Future Cities Africa Feasibility Study
Future Cities Africa Feasibility Study
Future Cities Africa Feasibility Study
FEASIBILITY STUDY
29 November 2016
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performance of their official duties. Its contents may not otherwise be disclosed
without Cities Alliance Secretariat authorisation.
Future Cities Africa
Feasibility Study
Document Control
Prepared by FCA Team, Nicholas Miles, Martyn Clark and Richard Slater
Reviewed by Jamie Simpson, Julian Baskin, Erika Puspa, Florence Lozet, Susanna
Henderson and Julie Greenwalt
Date 29/11/2016
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 . I N T R O D U C T I O N ............................................................................................................ 2
1.1 Scope and Objectives ......................................................................................................... 2
1.2 Responding to Global, Regional, National and Local Challenges ......................................... 2
1.3 FCA: Theory of Change and Analytical Framework ............................................................. 4
1.4 FCA Approach and Method ................................................................................................ 6
1.5 Country Selection ............................................................................................................... 8
1.6 City Selection ................................................................................................................... 10
1.7 Method and Definitions ................................................................................................... 12
1.8 A Normative Framework for Assessing the Resilience of African Cities ............................ 13
1.8.1 Dimension 1: Governance ...................................................................................................... 14
1.8.2 Dimension 2: Citizenship ........................................................................................................ 14
1.8.3 Dimension 3: Economy .......................................................................................................... 14
1.8.4 Dimension 4: Services ............................................................................................................ 14
1.8.5 Dimension 5: Environment .................................................................................................... 14
1.9 Evidence Base .................................................................................................................. 15
1.10 Organisation of the Report ............................................................................................... 15
2. STRATEGIC CONTEXT ........................................................................................ 16
2.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 16
2.2 African Urbanisation Trends and Challenges .................................................................... 16
2.3 Future Proofing African Cities........................................................................................... 18
2.3.1 Governance: The keystone to success .................................................................................. 18
2.3.2 Citizenship Matters ................................................................................................................ 24
2.3.3 Economy: Engines of Growth Stalled .................................................................................... 25
2.3.4 Services: Well-being ............................................................................................................... 28
2.3.5 Environment: Rising Risks ..................................................................................................... 31
2.4 Urbanization and Gender: Costs of Exclusion ................................................................... 34
2.5 Conclusion........................................................................................................................ 36
3. CONSTRAINTS ON INCLUSIVE GROWTH AND RESILIENCE................................... 37
3.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 37
3.2 Barriers to Inclusive Growth and Resilience: Governance ................................................ 37
3.2.1 National Urban Governance Structures and Processes ......................................................... 37
3.2.2 Capacity Constraints .............................................................................................................. 42
3.2.3 Infrastructure and Service Deficits ......................................................................................... 46
3.3 Barriers to Inclusive Growth and Resilience: Economic Determinants ............................. 53
3.4 Environmental vulnerabilities and resilience breakdowns ............................................... 57
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1: FCA Country Selection Assessment
Table 1.2: FCA Countries and Strategic Context
Table 1.3: Categories of Cities
Table 2.1 FCA countries colour classification
Table 2.2 Women in Politics
Table 3.1: Summary of key governance constraints in the FCA countries
Table 3.2: Staffing gaps by function
Table 3.3: Summary of key capacity constraints in the FCA countries
Table 3.4: Infrastructure and service deficits in the FCA countries
Table 3.5: Summary of the economies in the FCA countries
Table 3.6: Illustration of Urban Environmental Risk Framework: GAMA
Table 3.7 Resource Constraints, Risks and Growth: FPCS Evidence from Uganda
Table 4.1: Recommendations against the FCA Normative Framework
Table 4.3 Sequencing of activities (top priorities in red)
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 Drivers Shaping Urbanisation and City Growth
Figure 1.2 Ethiopia’s Growth and Transformation Plan II (GTPII)
Figure 1.3: Theory of Change
Figure 1.4 FCA Study Process: Bottom Up Stakeholder Engagement and Ownership
Figure 1.5: Representation of FCA Normative Framework
Figure 1.6: The SDGs, the normative framework and enabling environment
Figure 2.1: Proportion of Urban – Rural Population (Sub-Saharan Africa)
Figure 2.2: Proportion of Urban Population by City Size, Africa
Figure 2.3: Political Alignment for Inclusive Growth
Figure 2.4: FCA Diagnostic Assessment of City Level Data Availability and Reliability
Figure 2.5: City Expenditures and Revenues
Figure 2.6: African countries with Slum Dweller Organisations
Figure 2.7: Employment Status in Africa 2000 and 2010
Figure 2.8: Percentage of Global GHG Emissions
Figure 3.1: Annual Salary Comparison - Ghana
Figure 3.2. Type of Toilet facilities in GAMA (2008 & 2013)
Figure 3.3: Trend in Drinking water source (2008 – 2013)
Figure 3.4: Achimota dumpsite
Figure 3.5: Method of Liquid waste disposal
Figure 3.6: Unused communal solid waste containers in Arba Minch town, Ethiopia
Figure 3.7: Informal slum settlements in Addis Ababa
Figure 3.8: Ghana Sectoral distribution of GDP
Figure 3.9: Flood damage across Ethiopia (including in the FCA cities of Dire Dawa and Mekele)
Figure 3.10: Constructive Disruption to Development Pathways
Figure 4.1: Unemployed youth living in informal settlements in a degraded environment
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Future Cities Africa (FCA) was a programme undertaken by the Cities Alliance, on behalf of the UK’s
Department for International Development (DFID). Both The Ecological Sequestration Trust (TEST)
and Gaiasoft International were responsible for specific outputs, and were also key members of the
FCA Steering Committee.
This Feasibility Study is the summary of a concentrated and eventful two years, characterized by a
combination of collaboration, extremely hard work, continuous learning and professionalism.
We would like to acknowledge our national and local counterparts in Ethiopia, Ghana, Mozambique
and Uganda for their leadership, and willingness to share their information and expertise;
We would also like to thank Cities Alliance project partners, including Arup International,
Development Gateway, ICF International, the Institute of Housing and Urban Development Studies
(IHS Rotterdam), Pegasys Institute and the University of Westminster.
The Report was prepared by the Cities Alliance through its Future Cities Africa team, under the
leadership of Project Manager, Jamie Simpson, Deputy Project Manager Erika Puspa, Programme
Assistants, Florence Lozet and Nicola Loi, with Julian Baskin, Head of Programmes.
Additional Support:
Julie Greenwalt, Desmond Ngochi, Fredrik Bruhn, Susanna Henderson.
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1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Scope and Objectives
The purposes of the Feasibility Study are:
To establish the need for future programming focused on the African urban transition within
context of inclusive growth, resilience and the need for future proofing cities;
To identify country and city options for future programming;
To provide the context for future engagement – degree of ownership and commitment to act
- in each country and city in terms of:
o Partners: counterpart Ministries, local government and other development stakeholders;
and
o Potential financing partners.
1 African Development Bank (2016) African Economic Outlook 2016, p. 5; Arouri et al. (2014) ‘Effects of urbanization on
economic growth and human capital formation in Africa’;
2 Christine Kessides “The Urban Transition in Sub-Saharan Africa” Implications for Economic Growth and Poverty
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government as Municipal, city and metropolitan governments around the world already face the
challenges of their conventional development agenda, which includes human development and
poverty reduction. To this must now be added three others: climate change adaption, climate change
mitigation (especially the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions) and the reworking of disaster risk
reduction, both to make it more effective and to include within it the necessary attention to new or
enhanced risks from climate change”3
The Feasibility Study is a contribution to a new positive narrative that aims to shift the focus of debate
and action from the problems of urbanisation to how best manage cities such that they have growing
local economies, meet the needs of increasing and youthful populations and are resilient.
Figure 1.1: Drivers Shaping Urbanisation and City Growth
Three recent global agreements have bearing on the future of Africa Governments and their cities:
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and explicitly SDG 11: Make cities inclusive, safe,
resilient and sustainable;
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) that aims to limit global
warming to 2°C or less; and
Habitat III New Urban Agenda, the outcome document from the United Nations Conference
on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development that sets the global strategy around
urbanization for the next two decades.4
At the regional level, the African Union’s Strategy 2063 identifies urbanisation as being critical for
Africa's socio-economic transformation. The Common African Position (CAP) has as one of its five
pillars: Access to sustainable human settlements. At the national level, African countries are
addressing urbanisation to varying degrees. Countries, such as Uganda, Ghana and Ethiopia, have
internalised the importance of cities as engines of socio-economic development within their national
3 Bartlett, S., & Satterthwaite, D. (Eds.). (2016). Cities on a Finite Planet: Towards Transformative Responses to Climate
Change. Routledge.
4 “What is Habitat III?”, published on Citiscope, available in: http://citiscope.org/habitatIII/explainer/2016/09/what-
habitat-iii
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development policies (for example see Figure 1.2). A key motivation for these governments on
focusing on urbanisation is the link between city growth and achieving middle income country (MIC)
status: middle- income status generally is predicated on the significant growth of productive cities.5 6
Figure 1.2: Ethiopia’s Growth and Transformation Plan II (GTPII)
5 Annes, Patricia Clarke, and Robert M. Buckley. "Urbanisation and growth: Setting the context." Urbanisation and growth 1
(2009): 1-45.
