato vastuna aisanayam trHata-dhanur-

ma-
42 nam prapya Poraduru-disi sariisthita atra yatfaarhaih-karmakarib yatha*
1 Read mrrityath.
* The continuation is missing.
No. 32-TWO HERO-STONE INSCRIPTIONS FROM IRULAPPATTI
(/ Plate)
\ K. G. Krishnan, Mysore
The iwo inscriptions edited here' are engraved on two hero-stones in a site locally called
Vediyappan temple in Pappambadi, the hamlet of the village Iryjappafti ia Harttr Taluk,
Dharmapuri District, Tamil Nadu.* They are continued To be worshipped, even to-day.
They are, for the sake of convenience marked as A and B j*
Inscriptions A and B are in Tamil language, engraved in Vaffeiutta ebneacters
of about the fifth century A.D. .Among these-' two, the inscription B is --engraved in. sightly
later characters. Boih may be placed midway between the Araehehaiflr record8 and
the Tirunatharkup.ru inscription4 from the point-of view of their development. The crucial
letters that show definite stages in their evolution from the Arachchaluf record are n, n, va
and /. . The letter 9-is-written in the ArachefaalQr record by slanting the-central vertical stem
in continuation of the horizontal .line-and -by curving the lower horizontal Tine, whereas
in the present record this slanting line is written as a full curve resulting in the form of two
concaves placed one below the other. ■ N assumes the form of a curve in the second part of
the letter drawn continuously from and not on the base line. The letter v has taken the
form in which a vertical line and curve extending from its base upwards to its right joins
the line a little lower than its top. . L has its initial curve accentuated' and the right vertical
'Stem reduced-completely. Apart from these marked factors, the practice of marking dots
over the consonants is also obtained in these records though the place of the dots is not uni
form. The medial« is marked - with a dot in the only example available in Korrandai in the
shorter record. The sign for o is-made-up of a leftward sign on the;-top" and a length sign
on the cross -line of for.* The letters g and g discussed above are definitely the Vaftelttttte
forms distinguishable from their counterparts in-the Tamil script which are evolved by placing'
two concave curves horizontally.*
It was once considered that these inscriptions along with some others .placed during this
period may be said to be engraved in a mixed-variety of alphabet using both Tatfeluttu and
Tamil,* It seems that it is- better to visualise some stages -where some'eoniiiton forms con
tinued to be used in both the.-scripts retaining at the same time individual letters entitling,
them to be called Vattelu-ttu.or Tamil as -the case may be. Since the forms -of 9 and g cm
never be expected to be used in a record engraved in .Tamil/'script at-any--time during this
period on account of the different evolutionary processes, the script of these records may fee
considered to be Vattejutiu.
* They were discovered by the Director of Archaeology, Tamil Nadu and published in Hhtmilim,
Vol.T, part III, pp. 92 ff. and plate 26.
2 They a re registered- in - A, R. Ep., 1967-68,-.Nos.. B 243 and 244 respectively.
3 .1. R. Ep., 1961-62, No. B 280 and plate II.
* SH., Vol. XVII, frontispiece.
6 But it should be noted that in the case of Kd in Kosjanthe signs are marked on the top, to the left
and to the right. .
* See Vallam inscription (811Vol. II,plate X, opposite p. 340).
5 A. R. Ep. 1967-68 pp. 9 and 42; -SH.. Vol. XVII Introduction p. 8.
(211)
6 DGA/77
10
4'
Inscription B is considered here to be of a slightly later period on account of the follow

ing reasons : The curve drawn from the middle of the vertical stem of the letter t in inscrip
tion A is drawn form the base of the stem in this inscription. In the case of p the concave
curves are accentuated by looping. These two developments cannot be considered to be
transitional on any count. Therefore inscription B is later to inscription A.1
The inscription A provides the earliest use of title Enadi in Epigraphy, which was
bestowed by the king upon generals or ministers. The expression araimru affords arf early
evidence of the use of the euphonic u found in Kannada.and Telugu records. I
The first inscrtipon (A) is engraved to the left of the sculptures of the two heroes in whose
honour the stone was set up and below the raised right arm of the hero on the left. It records
that it*is the stone (set up in memory) of Vinnaper-epadi2 who ruled over YiSaiyamaftgalam
<Vijayamafigalam),who was the son ofUlamutpu] kap and who was a servant ofVSpaparuma-
araiiaru. Another short inscription engraved on the same slab between the two sculptures
states that this (same stone) is the stone (set up in memory) of Korrandai Kodan, the servant
of Viunap-per-enadi.2 Thus the sculptures represent two heroes, the left being that of the
master Vinnapper-enadi and the right one being that of his servant. The straight double-
edged and pointed sword, the flat shield with a bulging centre, and conspicuous ku/tdalas
on his pars, his dress with a sash and the hilt on his belt all distinguish the master from his
servant who is shown with a single-edged sword, a simple bent shield etc.
VSnaparuma-arai saru (Bapavarma-raja) is evidently a Bapa chief. But his name is not
revealed. His general’s name also is not disclosed; but his title Vinnapper-enadi indicates
that he has acquired the title obviously after Vippafl whose relationship with Vapavarmap
is not stated. It is not improbable that Vippan or Vippavarman was the supreme ruler
though the inscription has not chosen to mention the same.
The second inscription (B) is dated in the fourth year in the reign of Kfi-Visaiya
(Vijaya) Vinnaparuman (Vinnavarman). It records the death of Vapaparuma-araisaru
in the course of his attack against the army that came upon Kaftgaraisaru (Gahgarasa) who
was ruling over Kuruvagaiyur-natfu. The hero is depicted in a panel above the inscription
in an attacking pose portraying the vigour completely.
We have placed this inscription palaeographically later as pointed out above. It is,
therefore clear that Vippa after whom Vinnap-per-epadi of inscription A was named and
Vinpavarmap of inscription B are different and are probably separated by one generation.3
jhree persons were involved in the encounter recorded in the second inscription (B). Vippa-
varmap was the king. Gangaraisaru, a chief of the well-known Gaftga family was ruling over
Kujruvagaiyur-nadu, which, though not identifiable, should have formed part of Vipnavar-
juan’s territories, Vanaparumaraisaru attacked the army of an unnamed enemy that came
upon the Ganga chief and fell. It is indeed interesting to note tht Vinpavarmap was quite
powerful enough to have with him two feudatories from the well-known, probably collateral,
families of the Gahgas and the Banas. It is not known whether Vinpavarmap is a personal
name or dynastic name. We meet with Vinna in the names Siftgavippa (Simbavishnu),
T^XPg styie of the bas-relief sculptures ef A seems to be earlier than that of the sculpture of B,
■which may also be considered a point in support of this statement.—Ed.]
2 Sandhi is observed in the shorter inscription.
3 Damilica, Vol. I, part III, pp. 92 IT. Both the inscriptions are considered by Nagaswamy as
referring to one and the same encounter. According to us both the records were not engraved in the
same period. See above for a discussion of their palaeography.
PAPPAMBADI HERO STONE INSCRIPTION
Size : One-sixth
PAPPAMBADI HERO STONE INSCRIPTION
(B)
Size : One-fifth
No. 32] TWO HERO-STONE INSCRIPTIONS FROM 1RULAPPATTI 213
Vippakovaraiyar, etc., in the later inscriptions.1 Our attention is drawn to the occurrence of
the name Vinna in Atiyap Vinnattan who is considered to be the distant ancestor of Vipna-
varman.2 Atiyap Vippattapar occurs as the name of the author of a verse.3 * It * 6is not known
whether he was also a chief, though the two parts of his name belong to chiefs of this region.
Atiyap is well-known as a dynastic name. Vinnavarman of these inscriptions is. considered
by Nagaswamy as identical with a Vinnan of Palasai referred to in a verse in' Wpgartmgala-
virutti, a grammatical work on prosody assignable to about the 9th-10th centuries and as an
Atiya clicf.1
As against this identification, another probability cannot be ignored. The analogy of
Simhavishnu being written in Tamil records as Singavinna would suggest that Vinpavarnsap,
probably, stands for Vishnuvarman (a well-known name among' the Kadanifias). Visiipu-
.varma® was the son of Krishnavaripap, the younger brother of Santivarmap who.-m-mA to
have deputed Krishpavarmap to rule ' over the southern districts under the ICldaiiibas.*
This led probably to a conflict with.'the Pallavas resulting also in .a matrimonial alliance,
% not yet recorded. It is borne out by the fact that Vishpuvarman named his son Sufihavarma®,
doubtless, due to Pallava affiliation.* ; It is, therefore, not .improbable that Vishnuvarman
had-extended his sway into the Tamil country.7 8 The Kadambas had made graats to Jina
even as Vinnan of the Tamil literary tradition did. The identification," however, requires
to be confirmed by further research and furture discoveries.
Kuruvagaiyur-nadu cannot be: identified. Visaiyamafigalam may probably be
identified with the village Vijayaraangaiam in Erode Taluk, Coimbatore District in
Tamil Nadu.
TEXT*
A
I II
1 Vanaparuma- 1 Vinnap-per-e
2 araisaru se 2 padi sevagap
3 vagap Ula- 3 Korrandai K.odu-
4 mu[nu]kan maga® 4 p kal
'1 Cf. Sri Siifahavippa-pottradhirajan (5//., Vol. XII, No. 17); Vishpugriha as Vigpagaram, etc.
* Damilica, Vol. I, part III, pp, 92 ff. Besides the one quoted by Nagaswamyi there are two more
references. One Vinnan is stated to have gifted away a gem yielded by a serpent to a poet {Tamil Nambr
charitai, No. 194) and' another called Vippavas is described as a righteous king. YdppeutuAgeia virutti,
Bhavanandam piljai Edition, p. 279).
* AhanSwru, No. 301.
* Palasai is identified with Palaiyakdflai in Dharapuram Taluk in Coimbatore District. The same
verse refers to a chefika (ehitiya) and the deity Amal (evidently Jina).
6 A History of South India, p. 107.
6 The epithet Ko-visaiya (Kd Vijayo) occurring in tile' inscription (B) a'so suggests the Pallava
influence as most of the Pallava records usj this expression as K6-Vijaya Sifigavipna JCd.Vijaya
Maylodra, etc. See CheAgam Na4»karkal; SIt,t Vol. XII, *
7 This name Vishnuvarman is probably due t> the influence of the name Vishpugdpa among the
Pallavas.
8 From impressions.
’Text continued on the next page.
214 ■ ■ EPIGRAPHS' JNJ3IC A- ■ • • U|V6l, XXXIX
5 o Visaiyama- . . v- .
6 ngalam-art-
7 du(da) Vipna-pe-
8 r-eoadi kal •
(
1 Ki-Visaiya-Vmnaparumapku nangu1 [Ku]- *
2 yuvagayGru nad-a!Ju(hi)m Kaftgaraisaru
3 mil vanda tandattodu e- .
4 rindu patta Vanaparumaraisaru

5 kal
1 Nagaswamy reads the digit 3 and ku. According to us the letter ku is written twice, the first ohf
forming part of the expression nd$gu and the second one at the end of the line aliihihg with the last
letters of the next three lines.
No. 33—GHAGHSA INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA TEJASIMHA, V.S. 1322
/ / (1 Plate)
%
^ C.L. SURI AND S. SuBRAMONlA, IYES, MYSORE
• The inscription1' edited below with the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist,
Mysore was found in a well at Ghaghsa in Chitorgarh District, Rajasthan. It was later
• removed to the Victoria Hall Museum, Udaipur, where it is now preserved.
■The inscribed stone measuring" 43.9 cmX45.9 cm contains 28 lines of writing which,
. though worn out and damaged in a number of places, is in a fairly good state of preservation.
The characters are Nagarl of the 14th century. The language is Sanskrit and the
composition is in verse with the exception of the invocatory expression Om ncimah sri-Mahd-
devaya in the beginning, the words yngmam || anyach=cha in line 20 and the date portion at
the end which are in prose. The verses are,consecutively numbered, the numerical figures
.being placed after the double danda at the end of each verse. As regards orthography
it may be pointed out that both prishthamatrds (cf. de in Mahadevaya and so and tho in
Somanatho, line 1) and siromatras (cf. de in devah, line 1 and rtho in sartho, line 2) have been
used to indicate medial vowels e and 6, the latter (siromatrds) being generally written in an
ornamental way.. Va has been distinguished from, ba (cf. vibdhu, line 7, babhuva, line 26,
etc.). Sandhi has not been observed as in vah sada and nih kalamko, fine 1, svah stho, line
5 and duh kritam, line 24. The reduplication of consonants, though seen in some instances
(cf. sarvva in lines 4, 7 and 23, Gurjjara in line 5, etc.), is not a regular orthographical feature
of the record. - (
^ The date of the epigraph is given in line 28 as Samvat (i.e. Vikrama Sarhvat)
4322, Karttika ba. [1] Sunday. This regularly corresponds to 1265 A.D., Sep
tember 7.
The inscription begins with' an auspicious symbol resembling the numerical figure 80
followed by the invocatory passage Om namah sri-Mahadevaya. The first two verses seek
the perpetual blessings of Somanatha (i.e. Siva) and Visvarupa (i.e. Vishnu). Verse 3
mentions Bappaka as the first king of the Guhila family. The next verse (verse 4) states that
after a succession of many kings, there came Padmasimha whom goddess Lakshmi sought
after, setting aside her characteristic transience. Verse 5 introduces his son Jaitrasimha
who was like a tornado at the time of deluge to the enemy kings and who caused instantaneous
terror in the minds of all. According to the next verse (verse 6), the pride of king Jaitrasimha
who had gone to the heavens, was not humbled by the kings of Malava, Gurjara and &akam-
bhari as well as the lord of the Turushkas. Verses 7 and 8 describe his son the ruling king
Tejahsimha. It is stated that he, whose sword was resting after destroying the enemies
in the battle field, was of irresistible strength and the cause of immense delight to his subjects.
1 This is noticed in A. R. Ep.. 1954-55 as No. B 496 where the date has been wrongly read as Samvat
1332.. The contents of this record have been briefly given in the Annual Report of the Rajputatta Museum,
1926-27, ,p. 3, No. VI. '
v ' ( 215 ) . .
6DGA/77 , 11
, _ ^ i
From verse 9 begins the description of a family probably named pimduha or pimdubha1
which is stated to be opulent and which was free from defects like dishonesty and finding
fault with others. In this family was born a person named Romafpada] who was possessed
of goodJqualities and who fulfilled the desires of the needy people (verse 10). He had a son
named Galhu (verse 11). His son was Malhu, who was very proficient in, the art .of trade
(verse 12). Malhu had a son named Prabhuddha-Balabhaara who was blessed with good'
luck like Kesava (i.e. Vishnu with-his ten auspicious incarnations) (verse 13). The next verse
(verse 14) is also in praise of Prabuddha Balabhadra. To him were born two sonsjnamed
Ahladana and Trikrama'. They were known for their good deeds, interest in others
welfare, training in their family tradition and devotion to Trikrama (i.e.. Vishnu). They
were handsome in/appearance and were respected by the learned (verse 15). Ahladana h&d
a son named Ratna who spared no efforts to gain merit, who was without any rivals in .
contests and who was a jewel among men (verse 16). He (Ratna) who had two younger
brothers named Sodhala and Ganga, was honoured by Kanaka Dhirapala (verses 17 and 18).
He. who had satisfied the desires of the needy, was like the dramma (coin) devoid of inpurities ^
(verse 19). Verse' 20 also describes the' qualities of Ratna. Verse y21 mentions the three
sons of Ratna’s brother Trikrama. Their names appear to be Vijada, Ravana and
Khxmada. The next verse (verse 22) mentions Jagatsiihha, Harl[draval and Vayhjala, the
three sons of Ratna. Verses 23-24, which form a yugma, state that Ratna having realised
the worthlessness of the whole world from the enlightened, constructed, a triple-shrinep,yith
Sivalinga within the site of the temple of Kumbhesvara at Chitrakuta. He again caused ,
to be constructed near Danitapura a beautiful step-well brimming with tasteful water and full
- of glistening fishes with sparkling eyes for the merit of his parents (verses 25-27) and instaLed
In it the images of the Sun and Jalasayin (Vishnu) (verse 28). Further he constructed a temple
of Somanatha in Danitapura (verse 29). This is followed by a prayer for the continued
prosperity of the well and its builder (verse 30).
The inscription then refers to the Svetambara Jaina Achdrya Ratnaprabha-suri and his
teacher. He belonged to the Chaitra-gachchha and was a' resident of Chitrakutachaladurga.
' It is. stated that he was honoured by tlie king and that this prasasti .was composed, by him
(verses 31 and 32). The record was written by Parsvachamdra, the chief disciple of the
' aforesaid Ratnaprabha-suri.2 The engraver was Kelisimha (verse 33). The date given
■ at the end has already been discussed above.
Among the kings who could not humble the pride of Jaitiasimha was the king of
Sakambhari. As Takariibhari was under the sway of the Muslims after the- overthrow of
the Chahamana Prithviraja HI, the epithet Sdkmbharlsvara cannot refer, as it ordinarily
: would, to the Chahamanas -of Sakambhari. This has given rise to various identifications
of the king of Sakambhari mentioned in our inscription. While G.H. Ojha3 and Dasaratha
Sharma4 take him to be the Songira Chahamanaddng Udayasimha of Jalor, H.C. 'Ray5
i The reading of the last akshara of the name is uncertain. The name may. also be read as Dirinfiiva or
^'^The Clurwa inscription of Samvat 1330-describes Ratnaprabha-suri as being honoured by Visvaladeva
: TVIsaladev.-') and Tejahsimha. The same record also mentions RatnaPrabhasuri’s teacher Bnuvanachandra-
! suri and the former’s disciple Parsvachandra, the writer of that record. It.may be pointed out that many of
" the ideas and some of the verses too are common in both these records! cf. above Vol. XXII, p. 291.
Bhuvanachamdrasuri mentioned here is probably identical with his namesake figuring in a fragmentary
record preserved in the Victoria Hall 'Museum, Udaipur (AS1AR., 1936-37, p. 125).
3 History of Rajp.itaoa (Hindi) , Vol. I, p.460, f.n. 1. ,
4Early Chauhca Dynasties, p. 153. . ' '
, Vol.II, pc 1188. " . •
I
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No. 33] GHAGHSA INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA TEJASIMHA, .V.S. 1322 217

and R.R. Haider1 opine that the reference isto the contemporary Muslim ruler of .Sakambhari.
Both these identifications .are however, untenable. The first identification mainly rests on the
evidence of the Sundha Hill inscription of Chachigadeva which describes Lakshmana, the
founder of the Nad6l branch of the Chahamanas, as Sakambharlmdra.2 It has been assumed,
therefore, that Udayasimha whose territories included not only Jalor, which was the capital
but also 'Nadol, could also be described in an identical manner. Thus, the expression
• Sakambharisvara of this inscription is taken by them to be a substitute for the expression
Maravesa of the Chirwa inscription. It will be seen- that the evidence of the Chirwa ins
cription of Guhila Samarasimha dated V.S. 133.0 cleai'ly goes against this identification. A
verse of this inscription describes Jaitrasimha as follows :
* Na Malaviyena na Gaurjarena na Maravesena na Jamgalena j
Mlechchhadhinathena kad=api inano mlanim na ninye=vanipasya yasya i|3
1 The epithet Maravesa in this verse stands for the king of Marava (i.e. Marwar), who has
rightly been identified with Udayasimha of Jalor on the/basis of the' Mount Abu inscription4 *
of Guhila Samarasimha dated V.S'. 1342 which refers to the destruction of Naddula by
Jaitrasimha. The epithet Jangala stands for the king of. the Jangala country which, as
pointed out by Haider, comprised the erstwhile Bikaner-State and thenorthem part of Marwar.
The capital of Jangala was Ahichchhatrapura or Nagaur. The Chahamanas who held sway
• over the region, .later on shifted their capital to Sakambhari (Sambhar) in the Sapadalaksha
country. It is, therefore, obvious that the expression Sakarhbharisvara of our inscription
has been substituted by the expression Jangala in the Chirwa inscription. Now, as Maravesa
and 'Jangala, who have been mentioned together in the verse quoted above, must be taken
as two different kings, Sakarhbharisvara or its substitute Jangala cannot be identified with the
Maravesa Udayasimha.
The occurrence of the epithet Sakambharlmdra for Lakshmana in the Sundha Hill
inscription can be explained by'the fact that Lakshmana was the son of Vakpatiraja of the
Sakambhari family and therefore he. could perhaps be' called as such. Ray even suggests
that “it may contain a veiled hint that he was also a claimant for the ancestral throne when
his brother Sindhuraja succeeded their father”.6 It is interesting to observe here that none:
of the successors of Lakshmana get the above appellation.
Ray’s and Haider’s view that the expression Sdkaihbharlsvara refers to the Muslim ruler
of Sakambhari cannot be accepted in1 view of the separate mention of Mlechchhadhinatha'
and Tiirushka respectively in the Chirwa inscription and the inscription under study. Haider
who draws attention to.a statement in the Tabaqat-i-Nafirl according to which Ghiyasud-din
Balban alias Ulugh Khan, the ex-minister of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah, invaded the
territory of Ranthambor, Bundi and Chitrur (Chitor)0 believes that “It is this invasion of
, Ulugh Khan upon Chitor which refers to the fight’of Jaitrasimha with JangaF’.7 Apart from
the fact that this statement is vague.with regard to Ulugh Khan’s connections with the Jangala
1 Ini. Ant., Vol. LVII, p. 33. \
2 Above, Vol. IX, p. 75, teat lines 4 and,5.
3 Ibid., Vol. XXII; p. 289, verse 6. This verse has been discussed in detail by one of the authors of
this article Shri C.L. Suri in the article entitled Note on the Chirwa Inscription of Samarasimha, V.S.
1330. Studies in Indian History and Culture, p. 85 f.
4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 349, verse 42.
s 6 H.C. Ray, op. cit., p. 1105.
J Ravertys Tabaqat-Nasiri, p. 892.
’ Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, p. 33.
' ' . ' 11a
\
I
I
218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA ' . [Vol. XXXIX