6 World Bank. Rising through cities in Ghana – Ghana Urbanisation Review Overview Report, April 2015.
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7 This process in turn will link to the Cities Alliance high level Think Tank: Members are Yemi Cardoso (Chairman, Citibank
Nigeria), Jean-Pierre Elong Mbassi (Secretary General, UCLG-A), Alcinda Honwana (member, Editorial Boards of the Journal
of the International African Institute, the African Sociological Review and the Journal for Higher Education in Africa),
Gustave Massiah (President, Strategic Support Group of Africities), Clare Short (Cities Alliance Board Chair), Kadiatou Sy
(former Minister of Town Planning, Mali) , Jane Weru ( member, Kenyan National Task Force for the preparation of a
Community Land Bill and an Evictions and Resettlement Bill),Fantu Cheru (Senior Researcher, African Studies Centre,
Netherlands), Mohamed Halfani (former Head of Research, UN-Habitat Headquarters, Nairobi), Trevor Manuel (former
Minister of Finance, South Africa), Febe Potgiete-Gqubule (Deputy Chief of Staff, Bureau of the Chairperson for the African
Union Commission), Edgar Pieterse, Director, African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town.
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Figure 1.4: FCA Study Process: Bottom Up Stakeholder Engagement and Ownership
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MOZAMBIQUE
TANZANIA
UGANDA
ETHIOPIA
MALAWI
NIGERIA
GHANA
KENYA
DRC
INDICATORS
2.4 Risks 1 3 4 3 3 2 2 4 3
SUB TOTAL 17 22 21 18 14 17 16 17 15
TOTAL 13 18 19 17 12 15 15 17 17
8 The list of prospective participants included Ethiopia, DRC, Tanzania, Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Kenya, Mozambique and
Malawi.
9 Agreed during the Cities Alliance – DFID PID Meeting December 2014. Further validated in the FCA Inception Report May
2015.
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SERVICES ECOLOGY
GOV/CITIZENSHIP ECONOMY
Cities Alliance
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Future proofing is about cities looking in an integrated way at the risks they face and
developing solutions which can catalyse inclusive urban development, maximise value for
money, and provide a foundation for broader urban transformation. The focus of future
proofing is on cities finding and shaping their own vision of the future by providing them
with the tools and approaches to identify solutions which respond to their unique set of
risks, vulnerabilities, and capacities.11
The basic argument is cities in the developing world have quite different capacities to respond to
risks depending on the strength of urban governance, urban planning, urban finance and service
delivery. “In particular, cities have very different urban economies and population dynamics which
help to determine their capacity to respond to current and future challenges.”12 There is an
extensive body of literature related to future proofing, resilience, urban / disaster risk assessments
and inclusive growth.13 During the Inception Phase, the FCA team reviewed the literature related to
future proofing and resilience and defined the basic concepts informing future proofing in FCA as
follows:
Resilience: the capacity to withstand and emerge stronger from acute shocks and chronic
stresses14. A strong emphasis of the FCA programme is on managing chronic stresses related
to urbanisation.
Mitigation:15
o of climate change: A human intervention to reduce the sources or enhance the sinks of
greenhouse gases.
o of disaster risks: The lessening of the potential adverse impacts of physical hazards
(including those that are human-induced) through actions that reduce hazard, exposure,
and vulnerability.
Adaptation is about “anticipating the adverse effects of climate change and taking
appropriate action to prevent or minimise the damage they can cause, or taking advantage of
opportunities that may arise. It has been shown that well planned, early adaptation action
saves money and lives later.”16
10 Atkins (2012), Future Proofing Cities: Risks and Opportunities for Inclusive Urban Growth in Developing Countries. For
DFID.
11 Cities Alliance, ARUP (2016) Future Proofing Cities Study: Study Commissioned by DFID.
12 Ibid, p. 58
13 See for example: Hoornweg, Daniel; Freire, Mila; Lee, Marcus J.; Bhada-Tata, Perinaz; Yuen, Belinda. 2011. Cities and
Climate Change: Responding to an Urgent Agenda. Urban Development Series. World Bank.
Baker, J.L. (2012). Climate Change, Disaster Risk, and the Urban Poor: Cities Building Resilience for a Changing World.
Urban Development. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Dickson Eric et al (2012), Urban Risk Assessments: Understanding Disaster and Climate Risk in Cities. Washington, DC.
World bank.
14 While there are many ways to define resilience, this is the operational definition used by FCA.
15 IPCC WGII AR5 Glossary, 28 October 2013, p. 19
16
European Commission, Climate Action website. Update 24 09 2015, in:
http://ec.europa.eu/clima/policies/adaptation/index_en.htm.
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Paris Agreement
Normative
Framework
CA Team (2016)
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The Normative Framework is designed to be relevant and useful across the spectrum of African city
typologies and is used:
1) As an engagement tool to facilitate discussions and build understanding regarding the
factors that African cities need to get right to achieve inclusive growth, manage
demographic change and address future risk.
2) As a measurement framework to assess the physical and institutional enabling environment
within African cities, as an evidence base for future planning and investment choices.
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2. STRATEGIC CONTEXT
2.1 Introduction
Africa’s annual population growth rate (2010-2015) stands at 2.55%, resulting in a projected increase
of 1.3 billion people or more over the period 2015-2050. This represents more than half of the
projected global growth total of 2.4 billion over the same time.17 The United Nations predicts that
Africa will be the fastest urbanizing region between 2020 to 2050.18 Within this time, Africa’s urban
population will triple in size, with an additional 800 million people in its towns and cities. Within this
chapter the nature of urbanisation in Africa is described and analysed through the five dimensions of
the normative framework. The analysis is not encouraging. Collier (2016) writes that “Africa’s
urbanisation to date has not been successful (…) many (cities in Africa) are generating conditions that
are so inadequate that the majority of their inhabitants can neither be productive nor lead decent
lives”19. Rather than being engines of economic growth, too many African towns and cities are
struggling to respond to rapid population increases resulting in the expansion of slums, growing
infrastructure and service deficits, increasing unemployment and rising social tensions. The aims of
this chapter are:
To set the context, nature and underlying processes driving urbanisation trends in Sub-
Saharan Africa; and
To assess the challenges and risks to inclusive urban growth in Sub-Saharan Africa.
17 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), Population Division. ‘World Urbanization
Prospects The 2014 Revision’. United Nations, New York 2015., p. 9.
18 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), Population Division. ‘World Urbanization
Oxford).
20 Kessides, Christine. The urban transition in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for economic growth and poverty reduction.
Washington DC: Cities Alliance, 2006.; UNDESA. World Urbanisation Prospects: The 2014 Revision. United Nations, New
York, 2015.
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Currently, nearly half of Africa’s urban dwellers live in relatively small and medium size settlements of
less than 300,000 people, and approximately 12% live in mega-cities of more than 5,000,000 people.
By 2030, this structure will change with a decline of the percentage living in relatively small and
medium towns and a noticeable increase in the percentage living in mega cities. The majority will,
however, still live in small towns of less than 300,000 people. According to UN-Habitat, well above
half of Africa’s urban population (61.7 percent in 2013) resides in informal settlements and slums.21
The growth in the selected FCA cities follows the trends of urbanisation and city growth for the wider
African region22.
1 to 5 million 20.8%
24.5%
5 to 10 million 9.6%
3.2%
21 UN-Habitat, 2013, Unleashing the Economic Potential of Agglomeration in African Cities, The Global Urban Economic
Dialogue Series, Nairobi.
22 The data for this section is drawn from the Rapid City Resilience Assessments undertaken by Cities Alliance for FCA.
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A city government with coherent institutional arrangements, a strong planning framework, a workable
land administration system coupled with adequate human resources and revenues is in a better
position to effectively manage both the opportunities and risks inherent in urban growth. After
decades of development assistance experience, a key lesson learnt is that the import of good practice
from OECD countries into Sub Saharan Africa seldom gains traction as development outcomes depend
on the incentives shaping behaviour and resource allocation. In broad terms, successful urbanisation
occurs when national elites develop policies that enable local governments and bureaucrats to plan
and effectively deliver services to residents who in turn are willing to invest into the city – see Figure
2.3.1. The extent to which mutual interests, cooperative relations and synergy emerge between these
three large groups of actors will define the strength of the development process. This in turn will
depend on how the political elites, sector actors and state officials of a country respond to the specific
incentives that they face when they make choices about policies and their implementation.
Figure 2.3: Political Alignment for Inclusive Growth
Ruling political
elite national and
local
Align interests to
Strengthen urban
governance
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Over decades within the public administration and the greater economy non-salary incentives of
different types have taken shape that have enabled the functioning of the extractive industry economy
and, indeed, the informal delivery of services. These incentives have become entrenched with strong
vested interests at play. What has not developed are the incentives that can enable the three groups
of actors to effectively work together in ways that generate sustained economic and social progress;
and specifically, inclusive and resilient cities. Unless the underlying issues of how people and groups
are incentivised and the actual incentives put in place are addressed, it is unlikely that real change will
happen even if good governance models are seen to be adopted.
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Figure 2.4: FCA Diagnostic Assessment of City Level Data Availability and Reliability
14%
32%
55%
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o Land Expansion: Instead of a detailed land use plan, the approach focuses on what
are the absolute minimum requirements that enable settlement to occur in a manner
that does not impose negative costs on future city growth and expansion. It is an
approach that balances capacities with the scale of the challenge and focuses on how
best to guide urban development so that future options are not closed by unplanned
settlement. This requires planning for long term land expansion and acquiring and
protecting the land to protect the natural environment and the future main service
lines including public transport routes. The city is then settled block by block in the
knowledge that it is part of a longer-term vision with a secured service delivery
system. Once secured, the planners can focus on the development of the block, which
would require a much lower level of detailed planning as the service delivery lines for
future service delivery have been secured.
o City Development Strategies: The Master Plan with its focus on zoning and land use
has often proved irrelevant to the real issues facing cities, including unemployment,
inner city decay, informal economy and environmental sustainability. To respond to
these issues globally, a new planning framework was developed and popularized by
the Cities Alliance commonly known as City Development Strategies (CDS). The CDS
has been tested throughout Africa and has placed onto the agenda the necessity of a
city-wide and integrated approach, especially when tackling urban poverty. In a
significant number of cases, CDSs have proven successful in leveraging funding for
follow up activities. However, in some cases the CDS has been delivered by outside
consultants as a technocratic process with limited stakeholder engagement severely
undermining ownership of the strategy.
Land Administration: The coexistence of customary land ownership and common law
property rights is still one of the most critical impediments for city governments to plan and
tax. Unclear land ownership undermines the sound basis for urban planning and urban
management and self-financing. Broad based land use planning, while important in term of
structuring the city, becomes meaningless if the land cannot be acquired, planned and made
available for development. Across SSA countries the land administration system is unable to
identify, consolidate, plan, service and make land available for settlement and commercial use
at the scale required to effectively manage urban growth. In the whole of Mozambique, based
on FCA interviews reportedly only 3000 sites were officially recorded over 2014 period; this in
a context where the housing demand is recorded at 80,000 new units per annum. Insecure
tenure and informality in the shelter sector does not encourage the development of financial
and property market instruments such as mortgage financing. The fact that most low-income
households in Africa operate in the informal sector, disqualifies them from mortgages and
financial market services, even when their income levels could qualify them. In effect, there is
no relationship between the scale at which serviced land is made available and the rate at
which cities are growing. This forces households and businesses to settle outside of the legal
planning system in a situation of informality.
In countries characterised by customary law and private ownership, the situation is more complex.
Over the years, a great deal of work has been done to develop a coherent Land Administration System
(LAS). However, the core issue of the harmonization of statutory and customary authority over land
remains. The intriguing question is why these LAS projects have not collectively had the expected
transformative impact? The answer is complex, but at its heart is the relationship between traditional
chiefs / authorities, land use planning and the nature of the city as a social melting pot. These are
fundamentally issues related to how a city is socially constructed and re-produced. Yet, LASs have
been designed based on perceived economic rationality (of land markets) and delivered
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technocratically and methodically as if building a bridge. Greater recognition needs to be given to land
allocation as a social as well as a technocratic process. Real social change processes happen over time;
they blend structured dialogue, trust building, and progressive implementation drawing on successes
and failures, learning by doing and the support of technologies. Without this process personal gain
from the status quo will continue to undermine the potential for a managed urban land development
process that could bring wider, long term benefits to the whole community.
23
Cities Alliance RCRAs.
24
Future Cities Africa Output 4 Innovative Study, Human Resource Benchmarking and Capacity Building. Benchmarks
adjusting for population, size, density, revenue receipts and type of infrastructure. See FCA (2016) HR Benchmarking and
Capacity Building Report.
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City Municipal
expenditures per
capita (USD)
Jinja 37
Arua 28
Tema 27
Accra 18
Tete 36
Nampula 14
While it is difficult to compare between countries as they have different local government mandates,
none has a per capita expenditure budget greater than US$40. The devolution of governance to
empower local governments in Africa is marred by financial tensions between central governments
and local governments; mainly the timing, visibility and sufficiency of funds from the central to local
governments.25 This issue is particularly acute in Ghana where on top of untimely release of funds,
there is the additional concern of approved vs actual amounts released. For example, in Tema, a
budget of USD 2.6 million was approved but the city only received USD 1.1 million.
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While in all four countries the legal framework exists for effective community participation, only in
Uganda is there a concerted effort to deliver on this political commitment. Uganda has
institutionalised community participation at the local level via Municipal Development Forums. The
strength and effectiveness of these Forums is variable between the different cities, but they have
already demonstrated in both the secondary cities of Jinja and Arua the capacity to facilitate
partnerships around practical service delivery projects between local government and organised
communities. In addition, the World Bank has made it a pre-condition of the Uganda Support to
Municipal Infrastructure Development (USMID) project that all infrastructure projects account to the
Municipal Forums. In Mozambique, Ghana and Ethiopia community participation varies according to
who is driving the initiative but it rarely goes beyond Publicity and Public Education.26
Almost all African countries have an organised National Chamber of Commerce and Industry usually
representing bigger industries with a strong focus on national and international trade. Small-scale
industries as well as formal and informal businesses at the local level, especially in secondary cities
however, are not sufficiently organised in order to voice bottlenecks to growth. Evidence from the
FCA suggests that only a few municipalities in (secondary) cities are providing adequate administrative
focal points, such as a commercial officer, to engage with local businesses. This lack of a concerted
dialogue between businesses and municipalities leaves apparent quick wins for local economic
development untouched, such as targeted public procurement announcements, joint ventures for
small investments as well as feedback on the quality of relevant public services and goods.
26 Publicity — Publicity techniques are designed to persuade and facilitate public support, relating to citizens as passive
consumers. Public Education — Public education programs present relatively complete and balanced information so that
citizens may draw their own conclusions.
27 AfDB, An Integrated Approach to Infrastructure Provision in Africa, Statistics Department, Africa Infrastructure
(2015).
29 UN-Habitat, 2014, The State of African Cities 2014: Re-imagining Sustainable Urban Transitions, Nairobi.
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The defining feature of economic growth and urbanisation in Africa has been the growth of the
informal economic activities, which accounts for over 60% of employment in the region. High value
added industrial activities, particularly manufacturing, remain limited in most African countries. Many
cities in Africa are embedded in economies characterised by value extraction through the exploitation
of raw materials and the export of semi or unprocessed commodities. These economies often grow in
excess of 5% but this growth is typically based on the intensification of resource extraction rather than
the development of high productivity high value added activities. This form of growth has fueled
consumption, mostly driven by relatively small, middle and upper class sections of society, and has
not been associated with systemic structural change and transformation that would increase the
sophistication of the economy and enable improved society-wide living standards.
McMillan and Rodrik (2011)30 and Rodrik (2014)31 argue that large gaps in labour productivity between
the traditional and modern parts of the economy are a fundamental reality of developing societies
and that labour flows from low-productivity activities to high-productivity activities should be key
drivers of development. Their research indicates that since 1990, while labour has moved from low-
to high-productivity sectors in Asia, movement has mainly in the opposite direction in sub-Saharan
Africa. They note that although agriculture, mining, and more recently manufacturing, are important,
most jobs in Africa are being provided by non-tradable informal service activities.
30 Margaret S. McMillan, Dani Rodrik, Globalization, Structural Change and Productivity Growth, NBER Working Paper No.
17143, June 2011, NBER Program(s)
31 Rodrik, D. (2014) An African Growth Miracle? Institute for Advanced Studies, Princeton (unpublished)
Vanek, Chen, Carre, Heints and Hussmans, 2014, Statistics on the Informal Economy: Definitions Regional estimates and
challenges, WIEGO Working Paper No 2, WIEGO, and
Mbaye, B. (2014): Informality, growth, and development in Africa, WIDER Working Paper No. 52 (Helsinki, United Nations
University World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER).
34 International Labour Office (ILO). 2009. The informal economy in Africa: Promoting transition to formality: Challenges
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Not surprisingly, informality frequently coincides with poverty. Due to the low and insecure incomes
and livelihoods, informal employment also often overlaps with slum residency. The two
manifestations of informality are intrinsically linked. Women are overrepresented in the informal
economy. About 74 percent of women’s non-agricultural employment in Sub-Saharan Africa is
informal, compared to 61 percent for men.36 Symptomatically too, the levels of working poor – the
share of the labour force working yet living in poverty – remain high across the continent’s cities. This
is particularly pertinent to women and youth as both groups are overrepresented in the urban
informal economy, an indicator of the ongoing feminisation of poverty observed in many cities.
The desperate need to create jobs for a growing youth population is one of the most pressing
challenges faced by city administrations in Africa, and their partners. A growing city economy is
urgently required to absorb the significant numbers entering the urban labour market. Few city
economic growth strategies, however, have been successful, especially for the urban poor. Instead,
many city mayors have embarked on campaigns to clean up the streets, the site of majority of informal
economic activities. In extreme cases, street markets have been demolished and goods confiscated as
informal trades are often perceived to be undermining the formal economy and the development of
a modern city. The aim has been to register informal activities and located them in markets where
they are easier to control and tax. This action, however, only serves to undermine the potential of the
informal economy, which in turn constraints the development of the city economy.
As informal activities are expanding at rapid rates across Africa and city growth is most likely to be
effectively driven by upgrading informal activities and through their integration into value chains
associated with a country’s priority sector and characterised by increasing value addition and
productivity gains. The development of this ‘hybrid economy’ is likely to offer a much more effective
route to transformational change (and a change that directly benefits the working poor). This requires,
however, a rupture with the established political economy and a new political agenda that
encompasses a more flexible, affordable, accessible and enforceable regulatory framework, a wider
range of business and social support to local enterprises and supportive urban planning. Well-targeted
36Vanek, Chen, Carre, Heints and Hussmans, 2014, Statistics on the Informal Economy: Definitions Regional estimates and
challenges, WIEGO Working Paper No 2, WIEGO.