territories, it is extremely doubtful if the people who ar traditionally described as Mlechchhas
or Turushkas, could be referred to as ( Sakambhartivara or Jangala.
A third suggestion has been put forward by D. C. Ganguly1 that the expression &akam-
bhaiisvata refers to a Chahamana king of Ranthambhor. As seep below, there is nothing
militating against this identification. It is well known that the Chahamana Govinda, the
son of Prithvlraja lll, after being ousted from Sakambhari continued the line at Ranastam-
bhapura. Even though Sakambhari was not ruled by the Chahamanas of Ranastam-
bhapura, they perhaps continued to be known as Sakambharisvara in view of their long’ rule
over that territory.2 It is significant, as has been pointed out by- Ganguly, that “the kings
of this family claim to have been born in the lineage of Prithviraja III ”.3 The Chahamana
ruler of Ranastambhapura at this time was Vagbhata. It is known, that after the death ojf
Jltutmish in 1236 A.D. he had recaptured the fort of Ranastambhapura which had fallen
into the hands of the Muslims and, in course of time, had become a powerful ruler.
It is not unlikely that he had a conflict with the Guhila'Jaitrasimha, which has been referred
to in.our inscription.
' Another king who could not humble the pride of Jaitrasimha--was the Giirjara. king.
Ray4 identifies him with the Chaulukya king Bhima II or his feudatory. Rariaka Viradhavala
without adducing any evidence. Ojha6 identifies him with Chaulukya' Tribhuvanapala
on the basis of the statement in the Chirwa inscription that one Balaka died in front of
Jaitrasimha while fighting with.Ranafcn Tribhuvana during the capture of Kbttadaka. Haider5
1 and Ganguly7 agree with Ojha’s identification. But this has recently been questioned else
where8 on the ground that ’Tribhuvanaof ‘the Chirwa inscription is endowed only with the
titlQ Ranaka which is indicative of a feudatory status,9 while the Chaulukya Tribhuvanapala
was.a Paramabha(taraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara. The former has, therefore, been
identified* with Ratjaka Tribhuvanesvara of the Chahamana family mentioned in the Menal
inscription of Rajakumara Dinakara Meghanada, dated V.S. 13\l, and this identification
appears to be quite probable.10
Who then was the Gurjara king ? It is known that Jaitrasimha (V.S. 1270-1309=A.D.
1213-52)11 was a contemporary not only of the Chaulukya kings Bhima II (c. V.S. 1235-98=
A.D. 1178-1241)12 and Tribhuvanapala (c. V..S. 1298-1302*= A.D'. 1241-45)13 but also
1 The Struggle for Empire, p. 90.
^ difficjit to ascertain the signification of the expression Sakambhari-bhuvah in the Rataul date of
2&2S sar * •*“ •» T ““ <*
3 The Struggle for Empire, P,84, Cf, also above, Vol XXX, Pf>. 45 ff.
$
4 H.C Ray, op. cit.,Vol.II,p,1187. j
5 G.H.Ojha, op, cit., Vol.I, p.461. '
0 Above, Vol.XXII; p. 288.
7 The Struggle for Empire ,p,90.
3 Above, Vol.XXXVIIjPP. 156—57.
3 Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 142 and 263 ; Bhanoarkar's List, Nos. 434, 447, 547.
18 If this identification is, correct, as it appears to be, the place Kottacjaka \referred to in the Chirwa
inscription, which was identified by Ojha ana Haider with KOtra in Mewad, may possibly be identical with
the village called Kotra\ Meghainath (24° 30’ x 76“ 53’) in Kotah District, Rajasthan. This place-name
reminds us of prince Meghanada of the Menal ihscrip-tion.lt appears that the Chahamana' family men
tioned in the above inscript.on was ruling at Koltaijaka to capture which Jaitrasimha might have fought
a brt.le with Raiiaka TritliLvanesvai-a or Tribhuvana. '
11 lnd .Ant. ,Vol. LVII, p. 31.
12 Majumdar, op. cit. , 'p.203. - f '
13 Ibid. ,pp. 203-04 I
■4
No. 33] GHAGHSA INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA TEJASIMHA, Y.S. 1322 219
of the Vaghela king' Visaladeva (e. V.S. 1302-18=A.D. 1245-61).1 Of these only the
last is known .to' have had a conflict with the Guhilas. He (i.e. Visaladeva) is
described in his Kadi grant of V.S. 1317 (A.D. 1260) as “(one) who resembled a haichet
on account of his cutting the roots of the creeper-like turbulent government of the Medapata
- country”2 The Guhila adversary of Visaladeva has been doubtfully identified with Tejah-
simha.3 As the latter must have ascended the Guhila throne sometime between V.S. 1309
(A.D. 1252), the last known date of his father Jaitrasimha, and V.S. 1317 (A.D. 1260) which
is his, own first known date, he could have been the opponent of Visaladeva referred to in
latter’s Kadi grant. But, except for this, there is not other evidence to prove the identity
of the king of the Medapata country with Tejahsimha. On the contrary, there is some.
• evidence to prove that he was probably-Jaitrasimha who, as has been stated above, was an
earlier contemporary of Visaladeva and who, according to the verse of Chlrwa inscription
.quoted above, had entered into a conflict with the Gurjara king. The fragmentary Dabhoi
prasasti of V.S. 1311 (A.D. 1254) states that “Visaladeva kept the hero’s vow on the bank
of the Sindhu.”4 This reminds us of Jaitrasimha’s exploits against the Sindhuka army which
.have been referred to in the Mount Abu inscription,6 of his grandson Samarasimha. Could
it be that the two inscriptions (i.e. the Dabhoi prasasti and the Mount Abu inscription) refer
to one and the same battle against the ruler, of Sind in which both Visaladeva and Jaitrasimha
took part as allies ?° If it was so, it would follow that a conflict between Visaladeva and
Jaitrasimha had taken place sometime earlier than V.S. 1311 (A.D. 1254), the date of the
Dabhoi prasasti, and that as a result of this"conflict Jaitrasimha had possibly to enter into
some sort of a treaty with Visaladeva. It is this conflict which seems to have been refeired
to in the Chlrwa inscription and the inscription under study on the one hand and the Kadi
' grant on the other-. The reference to this conflict in the Kadi grant is couched in words
which indicate that it was Visaladeva who had invaded the Guhila territories.7 The Chlrwa
inscription refers to a battle fought at the foot (itallatfika) of Chitrakuta in which one Ratna-
snhha, the son of Kshema who had become a taldra of Chitrakfita (i.e. Chitor) through the
favour of king Jaitrasimha, died. This battle may be identical with the one fought between
Jaitrasimha and Visaladeva.
, The identification of the king of Malava with theParamara kingJaitugideva of Malwa
■ of the lord of the Turushkas with Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi and of the king of Marava, men
tioned in the Chlrwa inscription, with the Songira Chahamana Udayasimha ruling at Jabali-
pura, is generally accepted by scholars.8 * Ranaka
* Dhlrapala of our inscription is not known
from any other source.
1 Ibid. , p. 204.
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 210, text lines 4-5, and p. 212\
. 3 Majimidar, op. cit., p. 174. Cf. also, Ini. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 191; above, Vol. XXII. p. 288
- 4 Above, Vol. I, pp. 24, (text line 30).
71 Ind- Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 349-50, verse 43.
.6 IviS^CleH,M°m ÔabhoipnHam- that the battle was fought on the bank of the Sindhu (i.e the
•Sind nver). Haider who tried to identify the ruler of Sind in his paper entitled-‘Rawal Jaitrasimha of
’ i^f^rati’bv Jala^dSdin£eSnSntfimtllefK?:eîCl1 was despatched towards Nahrwala (Anhilvad Pattan in
■Gujarat) by JalalLdain unuer Khas Khan, in going from Sind to Gujarat ‘may have passed through the
teiTUory of McWc-r, whmh lay on the route, and fought a battle with Jaitrasimha’. (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI
■ 7 GAngjly iS’ ;i0W~Yer> of ^ opinion that it was the Guhila Jaitrasimha who invaded the kine-
•dom of Gujarat duringjhe reign 0f Tribhuvanapala and that Visaladeva helped the latter in routing his
enemy. The Struggle for Empire, pp, 80-81,90).
8 See, for instance Ojha, op. cit., pp. 461 ff.; Haider, Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, pp. 31 ff„ and Dasaratha
5h?jmc., op. cit., pp. 152 53. D.C. Ganguly accepts the above identifications of the king of the
Mlechchhas and of Marava but doubts the identity cf Malava king. cf. The Struggle for Empire, p. 90.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Ghitrahutachalad urga

is modern Chitorgarh1. The place Damtapura has to be identified with Ghaghsa if the.
step-well stated to have been constructed by Ratna at Damtapura is the. same as the one.
where our inscription was found.' - ,
TEXT1 .. -
__ > t
[Metres Verses 1, 3, 9-'12, 14, 16, ,18, 26-27, 30, 33 Anushtubh ; verse 2 Malini; verses 4„
' 32 Upajati; verse 5 Indravajra; verse 6 Glti; verses 7, 13, 17, 19, 21-24, 29 Arya ;
verses 8„ 15, 25, 28 Sardulavikrldita ; verse 20 Vasantatilaka ; verse 31 Prithvi] ' ,
-s I - r
1 Siddham2 [||] Om namah Sri-Mahadevaya || Devah, sri-Somanatho=stu su-pfasannah.

sa vah sada ] nihkalamica-kalam S6ma[m=u]ttamarhge da[dha]tiyah ||1 Jalanidhim=a-
2 [dhi)sete svechchhaya yah sukhena tridasa-nata-pad-[abja]h padma-vas-o[pa]gudhah ]
mathita-ditija-sartho lokanathah sad=aiva.'prathayatu vibhavam vo Visvarupah sa
1 devah [|2 . v
3 Guhil-anvaya-sambhuto Bappako=bhud=bhuv6 vibhuh ] A[dyo] Dyukesa-pad-abja- ^ 1
dvamdva-vandana-tatparah ||3 Bahushv=atiteshu mahlsvareshu vareshu sri-Padma-
simhah purushotta[m]o=bhu-
4 t ] sarvv-arhga-hridyam yam=avapya Lakshmis=tasthau vihay=as[thi]ratam sah=dtharh
- (ttham) |j4 ^ri-Jaitrasimhas=tanuj5=’sya jatah pratyarthi-bhubhrit-pralay-anil-abhah \
[sa]rvvatra ye[na] ''
5 sphurata na kesham chittani kampam gamitani sadyah3 |)5 grimad-Guijjara-Malava-
Turushka-[Sa]kariibharisvarair=yasya | chakre na mana,-bhamgah ,sa svah-stho jayatii
, Jai- ' ' ' '
6 trasimha-nripah' [16 Apratihata-pratapas=Tejahsimhah [s]uto=sya jayati chiram(ram) |.
. srim[an=a]sritajanata-janit-amita-parama-parit6shah ||7 Sribhaja su-
7 manah-stutena1 sutaram krishnena yasy=asina sarvva-[pra]ni[va]dham [vjidhaya vipule
samgramna - - w lc [ - ko - - vibahn-seslia-sayanc tumge sukham supya-
8 [tel Tejahsimha-naresvarah sa bhavatu prityai sa[tam samtatam(tam) ||8 Ath=asti Dimdu
[bh]- 4akhyo=pi va[m]sah [sad-bh]oga-bhushitah | doshair=mukto dvi-jihvatv-anya-
[ch-chhi]dr-anve- ,
9 shan-adibhih ||9 Abhirama-guna. .dhama-kama-manoramah | sampuri[t-a[rthi-hrit-kamd
Roma[pada] ih=a[bhavat] [[lO^Babhuva namdanas=tasya nayan-anamdanah
10 satam(tam] | Galhu-nama .sama.. [samgareshu] Gadadharah [| 11 Tad-atma-bhu[r=a]
bhud=bhu[r]i.. ti mahi[to]dayah ] - Malhur=ity=akhyaya khyatah sad-vanijya-kal-anvi
11 tah || 12 Kesava [iva] punya-[das]-avatara-sahitah suto=bhavat=tasya | srima[n=gu]ru-
v guna-mani-fuchi-rajita-hridayah prabuddha-[Ba]labhadrah. 1|13 Satvika-prakfi- /
J From impressions. .
s Expressed by a symbol which, though indistinct, appers to resemble the numerical figure 80. ■
' 3 Verses 4 and 5 occur also in the Chirwa inscription ; See above, Vol. XXII, p. 289. -
4 See footnote No. 1, p'. 216. '
/ , /
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No. 33] GHAGHSA INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA TEJ^SIMHA, V.S. 1322 221
12- titvena. yo=bhud=asta-rajas-tamah ] unmllan=malati-[da]ma-[dha]m.-6jva(jjva)[la-sa)d-

yasah ||14 Jatau tasya sutau satam=abhimatau khyatau paresham hitau srl- •
)
13 matta-sahitau .visuddha-charitau vid[v]aja(jja)naih sam(stu]tau ] [a]bhyasta-kula-kra-

[mau] [suruchirav]=Ahladana-Trikramau rupen=apratihatau svabhava-sumatl
aradhi-
14 ta-Trikramau || 15 Ahladana[sya] putro=sti pum-ratnam Ratna-samjnakah |
asapatnah parikshayam krita-yatno gun-arjjane || 16 Sodhala-nama yasya bhrat=
abhud=avara[jah] - .
15* pravara-charitah ] Gamg-odaka-vi£uddha-[gund] Gamg-akhyo yasya ch=asty=anujah ||
17 ya[smai] sri-Dhirapalo=’dad=r[a]nakb gauravam param(ram] j akalamkam- kalam
vikshya
/ ,
16, chamdraya=eva Vrishadhvajah |] [18] [Sarvvam] sahah suvrittah sa[d-bhrity]yah

' s-aksharo var-alcarah | yo=sty=arthi-pu rit-a [so dra]mma iv=apasta-kutatvah ]| [19]
Ratnani samti sa-
17 gunani [ba]launy=ap-iha khyata[ni] yas=tad-a[db]ik[o] vidadhe tu dhatra [ pumstv-

adhiropana-gune[na] gariyas=ochchai Ratnah sa kena samatam samupaiti sadhuh x[|
18 20 Jatas=trayas=tanujas-Trikrama-samjna[sya] sukritinah kritinah | VIja[da]-Ravana-

, [Kh]Imada-namanah kshipta-papmanah || 21 Ratnasy=ajayarhta [tra]yah suta gu-
19 na-yutah krita-sva-hitah | kramato hi Jagatsimho-Harifdravo] k Vayajalas=ch=ami |] 22

Samsarasya viditva sakalasy=asaratam prabuddhebhya[h ] ] matva cha dharma
[m=]ekam saram
20 sarma-pradam / cha sada || 23 Ratnena Chitrakute Kumbhesva[ra-deva]-maihdi[ra]-

jagatyam(m) [ | ] ati-charu-deva-grihika-tritayam=akarayat=eta[t]sa-§iva-hmgam(gam) ||
24 Yugmam(mam) || anyach=cha Pitroh pu-
21 ,nya-vivriddhaye tanumatam iapa-vyapohaya cha klarhtanam parisarppanena saranau

trishn-atirekena cha [ asramtarh sukrit-aikatana-manasa Ratnena yatnad=iyarh
vapi Darhtapu-
/
j _ _
22 r-agra-bhu-parisare hridy-odaka karita |) 25 Ma[lava]-pamtha-sarthasya vap=iyam
su-pa[yo]dhara j bhati saumya-mukha' snigdha-sapharl-sphuran-ekshana || 26
Pathi-vapi-mishad=6-. •
1 N
23 sha svasya-saihpad-iv-anisaih [ sarwa-bhbgyataya khayta Ratnena prakatlkrita ||

27 Amtar=wapi tatha amuna sumati[n]a Suryasya murttih sphuran=mahatmya
j ala-sayinah prati-
24 • kritir=ddevasya ' cha Srlmatah j asram[t]ena par-opakara-karane sramtena-[dush-ka]

rmmani praj[n]-aradhana-[tatpare]na sutaram prltena nirma[p]ita [| 28 Uddhrita-
duh(sh)kritam=n(chchh]rita-
1 This verse also occurs in the Chlrwa inscription wherein the last word sadhuh has been substituted by
the word iuddhah. Ibid., p. 290. j
222 . . EPIGRAPHlA INDICA \ . [Vol. XXXIX
■25 m=a[mi]ddhaten=amuna mud=atr=aiva | grame Damtapurakhye bhavanam srl-

" Somanathasya || 29 Pavitrya-sthajrya-garii[bh]irya-sadhutva-guna-sevadheh | [a]-
chamdrarkkam subham bhuya[d=va]pyah
' ; '
‘26 k[ara]yitus=tatha || 30 Kshma-adi-guna-samyutah sujanavatsalaii sarhyami si[t]-arhbaraT

sirSmanih sakala-[da]rsa[n]i-priti-bhak ] babhufva] vidito jaaair=Bhu,vaaachaihdra-
27 surir=gurur=yadiya iha Rohim-ramana-rasmi-[su]ddh-asayah [| 31 Rajanya-rnanyah

sa-sudhih prasastim chakara Ra[tnapra]bha-[s]urir=etam(tam) | sri-Chai[tra]-
gachchh-arnnava-ratnam=atra sri-Chitra-kutachala-
28 durgga-sam[stha]h |j 32 Sishyo=mushy=alikha[n=mu]khyah 'Parsvachamdr-abhidho

budhah [ Kelisimh-ahvayah silpi mud=amum=uchchakara cha [| 33 Samvat 1323
varshe Karttika vadi [1] Ravau |]
V ' ' ' -
GMGIP (Pub.-Unit), Sant.—SI—6 DGA/77—21-8-85—1,000 copies.

V . -'i ■
'■ ■ ■ . . I /
^ . "V
PGEI. 1. XXX1XS 7.
. ■
loeo
• -A
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/
VOL.XXXIX JANUARY 1973 PART VII

.! '
' ' V* ' • « A. - ■ ■ «.. . •

1 . 1 ' '
.p
EDITED BY}
p. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A.
. Chief-Epigraphist (Retd.)
; K'
1985
Published by the Director-General, Archaeological Snrvey oflndiaj

.. . ’ ' \ '■ ' New Delhi-11 ^ ■'
Printed at the GoTemment of India Press, (Publication Unit) Santragachi, Howrah* India
V Price : Inland Rs. 8-00. Foreign 18 sh/8d. or 2? 88 cents.v
r; 7 ■' ' , ’ .:■)' - :; . . ;'
, - / 1 ; 1 / . .
• - i
V
7
-A
£ contents
• PA°B
I-
No. 34. Ennayiram Inscription of Rajendra Chola I by Shri C. R. Srinivasan
and Shri B. Sitaratatfani, Mysore " . . . .. .: .. . . i 5 223 •
No. 35. Udegolam Minor Rock Edict of Asoka, BjrShri P. R. Srinivasan, Mysore. 237
No. 36. A copper plate record from Mahoba, By Shri P. R. Srinivasan, Mysore. 241:
, j •
No; 37. Soj&e Brahmi Inscriptions from Guntupalli, By Shri P. R. Srinivasan,

Mysore ' .- . • . . . . \ .' . • • ./ ■ . 247
*•
No.* 38. Three Inscriptions of Paramara Jagaddeva from Rolanupaka, By Shri
•
; P. R. Srinivasan and Shri V. S. Subrahmanyan, Mysore . . 253
/ ■ ' ' .. ' • • . ' '
f \
- - - PLATES
. No. 38. Udegolam Minor. Rock EdictofAsoka to face page . > 238
•l ' _ ~ •
„ 39. ■r - v between pages . 238 and 239 •

I 40. A Copper Plate Record from Mahoba between pages - , 244 and 245 :
„ 41; Spme Brahmi Inscriptions from Guntupalli between pages 248 and 249
_ ^ 9
»*. 42. '■ »*. , ■ ,j' . between pages 250 and 251
,,. 43. Three Inscriptions of Paramara Jagaddeva ' 1

' > *•
from, Kolanupaka . , . between pages 258 and 259
44. (between pages • 264 and 265
45. between pages ,. '268 and 269

i A* ■ 83
/
No. 34.—ENNAYIRAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRACHOLA
C. R. Srinivasan ,and B. Sitaraman, Mysore
' The inscription1 edited below2 With the kind permission of the Chief Epigraphist is engra
ved On the vertical face of the base on the north side of the central shrine in the AlagiyaNara-
ringaperumal temple at Ennayiram,3 * a* village in the Villupuram Taluk of the South
.Arcot District in Tamil Nadu. The temple which is now in a dilapidated condition contains
about twenty-one inscriptions1 in Tamil of which fourteen belong to the Chola and four to
the Yijayanagara dynasties. The earliest of these inscriptions6 belong to the reign of Chola
Rajendra I (1012-44 A.D.).
The language of the inscription is Tamil. Excepting a few Grantha letters used for
Sanskrit words the record is written in the Tamil script in characters of the lE’i century
A.D. As regards orthography, the following points deserve to be mentioned. The' con
junct tri and consonant-ending n are omitted in many instances. The consonants. /, / and /
in particular are often doubled (lines 151-52 for / lines 64, 66-67 for], and line 68 for/).
Indifferent usage of the consonants n and n is noticeable in a number of places. Firstly n
is employed in the place of n in a majority of cases (e.g. tanattodu, tanakkuvaiyum line 11;
panmanagiya line 17; munbu line 90; onrimkku lines 118-19). Secondly n is wrongly employ
ed in the place of n in a few places (navanedi line 8; innalil line 66; nannalukku line 99). Third
ly at the end of the words n is used in the place of n {solan line 105 ; vaittarulina line 106 ;
Rajarajan line 137 ; sembiyan line 166). Failure to observe the rules of sandhi when the follow
ing letter is a consonant is noticeable {naduvulpala line 16 ; dduvarkku pattum line 111). The
sandhi rules are not applied in a few instances when the following letter is a vowel {kari amudu
line 37 ; nal onru lines 40, 42 ; varai alivu line 65 ; nalelukku i varahkannarru lines 83-84 ;
i yuril lines 101-102 ; i virandu line 156). There are a few spelling mistakes perpetrated by
the engraver (ri for ru in jayittariliyum line 104 ; /’for / in mahipalanai line 14). Tamilisation
of a few Sanskrit words is of interest to note {Muyahgi for Musahgi line -7 ; nedhi for nidhi
line 8 ; vilaiyam for vishya line 11 ; Tanmapalan for Dharmapala line 12 ; vayinnavar for
vaishnava line 58 ; Anulam for Anusham line 64 ; Mimahsai for 'Mimamsai line 146). A few
letters are. written in the colloquial form {nannalu line 99 ; tekku line 58 ; vakkal line 154 ;
Arihjiya line 157). There are some scribal mistakes which are corrected subsequently either
in the text lines themselves or below the lines.
The inscription, which begins with the characteristic Tamil prasasti, Tirumanni valara
etc., is dated in the reign of Rajendrasoladevar i.e., Parakesari Rajendra I Chola
(1012-44 A.D.). Since the portion recording the details of date is damaged too badly the
1 A. R. Ep., 1916-17, No. 333.
2 The authors are indebted to Shri K. G. Krishnan, Superintending Epigraphist for Dravidian
Inscriptions and Dr. S. Sankaranarayanan, Deputy Superintending Epigraphist for Dravidian Inscriptions
for all their help and suggestions.
3 Literally this word in Tamil means ‘Eight-thousand’. The local tradition has that 8,000 Jainas.
were executed here. Another tradition, according to which the Jainas were not executed but only con
verted to Brahmanism, thus giving rise to the Ashtasahasram group, has been referred toby T. M.
Bhaskara Toridaiman (vide Kalaimagal, January 1949, p. 80).
* A. R. Ep., 1916-17, Nos. 330-33,335-51.
6 Ibid., Nos. 333, 34K
( 223 )
2DGA/78 1
fr
224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol: XXXIX
regnal year cannot be deciphered satisfactorily. Generally the achievements of the king are'
listed in the Choja meykkirttis in the chronological order of their happening. Since the
meykkirtti portion of the present inscription concludes with the conquest of Kadaram by
Rajendra, usually found in the corresponding portion of his other inscriptions dated from
the fourteenth year of his reign (1025-26 A.D.) onwards only, we may safely assign this
record to the period 1025-44 A.D.1 2.
The object of the inscription-is to record the parisu (transactions) (line 165), which
may conveniently be divided into four parts as below, pf the mahasabhai of Rajaraja-chatur-
vedi-mangalam (line 31), a brahmadeyam-taniyur. (independent village granted to the Brah-
manas) in Jayangondasola-mandalam (line 30) in respect of the following, carried out in the*
presence of Kali Ekamranar, the administrator of the village (line 164):
Part 1, (lines 32-55) : An endowment of one veli and four md of cultivable land situated-
in Anangur alias Rajarajanallur for© expenditure in connection.with the worship and food-
offerings {tiruchchennadai) to, and (ii) the recitation of Tiruvdymoli by four persons in the pre
sence of godParamasVamigal Urudaipperumal who is said to have been pleased to stand with
a fierce appearance (mahaghoramay elundaruli ninnif {line 34) in the temple (timmurram)
called Sri-Rajarajavinnagar, located in the centre of the village, by the mahasabhaiyar of the
village for the glory of the arms of the king.
Part 2, (lines 56-63) : An endowment of one veli and four md of land in the same village,
apparently by the same sabhaiydr as madap-puram (line 63) to twenty-five Srivaishnavas who
partook food in the matha set up by the temple.
Part 3, (lines 63-88) : Acquisition, obviously by the temple, of 1/2 veli and 2 md of land
in the same village for the expenses in connection with Ani-Anusham festival of the god.
Part 4, (lines 88-164) : The purchase of fortyfive veli of land situated in Mambakkach-
cheri alias Pavitramanikkanallur and Melkudalur alias Purushottaman-nallur, constituent of
the hamlet Anangur alias Rajarajanallur in Rajaraja-valanadu for (a) the provision o ' food-
offerings to godOrudaiperumal with the specified quantity of rice to be distributed to Virruir-
undar (lines 97-98, local residents ?) and desantarigal (fine 98, pilgrims) and (b) the remunera
tion of specified quantities of paddy, totalling 30 kalams per day, and gold at specified, rates
to different categories of students and teachers of whom the former partook uttamagram
(line 106, excellent food) in the feeding service called Gangaikondasolan, instituted in comme
moration of the king’s success in bringing (water of the river) Ganga after defeating the kings of
Uttarapatha.
The present record is very important for the study of the cultural history of South India,
specially from the point of view of the history of education and religion, since it is one of
the few inscriptions3 found to contain valuable details about the working of an educational
institution attached to a temple, where Vedic subjects in the. main as well as Sanskrit
Grammar, and Philosophy were taught, and the mode of conduct of worship in temples.
1 It may be noted in this connection that another record of this king viz., A. R. Ep., 1916-17,
No. 334, engraved on the west and south walls of the central shrine in the same temple, is dated in the
25th year of his reign. '
2 [This expression evidently refers to the deity Narasimba in his ugra aspect.—Ed;]
3 Some of the other important inscriptions bearing on the subject of ancient South Indian education
are from Bahur (above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 5-15 ; SIL, Vol. V, p. 516), Kopdugu.U (above, Vol. XXXVII,
pp. 190 ff.) Malkapuram A. R.Ep., 1917, No. 94), Salotgi (above, Vol. IV, p. 60), Tirumukkudal (above.
Vol.XXI, pp. 220 fif.), Tiruvaduturai (A. R. Ep., 1925, No. 159), Tiruvornyar (A. R.Ep., 1912, No. 212)
and Tribhuvanai (A. R. Ep.. 1919, No. 176)
No. 34] ENNAYIRAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRACHOLA I 225
' The details of Tiruchchennadai (worship and food-offerings) to the god in the temple
(lines 36-41) may be tabulated as follows :
TABLE 1
Details of Tiruchchennadai
Items Quantity Paddy Rate/Remarks
Required required
Ka. Ku. Nd.
1. Ghee (i) for 2 lamps (one uri) 3 ulakku — 3 — One ulakku of ghee
and, (ii) food-offerings (amu- • per one kuruni of
du) (one ulakku). paddy.
2. Vegetable dishes (kari-amudu) — _ — 4 Four varieties, one

inclusive of pulse. ' nali of paddy for each
variety.
3. Curd ‘ 3 nali — — .3 one nali of curd per

one nali of paddy.
4. Salt
5. Betel nuts
6. Rice 3 kuruni 7 4 For three services a
day at the rate of one
kuruni of paddy for
each. The quantity-
of paddy is calculated
by the ratio 5 :2
(anjirandu vannam)
between paddy and
rice.
1 0 0
Perhaps this record affords the earliest reference to the practice of the recitation of
Tiruvdymoli (lines 35-36).2 This practice, like that of the recitation of devdram hymns in
Saiva temples, seems to have become a regular feature in Vaishnava temples in the succeed
ing period as the inscriptional evidence indicates.2
The fourth part of the record (lines 88-164) is by far the most important as it contains,
the details of the different categories of teachers and students and their strength, the various,
subjects of study, the remuneration paid to the teachers and allowance given to the students
both -in cash and kind and the conditions of remuneration to certain teachers. These
details may conveniently be tabulated as below :
1 Tiruvdymoli is the name given to Nammajvar’s hymns included in the third section of Naldyira-
divyaprabandhatn.' The name of a deity called Tiruvaymojidevar occurs in an inscription of Rajaraja
I Choja (985-1012 A. D.) from Ukkal (SIL, Vol. Ill, p. 4).
2 Manna'rkovil, Tirunelveli District (A. R.Ep., 1916, No. 393), Tirumalapuram, North Arcot District
(ibid., 1906, No. 326), Tinikkovilur, South Arcot District (ibid., 1921, No. 343) andTriplieane, Madras.
District (ibid., 1903, No. 239). 1 ■ , i >
" 1A
. ... - TABLE II (lines 108-164) 226
SI. . SUBJECTS OF STUDY' TEACHERS’ REMUNERATION STUDENTS’ ALLOWANCE
No.
Number IN CASH IN KIND Number Nature IN CASH IN KIND
of of of
teachers Rate Total Rate Total students students Rate Total Rate Total
■1 Rig-veda 3 kalanju Each 75 Brahma- 6 na each
each [2 ku. 4 na\* chari per day
per day .
2 Yajur-veda . 3 75
3 Chhandoga-Sama 1 20 ka tu ku na
4 Talavakara-Sama , 1 ■ ■
ka tu ku na 20 ' 16 2 2 4
5 Vajasaneya X 6 kalanju [2 0 10] 20
6 Bauihayaniya : 1 10
Gfihya, Kaloa and
Kafaka
7 Atharva-veda [1] 2 [ku]* [0 0 2 0]* 10
per day
8 Rupavatara 1 3 ku 0 0 3 0 40
9 Vyakarana 1 1 kafanju . 8 1ka. 10 0 0 25.- chhattirar } kalanju 1 ku 2 na

per chap- kalanju per each each per
ter for 8 day (ad hoc) day
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
chapters
10 [Purva-]Mtmdmsa Do. for 12 •Do. 10 0 0 35 35 7 0 3 4
i.e. Prabhakaram 12 chap- kalanju kalanju
ters
11 Vedanta (i.e. Vttarcf- 1 ka 110 0 .10
MtmamsS) 1 tu
per day
Total . 15 26 5 2 2 0 350 35 24 0 2 0
kalanju kaf.afiju
Total of remuneration and allowances : in gold=61 kalanju (see columns 4 and 11). Abbreviations : ka=kalam; tu-tuui; ku=kururii; na=nal_i
in paddy —30 kalairt per day (see columns 7 and 13).
•Figures within star-brackets are.tentatively restored since the details are wanting in the text (see line 135). ' _
The text (lines 137-139) gives the figure 10560 kalam of paddy for the year of 360 days at the rate of 30 kalam per day. This is obviously a mistake for
[Vol. XXXIX
10800. kalam. .
No. 34] ENNAYIRAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRACHOLA I 227
From the above table it may be discerned that the college at Ennayiram had a total
strength of about 15 teachers? and 350 students. Of this, the majority of 11 teachers and
230 students belonged to the discipline of Vedic studies. Therefore it may be said that this
•college was essentially a centre of Vedic studies {pathasala) attached to the temple, where
nil the four Vedas were, taught. The present record does not specify the two branches of
Yajurvpda, viz., the Sukla (White) and Krishna (Black) Yajur-veda. But from the separate
-mention of Vdjasaneya (line 110),. the well-known recension of the Sukla-Yajur-veda, it
•becomes apparent that the word Yajurveda refers only to the Krishna-Yajur-veda, the
popular and wider study of which, as it may also be derived from the present record, conti
nues up to the present day in South India. The importance given to the study of the
Krishna-Yajur-veda is gleaned further from the mention of the study of the three
•well-known works of Bodhayana, viz., the Baudhayana Grihya, Kalpa and Ka(haka (lines
llil, 134), which are sutras belonging to the Taittiriya school of the Krishna-Yajur-veda.
No doubt, the word Kathaka in this record should be synonymous with Dharma, since
•only the Grihya, Kalpa and Dharma Sutras are chiefly known to have belonged to
Bodhayana. Moreover the word Kathaka is explained1 as meaning ‘ Dharma-amnaya’.
The inscription under study mentions Talavakara-Samani and Chhandoga-Samam
■among the subjects of study. This shows that each of the two important schools of the Sama-
veda, viz., of the Talavakaras and the Tandins, gained importaince for study at the Ennay
iram college. The details of subjects of study for Atharva-veda are not given.
The ■ number of students and teachers respectively for the four Vedic subjects are as
follows : Seventy-five students and three teachers for Rig-veda ; one-hundred-and-five stu
dents and five teachers for Yajur-veda ; forty students and two teachers for Sama-veda ; and
ten students and (obviously) one teacher for Atharva-veda.
The subjects other than the Vedas studied at the clollege at Ennayiram were Rupavatara,
Vyakarana and Vedanta. Of these, Rupavatara was an elementary work on Sanskrit grammar,
the authorship of which is ascribed to Dharmaklrti, whose identity and date are not well
settled. The fact that in the first quarter of the eleventh century A. D.,' Rupavataram had
■already become so popular as to be prescribed for study in the Ennayiram college strongly
weighs against ascribing this work to the twelfth century A. D.2 or referring it to the middle
of the 11th century at the latest,3 and favours a much earlier date for this work.4
That Rupavataram was taught widely all over South India in the 11th and 12th centuries
is indicated by. other epigraphic evidence as well.5 The present record groups Rupavataram
with other Vedic subjects that were studied by brahmachari students (line 106-107), apparent
ly juniors but however adolescent enough of age. ■ These brahmachari students were given
an allowance of 6 nali of paddy in contrast to the chhatrar (line 126), evidently senior students,
who were given fixed allowance of 10 nali of paddy per day in addition to a cash allowance
of 1/2 Kalahju of gold. Of the teachers, those who taught the Vedic subjects and Rupavataram,
1 s. v.,Kathaka in Taranatha’s Vachaspatyam.
2 M. Rangacharya (ed.) Rupavataram, Introduction.
3 Above, Vol. XXXVII. p. 190.
4 M. Krishnamachariar refers to a tradition by which Bhafta Narayaija and Dharmaklrti jointly
composed Rupavatara and assigns a date slightly later than 5th or 6th century A. D. t0 Dharmaklrti
{History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, p. 733 fh.).
6 A.R.Ep., 1925, No. 159 from Tiruvavaduturai, Thanjavur District; ibid., 1964, No. 358; above
Vol. XXXVII, p. 190 from Koudgufi, Bijapur District; and A. R. Ep., 1919, No. 176 from Tribhuvarji,
Pondicherry State. , .
228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . . [Vol. XXXIX
Were paid the lowest viz., 2 Runlni and 4 nali of paddy per day, which is still 3-1/3 times mbre
than that of the junior students or double that of the senior students. Besides, an ad hoc
payment of 1/2 Kalanju of gold, as made for the senior students, was made to them.
The teachers of Vyakarana and Prabhakaram were paid in paddy nearly four to five times
as that of the teachers of Vedic subject or Rup avataram. It is significant to note that the
teacher of Vedanta did not receive any remuneration in gold but the quantity of paddy
given to him was 25 per cent more that that of the teachers of Vyakarana or Prabhakaram.
From the mention of the eight chapters of the Vyakarana (fine 141), it may safely be con
cluded that it was only the Sutrapatha or Ashtadhyayi of Panini that.was prescribed for study
for the senior students at Ennayiram. Prabhakaram (lines 123-124, 129) is the work of pra-
bhakara Misra (c. A. D. 650-720)1 commenting2 on the Mimdmsd-sutra-bhdshya of Sabaras-
vamin. It is one of the important systems of Purva-Mimamsa. By Vedanta, (lines 125,-
130) perhaps the Aranyakas and the Upanishads, as constituting Uttara-Mimamsa, was meant.
The fact that in the first quarter of the 11th century A. D., works on both' the Purvu-and Vitarc-
Mimamsd were studied in a college sttached to a. Vaishnava temple, becomes signi-.
. Scant for the history of the Vaishnava philosophy prior to the Visishtadvaita school propoun-
. ded by Ramanuja.
The temple to which the college was attached, is stated to be located in -the centre of the
village. ■ The gift-lands are said to be in Mambakkachcheri alias Pavitramanikkanallur and
Melk-ktidalur alias Purushbttaman-nallur, hamlets of Rajarajanallur. The record also gives
the details of the boundaries of the gift lands. All kinds of taxes on the gift lands including
vetli and amahji, with the exception of ma-tuni and map-padakku, were exempted by the king..
■The only signatory of the record is Tiruvenkadam alias Karunhkarapriyan, the madhyastha
of ^ri-i9embiyanmahadevichcheri. The. endowment was left to the protection of the resi
dents of Ten-cheri called Sri-Viranarayana-chaturvedimahgalam. Rajaraja-chaturvedi-
mangalan (line 3) is no doubt identical with the modern village Ennayiram in
Villupuram Taluk, South Arcot District, Tamil Nadu, The temple, whose name is given in
the record as Naduvil-Tirumurram Rajaraja-vinnagar, is the same as the Alagiya-Nara-
singaperumal temple, where the present record is engraved. Of the other places mentioned
in the record, Anangur may be identified with the village of its namesake in the same Taluk.
TEXT3
1 Svasti Srifll*] Tiru manni yalarav=iru-nila-madaudaiyum por-chayap-pavaiyum sirt-
tani-chchelviyu [m*]
2 tan-peru[n-d]eviyar=agi inb=ura nedud=uyar4u fiyul Idaiturai-nadun=tuda[r*]-vana-
veli-ppadar Vanavasi-
3 yum Su]!i-sul-madit?Kollippakkaiyum nannark=aru-muran Mannaikkadakkamum poru-
kadal=Ilatt=arai- . -
4 sar-tam mudiyu[m*] ang=avar deviyar=ong-elil mudiyufm*] munn=avar [pa*]kkar=
Tenna[va*]r vaitta sundaramu[di*]yum=Indiran=aramun=ten-di-
1 Vachaspatimisra’s Tattvabindhu, ed. by'V. A. Ramaswami Sastri,- Amuinalai University Sanskrit
Series, No. 1936, p. 34.
2 Two commentaries called Laghviand Brihati were written by Prabhakara Misra, p 36),; Perhaps both,
these were taught in the Ennayiram college. . ....
3 From impressions.
1 Read ncdid. . ■ .
No. 34] ENNAYIRAM INSCRIPTION .OF RAJENDRACHOLA I 229
5 raiy=IIa-mandala-muluvadu[rrr] eri-padaik-Kerala[n*] rnuraitnaiyir-sudun=kula-

danam=agiya palar puga[l*] mudiyun=chenkadi[ri:] malaich=chang=adi[r]-
6 velait-tol-penin-kavar=pal-palan-tIvun=cheruvir=chinavil=irupa[t*]toru=ka]=arasu -kalai-
katta Parasurama[n*] mev=aru-Santimar-riv=ara-
7 n-ka[ru]di iruttiya sem-por-rirut-tagu-[mudiyu]ni [p*]ayafi=k6du pali miga Muyangiyil

mudug-itt=o]itta Sayasingan-alappe-
8 rum-pugalodu pidiyal= Iratjapadiy-el-arai ilakkamum nava-nedik-kulap-peru-

• . malaigalum vikkirama-vIrach-Ckakkarakkottamu-
.9 m mudir-pada-va[l]lai Madura-mandalamurh kaniid[ai*j-valai[y] Namanaikkonaiyum

ven[chi'*]lai-virar Panjappalli-
10 yumpas=adaip-paIana-Masuni-desamum ayarv-il-van-kirttiy-Adinagar-av[ai]yir= chandi-

ran tol-kulatt=Indira[ra*]danai vi]aiy=amark-kala-
L '
11 ttu[k] kilaiyodum pidittup=pa[la]-dana[t]todu nirai-kula-danak-kuvaiyum kitt-arum

seri-inu[nai] Ottavilaiyamum1 pu-surar ser-[nal]-
12 Kosalai-nadum Ta[n]mapalanai veftrCJ-munai alittu vaiid=urai-solait-Ta[n]daput-

tiyum -
13 Iia.nasuranai rnxiran-urat=takkit=tikk=ana[i':']-kirttit Takkana-LadaniumGov inda-

- [chanda*]n ma=ilind=o- 1
14 dat-tangada-saral Vangala-desamun=todu-kalal-sanguv=od2=adal-lvlahipa!anai vea-

chama- .
15 r-vilagat=anchuvitt=aruli on-tijal yanaiyum. P [e] ndir-pan da [ramu :;:]m nittira(la)-

nedun-ka
16 ka3dal-Utti[ra!i ]-Ladamum veri-malart-tlrttatt=eri-punal Gangaiyum alai-kada-[l]

nadvul pala 1
17 kalan-cheluttich=Changiramavisaiy6ttungapanman=agiya Kid[a]-
18 ratt-araiyanai Vagaiyamporu-kada[r] kiimtriak(inbak)kariy odum.=agappadutt=uri-

19 maiyil pirakkiya peru-nedip pirakjkamum [a]rtt=avan=[aga*]-nagar-[p*]port-to-
20 lil vasalil [vich]chadira[tt]-toranamum mofy:::]tt-olifr:i!]p-punai-ma[ni]p-pudavamu-
21 n=kai)a-manik-[kadavamum nirai] [Sri]visaiyamun=tu[r*]ainh'-ppa]nnaiyum Vanmalaiy=u-

*V , (
22 rum e a[T:]-kadal-agal-sa1 Mayiridingamum kalan=kavalvinai UankaSdkamu[m*]

kapp=[u]ru=nirai-punal
23 ma-Pa[p]palamum [ka]val-am=purisai Mevilipangamu-

24 m yilai[ppa>:]ndii[r=u]dai valaippa[n]durim=kalait-takkorpugal-Talai-
1 Read vishaiyamum.
'■2 Read sang-od°.
3 This letter is unnecessary. , . ■ '
25 ttakkor-pugal-TalaiH-takkolamum tid=amar-val-vinai Ma[dama]-
26 lingamu[m ka]lamuri [kadun-tira]l=llamuri-de£amum tenak-
27 ka-[v][a**]r-polil ma-Nakkavaramun=todu-kalar(dar) kavar=kadu-murat-Kadara-
28 [mum] map-poru-tandar=konda kop-Farakesari van[ma*][r=ana]Udai-
29 yar sri-Rajendrasola-deva[rkku] ySnfdu] du
30 Jayankondasola mandalattu brahmadeyam taniy=ur

31 §ri-Rajaraja-chaturv[e]dimangalattu mahasabhaiyom
32 chandiradityavar nirka Udaiyar sri-Rajendrasoladeva-

33 r sri-bhujanga] varddhikka namm=ur naduvil tiru-murram £ri-
34 Rajaraja-vi[nna]garil maha-[gh]oramay elund=aruli-ninru tiruv-aradanai kon-
35 d=arulukinra paramasvamigal ur=udaip-perumalukku nangal tirucb-che[n*]nadaikku[m}
Ti[ru]vay- -
36 moJi-vinnappa[fi*]-[che]yyavendum nibandha[n]ga]u[kkum* ] tiru-nunda-vilakku' iran-
dukku ne- ■ '
37 yy=uriyum amudukku ney ulakkum=aga ney muv=ulakkukku nellu muk-kuruniyu-
[m*] paruppu uljitta kari-amu-
38 du nalukku nellu nan2-naliyum tayir-amudu munnajikku nellu3 mun-naliyum-upp-
amudukku nellu
39 naliyum adaik-kay-amudukku nellu na-naliyum amudu-seyd=a[ru]la podu arisi
kuruniy-aga
40 nal onru[k*]ku arisi muk-kurunikku anj=irandu va[n*]na[t*] tal elu-kuruni na-
na].iyum=aga
41 .kku nelluk=kalattukkum Tiruvaymoli vinnappan=cheyvar nalvarkku peral
42 nal onrukku nellu muk-kurunikku nilam munru-mav=aga nilam . araiye-irandu=
mav=aga
43 nangal kudutta vilai-nilam=avadu Anangur=ana Rajar[a*]ja-nalluril Sri-Keralap-
[peru]vadi[kku*] ki[a-
44 kku Sri-Kanna-vaykkallukkut=terku anjan-kannarru mudar-chadi[ra]-
45 m araiye i-| '

46 ran[du*]-mavum [idu] ti- _
47 rucb-cben-na- _____________________ _
v
■ 1 This passage isjredundant. -

* This letter is unnecessary.
No. 34] • ENNAYIRAM INSGRIPTIONiOFRAJENDRACHOLA I
48 daikku itta ni-
49 lam=avadu a-
5.0 ran-kaonaffu
51 mtidar-sadiraga3 a- .
52 raiyey=iran- .
53. du-mavum aga ... ...
54 nila[m*] o[n*]re-na
55 ggu-mavum[ | *]
.56 ivv=alvar vaitt=aruru* *
57 lina madama12 ttil upnu[m] • '
58 Srivayinnavar iru-pat-
59 taiyvarkku itta nila- • - l
60 m=avadu ...
61 ivv=aran=kannarru=irandan=chadiram araiye i-
62 randumavum afijan=kannarru irandan=[chadiram*] araiye ira-::;-
63 ndumavum aga madap-puram onre nangu mavum [1*] iv- • ’•
64 v=alvar Ani Anulat-tiruna(l)2lukku tiruk-kodip-pudavai-
65 y=ull itta arrai-nal varai ajivukku pop kalanjum tiru—vi[la]—
66 kk-ennai nal elukku pon iru-kalan[ju*]m in-naa (l)lil sevikkujm*] •
67 Vaiyishnavarkkum Tadarga(l)2lukkum aga unbar ayiravark-
68 ku nal ell2 ukku nel arupadin-kalamum ivv=alvar girama-prada(ta)2!- '
69 kshinattukkut=tirut-ter-eri arulu-nal iyachakar[k*]ku tiyagattukku[m*] p
70 rasadikkum parisattangalukku[m*]3 pon ain-kalanju[m*J sa[t*]tiy==arulu
71 tirup-parisattara irandukku pon kalanjum ursava[ttu]-aindu perun-
72 tiruv-amudukku-
73 m uttamap-padi-
74 kkut=tiru-mafija-
75 jnattukkum po- _____ _______

1 Read sadiram. '
2 This letter is unnecessary.
3 kku is written below the line. . •
2DGA/78
232 . ' > '. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, : \:AJ7:Y : . £Vol. XXXIX
76 n araik-kalafiju-
77 m tirup-pallit- A-
78 tamattukku po- * : vi'-"
79 n araik-kalan- -n f. : .•*
80 jumagait-ti- " -/’A "'j~:
81 ru prafsthajttukku1 :.Z . :2 .
' 82 kond-arulipa 5;. ['•/ ;. •" * '
83 nila[m*] ivv=aran-ka- Ai '■;■ ::
84 nnarru mun- • j;' • 7..T: v /: j#
85 fafi=chaduram '.ci;: .; - ; -lL,-:-. . "1
86 araiyev2-3 ■ ■■ ■'
87 irap[du*] ma- .' . ' . ...i A
88 vum [||*] ivv=u- • j • 7
89 r(r)u$aip-pe- . ;■ .K \
90 rumal munb=amu- .. ‘ • .n
91 du £eyd=arulukira
92 padi pa[n]gu-nalil •" • ;' i . ;
93 arisi kujrupi-na- •
94 nali erri podu • ,r
95 kuruni-na-nali . .. ’• ' »
96 aga arigi tuni- ' '
97 na-najiyum vij- .
98 r=i[ru]ndar[k*]kupa[n*] gu aifijum disandri-
99 tigalu[k*] ku* pa[n] gu na|i-nalu[k*]ku
100 podu arisi na-nali amudu se-
101 yd=arulavum i[v=u]- .
102 [ri]l [i]p-pe- '