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policy at local government level can help address many of the business challenges of those operating
in the informal economy, especially help in accessing affordable finance. Policy reforms, especially
registration, should work to strengthen the potential benefits, increase security and focus on opening
new opportunities.
The Community Upgrading Fund in Uganda has demonstrated a mechanism that enables communities
to access small finance for infrastructure projects. Many of these projects improve the quality of the
urban environment, support access to electricity and improve alluvial drainage which support local
climate adaptation benefits. Public Private Partnerships (P3) have in many parts of the world
demonstrated the capacity to provide effectively and efficiently many of the services mandated to
local government. However, the experience of P3s in the FCA cities is much more mixed with P3s
finding it difficult to deliver to expectation. In most cases; neither local governments, nor potential
operators have undertaken any in depth technical and financial modelling of operations to derive a
robust estimate of project costs and returns. The lack of rigorous technical and financial analysis in
contract preparation has resulted in a situation where either the private sector may be offering a
substandard service at high cost or conversely the private sector may be subject to unrealistic and
unprofitable terms and conditions resulting in a substandard service for substandard returns.
Partnerships between local governments and private parties have not been able to balance the need
for the provision of an efficient, inclusive and affordable service on a cost effective and sustainable
basis. The broader question is whether public private partnerships can be made to work in a manner
that ensures even the poorest parts of a city receive a service?
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sanitation. A recent report in Ghana found that the poor are paying 10 to 30 times what those with
household connections are paying for water that many still feel is unsafe for drinking, and therefore
are supplementing with sachet water which is an additional cost.39 For sanitation, the situation is
similar for the poor who must rely on paying for public toilets which have questionable sanitary
conditions. Common drainage channels are also open sewers that run through neighborhoods. Solid
waste removal, notwithstanding low levels of generation (about .65kg/capital/day), is a major issue
throughout Africa and tends to be more acute in urban areas. Africa also has the lowest rates of solid
waste collection of any region at 46%.40 Although waste disposal data is limited, most indications are
that Africa largely relies on dumps for disposal which generally means that the waste is not properly
treated.
Across the FCA cities affordable housing is a crisis. Only Ethiopia has a large-scale state-led housing
programme that has substantially slowed down in the secondary cities and which cannot reach the
poorest or the scale of demand. Outside of this, in all the cities, private developers provide a few
thousand dwellings to cater for the small but growing middle classes. About 90 per cent of housing for
all income groups is provided through the informal economy via small local building contractors and
building material suppliers. While most of the new development is occurring on the urban fringe, there
is also active construction in the central areas, adding new rooms to existing houses, with resulting
overcrowding and creation of slum conditions. Modern, formal housing is simply unaffordable to the
clear majority who in any case have no access to mortgages.
39 Final findings and recommendations for the assessment of Sanitation and Water Needs in Low Income Urban
Communities & Development of Participatory Strategy of Sanitation and Water Services in the Greater Accra Metropolitan
Area (Ghana).
40 World Bank, What a Waste: A Global Review of Solid Waste Management 2012.
41 Unesco, 2014, Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality For All, Education For All Global Monitoring Report.
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security. In most instances, funds are lacking for new investments in schools and medical facilities.
Often, sufficient funds are not allocated for the necessary maintenance and running of existing
facilities. The overall result is overcrowded classrooms, lack of educational materials, poorly trained
and poorly paid teachers, and lack of medicines and other medical supplies. The quality of service
continues to decline in many countries, further exacerbating the breakdown of social capital and
overall human security.
42 World Bank, 2013, Harnessing Urbanisation to End Poverty and Boost Prosperity In Africa: An Action Agenda for
Transformation, Sustainable Development Series,
http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/710431468191672231/pdf/815460WP0Afric00Box379851B00PUBLIC0.pdf.
43 UN-Habitat and UN Economic Commission for Africa, 2015, Towards an Africa Urban Agenda, Nairobi.
44 Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2015, African Urban Dynamics: Facts and Figures.
45 Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2015, African Urban Dynamics: Facts and Figures.
46 Steinbuks, J., & Foster, V. (2010). When do firms generate? Evidence on in-house electricity supply in Africa. Energy
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Africa, there has been a real difficulty shifting to a more formal mass transit systems as strong vested
interests mobilise against systems that will undermine profitability of existing routes.
On the ICT front, Africa started the 21st century well behind the curve, however the continent has
been rapidly working to catch up with the largest growth in mobile broadband penetration from only
2% in 2010 to 20% in 2014. In 2014, internet penetration was 19%, although this is also a major gain
from 10% in 2014, it is a far cry from the rates in other regions such as Europe (75%) and the Americas
(65%). Only about 1 out of 10 households in Africa have an internet connection.47 Weak connectivity,
inadequate transport and rising congestion are other factors contributing to offsetting economies of
agglomeration in urban Africa. Taking transport as an example, one study in Lagos estimates that
commuters lose approximately 3 billion hours annually due to congestion and that a 20 per cent
reduction in congestion would save USD 1 billion every year.48 Moreover, accessibility to urban
infrastructure and services is highly determined by levels of income. Illustratively, walking represents
30-35 per cent of urban mobility in Africa49 and as public transport fees are too high for lower income
groups, informal and unregulated means of transport are common.
In many African cities, informal activities are unable to grow because of a lack of serviced space to
trade and produce from. The lack of basic services such as water, drainage, electricity and covered
work space fundamentally impacts on what can be produced. In addition, the lack of connectivity
through efficient transport and broad band all impact on profitability and access to clients and
markets.
47 International Telecommunication Union (ITU) (2014): Facts and Figures. Available in: https://www.itu.int/en/ITU-
D/Statistics/Documents/facts/ICTFactsFigures2014-e.pdf.
48 Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2015, African Urban Dynamics: Facts and Figures.
49 Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2015, African Urban Dynamics: Facts and Figures.
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highly sensitive to climate variability. While biomass provides 80% of the primary domestic energy
supply in Africa, rain-fed agriculture contributes some 30% of GDP and employs about 70% of the
population, and is crucial to food supply. Food security is already a great concern on the continent. By
2020, in some countries, yields from rain-fed agriculture could be reduced by up to 50%. Added to this
is the spread of malaria - already the biggest killer in Africa - to higher elevations because of rising
temperatures, compounding the effects of climate change with an increasing disease burden. Climate
and environmental risks for African cities include all of the risks outlined above with increased stress
on urban areas such as: higher numbers of heat waves threatening the health of the elderly and the
very young; more frequent and intense droughts and inland floods compromising water supplies; for
coastal cities, enhanced sea level rise and storm surges affecting inhabitants and essential
infrastructure, property, and ecosystems; increased migration of people from places no longer
habitable due to climate change.
Adaptation
The continent is particularly vulnerable due to its limited adaptive capacity, technical skills and
resources, widespread poverty and low levels of development. While climate modelling does not
provide definite predictions, it does point to high levels of risk in many areas. Rising sea levels could
threaten coastal cities such as Accra, Dar-es-Salaam and Maputo. Hydropower systems in countries
like Ethiopia could be compromised by reduced rainfall and increased evaporation. In each of these
areas, the poor will bear the brunt. No region has done less to contribute to the current climate
situation, but no other region will pay a higher price for failure to tackle it – see Figure 2.8.
Figure 2.8: Percentage of Global GHG Emissions
With the changing climate, the need for
adaptation is clear and already underway in
many countries through the development of
National Adaptation Plans and local
adaptation projects. However, financing for
adaptation has been limited and it is
estimated that the cost of adaptation could
amount to at least 5 to 10% of Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) in many countries.
In addition, adaptation has not focused
sufficiently on the impacts of urban areas,
especially the urban poor.
Globally, it is estimated that cities are responsible for approximately 60 - 70% of global CO2
emissions, however data for city-level emissions is limited, especially in the African context.
Given the lower levels of urbanization it is likely that this percentage is lower in Africa than
elsewhere in the world, but given the expected high rates of urbanisation in the coming decades,
it can be expected that this will rise. Rapid urbanisation in Africa results in land conversion which
degrades ecosystems and contributes to emissions while also resulting in further settlement of
unsustainable areas. Due to biomass energy usage, vehicles, industrial emissions and
deforestation, Africa’s emissions are increasing and given current demographic trends, this level
will likely only increase over time. One result of this is the worsening of air pollution which is
especially a problem in high-density urban areas such as slums.
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Access to energy is severely constrained in sub-Saharan Africa, with an estimated 51% of urban
populations and only about 8% of rural populations having access to electricity. Extreme poverty
and the lack of access to other fuels mean that 80% of the overall African population relies
primarily on biomass to meet its residential needs, with this fuel source supplying more than
80% of the energy consumed in sub-Saharan Africa. Rising energy demands and volatile oil prices
further compound energy issues in Africa. Burning biomass is the principle source of household
energy throughout Africa. In Ethiopia, 90% of people depend on it resulting in massive
deforestation both within cities and in the surrounding hinterland. Further, solid waste is
commonly burnt either within informal settlements or on collective waste dumps. In addition,
the rise of old imported vehicles including buses, taxi and motorcycles continue to pump carbon
into the air.
Even though Africa contributes only 4% to greenhouse emissions, the Paris Agreement calls on
city ‘non-party actors’ to support the vertical integration of efforts to implement their Nationally
Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Agreement. There is little national capacity and even
less at city level focused on measuring emissions, there is therefore a need to support cities to
gain a greater understanding of the key energy usage areas and the main sources of emissions
and how these might change over time. To help focus climate mitigation planning on the most
cost-effective and significant mitigation opportunities and, where appropriate, set meaningful
targets for future emissions. This results in a more rapid transition to a low-carbon model of
urban development and avoids African cities getting locked-into high emission infrastructure
expansion for the transportation and energy sectors.