1 The intended reading was perhaps Utsavattukku. ■ - .
2 This letter is unnecessary. ...
3 Read desantarigalukku.
. "No>34] ENNAYIRAM INSCRIPTION OF'RAJENDRACHOLA I 233
103 rumal Udaiya[a*]r §rI-Raj§ridras6la-^divar uttarapadaRha-bhupati-
104 yarai jayi[t*]t=arili2 . yuddh=otsava vibhavattal. Gamgra(ga) parigraham pa[n*]ni-
105 Y=arilipa Gamkai-konda-soIan=ennum=tiru-namattal it-tiru-murrattil
106 vaitt=arulina uttam=iigram "Gangai-konda-Solanii un- - .
107 num [a]nait[tu] yedamum. apu[rya]mun^ odum brahmacha- . .
. 108 rigalil rigvedam-oduvar elu-patt=ain.jum Yajur-vedam- oduvar
109 elu-patt-aiS.jum~'[Cha]and6kara3-Samattulcku irupadum Talavakara-s1 Sa-
110 ma[t*]tukku irupadum Yajasa[nai]ya[t*]tukku irupadum Atharvattukkup=pa-
111 ttum Baudhayaniyam Grihya-kalpamumn(mum) Kata[ka]mu[m*l [olduvarrk*lku>
pattu[m]-.. . .
112 apurvam odum brahmacharigal iru-nurr-muppadin[ma*]rum Ru-

113 pavataram • ■’ r Ji ■' '
114 kejpparna-
115 rpadinmarum=a-
116 ga-iru-nurr=e j
117 Iupadipma[r]-
118 kkuk=kalam on-
119 rinukku nel- .
120 lu aru-n[a*]liyu-
121 m Vyakaranam
122 kelppar iru-pa-
123 tt=ainjum Pra-
124 bhakaram kelp [pa ]-
125 [r] mup-pat=ainjum Vedantam kel[p]pa[va]r padinmar
126 aga ottuk=kelkku[m*] chatragal elupadukkum kalam-o-
127 nrinukku nelluk-kuruni-iru-naliyum vyakaranam
128 vakkanikkum nambikku nal=ohrukku nelluk-ka-
129 [lamum] Prabha[karam] vakkanikkum nambi[kku] nelluk-kala-

3 This letter is unnecessary. .
Read °arufi.
,Read Chhcmddga°.
234 , ; vEPIGRAPHIA INDICA; ; [VOL. XXXIX
130 mu [m] Vedantam vakkanippar pruttarkku nellu-kalane- . '. :;>> .. C ‘
131 tuniytfm Veda[m*] apurvam o[du*]vi[p*j par Rigveda[t*]tukku muva-
132 rum Yaju[r]-vedattukku muvarum Chhandoga-samattukku oruvanum ,
133 Talavak[ara*]-Samattu[kku] oruvanum Vajasaiieya[t*]tukku oruvanum

, -, . i . . 'j. ... : Y. /■ --
134 Baudhayaniyam Grihyamum,Kalpamu[m*] Kfa] tekamum od.u- c.
135 vip[pan] oruvannukku[mJ aga‘oduvippar upa[ddhy]ayal-‘
136 Rupavatarafm] vakka[nippan] oruvanukku nellu muk-kuruniyu[m*]
137 aga nal-oprukku nellu sri-Rajarajan marakkalal mu-
138 mu2 ppadin-kalattukku andu-vari naj mu[n]!)urr=aru-pa-
139 dinukku nellu padin=ayira[t*] tu-ain=fiurr= aru-padu-kalamum3 Vyakaranam: vakka’
140 ni[p*]parkku ad2 dhyayattal or mudiy vakkanittal pon kalafija- L •

* ‘ • !
141 gap-pon asht=adhyayattukku pon en-kalanjum [Mi] mansai vakka- ; §■;
142 nippanukkum adhyayattal pon kalanjaga dvadas=adhyayattukkup-
143 pon pann-iru kalanjum vgdam apurvam oduvikkum upadhy[aya*]r-u- ^ r;
144 Pitta padaniruvarvarkkum' Rupavataram kelp5 vippan
145 peral pon araik=kalanj=agap-pon aru=kaIanjum.Vyakarana- -
146 mum Mimansaiyum Vedantamum kelkku[m*] Chattirafr*] eju-padinmarkkup-
147 peral pon arai-[k]ka[anj-agap pa[t]ta mudal-poi) [muppatt]=ain-kalanjum

1 The continuity of the record at this point is not traceable. Obviously a few lines are wanted here.
■* This letter is unnecessary.
-The.quantity 10560 kalam is a mistakeTor 10800 kalam.
Read : padin=ormarkkum ‘
•* This letter is redundant.
.No. 34] ENNAYlRAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRACHOLA I 235
148 agappa[$i] mudal-pop aru-pattu-oru kajanjukkum ko-
149 (ko)2nda nilam pidagai Rajaraja-valanattaû(til) Anangur-a-
150 pa Rajarajanallur=6dum=adainda -Marabakkach-cheriy=ana
JSl Pavittiramanikka-nalluril1 lum Melk-Kudalur
152 apa Purushdttamap-nalluri(l)1lum ivv=ajvar Kopd-a-
153, rujipa nilam na[j*j-patt=ai-veliyum=avadu £ri-Panchavap-
154 madevi-vadikkuk kijakkum Chandesuvara-va[y*]kkalukku[t*]-
155 te[f*]kkum Tiribhuvapamade[vi*]ch-chaturwedimangalat[tu*] ellai-
156 [k]kum Kallakkuttur ellaikkum aga i-v=irand=ur el-
157 [lai]kku mejkum Arinjyap-pgr=arrin tep-karait- tun$am=agappada-
158 [Mu]n=arrukku vadakkum naduvu pafta nilattil(ttil)3 iw=alva[r]-
159 [va]p$ap=i[$ai] i-dhanmam £ut]i vilai kond=arulina nilam nar=pat-
160 narpat3 t=ai veliyilu mumu3m Pavitramanikka-nallurilum Pu
161 rushariarayapa=na[l*]lurilum kudi-irundu i-nilamu miPm kudigalai
162 vetti amainji ull=itta [ulav=i]rai sutti ma-tuni map-padakk=a[l*] ladu mar-
163 r=oprum kattap=perar=enru tiru=anai-kufi Udaiyar sri-RajendrasoJa-
164 devar' tiru-v[a] fy *]-molind=arula namm=ur paripalik-kipra Ka}i-Ekamrananim=

irukka
1 This letter is unnecessary.
2 The continuity of the record at this point is not traceable. Obviously a few lines are wanted here.
3 These letters are redundant.
2 DGA/78 3
236 EPlGRAPHlA INDICA [VoL.-XXXIX
165 ip-parisu 6eydo[m*] maha-sabhaiyom' [1*] karai-pondu-panittu Sri-Sundafasola-
chcheri
166 Vennichcheftu Ganasvami-kramavittap=paniyal Sri-êmbiyan-madevi-ch-
167 cheri madhyasthan Tiruvengadam=ana Karunakarapriyanen1
168 i-dharmman. ten-cheri Sri-Viranarayanach-chatiir-vedi-mangalatta- .
169 r-rakshai (||*1
1 Read etf~ivai°-
No. 35—UDEGOLAM MINOR ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA
(2 Plates)
\
P. R. Srinivasan, Mysore'
The Minor Rock Edict of Asoka1 edited below was discovered in March 1978 at a
place called Udegolam in Siruguppa Taluk, Bellary District of Karnataka State. The dis
covery was announced in the Indian Express' (Bangalore Edition), dated 5-3-1978 by Dr. M.S.
Nagaraja Rao, Director of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Karnataka, Mysore.
In this report only one boulder with inscription was stated to have been discovered. Later
on in the same newspaper dated 11-3-78; this announcement was elaborated and in it was stated
that one Shri Shaik Shahavali was responsible for bringing the existence of this inscription to
the notice of the Director mentioned above. Action was taken by me immediately to send
Dr. M. D. Sampath, Deputy Superintending Epigraphist and Shri N. Nanjundaswamy, both
.of the Dravidian Inscriptions section of my office to visit the place and copy the inscription.
They did so on the 9th and 10th of March 1978, and copied the same. In the course of their
work they discovered another boulder at the place, about 40 m, away from the other boul
der with an inscription in similar characters, whch was not previously noticed and reported
anywhere, and they copied it on the 10th March 78. The reports about the discovery of the
second inscribed boulder on the 12th March 78, and attributing it to Shri Shaik Shahavali
(Indian Express, Bangalore edition, dated 15-3-78 and Deccan Herald, Bangalore, dated
■15-3-78) and to the joint team of the officials of the Department of Ancient History,
Karnataka University and the Archaeological Survey of India {Madras Mail, dated 17-3-78)
are incorrect. As will be seen below, the inscription discovered by my officers is the first part
of the edict of which the inscription discovered and reported earlier forms the second part.
The site where the inscribed boulders are found is nearly 5 km from Tekkalkote and to
the south of Tekkalkote-Udegolam road. The rocky outcrop of granite locally called Er-
ematti (red hillock), one of theseven ma{tis, lies at a distance of 3 km, to the south of Ni
ttur2 in the same Taluk where in July-August 1977, a Minor Rock Edict of Asoka was dis
covered, and to the East-South-East of Udegojam village at a distance of 1.6 km. Boulder
No. II, (discovered.first) slopes from North to South, and the inscribed portion on it covers
an area of about 4.5 m by 1 m. Boulder No. 1 (discovered by my office) is a small outcrop
of granite and the writing on it covers an area of about 2.80 m by 1.20 m. This Boulder No.
I has six lines of writing while Boulder No. II has seven lines of writing. But the writing on
both boulders has suffered much damage, the one on Boulder No.I being more damaged than
that on the other. Though, as has been stated above, the texts on both the boulders form
one Minor Rock Edict of ASoka, it is interesting to note that as at nearby Nittur, here also,
half of the edict upto the date portion is engraved on one boulder and the rest on .another
boulder. The reason for'this is not far to seek. The text being long and the letters bold
and big, and there being no wide rock-surface, the scribe could not accommodate it on a single
boulder. So, he had resorted to split it into two parts, and distributed them one on each
of the two boulders,- as was done by the scribe at Nittur.
a Above, Vol. XXXIX, pp. 149 ff and plate1.
( 237 )
2DGA/78 4
238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXX-IX
The lines of writing are not aligned properly on Boulder No. II, and-here the last three
lines consist of letters which are less bold and thick than the letters of the first four lines. The
characters of the edict are roundish in shape and they are similar to those of other edicts
of Asoka found in this region. The language and orthography of the record are also
similar to those of the edicts at Erragudi, Rajula-Mandagiri and Nittur. Here, however,
r. is changed to / in yathalahaiii (lines 11-12), which is a characteristic feature of the Magadha
dialect.1 It may be mentioned that this feature is also met with in the Nittur Edict also.2
Nls changed to n in some places (kdlena, line 2 ; mahdptan=eVa, line. 3) and t is changed
to v in two places viz., apachavaiye (line 11) for. apachayitaviye, and pavativaviyam
(line 12) for pavatitaviyam. The expression hem=eva . (line 12) occurs in. Erragudi and
■Nittur texts also, and its use in these versions has to be considered as a special linguistic fea- '
-ture. Another important point noticed in the writing is the mark of punctuation, in the form
of a vertical danda put after s ome phrases. This is present in more places in the writing on
Boulder No. I, while it is met with only at some places in the writing on the other boulder.
The presence of similar dandas are known only from the Kalsi Rock Edicts Nos. V and XI-
•XIII3 and from the Mahasthan tablet inscription.4
This is another version of Minor Rock Edict of A§oka, and its text is very much
similar to the one at Nittur.6 But here, the order of the wording is changed in some places
and phrases are missing from some contexts. Nevertheless its purport remains the same.
As we have statedwhile editing the Nittur edict, the texts on both the boulders are to be taken.
as. forming a single record, and so if the inscription on one or the other boulder was not dis-
covered the.available text will remain incomplete. The importance of this Edict lies in the
fact that here too the name Raja Asoko occurs. This increases the number of • places where
the name of Asok'a occurs to four, the other places being Maski, Gujarra,;and Nittur. At
Nittur it occurs twice. The name Raja Asoko, in the present case, is followed by Deydnampiya
whereas at Nittur it is not. so. At Maski0, it is given as Devanampiyasa Asokasa and at
Gujarra7 it is given as Piyadasino Asokardjasa. This Minor Rock Edict has been sufficiently
discussed with texts and. translations in. this journal8 as well as in the C. I. /., Vol. I (1925),
pp. 173 if. So, here we are content with giving.its salient features and the text.
First Boulder
. TEXT9 •
,1 •• .na, .. .nam hakam upasake I (III) no tukho11 [bajdham pa . . husam [I *]
'2 , • 12 cha me pakamte I (V) imina chu kalena amisa13
I Above, Vol. xxxil, p.4.'. . . T-
-■Ibid., Vol. XXX IX,'p. text lines 3-4 on Boulder No. H.
3 Vol.I (1925), pp.32; lines40-44, and plate facing p.44. ‘
‘ Above,.Vol.XXI, plate facing page 85.- '' • . ■
.• '4 Ibid..; Vol. XXXIX, pp. 149 ff. . . .1
. * C.I.I., .Vol. I (1925), p.1-74, line 1.'
7 Above, Vol, XXXI, P- 209, line 1. '' ‘ ■ •
; » Above; Vol. XX^, pp.'212'ff; Vol. xjoan, pp.4 ff; Vol. XXXIX, pp. 149 ff.
• 9 From'impressions. '■ •
• • 10 Here the passage (i) Devanariipiye hev-aka\ ]' *] has been completely erased.
II After this ekam samvachharcm' are the words met with in Erraguffi1 (above, Vol. XXXII, ;p.6 line 2)
and iorf/ra/H-isTrotfoun'd'.-------- .............................. ~ - 7 -----’ ’
12 The passage ‘s-atireke chu kho savachhare yam maya samghe upayite, ‘is completely lost here. -
13 The passage 'ye munisa devehi te dani misibhutd [ | *] (V)>ka/W is lost here completely.
UDEGOLAM MINOR ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA
First Boulder
Size: One-twelftji
UDEGOLAM MINOR ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA
Second Boulder
Left Half
OO
RIGHT HALF
Size: One-twelfth
No. 35] UDEGGLAM MINOR. 'ROCK • EDICT OF AS0KA 23$
^ .........................• hi iyaiit1 [ I *] (VI) *»a!iipatatt=se¥a s8lies’-|sa?}'4hetOTe I
4...................... (IX) etaya [iyam]' athaya savane savapite5
5 ......................[thi]tfaiko7 cha iyam pakame hotu (XI) iya* oha afthe]
6 [sajvane sa(sa)vapite vyuthena [200] 50 6 [
Second Boulder
TEXT9
7 1) 3R5ja Asoko Devanampiye hevam«> aha tatMa] an|paya{yi)thi{ I,*] (II) rijika
■
se anapayisiti [ I *] (III) jioapadam cha jatta[rh*] rathikani [ I *]
8 IV) mata-pitusu [susu]sitavi[ye] [I *] (V) hevam eva ga[jru]stt11' '{'I *]fVI) pifiisa
- cha dayita[viye]«.[l *] (VU) i[me] \dhaihma.guna'pi(pa)vaiiiaviyli'(I*}iVlII) 1*-
9 vafrit] tumphe rajiika fnapayltha .. ni Devanampiyasa Vaclaaeaai I *] fix)

anapayitaviaya ta ha[ma]va [ I *] (X) anapayatha hevarh MibhaofSjnt [cha) la
[thiy-a]roha-
10 . m cha karanakani eha yag-iehairiyapi] [.J *] (XI) [he]vam 'aivefsajyilha axfatevfr

[si] yadisa porana [pakiti] [ I *] (XII) ladisa .... sasisitavlye' ti I iyal*)
11 (XIII) iyaiii apachayitaviye ti | (XIV) sa aehariyasa apicMwiye' cha sasisitaylyl}

(XV) tyatha va] a(a)chariyasa nati.tasu[pl| ya[tha]laham pavatitaviye'ft[ 1 *]
,ihi) Ti!!, W?rf P,hZle saic*t0 ,iave been “omitted after this by the scribe or engraver throat oversii
(ibid., note 13) at Erragudi, is not found here also.
! The words 'no htyam' have been omitted here.
1 The passage khudakena pi pakamamimna vipule
svage-ara m missing after-this, '.perhaps due to the
oversight of the scribe or the engra ver; or
it is here introduced after the letter \e which seems to be followed
by the letter kku°
°êr Places câ Is found instead of this word which is put after atMya at Errsgttdi, etc,
* ^ Erragudi etc,, surite is put instead of savapite.
The passage atM khudaka-mahalaka imam pi pakanma amta eha me jdnevu ctdra", is erased here.
At Erragudi, etc., 'ehira-thitika' is seen.
The passage vipulath pi cha vadasita apatadhiya diyartfhiyam’ seems to have been lost.
• From impressions.
“This word is given at the beginning of the line in the Erragudi text (ibid., p.7).
The verb sususitaviye is omitted here after this.
19 The sentence ‘sache vataviye’ is omitted after this.
240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA im..;XXXIX
12 XVI) lteltt=iBva sa [wfe)te[va]sisu pi yatMlataA pavatilaviye (i ) yidisi p<tfl«naj
pakiti [ I *] (XVII) yatha iyarii sltireke puvaya tatha pavativa(ta)viya[m] I (XVIil)
bevafih] tumphe Inapayatha(tha)
13 nivesayatha cha ariitevasini ti[ I *]
No. 36.—A COPPER PLATE RECORD FROM MAHQBA
(1 Plate)
The copper-plate record1 edited:below has been listed as item E 58 'by Pandit Hirananda
Shastri on page 38 of Part I of the Catalogue of Archaeological Exhibits in the-United Provinces
Provincial Museum, Lucknow. There, the findspot of the inscription is stated to be
Mahdba Fort and that it was forwarded evidently to the Museum at Lucknow, by the
Collector of the Hamirpur District in 1898.2 The plate is thin measuring 5b cm long and
20 cm high. It has writing on both: the sides.: -There are 8 lines of writing oil the obverse
and 12 lines on the reverse. The:plate has suffered damage at the top as’ well as at the bottom. ^
Except for a line or two at the top and bottom of the. reverse side, the record is legible as 'the
writing is bold. - This record has been.-the subject’ matter-, of a paper entitled ■■“Agrarian' Poten?
, tates in the Katchar in. the 13th century in the light of the jKasrak Copper-plate . iaseripipa”,
presented at the recent Indian History Congress Session held at- Bhubaneswar in-"the
'last week of December 1977.® The treatment of the record in the ’ above-mentioned paper
is wanting in several respects. Besides,.-the record contains some Interesting pieces of .infor-
mation on the social life of the time to which it belonged. It is, therefore, dealt with-here
in detail. ' . -I
The characters of the inscription are Nagarl which is. regular for the period. Vowels
like a (lines 3, 4 etc.), i (line 2), v (line 19), u (lines 7, 12. 18) occur. Among the consonants,
s is written in two forms while the others are normal. 'The language is corrupt Sanskrit
' much influenced by local dialect. ■ The words gu4amtapattam probably vulgo of guiUnta-
patram (private deed, and shadtrimsaty-adaya written also as sfiaitrimsatyd and sfmfltnrbm
(fhirty^six. kinds of privileges ?) ate of lexical interest.
The record contains eleven dates. The first date is V. S. 1283, ebaitmAti, 11, Tttes-
day corresponding to 1277 A. March 30, and the last date is V. -S.'-1338 (current),
Cbaitra **a. 9, Thursday (i. e. 1282. A. D., March 19), It is evident that this is a record
of transactions covering a period of 55 years and that it was committed -to.-: writing"-on 1212
A. D., March 19.
-- On the obverse the record refers to only one transaction probably done on the first'date
viz,, 1227 A. D., March 30, in'’ the reign of SuratSfla-Samasa#aa" otherwise called
Iltutmish who is known to have reigned from 1-210 A. D. to 1236 A. D.* He is described
' as Paramabhaftaraka which- indicates- his imperial status. In' the first 'line- of---the' reverse the
name of the Surata-pa is -damaged beyond recognition but since the date occti-rrlflf.here viz.,
1234 A. D. March 14-falls within the reign-period of'the same S-amasadlna '(tttutmish), here!
also this ruler's name- should -have been-given. "'Though the name of the ruler during whose!
1 This is registered as A. R.Ep., 1962-63. Nos. A 51 and 52.
3 The Lucknow Provincial Museum Report, 1898, p. 3.
* Dr. Z. A. Desai, Director (Epigraphy), Archaeological Survey of India, Nagpur was kind, enough to
send me a cyclostyled copy of the paper.
‘ The Struggle for Empire, pp. 130-35,
( 241 )
2DGA/78
time the record was put to writing has not been stated, the last date viz., 1282 A. D. of the
inscription falls in the reign of Balban.1
The deed recorded on the obverse is stated to have been concluded when Suratana-Samasa-
dina, whose imperial status has been indicated by the titles Pammabhattdraka and Shahi, was
at Vodamayuta which has been identified with Budaun in Uttar Pradesh. After giving the
particulars of date and the mention made of ruler inline 1, there is a reference to a chief
(ntaluka) named Istakhara of the place SekhojammvSda in the pratigaiya of Kasaraka in
line 2. In lines 2-3, a money-lender named Ra(Rauta) Chiiche. the son of Rd(Rdtita) Pasala,
of the Yachchhila-gofra and belonging to Kavada-grama is stated to have given his money*
The exact amount lent by him is however not stated. The receivers of the money from him
are then referred to in the following passages in lines 3-5. They were (1) Bhatta-Paduma, the
son of Bhatta-Sulamgha, described as Brahmana-Tivadi belonging to the Bhfuadvaja-gotra;
(2) BhaUa-Sulakhariiha, son of Bhatta-Sulakhana; and (3) Bhatta-AnadO, the son of
Bhatta-Ci ai-geva(sa). These persons were residents of Mural! They together gave the
private deed obviously to the money-lender mentioned above. In lines 5-6, the amount of
one vimpaka besides the sha4ttimsad*adaya (some privileges ?) per village from the villages of
Ikadimvo, Vanelf, Khldia and Dhulell, all situated in the NimohSra-pratiganaka, is men
tioned. Though the connection of the passages with the earlier one is not stated, it may be
inferred from the context that the money and privileges from each of the villages which
may have belonged to-the Bhattas were intended to be given to. the money-lender to discharge
the debt the Bhattas owed him. In lines 6-7, the boundaries of the above-mentioned
villages which seem to have formed a group, are given. They were-on the east was Vauda ;
on the south Ona : on the west Kashtha-nadl; and on the north Jemaida. The names of
witnesses to the transaction are given in lines 7-8- They are Vipra-JasQ ; Nigohi- bhatta,
Sahadeva and Pufn]vasu who were the sons of Dharamu, Bhatta, Vllba-Bhatta, Lashamna and
Mah'uu [Mahidraj. They are stated to be mahdjanas of Kasaraka. The writer of the
record was Pam {Pandita) Dehuka.
The reverse also gives in the first line the name of the reigning king which ends in °dlna.
The previous letters are difficult to read owing to the damage suffered by the plate here.
The details of date are Y.S. 1290, Chaitra sudi-13, Tuesday which correspond to 1234 A.D.,
March 14, f.d.t. -20. The name of the king’s representative which is also unfortunately
damaged beyond recognition, ends in “pfaala. Here the same money-lender viz., M (RMutd)
Chichi, the son of Ra Pasala, of Vachehhila-gotra and belonging to Kavadi-gruma
(KaytufS-grama on the obverse), figures. Interestingly he is stated to beloag to Rauta-
jUftti, which is already indicated by the initial Ra° plJMxd before his name and the name of
his father. This Ra Chache had given his money to a number of persons mentioned
(jflow on different dates under private deeds (gu4anta~patrmgM4hmttt’Patm% Even here the
exact amount lent by this person is not given, lour persons who receded the amount on
tJte jabove^mentioned dates are mentioned. They were Mediant Raju, and Bbdju» both sons
of Ra Sl^ha and of the Garga-gotra who were residents of Koligamve-grama but
perhaps originally belonging to Chotpani-grama; and Lohaâ and H5l«, both sons of
Ra. Suhava (line 11) are stated tc have given the private deed.
tten in line 12, three villages are mentioned viz., Una, Saleli and phalhala, In the
same line mention is made of an amount of five visopakd together with the s:ha4trt0atP'SMym, %
' * Ibid „ p. 155. . '~