Africa is a continent rich with biodiversity and natural ecosystems, however land continues to be
degraded, reducing the ecosystem services provided. Africa’s biodiversity is under threat due to
climate change, habitat loss driven in part by the expansion of cities and towns, and the illegal
wildlife trade which connects Africa’s rural areas, transiting through many urban centers to
international markets. Across the continent, the natural environment in and around cities has
not been protected nor enhanced. Informal settlements have occupied, at scale, coastal land,
lagoons and riverbanks. In addition, ill planned drainage lines that feed into these wetlands carry
with them vast quantities of solid and liquid waste which impact citizens’ health and mobility.
The net result is destroyed natural eco systems that should be providing a flood protection to
the city, but instead becomes part of the problem. The cost of building large channels to protect
the city from flooding comes with an opportunity cost. However instead of investing in expensive
infrastructure, mobilizing local communities, especially in informal settlements to act as
environmental stewards would have positive impacts for climate change adaptation, health,
livelihoods, provision of services and disaster risk reduction.
How African cities will cope with these new emerging crises, while reducing emissions, when at
present they face difficulties managing daily outbreaks of cholera, frequent flooding and mass
unemployment is the important point. Critically, present strategies do not adequately consider
natural resource constraints. For example, the development of high water consuming industrial
estates in the Ethiopian city of Mekelle, a city already facing water constraints illustrates the
climate risks for growth strategies.
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The first challenge in understanding the depth of the disadvantages faced by different sectors of urban
women is the lack of sex-disaggregated data at the city-level. In Mozambique, for example, male to
female ratio is only available at the national level. And since the national census only takes place every
10 years (the last one was in 2007) and the rate of urbanization is about 3.5% per year, the data soon
becomes outdated. Data collection, when it happens at the city level is seldom sex-disaggregated, it
tends to “homogenize” data for the whole city instead of showing the pockets of poverty where
women are the majority of inhabitants. Notwithstanding these difficulties, the FCA was able to capture
data and trends in relation to urban women in the four participating countries. A strong trend is the
feminization of poverty, that women represent disproportionate percentages of the poor in all four
countries. The city resilience assessments attempted to mainstream gender throughout its different
dimensions as a cross-cutting issue in all four participating countries. Gender inequality persists due
to formal and informal laws, practices, power structures, traditions and socio-cultural norms. They
restrict women’s access (or lack thereof) to rights, justice, land ownership, and access to resources
and empowerment opportunities.
51 Masika, Rachel, Arjan De Haan, and Sally Baden. "Urbanisation and urban poverty: A gender analysis." (1997): 1-18;
Tacoli, Cecilia (2012) ‘Urbanization, gender and urban poverty: paid work and unpaid carework in the city’, Urbanization
And Emerging Population Issues Working Paper 7, International Institute For Environment And Development United
Nations Population Fund; Brydon, L., & Chant, S. H. (1989). Women in the Third World: Gender issues in rural and urban
areas. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press; Rakodi, C. (1996). Women in the city of man: recent contributions to
the gender and human settlements debate. Gender & Development, 4(1), 57-58.
52 Tacoli, Cecilia (2012) ‘Urbanization, gender and urban poverty: paid work and unpaid carework in the city’, Urbanization
And Emerging Population Issues Working Paper 7, International Institute For Environment And Development United
Nations Population Fund
53 Chant, Sylvia (2013) ‘Cities through a “gender lens”: a golden “urban age” for women in the global South?’, Environment
in Mozambique http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/3326-gender-policies-and-feminisation-of-poverty-in.pdf
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in Mozambique http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/3326-gender-policies-and-feminisation-of-poverty-in.pdf
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economic stability required to access credit, and a general lack of trust of women in society are all
hindrances. Women are less likely to obtain loans from private banks and more likely to receive credit
from family members, traders, NGOs, and the government.
In regards to services, no other area of the normative framework had as little verifiable data as this.
Data, when it does exist, is not disaggregated by sex and age. Thus, there is urgent need to collect and
understand data on women’s access to public services in cities across Sub-Saharan Africa. The delivery
of services is especially important for women, because of their primary gender roles as mothers,
housekeepers and caregivers, are more dependent on basic services such as health care, water supply,
sanitation and education for children than are men.
Finally, climate change and environment-related impacts are far from being gender neutral. Factors
that influence women’s higher vulnerability include lack of means and assets to ensure their own
safety in situations of flooding, landslides and storms. Many women, even in urban areas, utilise small
plots of land to augment their food and income. With changes in the climate, traditional food sources,
including this small-scale agriculture, will become more unpredictable and scarce. Women also face
higher risks during and after disaster. They have less access to information such as early warnings and
due to inequitable distribution of aid, they may receive less resources and be at risk of sexual violence.
2.5 Conclusion
While the population of Africa’s towns and cities is rising at a rapid rate, the form of urbanization
characterizing the continent is not accelerating development. Instead, many African towns and cities
are the site of expanding informal and slum settlements and low productivity, low return, informal
economic activities often characterised by unfulfilling, precarious, unhygienic and dangerous working
conditions. African cities are getting bigger, but they are not working in a manner that directly and
clearly promotes inclusion, improved living standards for the majority, and resilience. The purpose of
the Chapter was to establish the relevance and strategic importance of better managing the African
urban transition and making cities productive and inclusive. The evidence presented is clear and
comprehensive. If the SDGs matter, the case for future programming centred on making African cities
productive, inclusive and resilient is one of the most important global development policy choices of
our time.
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be blighted by the lack of co-ordination amongst the metropolitan sub-units and a struggle for
political dominance within the wider metropolitan region.
Contingent circumstances vary by country, city, culture and individual community. A strong and
charismatic mayor, an over-dominant political party or community, or unscrupulous vested
interests, for example, may capture the institutions of governance and use the resulting power to
their benefit.
These differences can be significant, and so directly affect the collective ability of a city to be able to
respond to environmental stresses and risks, grasp economic opportunities, and realise the city’s
human development potential.59 Together they shape the incentives and constraints facing political
leaders and decision – makers and through these development outcomes at city level.
59For example, the actions that can be taken by a large relatively autonomous regional capital run by a technically
competent administration may not be available to a small secondary town, struggling with capacity constraints, dependent
on central government subventions, and located on the geographical and institutional periphery of a country.
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assist municipalities. Due to the inadequate technical and human resource capacity of local
authorities, the central administration often delays or refuses to transfer responsibilities.
Consequently, the local preparation and implementation of development strategies are severely
constrained. The inter-play of national politics and local governance constraints leads to the significant
governance challenges facing the cities of Mozambique. Consequently, they are not in a good position
to be able to promote inclusion and resilience; far from it – they remain vulnerable and for the most
part unable to respond in any adequate manner to economic shocks and environmental stresses.
FCA Evidence – Centralised planning corroding local governance in Ghana
Ghana has a hierarchical planning system, with deepening stakeholder participation as one descends
the hierarchy. However, the National Spatial Development Framework does not serve as a guide to
districts but rather sets targets against which districts need to perform. In this respect, the medium-
term development plans (MTDPs) of district municipalities, although requiring stakeholder
engagement and public participation by law, are not necessarily accountable to the residents of the
district but to the respective regional and national ministries. Furthermore, the planning system fails
to promote co-ordinated action amongst districts; for example, although the Greater Accra
Metropolitan Area (GAMA) is a single functional economic area there is a lack of a legal framework or
plan for the GAMA region; cross GAMA municipal border issues are difficult to address due to the lack
of an effective region-wide legal and planning framework. As a result, co-ordination difficulties
weaken resilience as evidenced by regular flood damage. Formulating common approaches and plans
in critical areas such as managing flood risks or the provision of GAMA wide integrated transportation
systems to improve urban productivity fall well short of what is need, and thus impose higher costs
on urban residents. The proposed GAMA Master Plan, a collaborative effort of the GoG, African
Development Bank and Cities Alliance (building on the FCA diagnostics and Country Programme), aims
to tackle is lack of overarching framework with a joined up and integrated approach to metropolitan
planning.60 The intention for the Master Plan is to structure the preparation process around the new
City Development Strategy toolkit developed through FCA (Output 4 – Innovative Studies).61
FCA evidence – financial brakes on operational performance in Uganda
Many urban areas in Uganda are facing problems that city administrations in Mozambique and Ghana
would readily recognize, in particular their financial vulnerability. Although authority has been given
to municipal councils in Uganda to raise local revenue, the majority heavily rely on central government
subventions. Own source revenue rarely exceeds 5 per cent of total income and is hampered as many
municipalities are without property and business registers. Furthermore, the collection of revenues is
sporadic at best and often compromised by those illegally taking money in return for overlooking or
falsifying collection returns. Some municipalities have made important efforts to improve their local
revenue base through updating and maintaining local tax registers and by devising and implementing
revenue enhancement plans. Participatory budgeting has been introduced, with 14 municipalities
convening budget committees comprised of a range of local stakeholders from the public sector, civil
society and private sector i.e. local business representation. In general, revenue generation is grossly
inadequate, far off from being able to cover basic investment and O&M to support service delivery.
The lack of funds – sufficient, reliable and visible revenue streams - is one of the most common causes
of the ‘implementation gap’ characterizing FCA countries and indeed the wider SSA region.
60 Building on the resilience.io demonstration there is scope to introduce new tools and evidence to strengthen the Master
Plan options assessment and decision-making.
61 Link to the CDS 2.0 toolkit: https://1drv.ms/f/s!Aj9rufOmHrcOkFQoG5YG-8Gwzia2
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Decentralisation and devolution Financial management and strength Leadership and institutional capacity Citizenship and community participation
‘Implementation gap’. Devolved powers and Limited own-source revenues. Low % of total Partial political autonomy – Cities run by a Citizen participation low in city plan
duties not matched by implementation abilities. revenue (8% in Mekelle). Majority of city mayor who reports to city council and to the preparation and implementation
Cities required to prepare structure plan, deliver budget support through ‘controlled, President of the Regional State Government. (mentioned in FCA stakeholder workshops
municipal services, mobilize local resources, unpredictable and insufficient’ central Power, however, is concentrated at central are a major problem)
promote private businesses and investment, but government subventions. Ability to improve and regional levels in Ethiopia. Exclusion from decision-making as regards
Regional capitals face acute difficulties discharging these duties. own-sourced revenue low, as mandate is Fragmented powers – some city service the ‘growth agenda’ as illustrated in major
(Ethiopia) City expansion beyond jurisdictional boundaries. confined to collection and administration of agencies (e.g. revenue authority, housing resettlements associated with the
Urban sprawl into neighbouring (rural) authorities existing taxes & tariffs. agency and MSME offices), are responsible to development of large commercial farms
compromising efficient and effective city planning Inadequate financial strength. >70% of the both the regional state and to the city mayor. and recent (2016) protests which have
and management. Urban boundaries ‘kept tight’ revenue generated by cities is transferred to Dual responsibility reflects a fragmented resulted in the Government declaring a
as cities often lack funds to extend infrastructure upper level government tiers. Access by cities institutional set-up and reduces control of state of emergency.
& services to outlying areas to financial market is not allowed. city mayor over some city services.
‘Implementation gap’. Municipalities possess Limited own-source revenues. limited ability Uncoordinated action and institutional Citizen participation low in district plan
devolved powers and duties in line with Ghanaian of municipalities in the GAMA metropolitan fragmentation: Leadership selection held by preparation & implementation
decentralization process, but lack the ability to region to raise finance (taxes) locally. central government affecting trajectory of Local accountability low- District plans
Metropolitan discharge duties and meet responsibilities. Municipalities dependent on Inter- accountability. Although GAMA a single accountable to central government not
municipalities City expansion beyond jurisdictional boundaries. Governmental transfers (IGTs) but the functional economic area, there is a lack of a local communities
(Ghana) legal framework or plan for the GAMA
Present jurisdictional boundaries of municipalities division of responsibilities and expenditure Gender disparities Citizen participation is
not aligned with planning and service delivery between local authorities and central region; cross GAMA municipal border issues
characterised by persisting gender
needs. Infrastructure and service interventions not governments unclear, and the transfers are are thus difficult to address, thus difficulties
disparities
easily found within the same district uncertain/ unpredictable. dealing with e.g. flooding and transportation.
‘Implementation gap’. Municipalities can request Limited own-source revenues - the average Institutional fragmentation: No specific Citizen participation low in municipal
the decentralisation of powers and municipal budget provides a mere US$ 12 per ministry with an urban mandate, and unclear elections, with 75% abstentions in the last
responsibilities, but central government controls capita. Municipal collection rates are very roles and responsibilities between national, elections in Nampula (Slum dweller
the process. possess devolved powers and, but low: in Maputo only 15% of taxes are local government and districts. federations have not been established and
Growth corridor lack the ability to discharge duties and meet collected. Virtually none of the municipalities Centralization of power: Local Governments developed in Mozambique)
cities responsibilities. has raised up to 40 percent of its own funds. only marginally involved in the special CSOs are not official: In Nampula there are
(Mozambique) Lack of Capacity: Few skilled staff are transferred Inadequate funds for urbanization: delivery vehicles established to promote more than 73 civil society associations, of
from the centre to assist municipalities. intergovernmental transfers currently account investment into the growth corridors (the which 53 are exclusively of women.
Consequently, the local preparation of for about 60% percent of the total municipal cities along the Nacala corridor all lack However, most of them are not official.
development strategies often compromised very revenue, which constitute only 1% of the finance, technical human resource capacity,
few local staff have more than primary education) Country’s National Income and have weak administration systems)
‘Implementation gap’. Central government wields Limited own-source revenues. Municipalities Centralization of power: Under the Exclusion from decision-making: freedom
significant influence over municipal budgeting are limited in their ability to raise finance presidency of Museveni power has been of press Uganda is ranked low (110th) on
Secondary cities City expansion beyond jurisdictional boundaries. (taxes). Very few urban authorities possess centralized; local control remains limited and freedom of the press index human rights
The daytime population of many cities is several the administrative and technical capacity and constrained. This is particularly the case for violations and limited access to justice can
(Uganda)
times that of the officially recorded (census) mechanisms to raise own source revenue, secondary cities. pervert justice
population, creating an additional burden on which rarely exceed 5 percent of total
already strained basic services revenues.
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Only, a small percentage of the staff across the target cities has advanced degrees and diplomas
although the majority of staff have certificates of attendance on a variety of (short-term?) professional
training courses, or compensate for the lack of degrees through years of experience. Pay differentials
between local government staff and private sector staff in equivalent posts are greatest for senior
managerial and technical staff. In almost all instances, local government salaries are no more than 15-
20% of the salary for their Multi-National Corporations counterpart. Such drastic pay-gap differentials
are also likely to contribute to rent-seeking and corruption and the strengthening entrenched interests
in local governments, while also contributing to high attrition rates (in times of high economic activity
and employment opportunities) and low progression (in periods of slow economic growth and lack of
employment) – see Figure 3.1.
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63 These surveys were undertaken as part of a project to build a performance management system for the Ministry of Urban
Development and Housing (MUDHo). The project was undertaken by EGIS International for the MUDHo between November
2015 and October 2016.
64 Ibid.
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their job. If opportunities for rent-seeking behaviour arise, it is sometimes taken (perhaps this is
understandable as the remuneration for officials is often so poor that some feel that it is necessary to
take a second job [e.g. taxi drivers during the evening and/or weekends] or ‘take on the side’). This
state of affairs means that innovative, risk taking and professional managerial behaviour is often
wanting in cities in Ghana, which are thus characterised by lacklustre management, with few, if
anyone, attempting anything innovative; a bit risky. Creativity in designing and implementing
development strategies is often absent; many municipalities lack a growth disposition because of the
difficulties encountered in trying to prepare and implement development strategies. Effective
institutional platforms for change, bringing together all relevant, but often competing interests and
stakeholders, are only infrequently created, as they impinge on protected institutional and individual
turfs and take commitment, compromise and enthusiasm to establish and maintain. Weak governance
combined with a lack of capacity underpins the deleterious state infrastructure and service provision
particularly in informal settlements and other low income areas. The wealthy are often insulated
though the purchase of expensive private services services; for example, a drive SUV is used to combat
the poor state of the roads; electricity generation-sets purchased to ensure constant power; water
purification system built into a large house which is kept clear of mosquitos; and access to private
schools and hospitals in-country and beyond to ensure world class education and health. The absence
of technical capacity provides a social ‘space’ in which develops income and wealth inequalities and
diverging life chances, pushing the opportunities for inclusion and resilience further and away.
FCA evidence: Staffing gaps and the dominance of central institutions in Mozambique
Cities in Mozambique are in desperate need of qualified and capable personnel. To date there is a
complete lack of a national strategy on capacity building for local authorities. Municipal staff seldom
possess the skill-sets and resources to meet the challenges faced by cities. In Tete, for example, only
around 2% of staff have completed higher education. Furthermore, few skilled staff are ever
transferred from the centre to assist municipalities and nearly all municipalities lack appropriate and
up-to-date computer / IT equipment and capabilities; a factor slowing the uptake of the knowledge
platform developed through FCA as part of Output 3. Consequently, the local preparation and
implementation of development strategies are severely constrained. The larger cities of Matola, Beira,
Nampula and Maputo do have slightly more employees than Tete, but even then, the numbers are
grossly inadequate, and many are often deployed to de-concentrated central state services such as
education and health. In most cases, staff with university degrees are assigned to managerial positions
that are political in nature, leaving the technical positions seriously understaffed. The latitude afforded
to the local authorities to improve their human resources is hindered by the lack of funding allocated
for this purpose.
FCA evidence: The lack of qualified staff and failures to plan for growth in Uganda
Orderly urban expansion that underpins inclusive and resilient development requires the effective
planning and management of cities, and sound administrative and technical capabilities. Research
undertaken by FCA in Uganda, however, shows that most cities lack the required numbers of
appropriately skilled and experienced urban planners and managers and infrastructure engineers.
Most secondary cities only have one urban planner; the entire West Nile region of 14,070sq.km, is
serviced by one urban planner and only one environmental planner is employed by the city of Arua.
In the towns of Moroto, Mbale, Tororo and Jinja less than 20% of the staff employed in the municipal
governments have attended a technical institution. Given that the total population utilizing city
services is not captured in the ‘official’ population of the municipality (many enter the tightly bounded
city area from its immediate environs in order to work) human resource complements are
considerably worse than these numbers indicate, further compromising the ability of municipal
governments to deliver effective urban infrastructure and services to growing cites.