No. 36] A COPPER-PL ATE RECORD FROM MAHOBA
Were «««ers of the three villages and that they had pledged them
i'the^*d,t0rf0rthe anK>Mt t0 bc paid {mm ev&¥ village
or half-vearW l! r t6ir ' f Periodieit* of tbe Pênt whether it is annual
Karttilci^vaHî c ™5 howevei! st8tsf* Further.on, m the saute line, the date V. S. 1298,
k fnw wt ls Sunday eflu,3al“t of 1241 A. D., September 22, is given andthis passage
lm»Tu *"*■***• son of Sidhais mentioned totter with the
amount 1§ nsepakcr andIsha^rimwtp-Mdya. This may be taken to mean that Ihfijfi returned
tdi rs on thl?
metiilnhf M ?UIVp e
In ^ 13> the date v-s- w*?**8m
Jl;If A‘ D- February 24 is .given, followed by foe-joaage
mentioning Mahmn Rap, Gaju, Shop, Gagu and Palhe who were the sons of Sidha. They seem
to have patd 1vtsopaM together with tit&riri&tya to the creditor on this date. In mm
B liflTr? 1299, Chaitra Sudi 8, Friday conwpondfaigto 1243 A.
D March oO, Monday (not FridayT.aregiven. This is followed by the passage merf-onmf
tl
. the si?" f07îPerS^S
sons of, R« Sidha. They^ Mafm,k
seem to have^
paid 1GajQj Bh5jQ’
visopaka G8«°with
together ®d shafirMmtm
™**. who were
to
the creditor on this date.
In lima 14-15 MnAamRlju andPilfai, the sons of .MdfeirSldha and Slaora, the son of
MpA^ Sahaju are mentioned who seem to have paid the amount of 3 nsdpakS together with
wTnT ,0,'hec1reditor m V S- '*»• vadi 7 Wednesday corresponding**to
1243 A.D June 10 In lines 15.16, mention is made of the fact that on V.S. 1300..(current),
Bhadrapada sud.13 Saturday corresponding to 1243 A. D.,August 29, Maharit Gigi, the
son of Sr^h^ paid the amount of nsopaka together with sha^trimmtya. In the same year
b °» Wa'-gasira sud! 5 Wednesday corresponding to 1243 A.D. November
18, Maine, the son of Ra Dharamu, paid the amount of 1 vimpakd. In lines 16-17, parti-
cu ars of date viz.,v ,S- 1302, Pausfaa ludi 5, Monday, equivalent of 1245 A.D. December 25,
on which probably, Lohada, the son of Suhava, paid the amount of 1 visopaka together with
sha&rmsatytt are givenÂfter this, it is stated that on V. S. 1307, Asvmaiudi 5, Wednesday,
equivalent of 1251 A. U., September 20, f. d. t. .63 Maharit Lohada, the son of Suhava paid,
foe amount of 2 visopaka. In lines 17-18, it is given that on.V. S. 1339, Chaitra mdi'%
^hutsây corresponding to 1282 A.D„ March 19, ’>dal. Sudana-.and-Madam, foe' sons of
Ra Lohada, had given with willingness, a private deed. It is not stated to whom: it was
given. But it may be mferrred that the same was given to the creditor Ra Chads. Here, hew-
even the three villages viz., Una, Saleli and Dhalahala are mentioned again and also Ae.amwitit
of three visopakas, probably the amount to be got from each of the three villages by the
tor. This will mean that the last mentioned persons had come into the
villages and they belonged to the family of Ra Lohada mentioned in line 11 above ,
°ne °f Wh°m was tohada, owed to Ra ChichS, was not cleared ™
V.S. !339, the lastmentioned date on this side, so that his three sons hadfog««i...wdertakeii
to repay it by pledging the villages to the creditor. ■ The passage m maham\tish0i4fnpiikSSi
meaning that these mahanis remain in foe air’, at the end of line 18, may be taken to refer
to the fact that theancestors of the three last mentioned persons bad died by the time the
deed was put to writing m V. S. 1339. A passage in line 19 ''is somewhat damaged. It is
followed by the passage which contains foe names of villages and a river which
boundaries of the three villages mentioned above. These were Vaudu on foe east, Stfi
south, Kashfha -nadl on the west and Ikaâvo on the north. It will he found that oi w
boundanes, Vaudu and Kishfoa-nadl figure as boundaries to the pledged villages motion/*
on the obverse. Interestingly one of the pledged villages, viz,, Ikadavs on the obverse -figures
244 ' EPIGRAPHIA INDICA ' tVoL. :XXXDC.-
here as forming the boundary on the north of the three pledged villages. Only the second* •
half of the writing in line 20 is preserved, the first half having suffered much damage. £y,en
in the preserved portion, only the name of the writer or engraver can be read satisfactorily.
It is stated here that Path (Pa^dita) Kuladhara wrote the deed (prantdnatn).
The importance of this inscription lies in the fact that it is a record of money transac
tion between Rd Chache and two groups of persons. According to the text on the observe
Rd. Chache had lent money to a number of Brahmanas who had perhaps pledged their
landed property and had agreed for the repayment of the loan by paying a certain fixed amount
probably at certain intervals. Although the duration of the interval is not mentioned,• it
was in aU likelihood, annual. The transaction took place in V. S. 1283 during the reign of
Sultan Samasadina or IHutmish. His representative- stationed at Sekhojamriivada of the:'*^
Kasakapratigana was one Istakhara who cannot be identified.!
According to the text on the reverse, the same money-lender Rd Chache lent money ,
to the members of two families who were also Rdutas, They were Maharii Raju and Bhoju,
the sons of Rd. Sidha and Lohada and Hole, the sons of Rd. Suhava, The title maham
prefixed to some of them, together with the title Rd, shows that they were men of nobility,
whose wealth had become so diminished as to drive them to go to Rauta Chache for * raising
a loan after pledging their landed property in three villages, and after agreeing to repay the
debt at a fixed rate probably annually. The initial transaction took place in V, S. 1290
obviously in the reign of Sultan Iltutmish. The name of the Sultan'sToeai representativeis
unfortunately not preserved. In the repayment of the loan by the debtors changes had taken
place on different dates. In V. S. 1298, Bhoju, the son of SIdha, had agreed to pay a certain
amount ; in V, S. 1299, Maharii Raju, Gagfl, Bhoju, Gajtt and Palhe, the sons of Sidha, evi
dently the same person mentioned above, had agreed to pay another amount ; in a different
month of the same year, the same people had agreed to pay a certain amount; in another
month of the same year, Maharii Raju and Palhe, the sons of Maharii Sidha and Si&nra, the
son of Maharii Sahaju had agreed to pay a certain amount ; in V. S, 1300, Maham Giju,
tie son of Sidha had agreed to pay an amount ; in another month in the same year, Malhe,
the son of Dharamu, had agreed to pay some amount and in Y. S. 1302, Lohada, the son of
Suhava, had agreed to pay a certian amount. But it is stated that in V. S. 1339, Udal, Sudana
and Madana, the sons of Rd Lohada, had given a private deed evidently pledging the same
three villages, Una, Saleli and phalahala which were originally pledged in V.S. 1290. This
shows that even in V. S. 1339, the loan received by the members of this family earlier was not
cleared and that, therefore, there arose the necessity for re-pledging the villages by the des
cendants of the original debtor. The reason for this is not known, but it appears that there
existed in the 13th century, a practice or local law which prescribed a certain time limit for
transactions of this type after which the pledge required to be renewed. In the present ins
tance the original transaction took place in V. S. 1290, and the renewal of the pledge took
place in V. S. 1339, the period between the two dates being over 49 years. Probably, the time
limit for such transactions was 50 years then, and the money-lender being eager to get the life
of the deed increased, had obtained its renewal even before the 50 years period expired. In
the list of persons given above all appear to belong to the two families of which the heads
were Rd Sidha and Rd Suhava, except two persons one named Siaura, the son of Maharii
Sahijfi (line 15) and Malhe, the son of Rd Dharami (tine 16). The relationship of these
two persons to the members of the families of Sidha and Suhava is not clear. Probably Ra.
Sahaj and Rd Dharamu were also related by blood to the others figuring here. As has
A COPPER PLATE GRANT FROM MAHOBA x
O bverse
S ize : One-third
Ho.M}. A COPPER-PLATE RECORD FROM MAHOBA 245
been stated above, the last mentioned date falls in the reign of Balban although this fact is
not recorded in the text of the reverse,
A noteworthy detail relates to the gotra of the "money-lender Rd Chichi. He is
stated to belong to Vlchchhila-gStra, On the other hand, the other Rd tm who had borrowed
monev from him are .stated,to have''belonged to Oarga-gStra, - The-gotra nameVaehehhilais
apparently a corrupt form of a gotra like Vatsa.
The terms visdpakd and shaitHrhsaty-ddaya are interesting. The former seems to be
the same as vimsdpaka a copper coin which was one-twentieth of the standard silver coin,
while, the meaning of the latter /is'- not clear, although it might refer to certain privileges asso
ciated with the ownership of land in a village.
. Of the many geographical terms occurring here VMSmayfita has been identified
♦ with Rudaun in Shajahanpur District, Uttar Pradesh. Other places like Kasarska-pratigaft,
Sekhojamvada. Kavada-grama, Murati, ^'Mhiohara-pratigapaka, IkadamvS, Vaneil, Xhf-
$i, Dhuleli, Vattdu, tJna, Jemaida':RSliîinvS-grima, Chotpana-grlma, Oal, Salili, phal-
hala and Sasi and the stream Kasht ha -nadi are not easy to identify although they most also
be looked for in the vicinity of Mahoba.
Obverse
TEXT1
. 1' Siddharii2 |j Sarnvat [1283] Chaitra-sudi 11 Bhaume | V6d fimayutSyith') Parama-

I bhattarake [sha]hi | {■Jrlmat-Suratana-Samasadl-
./.J2 na-vijaya-rajye Kasaraka-pratigana [Se]sh6{khd)- jSmthvSda-Islashi(khS) ra-inaluka**

to Ohanikd nSMa nimatab j Kavada '-grama -vista-
3 vya ] Vach[chhi]la-g6tra ] Ra Chache | Ra[Pa]sala-suta [sva]dhanarh pradattatfil

Asya sakasa|sa)t i>harapiko nama namataili 1 Murall-vastavya
4 Bharadvaja-g6tra-vra(bra)hma[na]-TivadI | Bhatta-Paduma ',Bha||a-{Sa|lamghti-suta:,

| Bhatta-[Su]!asharh(kham)mha [ j *j Bhatta-Salasha(kha)na-suta 'J Bhaf|a-Anadi
I Bhatta - Gam—
5 geva(sa)-suta | etc (tair e)kamati [bhujtvt gudava(nta)-patrath pradattath [ | *]

Nimohara-pratiganake gramu Ikadamvo | Vaneil j She (Khe)dta f Dhule-
6 1! | |* ] etl gramachari vtsopaki 1 pfithaku shadtrim.sa(sa)ty-tdly-ldhuni | pfifr*]

we Vaudu | dakshma(no) Oha | paschima{me) Kisfafha-nadl f } *]
7 uttara(re) Jemaida | chatur-agha(gha)[ta*]-visu(su)ddha-bh6ktam | rKasaraka-iaahf-

jana-vipra-Jtsu Nigdhi-bhatfa. | Dharamu-putra-Sahadeva | Pufnjva—
8 su BhaRa-VIlha Bhatfa Lasha(kha)[m]na' | . ha[tij | maharh MahMraih eff sishi

(kshi)mu(m=a)ru(nu)vadatiiti | Path De[hu]ka(ke)na lishi(khi)tam pramanam |J
* From impressions.
* Expressed by a symbol.
* Some scratches are seen on top of this letter.
2DGA/78 6
M6-- ' EPIGRAPH1A 1NDICA [Pot.
'*
Reverse
9 | 1Siddh[i]h
2 || Samvat 1290 Chaitra-sudi 13 Bhaurae || Sri. ,.Su___dlna vifja]-.
[yarajyej ptsha[hlj............. sha___ . . - „V
10' phala rriuluk , | KavadS-grama-vastavya [ RI CiUtche- ( Ri'X&sala-$uta?V&ch«hhiia>*
gotra | Rauta jfiatiya svadhanam pradattaxft { | * ] Asi^syap Dharapfe©i ijijaa
namatah j * 0
*
11 Kollglmve-grama-vastavya [ Garga-gdtru(tta)-Ch6tpana-grI:manva!a(?) maharii Raju

Bhoju Ra Sidlia-suta Lohada Hole | Ra Suhava-suta gudanita-patra[m*] pradattam | ^
gramu
12 Una | Sale!i [ phalahala | visopaka 5 parhelia shadtrirhsa(sa)ty-adaya J sajpvat
1298 Karttika-vadi | Ravau | Bhoju | Sidlia-suta visopaka | 1/2 shadtrirhsa(sa)tya
IS Samvat 1299 Phalguna-sudi 4 Bhaume j Maharii Raju | Gaju |1Bhoju | Gigu 1
Palhe [ Sidlia-suta j visdpaka 1 shadtrimsa(sa)tya | pnnah Chaitra-sudi 8 Su(Su)
kre
14 maharii Raju [ Gaju | Bhoju | Gaju | Palhe | Ra Sldha-suta visdpaka J shadtrimsa
(sa) 11 Samvat 1299 Asha(sha)dha-vadi 7 Budlie | maharii Raju J Palhe ma-
15 hath Sldha-suta ] Siaujra] maharii Sahaju-suta viidpaka 3 sha^trimsa(sa) | Saihvat 1300
Bhada(dra)mva(pada) sudi 13 Sanau )| maharii Gagu | Si#a-suta viso-
16 paka j shadtrisa(sa)tya || Marga-sudi 5 Vu(lu)dhe | Mftlhi Ra Dharamu-suta viso
paka Saihvat 1302 Pausha-sudi 5 Chaihdre | Lohada Suhava-suta
17 visopaka | shadtmriisa(sa)tya(tya) | Samvat 1307 Asvi{svi)ni sudi 5 Vu(Bu)dhe |
maharii Lohada Suhava suta visopaka 2 |] Sa(Sarii)va[t] 1339 Chaitra sudi 9
Gurau
18 RaXohada-suta Udai ] Sudana f Madana > prityo(tya) gudariiva-patrarh [prada{tarh*]

| Una | Saieii | Uhalahala visopaka 1 ete maharii tishtha[rii]ti ikase(se)
19* ......[riij. kg'tra[ddr] kaikaylko thava'hhoktaih pflrvvfeJ^Pitido^ daksfilj^îSilii,
pasehim[e] Rashtha - nad! 1 uta(tta)ra(re) Ikada [m]o ehatu—
20 ............... da vi[su]ddhe............ vvalatmanS ] Path Kuladhara lishti(khi)ta-prra-
[manajrft |j ,
1 Traces of some letters or symbols are seen before this. Probably they represented the symbol for
siddham.
2 The word sakSiSt is left out here.
No. 37—SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM eWWOTAlM
(2 Plates)
P.R. Srinivasan. Mysore
The inscriptions edited-, .below;;are from Guntupalli a hamlet of- Jiakarra|p.|e»

village in the- CMntalapudi Taluk, West Godavari District, Andhra Pra#sht The-place:*
situated near a forest and there is a Mil called Nagaparvata near it. There are several
excavated into the Mil. There are also several Buddhist stupas made of lime-stone slate, ftt
tMs place, some of which are intact.! The lime-stone pillars on which the inscriptions have
been engraved are all m Mrirttearthe big stupa, except one which Is preserved isthestore-rte*-
ofthe office of the Archaeological Survey at the place. The'site-has- -feetf known-for aloftg.
time,1 2but in the nineteen sixtees 'it' Was- again '-visited and some parts-''excavated by ttfc R.
Subrahmanyam, the then Superintending Archaeologist of the Archaeological ’Survey of Ildii,
Hyderabad. In the course' of tMs excavation he had' discovered four pillars- with inScriptioiil-
which are copies of one and. the same text. These inscriptions have been" published''
.Subrahmanyam in a monograph of the epigraphical series of the Andhra Pradesh Government,
"No.'S'entitled Gufflupaliy Brahmi Inscription of KhSrmefa (lMS). This'-work: was commented
upon "by Dr. D.C. Sircar, in the Journal of Ancient Indian History, "VoteIlf, :pp, 301-30, will
plate. Recently the- site was visited again,- by Shri I. Rartikeya Sharma, SuperiBtendifig; Arete
^ geologist of the Archaeological Survey of India, Hyderabad. He had dug oaf: two'other
-.. 'inscribed pillars.-' One of them has a Brahffi! inscription above'and a-illaikiyag# tecofi
' below.8 "The' other one has a Brahmi inscription. This office." had visited'ffe" filee'ln 1#?$
and'copied some of the inscriptions one of them being of the king Sadia.* On learning about
.'.--'•the-'discovery of an interesting inscription of the Salankayana dynasty, I sent-my collesgtte
, -,Dr..--M.D, Sampatn, Deputy Superintending Epigraphist for,'Dravidisn-.-Inscriptions,;" Ip'the
place in 1978 for copying this inscription, as well as- "the, other inscriptions, : was .-good
; enough to bring good impressions of these records on wMch the -article- is based, .
L—Inscription of the time of Maharaja Soda

As- has been- stated above, a single text of the inscription is copied- on'-.ai:':%S#:fo»f plitrs
found at the place. -Each-pillar is rectangular in shape and its front antf'batttfi^-atebfoiiir
than'the faces-on the-sides. The topofthe pillars is-broken -while'at-thdbotldm:'4f-'^^-
pilar there is a projection probably intended -for -insertion info-a sockdt'of-anetier--stoic.
Just-below the writing-on each front face there is -a half-lotu-S- medallion, Of WMiii the 'dtitiijpi
is varied.
The characters of the record are. Brahmi Falaeographically .they have
to be assigned to the early half of the second century B.C.‘ Here, however, the letters
/ and h are peculiar in shape, not met with anywhere else. The letter' hh too has ah iatitfcstiBg
form. So, the opinion of Dr. D.C. Sircar* that the alphabet has to be assigned to the 2nd
1 A. Rea,
8 This record is dealt with separately.
4 A.R.Ep., 1974-75, No. B 7.
* See Buhler’s Palaeographical Tables, Plate III, Columns XXIII and XXIV.
i Voi HI, pp; 33*341
( 247 )
2 DGA/78
century A.D., by comparing it with that of the Velpuru inscription1 2is not acceptable. For,
the characters of the latter record are obviously of the 2nd century A.D. or still later, at^l
they have little or nothing in common with those of our record. The language used here
is Prakrit. The use of kha for gha in Mahamekhavahana? suggests that the language is
Paisach i.3 4 *
The inscription which does not contain any date refers itself to the ruler siri-Sada
who is described as Maharaja, Kalihga-Malushak-adhipali and Mahdmekhavahana.
It is stated that his scribe (lekhaka) named Chula-Goma gifted a mamtapa, evidently a
hall of which the pillars with this inscription formed part. .
This record is important in many respects. Firstly the ruler siri-Sada (sri-Sata)*
is known for the first time from this. He is stated to be a Mahameghavahana, i.e. belonging
to the family of Mahameghavahanas and Maharaja. Mahameghavahana is considered to
be the founder of the royal house of Kaliftga,6 Kharavela of the Hathlgumpha inscription
is called & Maharaja, and Mahameghavahana, but he is also called a Chedi and his father and
grandfather were respectively Vriddharaja and Kshemaraja, and the record is generally
considered to belong to the middle of the 2nd century B.C.® Though Sri-Sada of our record
is also a Mahameghavahana, he is not said to be a Chedi and his relationship with Kharavela
is therefore not certain. The palaeography of the record suggests a date earlier than that of
the Hathlgumpha inscription. If this is so, then srl-Sada may have to be assigned to an earlier
period7 than Kharavela, and as belonging to a collateral line which bad no affiliation to the
Chedi family. The fact that Sri-Sada’s scribe was making a gift at a place full of Buddhist
antiquities shows that Sri-Sada, unlike Kharavela who was a staunch follower of Jainism,
was in all probability a patron of Buddhism, which before the time of Kharavela, must have
been the popular religion in the Kalinga country too, just as it was in the coastal Andhra
country.
Sri-Sada was the lord ofKalinga and Mahishaka and also apparently the region in which
the present-day Guplupalli lies. Kaliftga is known but the identification of Mahishaka is
not certain although it must be contiguous to Kaliftga. If this is so, then the north-western
part of the present Andhra Pradesh which lay to the west ofKaliftga may have to be considered
as the territory that went by the name of Mahishaka at the time to which the record belonged.
This will mean that §rI-Sada, a Mahameghavahana, enjoyed the lordship over these two
countries, and after his disappearance from the scene of Kaliftga, Kharavela, another Maha
meghavahana who was also connected with the Chedi royal house®, became the ruler. From
the fact that the latter is said to be the ruler of Kaliftga, it is apparent that the Mahishaka
country to its west went out of control from him. This was most probably the reason for
Kharavela’s military expedition to the western countries immediately after he became the ruler,
to be precise, in the second year of his reign, his army during this expedition, going upto the
1 Above, Vol. XXXII, plate facing page 86.
2 The macron over e and o is not used here.
Vol. Ill, p. 32, note 4. Similar feature is met with in the word lekhaka (Liiders List, Nos.
209, etc.) and leghaka (ibid., Nos. 1149,1291).
4 Vol. Ill, p. 34.
‘ The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 212.
* BJ. Rapson, Catalogue of the coins of the Andhra Dynasty, etc. p. xvii. Contra. The Age of Imperial
Unity, pp, 215-16 ; J.A.I.U., Vol, III, p. 31. ,
2 J.A.I.M., Vol. IV, p. 161 and note 16 where Dr. S. Sankaranatayanan has already suggested this.
• It may he remembered in this connection the instance of Samudra-gupta who was a Gupta and a dau
ghter’s son of a Lichchha vi ruler.
GUNTUPALLI INSCRIPTIONS
INSCRIPTIONS ON FOUR SIDES OF A PILLAR
INSCRIPTION ON ANOTHER PILLAR
II
From Photograph
No. 37j • SOME BRA.HMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUPALLI Mf
banks of thj Krishtjabml (i.e., Krishna).1 During this expedition Kharavela is said to
have thought of iSitakargi who was no doubt a Satavahana ruler, This-fact seems to:-show
that Satakarni may have been respon sible for annexing the Mshishaka country, to,his growing
empire, and this had provoked Kharavela to launch the expedition,
Tn view of the fact that 'Sri-S ada was a ruler of Kalinga In the 2nd Century B,C,,; sod that
he belonged to the Mahameghavthana family, it is not possible to eottfteerMimvrithMlBi-
'sada of the Velpuru inscription2 of the 2nd century A.D. or of a still later tinted who was
also not a Mahameghavahan a,
■The inscription registers a-gift of a ma$4ppa by .Cte3jn*Goma-4Kshffldi»-Goma) who
was the scribe of the ruler Sri-Sada. The mamiapa as has .been.stated! above-may haye-beeu
only a hall, audits nature is. not.specified.,- . Theinseriptiondoes not also'contain any indication
-as to the nature of the complex of buildings where the hall was put up. But since the .extant
stUpas and other ruins at -the place' -are of Buddhism, the hall-should- also have been -put up
for the benefit of the Buddhists and others who visited, the place. Though there is nothing
in the record to indicate the faith of the scribe, the circumstantial evidence -mentioned''above
would go to prove that he was a follower of Buddhism, and that he-ladj.thoBgbBOt mentioned
so, come from the capital of Kalinga to this place of pilgrimage where |e- had pat up tliehall,4-
, Evidently this was a sacred place of. Buddhism in those times, and as has been stated above,
the place, in all probability, lay in the kingdom of his ruler.
Two tarritorial names occur here^ and they areKafiftga- and Mallshals, Their
identification has been discussed above.
A
: Tte texts of the four copies of the inscription are-given below, and for the- sake'<# con
venience they are called A, B, C and D. The writing of copy A consists of'five lines,* The
space occupied by the writing measure 27cm ;<■ 25 cm.
. TEXT*
1 Maharajasa Kaliga-Mahi
2 sak-adhipatisa Mahame-
3 khavahanasa siri-Sada-
4 sa le[khakasa] Chula-Go-
5 masa mamdapo danam [|j*]
- - B ■
- .; The writing ofcopyJ consists of five lines, and the space occupied by it, measures 30 cat
’by 28 cm. At the time of discovery.- the pillarwas-, intact as .can'be seen from-t-lte iiustfatlott
in the dLP. Govt. Arch. Series, No, 34 Bui iubsûenily thr left sided? the inscribed part of
the pillar has been broken and missing as is'-seen: from the impression copied by niy office.
* The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 215.
. Above,-Vol. XXjEHippv 18.#,,*«#pfaw, -
•.Centra. J.A.I.H. Vol. Ill, .p,.34....The title Aira borne by .-Mitaasada. way simply he art- honorific
meaning‘noble’.
A comparableinstaTO'is"afK}rded:by''tlieUdayaglri"caveiiiseript»«-'of’Clfaii#aguptaB, where Viras&ift
alum S&ba, the sacMva bt the ruler, who was from PS-tafiputra caused the -cave temple for iJamblm -to be done
{CJ.L, Vol. I, P. 35).
8 At the time of discovery the writing here was preserved well (see plate in Dr. R, Subrahmanyam's mono
graph on this) but now it has been damaged.
• From impressions and plate in A.P. Arch. Series, No. 3.
m ■ ■ IMGRAPHIA INDICA ; ' . . [Vol.
TEXT**-
1 Maharajasa Kaliga-Mahisak- 9
2 adhipatisa Mahamekhavaha-
3 nasa siri-Sadasa lekha-
4 kasa Chula-Gomasa mam-
5 dapo danarii [{]*]
C
The writing of copy € consists of six lines and the space occupied by it measure 27 cm
by 27 cm. An orthographical peculiarity is met with here. Instead of adhipatisa the text
reads adhipMisa (line 2), the"softening of *iisa to V*a* being probably due to BW*i<Sa»
influence.
TEXT*
1 Maharajasa Kaliga-
2 Mahisak-adhipadisa Ma-
3 hamekhavahanasa
4 siri-Sadasa(sa) lekha-
5 kasa Chula-[Go]masa mamda-
6 po danarh Hi*]
D
The writiag of copy D consists of five lines and the space occupied by it measure Sl cm
by 26 cm. This pillar which was intact at the time of the discovery, has been broken at its
top and bottom left hand corners, and the first akshara ma of line 1 and the first akshara tna
of line 5 have been damaged partly.
TEXT1
1 Maharajasa Kaliga-Ma-
2 hisak-idhipatisa Maha-
3 mekhavahanasa siri-Sad-
4 asm lekhakasa Chala-Go-
5 rnasa maiftdapo danam [|j*]
TRANSLATION
[This] mandapa is the gift of Chula-Goma, the scribe of Maharaja siri-Sada, the
Mahitneghavafa&na, the lord of Kalinga and Malishaka.
11—'flLLAR INSCRIPTION^^
This inscription® is engraved on a big rectangular lime-stone pittar. At the top of the
pillar a half lotus medallion is carved. This pillar was discovered in the monastery area
at the stupa-%iiG near the'caves at the place, during a recent excavation 'by Shrf I,. :K»; Sharma.
The writing consists of six lines and the space occupied byitmeas»reSr::3T c*n, by 27 cm. . Below
this, another inscription of the Salankayana family is engraved which is dealt with in another
article. The inscription under discussion is written in JMhml characters of about the 2nd
AFrdm impressions.
* A. R. Ep., 1977-78, No. B 41.
ANOTHER PILLAR INSCRIPTION
III
STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION
IV
Scale : One-fifth
ANOTHER STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION

V
From Photograph
No. 37] SOME BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM GUNTUPALLl 251
century A. D:, regular for the period. Vowel i occurs in line 3. The letter dh has a trian
gular form (lines 2-3). The left bottom line of the letter rid in mahanaga ° (line 5), has been
erased. The letter/in the Sakule (line 1) is noteworthy. The language is Prakrit, and
the use of madava for mamdapa of 6'ri-Sada’s inscription is noteworthy. Mahanaga 0 is a
. mistake for Mahanaga0.
The inscription records that the pillar on which it is engraved is a jasakhambha (jaya
khambha- pillar of victory), in the great stone-hall called Inammi-mahasela-madava, erec
ted as a pious gift, in favour of the Buddhist community (Ariya-Samgha) of the Mahanaga-
parvata by Budha (Buddha), a lay-worshipper (upasika) and the wife of the householder
Hamgha of Sakule. The name of the hall is noteworthy. What Inammi means is not easy
. to say. Probably it is the name of a place or of a family. The description of the pillar as
jasakhambha is interesting, and it does not mean anything more than that its erection was a
pious act on the part of the donor. The name ' Mahanagaparvata is met with in a few other
Brahmi records found at the place, and it evidently denotes the hill there. It is interesting
to note that even today the hill is called by the name Nagaparvata as has been stated above.
Sakule appears to be the place from where the householder Hamgha hailed.
• ' • ‘TEXT1
‘ 1 Sakule .gahapatirio Ha[m]gha[sa] . .
2 bhariyaya upasikaya Budha- '
3 ya deyadhama Inammi-maha-
4 sela-medava jasakhambha(bha) ■
5.. Ma (Ma)\hanagapavata Ariya-Sam- .
6 ghasa patithapita[m] [O*]........... " ' '
HI.—ANOTHER PILLAR INSCRIPTION
This inscription a is engraved on another pillar very similar to the one on which inscrip
tion No. H discussed above is engraved. This pillar was also discovered at the same place as
the other pillar. This inscription consists of five fines of writing and the space occupied by it
measures 38 cm by lS cm. Tfie letters are shallow and the impression is therefore smudged.
The smudging is too much on the left side of the writing, due to which a letter is not at all
clear at the beginning of each of the‘lines. The characters are Brahmi of about the 2nd century
A. .D., but somewhat later than those'of the inscription No. II above. The language is
Prakrit. The word °pati occurring in. compounds is spelt as °pata in two places (gahapa-
tasa,for gahapatisa, fine 1 ; °patakdnam for °patikanam, fine 4). The use of madava for mam
dapa of £ri-Sada’s inscription, and thabha for khambha of inscription No. II • above is
noteworthy.
. The inscription records, the pious .gift of a-pillar (thabha) obviously the one on which
it is engraved in the stone-hall (madava—mandapa) on the Mahanagapavata, together with
a cave (sa-ghara). The gift was made by two persons. One was Nataga, who was the son
of the householder of Kanamtarabu and the other was Saghakuma.(Saghakumari (?)—San-
ghakumari), the daughter of the householder Sapasaga (Sarpasamga), a che(a-pachaka
(servant-cook). The gift was made in favour of the community called Donadanapatikas which
is known for the first time from this record. The name Nataga appears to be a variant of
1 From impressions. .
,-A.R. Ep., 1977-78, No. B 42.
■ 2 DGA/78 8
Nataka. A person of this name is known from the Banavasi Naga-stone inscription.1 Kanam-
tarabu seems to be the name of a place from where the householder, whose name has n^t
been given, here, hailed.
TEXT2
1 Kanamtarabu gahapata(ti)sa putasa Nataga-
2 sa cha cheta-pa[cha]ka- Sapasaga gaha[pati]-
3 sa duhu Saghakumaya cha Donadana-
' 4 pata(ti)kanam Mahanagapavate sela-ma-
5 dave thabho deya-dhamam sa-ghara danam [|]*]
IV.—STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION

This inscription3 is engraved on a stone slab found in one of the caves <near the stupa-
site at the place . It is now preserved in the store-room of the Archaeological.Survey of India *
there. It is in one line and the space occupied by the writing measures 1 m 8 cm by 7 cm. -The
letters are neat and bold, each measuring about 6 cm high, the letter a being taller on account
of its right vertical part. The characters are Brahmi of the lst-2nd century A. D., and it
is therefore 'earlier than the inscription No. II dealt with above. Owing to the shallowness'
of the writing the impression has become smudged. ■ At the beginning and at the end of the
line some letters have been damaged very much and they cannot, thereofore, be made out.
The language is Prakrit.
It records the gift of something (the nature of which can-not be determined owing to the
loss of some letters at the end), by the nuns who were the pupils (amtevasini).of. Biidhi .whose
name was probably different but owing to the loss of some letters at the beginning it has not
been preserved in full.
TEXT4
Budhino amtevas[i]n[i]na[m*] bhi[khu]nina[m*] danam .[II*
V.— ANOTHER STONE SLAB INSCRIPTION
This inscription5 is engraved on another stone slab discovered in one of the caves near
the stupa-site at the place. It is now preserved in the store-room of the Archaeological Survey
of India, there. It is in one line and the space occupied by the writing measures 75 cm by 5 cm.
Each letter is about 5 cm in height. The letters are slanting and tend to be cursive. The
■characters are Brahmi of the 2nd century A. D. The writing is preserved well, except for
some damagedt has suffered at the beginning and at the end. The language is Prakrit. Owing
to the damage of the letters at the end of the line the sense of the inscription cannot be made
.out completely. _ It refers to a person whose name begins with Maha° who was a resident
of M'ahanagaparvata.
TEXT6
Mahanagapavata-nivasisa Maha.............
1 Ludcrs’ List ,-No. 1186.
2 prom impressions.
■ 8 A. R. Ep„ 1977-78, No. B 43.
* 4 From impressions.
6 A.R.E.P., 1974-75, No. B 8.
6 Frpm impressions
• No. 38 THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM
KOLANUPAKA
(3 Plates)
P. R. Srinivasan and V. S. Subrahmanyam, Mysore
The three inscriptions edited in the following pages are from Kolanupaka, Bhuvana-
îri Taluk, Nalgonda District, Andhra Pradesh. This place is well-known for its old temples
and antiquities which testify to its former glory and importance. It has yielded many more
inscriptions.1 The records under study are for the sake of convenience, called A, B and C.
Of these A has been published in Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, No. 3
(Kannada Inscriptions oj Andhra Pradesh), .No 45, pp. 57 ff., while B and C are published
for the first time here. Several verses of A are repeated in C. All the three belong to the
period of a single chief only. While A and B are dated in the same year and are almost
identical in their contents couched in different texts, C is dated two years later than the former
two and its grant portion is different.
The characters of inscriptions A and C are Kannada and those of B are Nagari
and they are regular for the period. 1 The language of these records is Sanskrit, but for
a few place-names.
The inscription A? is on a slab built into the wall of the main shrine of the Vlranara-
yapasvamm temple at Kolanupaka. It has 36 lines of writing which is well preserved.
The record B3 is engraved on a slab built into the inner side of the wall of the mandapa in front
of the main shrine of the same temple. It has 49 lines of writing in beautiful Nagari characters.
Besides , at the bottom of the record and in the middle of lines 42-49, in a rectangular space,
a standing figure of the god Vishnu is sketched in outline. The deity has fouqarms, holding
probably chakra and iafikha in the two upper hands, a lotus in the lower right hand and the
gada in his lower left hand. He wears the kirl(a-maku(a, a long hara, a long yajnopavita
reaching the knees and other ornaments. The feet, are kept facing opposite directions. A
circle representing the sun is engraved on the right side of the head of the figure and a cres
cent representing the moon is engraved on the left side. This figure probably represents the
god Viranarayana of the temple which is its. name or Jagaddevanarayana referred to in the
records. The inscription C4 is incised on the four faces of a stone pillar lying in the com
pound in front of the Somesvara temple of the same place. Owing to the breakage at the
top of the third and fourth faces of th'e pillar, the writing in these places has been damaged.
There are “ 107 fines of writing extant.
All the three records belong to the reign-period of the later Chalukya emperor Tribhu-
vanamalla (i.e, Vikramaditya VI) who is stated to be ruling from Kalyanapura.
Of these, A and B contain the details of date, expressed in words, such as Chalukya-Vikr-
ama year 29, Tarana, Ghaitra, Purnima, Sunday, lunar eclipse, which regularly ’
1 See A. R. Ep., 1961-62, Nos. B 60-107.
2 A. R. Ep., 1961-62, No. B 89.
2 Ibid., No. B 90.
4 Ibid., 1966-67/No. B 3. '
( 253 )
2DGA/78 ■ ■ • a,
■corresponds to 1104 A. D., March 13. The record C contains the details of date, also'
expressed in words, viz., Chalukya-Vikrama year[3]l, Vyaya, VaiSakha su. Akshaya-
tritiya, Sunday, which regularly correspond to 110 6 A. D., April 8. •
All the three inscriptions refer themselves to the rule of Paramara Jagaddeva,
•as a subordinate of the above-mentioned Chalukya Vikramaditya VI. Two other records
-of this chief have been known, one from Jainad1 and the other from Dongargaon.2 While
•editing the latter record, Dr. V. V. Mirashi has dealt with several points pertaining to the his
tory of this chief. The records under examination go to substantiate his points besides pro
viding some additional points of interest.
The Paramara family is called Hutavaha-vamsa (i. e. Agni-vamsa) in inscription
.B (verse 10). The same verse says that Vairisimha . was born in it. He was followed
by his son Sriharsha, his son Munja, his brother Sindhuraja, called Sindhala in
inscription A and Simdala in inscription C and his son Bhoja. After Bhoja came Udayaditya
who is stated to belong to Bhoja’s family, But in inscription A, Udayaditya is said to
■be the son of Gomdala, apitrivya or paternal uncle of Bhoja. Inscription C simply says that
•Udayaditya was the son of Gomdala who was a ruler after Bhoja. So, our inscriptions A
‘Clarifies the correct regulationship of Udayaditya, and consequently of Jagaddeva also, to
Bhoja. In the light of this statement of the Jainad inscription3 that Bhoja was pitrivya (i.e.,
paternal uncle) of Jagaddeva and the statement of the Dongargaon record4 that Bhoja was
the brother (bhrdta) of Udayaditya may be said to be not very accurate. Inscription B also
states' that Udayaditya had several sons of whom Jagaddeva was eminent. The information
that he was obtained by Udayaditya, after the latter’s propitiation of Siva, as mentioned
.in the, Dongargaon5 *inscription is not recorded here.
Regarding Jagaddeva s service under the Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla, our inscrip-
■i tions ^ and C say that he was brought out of affection, from Dhara by the latter, and was
.given' half of the Kuntala kingdom considering him to be bis son. Inscription A further says
that Jagaddeva helped the Chalukya ruler to become the lord of a vast territory. But ins
cription B says that Jagaddeva went to Chalukya king when the latter considered him to be
X his son (dharma-tanaya). The Dongargaon record8 states that the Kuntala king considered
him to be the first amongst his sons, and that he made him ruler of the southern part of his
[kingdom (dakshina-dis-alamkara). The Jainad inscription, on the other hand, does not say
[anything about this matter. According to our inscriptions Jagaddeva is described not only
fas Pratipanna-Karnna (subduer of Karnna) but also as Hanuman (B line 33). He is also called
[Mandalesvara (A, fine 31) and Kumdramahamartdalesvara (B, line 43). Jagaddeva’s prowess
[ is compared to the three fires of aurvva,pavi and ddva, combined into one, and with this power,
.it is said that he was able to destroy the three forts of the enemies. Who these enemies were
is not indicated in our records.7 Probably they were the Kalachuris, the Andhras and the
Karantas (i.e., Hoysalas). Inscription B, however, states that Chalukya king’s enemy was
Vallala and that he was defeated by Jagaddeva who was riding an elephant (B, lines 35-36).
This is elaborated in inscription C which states, in lines 60-67, that Jagaddeva rode the
1 Above, Vol. XXn, pp. 54;ff. *
* Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 177 ff., and plate.
3 Above, Vol. XXH, p. 60, text line 7.
4 Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 183, text lines 2-3.
5 Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 183-184, verse 7.
* Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 183, text lines 4-5.
7 See ibid., p. 179 for a discussion on this.
No. 38] THREE INSCRIPTIONS-OF PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM 255
KOLANUPAKA
•
elephant called Kalamegha and-when the Karnnataka army was running hither and thither, he
killed six thousand soldiers single-handed. These two statements go to substantiate the state
ment that the Chalukya king was pleased to give half of the Kuntala kingdom to Jagaddeva.
because he made it possible for the former to be the lord of the.'earth bounded by the Loka-
loka mountains (A, lines 24-25). The king Vallala or Vallala'referred to in our inscriptions.
B and C was Ballala, the son of Ereyanga, the Hoysala.1 Besides the victory over the Hoy-
salas, Jagaddeva, according to our inscription C, is said to have conquered the kings of Vengr,
Bravila, Ghakrakuta, and Ahirs, during his digvijaya campaign.
Inscription A refers to Sbmala, the son of Sadiga who was the son of Siha belonging to-
Mahishapura in the Pariyatra country. This Sbmala was holding the post of Mahasam-
dhivigrahin and Dandanayaka. He is described as a mahatman (line 28). He caused the:
installation of Arkka (the sun), the Grahas (the planet), the Matrikas (the Saptamatras)-
and Vishnu, the lord of the town, all in Somesvara or in the precincts of the temple of
Somesvara. He also installed the deities Buddha and Vak (i.e., Sarasvatl), the former in-
front of the temple of Salesvara and the latter in the Isana-matha of the north. He also-
built the temple ofJagaddevanarayana at Kolljpaka, the capital of the territory ruled by
Jagaddeva. It is for the maintenance of this temple and for worship and offerings of the-
deity that Jagaddeva made a gift of the income from Piriyapembaruti-grama of the group-
of twelve attached to the patfana (town). The income of the village is stated to be 20-
pura-drammas, meaning probably that, the money was given by the town as a whole or the:
town administration, perhaps annually. Out of this amount, however, a sum of two drammas-
which was previously gifted to-the deity Appesvaradeva was excluded, leaving 18 drammas
as the amount gifted to the deity Jagaddevanarayana. The gift was made on the occasion
of the lunar eclipse that occurred on the given date viz., Chalukya-Vikrama year 29, Tarana,.
Chaitra su. 15, Sunday corresponding to 1104 A. D., March 13. Besides this, gifts of oil,,
flower threads and flower garden at Nidungalur, probably the same as Nidungalur of
inscription B, were also made to the temple by the chief, and also some rice-fields, though,
bought out of the gold of the temple, were made to be enjoined by the temple tax-free.
There was also the gift of five, four, and three Uttdmaganachinnas respectively for the first,,
second and last grades of lands from all the villages of Kollipaka-70C0.
The text of inscription B is different from that of A but the purport is almost identical
with that of A. But.the gift was made on the same occasion of lunar eclipse on the same date;
viz., 1104 A. D., March 13. The gift was made by Jagaddeva who is described as Samadhigata
pamcha-mahdiabda and Kumdr.amahamandalesvara for the purpose of maintenance of the
temple and worship and offerings to the deity therein of Jagaddevanarayana built by him evi
dently the same temple, at Kollipaka mentioned in inscription A above. Here the gift was.
the money income from the village of Peddapembaru which was one of the twelve attached
■to the pallala {j?at\ana). The money income here is stated t.o be 20 griha drammas, meaning
probably the amount paid perhaps annually by each household. It seems that this amount was
originally assigned to the temple of Praganesvaradeva of the village. Out of this amount,
however, a sum of 3 drammas which was due to the king was excluded. So, the balance of
17 drammas given by the households was by our record assigned to the Jagaddeva-narayana
temple. A similar amount of 17 drammas paid by the pura, i.e., towm or town administration
seems, to have been assigned to the s.ame temple. Other gifts -like the rice-fields bought from
1 See above, Vol. XXII, pp. 58-59 for a discussion on this.
9X-
/
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIX

256
out of the money of the temple treasury at the back side of the tank called Jagaddeva-maho-
da'dhi at Ramalacheruvu village, a garden for growing useful fruit trees in the ™ ’
called Cfsharakunthl-nadi in Nidungalura-grama (perhaps the same, as Nidungalu
%
‘SonTaelt four aid three gold coins, probably the same as the unaâ-chmna .
ShSL A respectively for thehrst, secoad and last varieties of lands in«* v,
certain quantity of oh by every oil-monger and three flower threads by every florist were also
gifted to this temple, besides the village Maddigatlu of the Pullunur 70 which was made tax-
free.
The text of inscription C has some verses which are the same as found in mscnphon*^
In C, the descriptive part is brief. The description of the exploits of Jagaddeva is detailed
(C lines 58-67). The gift recorded here was made by him who is described as Mah
mandalesvara to the Traipurushadevalaya and also to a temple of BrammeSvara and a Matha
of Somesvara, of which the particulars have been lost due to the damage suffered by the .
Inscription at this place. These temples were caused to be built by Brammadeva-nayak
the son of Thakkanenayaka on the northern side of SomeSvara at Bhuvanagin. The gfft
was made for the maintenance of these temples as well as for the worship and offerings of the
deities therein, on the occasion of the Akshaya-tritiya in the Chaiukya-Vikrama year 31
Vyaya, Vaisakha su.3, corresponding to 1106 A.D., April 8. The gift consisted of the the
■village of Goshthipalu-grama in Aleti-kampanaka which was freed from being pome
•(by the officials) and freed from the payment of all taxes. It will be seen that the m ter
of the records A and B relates to gifts made to the Vishpu temple called Jagaddevanaray n ,
and the matter of the record C relates to the gift made to Siva temples. It is interesting to note
that the general Somala also built temples to Arkka, Grahas, Mat rigana Buddha and
Vishnu. It seems that there were already the temples of SomeSvara and Salesvara at
Kollipaka.
Several geographical names occur. Of these Mount Arbuda is Mount Abu
of modern times. Lokaloka mountains of inscription A are the legendary ones. Kuntala,
occurring in all the records comprised of the northern districts of the -present Karnataka
State and the sourthern districts of Maharashtra.. Kalyanapura is Kalyan near Bombay.
T>hara is modern Dhar in Madhya Pradesh. Kollipaka occurring in A and B is the same as -
Kolanupaka, the findspot of these records. Piriyapembaruti, Chiduku-cheruvu, Kajtakrandi-
vrayyadona, Dudde-cheruvu, Erramguriita, Kaditachattu-ravi, Nidumgalur, and Rama-
jacheruvu of inscription A, are yet to be identified. The Pariyatra-desa of A was the coun ry
in the western Vindhyas, but Mahishapura in it is to be identified.- ■ Kaveri, Gurjjara, Malava,
Bhagirathi, Kailasa, Mahakala (Siva at Ujjain), Andhra and Tungabhadra of inscription
£ are well known. But Peddapembaru, Ramalacheruvu, Nidungalura (probably the same as
Nidumgalur of inscription A) Pullunura and Maddigatlu-grama of inscription B are to be
identified. Vengi, Dravila, and ChakrakQta of inscription C are well known. But,the country
of the Ahirs was probably Ahirwada lying between Bhilsa and Ihansi.1 Bhuvanagin, is the
same as Bhuvanagiri, the headquarters of the Taluk of the same name in which Kolanupaka
is situated. Aletikampanaka and Goshthipalu-grama are yet to be identified.
Inscription A.
This record commences with a symbol for siddham or dm. Verse 1 praises tbe god
rSriaatna or Mahayaraha and invokes his grace. In the next verse also the same god, here
called by his. other names' like Keiavamurti, Adipurusha and Narayana is praised as the
1 Select Inscriptions (1965), p. 474, note l.
? •
•No. 38] THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARAMARA JACADDEVA FROM 257
‘ KOLANUPAKA
•
lord of the three worlds and one displaying in his hands lotus, conch, chakra andKaumodaki
(i.e., the club) and his protection is invoked. Verse 3 describes the mountain Arbuda. In
the next verse the same mountain is described as peopled by penance-doing siddhas and
murtis and by kinnaras. The next verse (verse 5) says that the mountain due to its being
covered by the .pollen looked like a golden one (i.e., Mount Meru) often. Verse 6 describes
that due to the presence of sheets of bees which had been attracted by the scent of the lotus
flowers, even the day looked like night. The verse 7 refers to the Manasa lake, raja-hamsas,
Stc. The next verse describes the lakes there and their water which wore a variegated
appearance. In the next verse also the lakes are described as inviting, through the noise
of the birds inhabiting them, the sky-roaming couples. Verse 10 describes the breeze
blowing there in its three aspects of coolness, gentleness and fragrance. The next verse
states that the mountain with the Kinnaris singing, with the waving of the Chamaii-deer,
and with the presence of the sky-roaming women, appeared like kings. The verse 11 describes
again, the mountain as if possessed of white umbrella, by the trees with white flowers on it,
and so.resembled a-king. The likeness of the mountain to a king is further described in the
next verse (verse 13). Verse 14 says that in that mountain which looked like the tilaka of the
north, there was a. renowned hermitage of the sage which looked like the second residence
of Padmasana or Brahma, and which was full of men learned in all knowledge. Verse 15
describes the hermitage as full of a variety of grains and vegetation and as peaceful- Verse
16 states that in that hermitage the agnihotra was performed in such a manner as to produce
large quantities of smoke. The next yerse(verse 17) continues the description of the hermitage
stating that it was full of deer cubs and babies and pupils, which formed the real part of the
place. How the monkeys helped the sage, how the birds with their wings fanned the homa
Are with devotion and how the animals naturally inimical to each other lived like friends in
the hermitage is described in verse 18. The next verse praises the hermitage as possessing the
treasure-house of punya,, as full of compassion and as the seed of the Krita-yuga. Verse
20 states that the lord of the hermitage was Vasistha who was worshipped by the divine sages,
who was eminent in discussing the principles of all the Vedas and who looked like the second
Chaturvaktra (i.e., Brahma). That his was the ultimate word in matters relating to dharma
and adharma, he was. the leader in the exegesis of the sacrifical lore, he was the giver of
initiation to those good people aspiring for salvation, he had drawn into his self the activities
of his sense-organs, he was the friend of all the sentient beings and he possessed the capacity
born of meditation, of knowing the position of the past, present and future, is stated in verse
21. Verse 22 states that he created in the homa fire a chief possessing unsurpassed valour
who was capable of helping the sages in performing their ordained duties. The fact that he
possessed a couple of quivers, and shone with a be w and so resembled the god Pinaki who des
troyed the three worlds of the enemies of the gods is described in verse 23. That this chief
who was born from the fire-pit shone with the title Paramdra given to him by the sages on
account of his interest in killing the opponents is stated in the next verse.' Verse 25 states
that the ruler Srlharsha, the moon incarnate, was born in this family which was the abode
of jewel-like qualities, just as the moon was born from the ocean of milk. That he was adored
by the subordinate rulers and that his fame reached the ends of the directions is made known
by verse 26. Verse 27 states that he ruled the kingdom which gave him happiness both in
this world and in the other world ny means of-the dharma, artha and kdma, that he pleased
the gods and the Brahmanas by means of homas and gifts respectively, that he filled his^ trea
sury with gold acquired through proper., means for the benefit of the world and that he
enjoyed all the proper pleasures together with-his own subjects. At his going away to ex-
•>
258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXTXl

perience the fourth .object desired by every man (i.e., mdksha, here meaning his death), fcis.
son MUmja, who was an abode of very good qualities became the ruler of the-world bounded. '
by the oceans. Phis is mentioned in verse 28. Verse 29 states that he , after having ruled
peacefully, after having constructed the city of Dhara which rivalled by its riches the city of
the gods, and after having received the title of Vakpati by his interest in the'poets, reached
the abode of fame, (i.e., died). Verse 30 states that after him, his brother Sirhdhala becatne-
the king after vanquishing the opponents by his army which was built by his own valour..
The next verse (verse 31) states that after him his sonBhoja who was no other than Madhyama-
PaihdaVa (i.e., Bhlma), who was a Chakravarti, who was a Sahitya-vidya-guru, who was a.
mine Of good traditions and valoilr and who fulfilled the desires of the righteous {sishteshfa-
ckiritdmani) succeeded the throne. In the next verse his beauty, his destruction of the enemy rulers.
and his giving satisfaction .to the poets are mentioned. Verse 33 refers to his father’s brother
Goihdala as devoted to him. The next verse (verse 34) states that to him was born kingUdaya-
ditya. Verse 35 describes that the fire (i.e., his son Jagaddeva) which emanated from him which.
Was the combination of the three fifes viz., ■ aurvva, pavi and ddva, was capable. of destroying
the three forts of the enemies. The fact that to him was bom raja Jagadeva, an incarnation,
of brilliance, who defeated Karnna and who was famed for making great gifts is stated.
Though he firmly kept in his heart the goddess Rama (i.e., Lakshml) who fulfilled the desires-
of the righteous, the friendly Bharat! (i.e., Sarasvati) in his mouth, and the goddess of heroism
on his shoulders and thus capalable of ruling over the earth, he was interested only in delight
ing in his fame that spread in different directions. This is stated in verse 37. Verse 38 is again,
in praise of him who is here also called as one who had defeated Karnna.
Verse 39 refers to Kuntaladharinisa and compares him to Hemachalesa (i.e., Indra).
for his loftiness. Verse 40 describes the same king as Vikrantachakresvara and praises him.
as the destroyer of the wicked, possessor of the goddess of valour, and as one who prote cted.
the subordinate rulers who came to him for refuge. In verse 4lj this Chalukya king is
stated to have brought to his place, out of friendship, the enjoyer of the pleasures of Dhara.
(i.e., Jagaddeva) and to have given him half of the Kuntala kingdom like a father, consider
ing him to be his son, and to have attained the rulership over the earth bounded by the
Lokaloka mountains through-his help. Then follows the prose passage which refers to the
rule at Kalyanapura, of Tribhuvanamalla-vallabhendra (i.e., Chalukya Vikramaditya), who is:
described as Samasta-bhuvanasraya, Sri-Prithvi-vallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara.
Paramabhattaraka, Satyasraya-kula-tilaka and Chalukyabharana.
Verse 42 introduces Siha of Mahishapura in the Pari} atra country and states that he had1,
a son named-Sadiga and that the latter had a son named Somala. Somala’s qualities and:
abilities are described in the next verse (verse43). Verses 44 and 45 tell us that he was the-
daridanatha (i.e., the general). Verse 46 states that he caused the installation of.the Sun-god,,
the Planets, the Mother-goddesses and Of the presiding deity of the town viz., Vishnu, all
in the Somesvara (i,e., in the temple of the god Somes vara), the deity Buddha in the precincts,
of Salesvara, and the goddess of Vak (i.e., Sarasvati) in the Isana-m'atha of the no.rth.
The prose passage that follows in line 29 mentions that this Mahaprachanda-ckindanayaka
Somala in the capacity of Mahamatya was entrusted with the Work of administration of the •
entire kingdom, that he possessed the three powers, and that he also held the post of Mahd-
samdhmgrahin. It is further stated in lines 29-30 that for the repairs to the temple of'
Jagaddevanarayana arid for the worship- and services of the deity threin and for the pleasures
of the sages engaged in learning iri Kollipaka-nagara which was the capital of his kingdom,
an endowment was made iri the Chalukya-Vikrama year 29, Tarana, Chaitra £u. 15, Sunday-'
» • \ ■-
SLAB INSCRIPTION IN THE VIRANARAYANASVAMIN TEMPLE
. A —Left half
O <M vO 00 O T}- 'O 00 O <N '*t VO
fN ^ <o oo rACNfNc^r^mmro
Size One-fourtji
Right half
<
I
No. 138] THREE INSCRIPTIONS pF PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM 259
KOLANUPAKA
■(expressed in words), on the occasion of the lunar eclipse. The lines 30-31 state that the
. -endowment consisted of the village of Piriyapembariti which was one of the twelve villages
•attached to the pa((cma, after excluding from it two shares, each of the value of 20 drammas,
.given,by the town which were gifted.to the deity Appesvara. This was a devabhoga gift and
.it was freed from- all hindrances to its, enjoyment and was tax-free. The gift was made by
Jagaddeva, described as Mandatesvar-a with the permission of the Chalukya king Tribhuvana-
malla. The boundaries .of the gift village are given in lines 31-32. They, were: Chiduku-
-cheruvu, and Kattakrindi-vrayyadona pn the east; Dudde-cheruvu on the west; Erramgumta
•oh the south and Kaditachatfu-ravi on the north. - .It is also stated that the gift of money
-according to the prevailing rate of.five, four .and three Uttamagarida-chinna (i.e., a type of coin)
:in the mandala Kolfipaka-7000 respectively for the. first, second and the last grades of land,
was made after making it a devabhoga. Similarly he ordered that every oil-monger of the
town; should give a chavudu (a measure; of .capacity) according to the devamana (the measure
• of. the . god?) of oil and every'florist-should give three thread of flowers, evidently to the
•temple. Line 33 states that he also gave for .the purpose of flower etc. offering to the god,
•a garden in Nidumgalura. Then there follows the passage containing their request to all
the .rulers and the officers of the country to protect this gift as if it was theirs. Verses 47-51
(fines 33-35) are the usual imprecatory and benedictory ones.
In lines 35-36, another matter is recorded. It pertains to the purchase of ten nivarttanas
of rice-fields in Ramalacheruvu situated to the west of the' tank.called the Jagaddevama-
hodadhi, from out of the gold belonging to the treasury of the temple of Jagaddeva-narayana
•and making it over to the god to be enjoyed as a tax-free land. The record ends with three
aiispicous words.
* • ‘ • -TEXT1’ ’
[Metres Verses 1-4, 8, 10, 18, 21, 31, 37, 40, f>3 Sardulavikridita ; verse 5 Chuddmani;
verses 6, 9, 11, 13-17,' 20, .22-24, 26, 36, 44-46 Upajdti; verses 7, 33 Malinl:, verse 12
Ifidravajrd; verses 19, 35, 47-48, 51-52 Anushfub'h; Verses 25, 28, 32, 38-39, 50 Vasantatilakd;
verses 27, 29, 34, 41-42 Sragdhara; verse 30 Sikharini; verse 49 Salim.}
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. : l l[K*] *1-
’From impression'; A.R.Ep., 1961-62, No, B 89.
a Expressed by a symbol.
260 EPIGRAPHIA INDIGA [Yol. XXXIX
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^[O i ^r®RT TwroTOFwrat *rfaqqT%**r: n[?y*] ^fiwf^KHdKrd^fgtr
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15 ^Cmr-tfaOdÎ
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5ET?cIf>d'(d-)1! ^^■m^lTf^ddd' I STRif^rrfVr: g1-
No. 38], THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARAMARA JAGADDEYA FROM 26P
KOLANUPAKA
16
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19 -dEIHI<X=cqidPq^>H<qiPui:(fd:) Pilkckcpqdidfd: II [3?*] afrî^SFHÎW qûfl^qg-::

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22 ^ P^ft «i&Pddl ^Pdiddkfsrd(dd) I dTdfaSTddTpSTdTdP'r

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^dddftn^:
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tdld5UdPnqild<q^-qPnal>^>cqi 'dqc=ncqii<-qcqi ddfd PddW PddddT dT-
24 ^m^rF^(^) 1 ^^d^qddMdWldd W?q: ^dddoddt Pdddt famd-

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lljV^*] <=R *R:- : ‘ ■
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?dW]% ^Tpfd Pd^pMd5FT^=ldr<R°T3 -
30 XFT yug^bPiddd^dldiH (d-‘-H?IJIIRi ^dTTdldTd^ftdTR +{PH'lWR4Nmi'lK4 sfU-'^r-
*r«j*ffdWPf ^?l#RRrT dl-Wdcd^ =t^fW^NWlPdcddl 1 [dtjdiT^rfdfdri M|R- *
SrPdd4tlKd[Fr]iriWd PdPddldfd1 pHT-dWTH 3-
31 stf 5^STif felPdWflTd >lld£iIHLW<'}dl'd dri dPc^dT dRTtdPFdd ^hddT ^T*ftdt¥dT

gcsppqTd :dMWdTdddfd'*dddd?dd%ddTdTd: '4Mt(q+tusw>q'Cl dxidid II WdWIdTdT-:
[l*].^%: fddf#52d3 d^foPd d^d^pr I dPrddd: dfdd2d I dPSTOT:
32 ^3ip I '-d-d'I'd': Mipid'dg'JTfd I +lP>dMH ddTO^ddtRT MPd-Wl-H-Mxrl-H-HÛHlTOW'1! 'T^^cqlPc
Tpf^r^Hlf^T ^dTtdlfdd dvldTd I ddd +tl°NlPdr^|Ts^ 3.®RId dTdd 5rf^PT|
dHI+Ad. ^ dvtdld
33 ^d?d 3 X d ( R ) dWvtTdvdd pRdMp...........4qiPdq)|#d
* d^dlH I M,q-HrKtt=q FTd-
T4pfP4yq'' îd^<4PdrfvT: ^nfdddfrftred M'P<MT<?ldld (dd) I dffdSdgdT dvIT TRfiT:
^Kl'PdPff: |,d*dd^dddr dfdTdR' tRd ddT Mwf(vTd) II [*V9*] Rdvit MTdvIT dT
df d^T— . ,
34 snr(TR) [ i*] dfR dddfsr TPd fdwri dTdd fd.fir: u (V^*] ddT TraddfrTRdd (ddd)1
gTdPdfd dR%tTdcdRT dR dR dRdldl' ddPd: I ■IMlddT'-'dTfdd: Mll^ddJRTdt ddf
dTdd TTddd: II [35*] dd^RT: MR$lHPdd<tldT dT MTMId^dddRt dfd dTfdW:. (l*)
3 5 d MHdPd' dd d*dfdd ddR OTTOT Pd^dl’^pH^ dPd II (H.0*) dl^llpM fdft d*d:
Middl'd: ddtdd: (|)dd^d f^ ddHdl'4R: ddd M>*dPdd II (51*) 3RRd (l*) dbTRd-
fddTCTddMddT^dTdTd^dOTTd '<Rdd^2d-
36 1TFT dS^dfddlt^PddRd^TMM'^-M l^ld (dd-dd^lMiM'W H°^RPRTd5T

#^nfd I ^fd ^ Pdd iffrsft6
Inscription B
This inscription commences with the symbol for siddham, which is followed by an
(Obeisance to Narayana. In verse 1, in lines 1-2, which is damaged much, there is apparently
1 The letter xi is written in Telugu characters.
- The letter tu is written in Telugu characters.
3 The letter ram is written in Telugu characters.
# 4 This portion is damaged and five letters appear to have been lost.
^ There is a floral, design at the right side. .- '"
No. 38] THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARA MARA JAGADDEYA FROM 263
KOLANUPAKA
a prayer to .the same god. Verse'2 also contains’ a prayer to the same god called here Madhu-
vijayin. Verse 3 describes the mountain Arbuda. Verse 4 describes how in the hermitages
of the sages who were learned in the knowledge of the Upanishads the effects of both the Sun-
god and the Moon exist together. Verses 5 and 6 state that Vasishtha was doing penance there
and that on one occasion Gadhinandana (i.e., Visvamitra) took away the former’s wishful-
filling cow. Verse 7 states that noticing this bad act of Gadhi, Vasishtha who was pained,
performed a homa. In the next verse (verse 8) the birth of a hero with bow and club, from
the fire of this homa is described. He attacked the kings of both the solar and lunar races and
gave protection to the three worlds. Verse 9 states that Vasishtha blessed him with the ruler-
ship of the entire earth. He was able to rescue Nandini from Gadhi and thus pleased her and
canm to be called Paramara. Verse 10 describes the birth of the ruler Vairisimha in this
Hutavaha-vam§a (i.e., Agnikula). The.next two verses (verses 1.1 and 12) speak of his great
. qualities and his capacity to conquer the enemies.' In verse 13, is mentioned the birth of the
ruler Sriharsha to Vairisimha. His (i.e. Sriharsha’s) valour, amorous deeds and the obeisance
paid to him by the suppliant rulers are described in verses 14 to 16. That Munja, the full-
inoon, bom of the ocean of poets, was born to him is referred to in verse 17. His fame is
praised in verse 18. Verse 19 refers to his brother Sindhuraja. His valour in war is described
in the next two verses. That the king Bhoja was born to him is mentioned in. verse 22. Verse
23 describes how his generals were constantly interested in achieving victories, and here is a
reference to the Kaverr. Verse 24 refers to the existence of big lakes in different parts of
his country. Verse 25 refers to his conquest of Gurjjara and to the increasing strength of the
Malava soldiers (i. e„ his own army). Verse 26 is in praise of this king whoi s compared
here to Partha and Rama. Verse 27 says that his country being full of lofty buildings like
that of the temple of the god Mahakala, even the gods did not feel happy about their own
place. In verse 28, reference is made to the king Udayaditya who is stated to have belonged
to the family of Bhoja. The former’s valour is praised in verses 29-30. Verse 31 states-
that this king had several sons of whom Jagaddeva was eminent who, like Hanuman, was
capable of destroying by fire the cities of enemy rulers. Jagaddeva’s qualities are described in
the next verse. Verse 33 states that after ,the death of his father, he went to Chalukya king who
considered him to be like his son. In the next verse Jagaddeva’s fight, by riding an elephant,
with.the famous Vallala who was an enemy of the king of the Dakshina country (i.e.. the
Chalukya king), and vanquishing him is described. Verse 35 praises him again for his
valour, and calls him as one who defeated Karnna., The next verse (verse 36) says that
though he was interested in war, he made gifts of villages to dvijas (i.e., Brahmanas). Verse
37 says that though he never looked at other’s women, he dragged, by then hair, the terri
tories (which are likened to women) of the enemies and enjoyed them. Verse 38 refers to the
women of the Amdhra country. In the next two verses he is praised further. Here ends
the verse portion.
In the prose passage, in lines 41-42, the reign of Tribhuvanamalla-vallabhendra ruling from
Kalyanapura is referred to. He is described as Samastabhwanasraya, Sri-Prithn- vnllabha,
Maharajadhirajd, ParamesVara, Paramabhat(araka, Satyasraya-kida-tilaka and Chalukya-
bhafctna. In lines 42-43, Jagddeva is mentioned and he is called here as Samadhigata-
pamchamahasabda and Kumara-Mandalesvara. In lines 43-45, the matter relating to the gift
made by him of a village in favour of the (temple of the) god Jagaddevanarayana installed,
by him, for its maintenance and for the worship and ,offerings to the god, and for the learning
of the sages, in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 29, Tarana, Chaitra §a 15. Sunday when there
10a
264. .. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX
occurred a lunar eclipse. The gift village called Pedda-Pembaru-grama was on the banks of the
Tungabhadra, in the.Kollipaka country, and was included in the twelve.villages attached *o
“thepattala (pattana). In lines 45-46, it is stated that three shares belonging to the king from
,the share amount of 20 drammas due to the Pramganesvaradeva of the village, were excluded,
from the gift. Probably this amount was paid by every household of the place and hence
called griha-drammas. Similar was the case with the pura i. e., pura-drammas (the amount
paid by the town), Similarly ten nivarttanas of rice-fields in the village of Ramalacheruvu
situated at the. back of the tank called Jagaddevamahodadhi was gifted. A garden for growing
useful fruit trees in the middle of the stream called Usharakunthi in the village Nidumgaluia
was given, Then every village was to give money according to the rate of five, four and three
svarnna-riipakas, respectively for the first, second and third grades, evidently of' lands. So
in the town every household of oilmongers should give a certain quantity of oil according
to the devamana measure, and similarly three threads of flowers ^ should be given by every
florist. Then the village Maddiga(lu-grama belonging to Pullunura-70 group was also gifted
as a tax-free grant. All the above mentioned subsidiary gifts too were obviously intended
Tor the temple of Jagaddevanarayana.
TEXT1
[Metres : Verses 1,9, 11, 15, 20, 21, 25-28, 31,33-35 Sardulavib'Idita ; verse2 Hariri',
verses 3, 4, 8, 12, 14, 18, 23, 24, 40 Sragdhara, verses 5, 6, 22, 36-38 Anushtubh; verses 7,
17,29,32,39 Vasantatilaka; verses 10,19,30 Malini; verse 13 Indravajra; verse 16,
yatitsastha].
i fas2 [?pfr vmw] 'TRiwr 11 - - - ^ drff tErrffspf f%(f%)
2 w — — — ----- w _ (*Ri4ûu|c(^dN>FdW ii? ii . arfqqnrfspp
■<1<£<4 fa d+dTsftf'ronvra^: jtft# ?r-
4 5sr(ssr)fcb)ftpH'T ^ rd^+iT^r^-Kvi^Tr i m ffo sprfa
5
dtddlfd I qfadT <d Pd -H d 'ddTî»iTSC^PT-
€ tt: ?«TET F4ET II II cTd +UPdfird' Fbflf SHTdPTPSETdTftfd': I

cTTtf^T dWM dfdWd TTfPTd: II st
7 ^KlPdd : 'Mu^fd ^Pd-nidET I dc-ldPi-sT 'tidlfaddlfa'i'dd: II \ II dTd<dT,

' Prun'd qf^s: i feft«r qrP^drddkd d °d ^RiPh-
1fFrom impression; A.R.Ep., 1961-62, No.B 90.
2 This is a Symbol for siddham. ■
•*N0' 138] . THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARAMARA JAGADDEYA FROM 265
KOLANUPAKA
8 sf in? u • 5fIclTÎPTt«
q Pcd qqil *il Ptd r+fl »<i<|Rd: I an^^lÎRpr TTfTO[-
9 sr+Kir!HM«r srfrorrat r»MJi<TO*Ntflfe<ir«i«^ II =: II STTOlPd: TOR ^RpTOTOTr

cfFTTfldvlkniHM^14«4»ff^ldd0- TO# dR|fc6> itf#
toto ft^RWifrorr: 115.11

31 fror^## d^ftrerrorfroT# srrorft ^P^ toto #ftfro
11 |T _TOTO I Rpl Rpd ?T f^ %Ht tot TOjgrf: II ? o II ^df-TO*-

TOTrWTOfR#TOtTOTR J^TTOTOfaTOTO TOITOTOft
12 TOTOftqdWqVl: I 3f(3ft)<TO#TO R^TOT ^ TOTtTO#TO sjMto ^ 5TT#ftlTft TORTOTTOffTOr-

W'S *T 11 ? ? II TOTO5T TOMcilq'jqddd
13 ^>nwsr#ÔTfqr^r (to) ^tP<m=iiî : i an^wi^^faffofm<<*i)iPdm-

^Rfl^^R^^mw^qRiTrwiT. n .TOrofa to|: ^ ii toto TOrsrfror to ^
14 OTOTRT: TO#fal|T£ftd' TOR $nr I ’sfllT# =q JT#R II ^ II

ircTOqq^RpfR^Tff% Rifttroftt ôMritot-
15 ^q+Hull^vjviÔiTq^-cawrt I TOTOf RTOTOft TOlfal TOTTOTOTT# TOTOTO TOTOTO-

feftr fdftfcr RirTOTORTOmTOft to ii ?v ii
16 Rlq’Wqld: dil^-qTOrftsi# SNI^c^dii: ^s^TOt -TORTO I sfr-

TOTOfTO
17 TOTORTOTOFT fTTOR ^ II ?V. 11 RRTOTOTOdfwuTO^TO^^PTO'-hlTO^diPidt I Pdft.