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Lack of qualified staff – Shortage of staff in city Lack of IT equipment - shortage of computers Inadequate office space – results in Inadequate administrative co-ordination
administrations (especially engineers and urban and lack of appropriate software even in main severe crowding of offices where – between city departments and with the
planners) in nearly all cities secondary cities and regional capitals multiple work processes are taking place city and regional organisations
Absence of staff – Many positions unfilled. Staff Lack of general equipment – including surveying at the same time. Inadequate technical co-ordination -
turnover is high. Average length of stay in a city instruments, vehicles and tools Failure to implement local development between, for example, industrial
Regional capitals administration is one year; many senior staff leave to Absence of internet connections – or poor plans common - due to (i) absence of up development and urban planning. Cities
(Ethiopia) join the private sector; junior staff often seek a more bandwidth – severely hampers the effectiveness to date land registry, (ii) lack of funding rarely appraised in advance of the
congenial (central government) position and efficiency of work and hinders inter- and to either outsource plans to private firms housing, transportation, services
Lack of staff training – delivered by government, and intra-organizational co-ordination or to carry out in-house planning, and infrastructure and utilities needs of
regional universities and vocational training (iii) insufficient planning and/or industrial areas implemented by Federal
organisations (TVETs) are not geared up to provide engineering staff ministries and regional states
cities with pragmatic training.
Lack of qualified staff – Shortage of staff in city Lack of IT equipment - shortage of computers Plans not responsive to local people- Inadequate administrative co-ordination
administrations (especially engineers and urban and lack of appropriate software even in the the National Spatial Development – between city administrations and line
planners) in nearly all cities. main cities Framework sets targets against which Ministries
Metropolitan cities Lack of entrepreneurialism and training - Staff Lack of general equipment – including surveying districts need to perform - Local Plan Central direction overrides local control –
(Ghana) appointed by the centre for variable and uncertain instruments, vehicles and tools thus is not accountable to local people cities have little say in development of
term – often lack identification with city – and often Absence of internet connections – or poor but to the regional and national urban service to serve the Development
adopt bureaucratic behaviours – many requests for bandwidth ministries. Corridors and Special Economic Zones and
further training. Industrial Free Zones
Lack of qualified staff – Shortage of staff in city Lack of IT equipment - shortage of computers Inefficient administrative and Inadequate administrative co-ordination
administrations (especially engineers and urban and lack of appropriate software accord the management system – coupled with – between city departments and with the
planners / those responsible for service delivery) in all board. lack of qualified staff and equipment city and regional organisations - ‘de-
cities. Few staff have more than primary school Lack of general equipment – including surveying shortages compromises effective concentrated’ central government services
Growth corridor cities education; only around 2% of staff have completed instruments, vehicles and tools governance often overlap or conflict with local city
(Mozambique) higher education. Absence of internet connections – or very poor No national urban planning strategy departments / services
Lack of staff training - a national capacity building bandwidth, or absence of a connection entirely and difficulties implementing local plans
strategy has not been prepared, and local authorities (due to lack of human and financial
are technically unable to prepare and implement staff resources)
capacity building programmes
Lack of qualified staff – Shortage of staff in city Lack of IT equipment - shortage of computers Plans not responsive to local people Inadequate administrative co-ordination
administrations (especially engineers and urban and lack of appropriate software even in the municipal governments suffer from – between city departments and with the
planners) in nearly all cities. In general, a single main cities weak horizontal and vertical integration city and national ministries / organisations
Secondary cities qualified urban planner exists for cities of up to Lack of general equipment – including surveying of planning functions; Local Inadequate technical co-ordination – e.g.
(Uganda) 100,000 population instruments, vehicles and tools Development Plans reflect central urban and economic planning within the
Lack of staff training – many cities requesting staff Absence of internet connections – or poor government plans and programmes as city and between cities and ministries
upgrading / capacity building measures to be bandwidth opposed to local priorities.
implemented
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The extent of the sewerage system in GAMA is very limited with only 95,000 (9%) dwellings currently
connected. None of the three fecal sludge treatment plants function. Untreated fecal sludge is
disposed of in nearby streams or on the seashore. Inadequate access to sanitation facilities and
improved water in Accra’s informal settlements has led to a number of devastating outbreaks of
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Cholera65. The population of Accra is to a large extent dependent on surface water for its water supply,
which is imported from sources that lie outside the boundaries of the city. The GAMA has for long,
experienced poor services in terms of the quality and the quantity of the water consumed. The system
of water supply is beset by fragmented institutional arrangements and the quagmire is compounded
by the rapid pace of urbanisation and population growth. The administrative systems overseeing the
system remain weak and increasingly disabled from equitably serving the populace. There is an
assortment of sources of water utilised by residents of GAMA to meet their basic needs, including such
as tanker services, water vendors, bottled and sachet water (see Figure 3.3). The difference in the
sourcing of water inevitably also affects the quality of water by the providers.
The provision of safe potable water and adequate sanitation facilities are also major issues across
Ethiopia. In Mekelle, a regional capital, FCA research shows that most households receive water only
twice a week. The city continues to rely on a water supply system designed for a much smaller city,
and little progress has been made in meeting the current demand. The majority of the participants of
a FCA stakeholder workshop held in Mekelle in 2015 felt that water was the most important service
that should be improved. Furthermore, the National WASH Inventory report of 2012 indicates that
only about 32% of health facilities in Ethiopia have access to safe water.66 Only around 30% of the
population, both urban and rural, have access to improved sanitation, and some 28% of the population
practices open defecation. Moreover, 17% of childhood deaths are associated with diarrhoea which
remains the third leading cause of under-five mortality attributed to poor water, sanitation and
hygiene.
In Uganda, only 67% of the population of informally settled urban areas currently have access to
potable water. In towns such as Arua and Jinja, the situation is far more critical - only 18% and 12% of
residents have access to safely managed water. Health outcomes of poor access to safe drinking water
are evidenced in the increase in prevalence of diarrhoea in children in urban areas which increased
from 21.3% in 2000 to 28.5% in 2011.67 In general, urban areas in Uganda have seen very little
65 Between June 2014 and February 2015 20,500 cholera cases were recorded in the Greater Accra region, with 121
fatalities. Following a flooding in Accra on 3 June 2015, 25 new cases and one death was recorded in one week.
66 The only sewerage system in Ethiopia, in Addis Ababa, covers only part of the city, and public toilets are relatively sparse.
67 Children aged 5 years or less, Data from Demographic and Health Surveys programme, 2011
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improvement in access to improved sanitation services since 1990, particularly when compared to
rural areas of the country. The absolute numbers of people in urban areas across Uganda who rely on
shared or unimproved sanitation services has more than doubled since the year 2000 representing
over 4.5 million urban dwellers. The provision of sewerage systems is extremely limited across second-
tier cities with typically a small sewerage network present covering only the central business districts
and less than 1% of all households. On-plot sanitation is widespread with a combination of septic tanks
and pit latrines being utilised, though improper maintenance regimes often lead to localised
contamination of land and watercourses putting public and environmental health at risk.
FCA evidence: Poor collection and management of solid and liquid wastes
In GAMA (Ghana), 33 percent of solid waste is not collected and 47 percent of the slum dwellers have
no access to waste collection. The streams and lagoons in the metropolis are the principal outlet
through which all major drainage channels in the city empty their wastes into the ocean. About 52
percent of liquid waste is disposed into drains. For years, the GAMA was saddled with overflowing un-
engineered landfills at Christian Village in Achimota (see Figure 3.4). The resort to unapproved
methods of liquid waste disposal (open areas, drains and other) is close to 95% in GAMA (Figure 3.5).
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The situation is not much better in Mozambique. Indeed, Tete can only collect 26% of the waste it
generates and waste collection is completely absent from the informal settlements in which live 80%
of the population. In Nacala officials state that 100% of the waste generated within the old city is
collected but this drops down to 35% in the peri-urban areas. In Nampula only 9% of the population
is covered by a waste removal service. In all three cities in Mozambique inadequate storm water
drainage contributes to the frequent disastrous flooding that effects the cities. The drains that do
exist are frequently clogged up by waste deposited by communities in the belief that the rain will wash
the waste away. The lack of adequate waste management is also clear across the urban landscape of
Uganda and Ethiopia (See Text Box 3.1).
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Around 60% of the population is shelter poor; many live in informal or slum settlements and it is
common for the poor to spend in excess of 30 percent of their monthly income on housing
expenses. The quality of available shelter is extremely poor; the overwhelming majority of urban
housing is small, with one- and two-room shelters accounting for 46 percent and 26 percent
respectively of all urban housing units in 2007, respectively. As many as 28 percent of urban housing
units have no toilet, and around 27 per cent are without kitchens.
The housing deficit is set to intensify as the Figure 3.7: Informal slum settlements in Addis Ababa
urban population expands. Between 1983
and 2007, Ethiopia’s population more than
doubled, and is projected to more than
double again by 2050. Egis International
has estimated that around 13 million extra
housing units are needed between 2015
and 2035 which equates to around 650,000
extra housing units per year. The causes of
shelter poverty include unemployment,
low household incomes, large household
sizes, high rental/mortgage costs, and
problems related to obtaining and then
repaying bank loans and mortgages.
Cities Alliance (2014)
68 Source: World Bank, Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) database from World Bank, Global Electrification database,
2012.