•R^TOWft pRTOR fTOrt^TOflfdd' fpTf^ftll.^ll TORRTOTOT-
18 TOTRIWRRtftTOTTTOT: +Pl JdliUH^-qrg : | <I TO RTO T^TORHHlg# WT-

TO^fl TORfd4ddldi: II II gift gift fgtRro: qjft rf ;prorr RTOTOTOTOTOTOTOTO "
19 WNvi ## ft'JRTTHTOTZdd' ^fFTOlPt I TORTtTOR TOfaT: IjTOj^ diR TO'tHid^tio-d+1ft-;

TO#TOTOftftr: #RTTOTOTterft sftftTSTTOTO: || ^ || str # TOTOftRgTOTO.
20 ^rror^rTOrftra^TTO: tot Rranddfr+di: i T P^TO TOT#:

■TOfTOT: fTOTOTOr: II ?£ || TO
I' # dlTif^dRd<1 d[cT]toto# RTO^rftftr: totorj-

ftrakdqq II Ro || qfro?rft#cRT-
' C\
22 q-dftdar^ftifftft totto f#(f#)m# TOrfropror f#rorsfi%ftiTOftftrTO i to

felT TOTT: RifaRft: «fftTRT#fdT TOT! TOTOTV^TOffft TOTSpTO#? qr#t-
/ . <
266 ......................EPIGRAPHIA ' INDICA • [Vol. XXXDt'
2,3 fd^ II II ftRJTFdrc^didrdndtd drrfdw*;: I dd: sfteddT'fMd'^®?ffaRi

II ^ II JR%JTrNnw<l'ITI^HuK'JNi4'lsIl^d!Jf;W5r^r|Î5rs®^Tir Tlddd-
24 Id'4dd dFdMdMlPc-flT^TT(did) I l'4d'dfsiddfdetid<-lr!llPddIRddqI^1: q>lq{)d"H--

,«Tl^c+5'^d <rmlP4dt dRdTfr: u n dR yri*id'-srfdidffRddrfsT'dd-
25 m IH <uD d «iT4 dW £ I * IM Pdf P<4 d dlJHjiddTdTd Pdcildd I apdsftdT^dqRl'd ^Pî^m^t-

^KRf^dl^r^d ifddFd: Jddft ' dd^dfd^ =dfdWjdT:'ll R* 11 =T-
26 dtdlHfd^qqR'q <qdld'q<;qu£Kqqiddqlpydd=d<,!)'«'K,qdddlfddTTtfddfd': I d^d *d d|?d'

q i -s q Ri Rq ~jq m i ti qJ4 qiPdd: 5Rdl dldddiq q Ki q ddRk y-
27 dTdPdd: II \\ II ITdddd $dTddi fdddRRT^ dRdd^dRd *d WfRddl 3rfd ^d-

yiRKdKl: ddT: I TTiRdd =d did dR dddfdRTd ddf: ddT dTdf*d ?d dfd-
28 *tld dgWy<dlddTdf^ II \\ II ’ ddTfdf^dfdd fddtfd dfdfddWRdt ddR: ddTd:-

P IddcddddddT dTdTfdfaXRd: | dRT’dfdffdlddlfdf ddldiTdTfdddTfd-
29 d>5TRlTdTH4dm fd(fd)ldfd ddj: RPdd ddTfdPd 11 ^ II dd RRfddtddR^dddt'

dtdtd^dddlSR: ^d^ddTdd (d)ddlfodTfddldT dd: |. JRdKRdlldTddt^]-
3 a (dpfldmId^dld (d)dddI-IIdfflqidr dTT^dJIRdCETd dTdddt II ^ II d5T(gT)§TT^d-

dftd fddddTfd dd: dd^dTTdddl'. W I ddd^Rfddfdftdddldfd-
31 siP3dddddd<dr*mid'Vsiid n ^s. i'i 'qRRfdRten d*d^diR^dyfddEqf\qradred dr

Mil did I ddddW<VsRWRftit ddfd: yfdRrfR .dd^dT-
32 dteldRR dd II 3o || dTdkdR d ^dd: dfd d dT ddRT^^5dddRR*d';dddydte--

dddtddiFdfddiRdd:-1 WTRRd .ddcddc4<8,<tRis«i^dT^dyl^dy-
3 3 fddTdfd5d(®ij)fd ' ddfdt. |ddrfdd II 3? II dTedfa fdf^ddf^Rrcn;d%fdd^d dd

ddd'PPR'RTdT: I dFRd dlddfa fdRWrfd dfd dTdTd 4 d ftjddfd-
34 dddt d II ^ ^ II dd dfdRrfd fdfd^ddddTd ddl'^dRT'TT^'d JUd'Jddddddldt ddTd

fddd I dERdI +i?idIddWdqqI diFd' ddjddTddtyRdjRdd^d
35 SFdddd dd: . ddiqTdd'd II II ddt dd d dTf^dRddqd Redid ÎdRddT 5!*dTd;

' ddddddftd fddd did: 'dd%dDT£: I dTdid dd MdlPddddRdldTddd fd:
36 f% d^cd dddT dd d ff §d ^d W,dKcPddd II || ddddRT dfldd dd fdd^

ddTdTdd ddfdGdfddRfddt dtRd ddM^ldd I ddld1: d-
37#fddddM ?fd d: ' dnRfdddtdd\ddfdRT: fddt: fstd: ' d,ld^dfdR d did . =d dTr.
II II ddlWld^drRr-dd dWRTd: I- ; dddtd dTddtrd fgwf: .dfPddT.II II fd-
*»
INo. 38] THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF. PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM 267

. KOLANUPAKA
38 ; f^rrfq- gq^pr I aTTfnsq qq' FppqT: JjRq^qq: I! 3IS II

' I ^q^qPl sfTFÎTCHr*! Tpqq II ^ II qqnfr
"39 RlW<Rf. qSrqqfaidl'pT fwr§ PW|cti|-H^':): I' Hfi>M^qfqqqHi^'-4^Tfiqqipq^f%:

qrqtfq .qqqrfqqFqqrqrq ii H ii 2^ft^w«ft^nfVr:. 'TPwfr^'T-
.40 s^p^gqfq:. strip? i sRÊiPif qqr Rnjqq-

^rawrf: tftfgpq; sftfgqrqq iivd iiîi
.41 ii ??ii qrftq qqqnjqqrsR «r>r^wnT qfrwrfroq T^qr TRnrgTqp qqrpsrafq-

fqqT MWffHR’T
42 ?S tll tî'j^^jf-HM'+MPo d^qqqr

qtRqsreRqT'iq qqrpqq-
43 qT^q|r?T5?(s5T)q^RM^q: sfNPTfq: H f^t-f-H ffqqsfFp I'^qqT ÎrR^TT

sfTR’TqtR^f ’spjssr-
44 fk^g^P’TpTPqT'irrsf TfT^q^T«qRTvl^RT«f qFRWqqqfeim

. t^jpairqrirrqff^^r^ qt- • .
-45 qt^q q^q^T^t ^tP?qqT^f Tqqqfqq(q)g£FRRRq ^^qiqqTqWFRTOqPEIl'

qFqpqqpqqqqqrqqsq .
46 Trq^qfqqrqq«pq%^r qqr it qqT ^qr^PTT^^qq PTqqqqqtnq qq|qqfRfq-

qqprpq qqpq-
47 qqr Pri^qT^r^r qm <j [w]n <fi -h sq g’npwrqqqq qqr qfqqTqqxrq-

qsqqrqqFirq qq q^rPc 11
-48 qtfq ^wt^q-qqpq qqT qqq qTqqrfqfqff ^qqR qqs sftRf qiqrqRq yq
qqr q(OP#ir 3?qq\
-49 qcqfqq»q qf^r^qrq q q^qqqqf t^qr qqqrq (ii*)
Inscription C
This inscription commences with a symbol for siddham. Verse 1 invokes the protection
-of MaheSa the lord of Achalaja or Parvati for his devotees. MaheSa is stated to be the cause
for the god Lakshmisvara who is the cause for the birth of the god who causes the birth of
the world, born of the lotus which emanated from the navel of Lakshmisvara. Verse 2
^describes the Paramara family which gave birth to jewel-like kings, which protected the supp
liant rulers and which by its possessing the goddess of sovereignity looked like the ocean of
nector. Verse 3 states that in that family was born Gomdala, after the disappearence of
several kings like Srlharsha, Mumja, Simdala and Bhojadeva.' His son was Udayaditya
who ruled from Dhara. This is stated in verse 4. Verse 5 states that from him was born
»
1 There is a floral design on the right. o
m
O
r
268- EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIX.
a single fiery son who seemed to combine in himself the three fires of aurvva, pavi and
da\a which were capable of destroying the three forts of the enemies. This son was Jagad
deva who was brilliance incarnate, who possessed good qualities and who had defeated
Karnna. His praise is continued in the next verse ("verse 7) where also he is called
as one who defeated Karnna. Verse 8 refers to Kuntala-dharanisa who resembled Hema-
chalesa (i.e., Indra) by his loftiness and other qualities. Yei se 9 is in praise of the same
king who is called here as Kimtala vallabha and Vikrantachakresvara. The next verse
(verse 10) tells us that this king called here as Chalukya-rdma brought from the city of
Dhara (obviously Jagaddeva) out of affection and deeming him to be his own son gave
him half of the Kuntala kingdom, as a father would do to his son.
Then follows a prose passage in lines 52-58 which are damaged. Here the same king
is refered to. It is stated that he who was Tribhuvanamalla, with the birudas like Sri-
Pfithvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Parmesvara, Paramabhatt&raka, Satyasrayakulatilaka,
etc., was reigning from Kalyanapura. Verse 11 states that Jagaddeva who.went on a
digvijaya conquered the rulers of Yengi, Dravila, Chakrakuta, Ahirs, and Vallala. Verse 12'.
describes his valour how when the army of the Karnataka ruler was running helter-skelter
- Jaggadcfeva single-handed riding bis war-elephant called Kalamegha killed in the battle, six-
thousa id soldiers of the enemy king Yailaja (i.e., the Hoysala king) and obtained victory.
Th i following prose passage (lines 67-70) states that he was ruling happily at Kollipaka,.
the capital of bis territory. The passage in lines 70-74, refers to the fort of Vallabha at Bhu-
vanagiri and to the temple of the deity Traipurushadeva built by Brammadeva, the son of
Thakkanenayaka, on the northern side of Somesvara. The text of the passage in lines 75-80
which are badly damaged cannot.be made out although the extant words indicate that here-
is a reference to the purpose for which the gift recorded in a subsequent passage was meant..
The passage in lines 81-92 state that in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 31, Yyaya, Vaisakha
Su.3 (Akshaya-tritiya) Sunday (expressed in words) on account of Akshyaya-tritiya, Jagaddeva,
who is described as Mahamandcilesvara, granted Goshthipalu village belonging to-
Aletika±panaka, as a devabhoga exempting it from anguliprekshana and payment of all
taxes. The passage in 92-95 contains a request to the other rulers and officials of the country
to protect this gift as if it is theirs. Verses 13-15 in lines 95-107, are the -usual imprecatory
and benedictory ones.
TEXT1 2
[Metres : Verses 1-3, 7-8 Vasantatilakaverses 4-5, 11, 13-14 Anushtubh; verse 6 Upajdtu'
verse 9 SdrduUivikfldita ; verses 10 and 12 Si’ogdhafd', verse 15 §alint\.
First side
1
2 ?RI 4nffTiJd T-"
3 I TPIKtgT-
4 i*]T*rraY *nt-
'5 : ii(? ii*)ar-
« 1 Igrom impressions. A. R. Ep., 1966-67, No. B 3.
2 Expressed by a symbol.
m
/
52
54
56
58
60
62
64
66
68
70
72
74
Size : One-fifth
No. 38] THREE INSCRIPTIONS.OF PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM 269>
KOLANUPAKA
6 ft?
7 fa: tf^WW^HTfafa-
*8 i tr?fa(?fo)?rpffc?-
9 TFJRPpr^r^W ?T% 5«TT-
. . 10 "'fa??: 'RTOT: II ft II*] «fr-
11
12 [l]
13 sig’N ftTfarra%?
14 'dldWdW*? ’fffenjfaqTyT: II [3 II*]
is tsfat? ^rnî^rr-
o
16 sf^frwrftn? i tt)^t w tt(?t)w-
17 H<?qTfa^qfa: 11 11*] fwft-
18 "t : Tfaffa:
19 [l *] QÔTT^dT'Hfar^-
20 ?rfc?*nT?: II ft II*] ??:
21 fa<MHM'*dWlt?i»
22 an?: 3Tfacfa('T?r)^'if:'I 3p£T?Rr-
23 TT3TT 5FT^? ^fa 5T-
Second side
24 fa®: lift II] ÊTfa^ft [pRRrft]1
25 tpTfTsff?^: STt fafftrd]1
26- Sf#faRTrr?T[’T] [f%: l]1
27 wntpftrfavfat [fa?]1
28 ?rfar?fatf: grfeft]1
1 The ends of these lines have been, damaged and they have been restored with the help, of the 0
inscription A. ’
2 DGA/78 11
>
’» •
. P
«
o
270 " EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XXXIX
29 v* 5rRrtffr('Tvr)^: ii[v3 u] [qr^rr]
30 qr-
31 ^rfcrdrfe^rft [f^r]1 2 .
32 ^rrf^ra': i [ar]1
33 ^(^vr)^-: f^R^: farfat [5]1 -
34 |irr^Rr ^ f-
35 ^nrrPcifkr: n |> n] fvfr-
36 ^raffRq rd'i4
37 arJTc^H^FTfl -
38 srsTfa fn^vf fstw-
39 *tt *ri^^^qfsrrr(qTT) [i*] . . •
40 ■
41 vRcfta qT^r-
42 jad'iQ’^rcr
43 fddiiddd)-
44 n[e. ii*] *r «iHr^T-
45 THT: 6tt>d’J4f^T-
46 frir^rn:irr^’(f^)d:T-
47 fsq:
48 dKTjfX
49 5RT ^fd(^nr) [l*]
5 0 dvffcqf : fqâr^--
5i It#: jwq^rr^f-
1 Tfce ends of these lines are damaged and they have been restored witfi the help of the inscription A.
2 This word is repeated twice and therefore, it is redundant here.
No. 38 ] THREE INSCRIPTIONS OF PARAMARA JAGADDEVA FROM 271
, KOLANXJPAKA
Third side1
52................... SPT ......................

%
53 ......................T*[*T]..........................................
54 . ^t[^]..................... .
* ■ 55 ..................sffafr(few)-44............
56 . .^. .
57 .
58 f4 ii sfwrqfcf =4^[?]-
59 5iwrf|^(î) îwfaerfrT]-'
60 ?r n [n*]M
61 i+Hi ftftr f4% Rto
62 % 3Tjs«(?M sr^r-
63 f4f?!T I dwtl-
64 Vi^frfsfT’T '3FWw^dc)l'i
65 ■O «FT-
66 <t44 fT^rf^Fm sffcnT-
67 II [nil*] rTrft #•.
68 f^rqmqt *prawf44t4-
69 <7 ^nr-
70 ^
71 4t4^<pfimdK www-
72 pt T?0!- Rsrr^qtrf^rnr
73 ^mr%^ f^F^pRTFT tp-
74 cRctli'iil?If tflHSd ^■hAmT-
’Ths top portion is broken. Probably two lines are missing. They may be restore^ with the help , « &
of the inscription A as follows : °^f lfa#f^fa^Prs;sr^S*nT5r^Rra; II 1° H &
J
272 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Fourth side
75 ................fteatspRT
76 ................^
77 .....................
78 ..............(^r^’ir'PTPrr-
79 .............
80 . «fRr^T^-
o
81 . . q^T-
82 .[^r] rl% sqqqq^
83 [t]$IT^^SPT^fr-
84 [qr]qRrfc<qqrt sr-
85 stfq^di'qifcfarr arr-
86 flfeiwt^ ^St-
87 'UvjfltfMiWtVffW
88 tfSPiftq 'TftfrTCr#-
89 ^TO>fhVtf
90 SPI^T-
91 SrT-
92 qpT II SR^Tfif
93
94 Tft-
95 'TRETta: II qffqsq
96 g;qr q€r ^tPt: snrcrfe-
97 fa: l ^rer q*q qqr q-

c\
98 faKTPr 'B5f (<?nj) II [nil*]

99 Tit 'Karri qr qt
100 tT^TO (tw) [l*]qfe3#q->
101 qprrfa fawrt qTq%
102 fspftr:11 [nil*] 3TPTMW q-<
103 fa^J'f'TPqt qiT$r qrr-
104 $r qrqqtqr qqF^q(f:g:i q)^
105 sqfaqpT qifqq: qrfcq-
106 q^FJTqt ^qt
107 qrqcTTrqqs: ii[un*]
• GMGIP (Pub. Unit)', Sant.—SI—2 DGA/78—17-2-86-1,000.

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PGEU 1. XXX1X-I (AddS.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

Published by the Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi*! L

6. Vidisha ^Stone Inscription of V. S. 1219. By Shri Balchandra Jain, * •

No. 1. Panguraria Inscription of Asoka to face page 8

2. Two Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura between pages 10 and 11

'andAlhana, Vikrama 1212 and 1220 to face, page 23

• Volume XXXlX 1971-1972

No. 1—PANGURARIA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA

imindmchu kalena (Chitradurga and Kurnool). Sometimes the mingling is mentioned as

i A Saivite Inscription of the Pre-Kushana Period*1

‘ This inscription is engraved on a flat rectangular

•; •. 1* ~ [Svasti]7 Gottiputrasa Rihilass potrasa V[a]sishtiputrasa Rahadattasa putrasa :• EbftliJ* :■

2 A Buddhist Inscription of Ama[ttrijvarman, [Guptajyear [1]48

This incised on a rectangular grev-stone which is broken and in several

‘Ihepacren over e and o is not used here, i

:It is written ii IaM Brtiuoi characters of the 5th-6th century AD.

If the reading of the year as 1483 is

1 Cir, Vol. Ill, plate xxm B.

The dedication of an image of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, an important deity of the

•’.$ -/®f 1*1 divase parhehavi .. deya-dharmmo=yam Ary*A

I J&»sh4huf[shtiubhih| yad=|atra3 pufnyam]___ ma____ na.................

1 The classical Age, pp. 379-80.

* This may he read doubtfully as 70 aim.

This form ulchu is used in ...

inscriptions of the Kongo country. This inscription affords mm of

■: ■ from where the hero of

* QJMS., Karnataka\NulBbsr,ifftl,.S.¥in,:pp. 34-35.

1 Svasti (Svasti)Sri[l *] Sakarai yand En-

1 Svasti5 Sri [ | ] Bira-Nolaxhba* -

■■:.* Above, Vol. XXXBI»®p, 238 ff.aMfIate„ ' .• y

by KullCiitabhatta under Ch./VII,: vferse.bf.

;.'®C'';:tlnrd;;tfeQrd;metttiotis 'the name of a; hitherto. unknown.qweenyaf Altana, ;vi&-

1 Ibid , p. 69, verse 8.

• 10. pta-kumt-ahavah111 | tejasvi sa Ja[ne]mdraraja-tanayah P[ri].12^ bhu-bhushanam

14 w •<_> - - w nath-akritim tad-bhitya Naravarmma-bhupatir=abhu[t=pra]kara-

15 - smad1=abhud Alhanah kshonlpala Ilachala-kshiti-bhujam=uttpa]ta— [ksha]mah2-

16 --------[vl]r-adhipan3 hatva rakshitam=eva Gurjjara-pater=ggrastam S[u] — [bva]:

17 jam [j]eta cha dat=arthinam 3rImadvu(d-Bfi.)dha5-n 6 ripo va(ba)bhuva sukriti*

18 khyata-pratapo hy =abh.ud=Vi[p]ruddha[ra]-8iiaresvar6 , ripu-vadhu-vai[dhavya]~

19 dhvasta-bhumiSvaro jatah sri-Haravalla[bh]6 manu-patis1,=[t]ej.o-dhara-Bhaskarah ||.;

20 gl §i[va] - .w11 samp[ra] - mahi12-vinyasta-klrtti-kramah ||'

21 pal-abhidho ja -11 - [pate]s-turamgama-nrmam samhara-kartta - rane || (|) 'tad-

22 karo yad-[bh]Itya na ja[la]m y ru w turagaih16 pltam trish-arttair=api || [13*] Bhrat=;

23 [vi]khyatas=tv=iha Rudrapala17-nripatih ' sadVamdya-karmma-kram[a]h |pi [14*]'

24 j§ta hi maha-sa[ti] prati-dinam Gamg=eva vamdya -satam(tam) | namna Delhana°

25 — lhana1 -bhupater=vijayino mat=atiputra-priya U [15**] Tat-putraiya .Ye

26 st’-' *Rayer=iva kshiti-tale saumyatvam=Indor=iva | Ramasy=eva jan-anuraga-

31 Samsar-edriSa-dufckha-bhlta-rnanasa gatv=atha tirth-odakaih snatva nirmala-dhauta-

34 pradaya * va(ba)hudha pupya-prad-aratrikam pa£chat=prekshanakam mano-dhvani-

35 svagurun7=abhyarchchya nana-dhanaih pitroh svasya cha dhannma-kirtti-yaSaaam

37 ribhavayati10 | paribhavya cha ]9 bhagavatab sakala[m] sur=asura=gurob £rima[t]»

•Besides Ekavakya, Eriva-Nolamba also'had ,the other name of Diliparasa.5 WMle

A.—Gunimorabdgalu Inscription of Nolatnba Annayyadeva, Saka 858

South Face East Face

#37;.. tan-o<Jati* patella saU»thif*|‘

1 litis daritfa is redundant.

W - J|*J . m m - KJKJKJ m m m W - W - J ' ... KS KJ »• *

.O W - - - 'w'WW - - - W W - ||| ww - W - KJ>

•’.$ -/®f 11 divase parhehavi .. deya-dharmmo=yam AryA

I J&»sh4huf[shtiubhih| yad=|atra3 pufnyam]_ ma__ na.................

W - J|J . m m - KJKJKJ m m m W - W - J ' ... KS KJ »•

9 srfWT^r:.^rrii[?stn] swr[ nfcre(T)[ij

tarad=bhuvd l&ghutaya * » w - - w - «•«- w v - w • w w v. - » * \j . |

[B] X X X X' X X X X X X [|] XXXXXXXXXXXX1

[C] dha-sannibham(bhani) || [36] Niharagiri-visala XXXXXXXXXXXX [|]|

[C] pi cha || [41] 6ailad=u[r]ddhva[m] yah prahasakshayaya -.------ w--u--[|J