69 Cities Alliance, Pegasys Institute (2016), The Climate Change and Energy Debate in Ethiopia, FCA Research Monograph.
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Regional capitals Inadequate access to safe water – Water supply Power unreliable- > 50% of Shelter Poor - Around 60% of the The average temperature has increased
remains a major issue across the country, including households in regional capitals face population is shelter poor; many live in markedly, by 0.2°C to 0.28°C per decade over
(Ethiopia) in both Mekelle and Dire Dawa. Dire Dawa is power interruptions at least once a informal or slum settlements and it is the last 40-50 years
experiencing high pressure on existing water week. common for the poor to spend in The number of ‘hot days’ and ‘hot nights’ has
sources, due to both limited precipitation and Bio-mass makes up 90% of total excess of 30 percent of their monthly also increased by around 20% and 38%
increasing population density. In Mekelle, most final energy consumption (cooking) income on housing expenses respectively between 1960 and 2003.
households receive water only twice a week. The Major regulatory barriers to Persistent droughts and unpredictable rainfalls
city continues to rely on a water supply system renewable & low carbon energy are common phenomenon in Ethiopia.
designed for a much smaller city than today. pathways. In Dire Dawa, for example, the main
Inadequate access to Waste management - the only Electricity use: 65 KWh/capita/yr environmental risks are the inter-annual
sewerage system in Ethiopia is in Addis Ababa and Cement production main industrial variability in terms of rainfall, drought and
only covers part of the city, public toilets are user flood occurrences, all likely to be exacerbated
relatively sparse; only around 30% of the population, Access to electricity varies; between by the impact of climate change.
both urban and rural, have access to improved 23% and 88% of the population Seasonal variability of Mekelle’s water supply is
sanitation, and some 28% of the population More than 85% of Green House Gas extremely high, exposing the city to water
practices open defecation. 17% of childhood deaths emissions comes from forestry and related insecurity and flooding.
are associated with diarrhoea which remains the agriculture Roads: Although construction of cobblestone
third leading cause of under-five mortality roads that largely uses local materials and
attributed to poor water, sanitation and hygiene. labour increased paved roads in cities, due to
Existing solid waste collection capacity in Mekelle technical problems exposed them for surface
and Dire Dawa covers 61% and 73% respectively, water in rainy season (eg. Mekelle owns
though in other towns less is often collected. 98.11km cobblestone road).
Metropolitan cities Politically driven tariffs eroding essential cost Power Electricity is the dominant Some 80% of households in GAMA Paucity of city level data for some sub-
recovery of service delivery energy form used in the industrial (Ghana), live in unserviced informal dimensions of environment and climate change
(Ghana)
Inadequate access to safe water –an assortment of and service sectors accounting for settlements Lack of data for GHG emissions at the level of
sources of water are utilised by residents of GAMA 69% of energy used in the two Forced to located on land prone to the GAMA region
resulting in a difference in quality of water by the sectors of the national economy. flooding, land-slides and sea level rise, No city-wide assessment for air quality
providers. Since 2011, Ghana has been the vast majority are engaged in the 80% of the Ghana shoreline is threatened with
inadequate solid waste management -only 8.8% of experiencing significant deficit in informal economy, surviving on casual erosion
solid waste being collected nationally through generation leading to frequent and labour Expectation of investment in real estate has
managed channels and 60% of it is dumped long periods of outages and cuts led to rapid expansion and development of the
indiscriminately Electricity use: 382 KWh/capita/yr – built environment resulting in vast areas of
lack of sanitation -Juxtaposing the decline in the distribution losses high green cover being permanently lost.
recourse to public toilets (30%) to the increase in GAMA is located on an active seismic site with
open defection (200%)suggests that there is under- underlying terrain being highly fractured
investment in public toilets in either maintenance or
construction and demonstrates the government’s
disposition towards public toilets
Growth corridor cities Upgrades to energy, water supply and transport Power unreliable – only around 50% 70% of urban residents live in informal 60% of the population and 6 out of 10 of
infrastructure have not been accompanied by an of households have access to settlements or poor housing conditions Mozambican cities are located on the coast and
(Mozambique) improvement in urban services electricity; Poor sewage infrastructure, dense and thus vulnerable to sea level rise
Planning for urban development occurs at the local Electricity use: 436 KWh/capita/yr poorly constructed housing are key In the hinterland, rising temperatures and
level, but land management and financial powers drivers of water-borne disease in cities changing rainfall patterns may increase the
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are still concentrated with the national government. Although Mozambique is a net Climate change models predict a 2-2.5 occurrence of droughts, thus increasing rural-
Central Government transfers over 50% of the exporter of power due to deg C rise in Mozambique. Poorly urban migration to already strained cities and
municipal budget. international agreements with South constructed housing in informal urban areas
Africa and Zimbabwe, it has a net settlements do not provide protection Despite a wealth of natural resources, the lack of
energy deficit with demands against extreme temperatures. infrastructure impedes growth of formal
increasing by about 14% per year industries around coal and iron ore
Secondary cities Limited access to basic services in secondary cities: Low national access to electricity Uganda has a housing deficit of 1.6 Widespread encroachment on key ecological
potable water (41%), sewerage (3%), maintained being 15% in 2013 but only 7% in million, with 210,000 for urban areas. areas, water pollution, flooding risk, poor liquid
(Uganda) roads (47%), solid waste collection (36%)70. rural areas. In the 14 secondary There has been minimal investment in and solid waste management (only 36% of total
According to the Uganda National Household Survey cities, access is about 44%. Charcoal the housing sector74. solid waste generated is collected).
(2010), 64% of urban dwellers walk to work due to and firewood main source of energy Slum populations Around 60% of those It is estimated that nearly 46% of all land is
transport problems. for cooking73 with a high living in secondary cities live in informal severely degraded – a result of encroachment
WASH – access to safe drinking water is variable in environmental toll. Milted use of settlements, where many households on fragile ecosystems from human settlement
secondary cities ranging from around 50% (Hoima) alternative energy sources. typically lack decent standards of patterns. Charcoal is the predominant fuel for
to over 90% (Lira and Moroto).71 Access to Power unreliable - 18 per cent of housing and experience poor access to cooking with around 80% of households using
improved sanitation is chronic with on average 8% Uganda’s total population has access basic services. solid fuel. Adverse negative environmental and
of households accessing improved sanitary facilities to electricity, although around 70% public health impacts include the occurrence of
across secondary cities.72 of those living in urban areas have flash floods, air, land and water pollution, and
access blockages of the drainage systems in the city.,
leading to serious health hazards such as
malaria, bilharzia and other related ailments
such as respiratory tract infections.
70 Ministry of Lands, Housing, and Urban Development, “Final Report on the Baseline Study for the Cities Alliance Country Program in 14 Municipal Local Governments of Uganda,” 2014.
71 Ministry of Water and Environment, Water Atlas, and Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2012 - cited in Cities Alliance Endline Survey Transforming the Settlements of the Urban Poor, 2016
72 Population and Housing Census 2014, Uganda Bureau of Statistics
73 Between 1996/97 and 2009/10, total household consumption of charcoal and firewood increased from 18,043 to 409,139.
74 Uganda National Housing Policy, May 2016.
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provision for the needs of street vendors/hawkers in the allocation of urban space. The official
responses to informal traders, coupled with the lack of understanding of the dynamics of the informal
sector by some city officials, often promotes unnecessary confrontation.
While considerable attention is paid to infrastructure services to boost productivity –for example
electricity and transport (connectivity) – the fundamental issue of poor land administration and the
uncertainties created by this for investment in business growth needs urgent attention. Over the
years, a great deal of work has been done to develop coherent Land Administration Systems (LAS).
However, a core issue of the harmonization of statutory and customary authority over land remains.
In Ghana, 80% of all land is under the control of chiefs and this has a major bearing on land use
planning, allocation, taxation, rent and the level of risks business face in making investment decisions
where tenure is uncertain. The barriers to productivity emerging from these uncertainties are often
critical, as is evidenced in the large scale evictions of the Old Fadama areas of GAMA, an area marked
by a large number and wide range of small scale producers.
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FCA evidence: The dominance of informal activities and the ‘missing middle’ in Uganda
The growth of informality is a trend observable in the structural composition of city economies across
the FCA countries and wider continent. Uganda’s economic growth rate averaged 6.7% over the last
decade, fuelling the growth of consumption driven cities marked by informality. The growth of the
informal sector in Uganda has been fueled by a lack of opportunities for formal sector employment
and the decline in the minimum wage. The informal sector is the fastest growing sector in Uganda,
currently accounting for some 43 per cent of the total economy and more than 60 per cent of city
based employment. Drilling down, growth in Ugandan cites is associated with non-tradable services
for the local market, as opposed to the manufacturing of internationally tradable goods. From 2001
to 2011, 80 percent of growth in non-agricultural employment in Uganda was in the non-tradable
service sector.75 In Kampala, only 15 percent of new jobs were in the tradable sector, including
manufacturing – a pattern similar to that observed in smaller and secondary cities where up to 72
percent of employment growth was in trade and services such as wholesale and retail, transport,
hotels and restaurants. The growth of the service sector is demonstrated through the sharp increase
in small and micro firms, the majority of which operate in the informal economy, providing low
incomes and vulnerable livelihoods. There is a clear trend of a concentration of service sector activity
(hotels and restaurants) occurring in second-tier cities such as Mbale, Jinja, and Masaka. Many of
these cities, however, have been unplanned and are now characterized by sprawl and informality of
housing and offering only informal employment opportunities to those attracted by the promise of
waged ‘off-farm’ jobs. As a consequence of unplanned expansion, congestion and other
agglomeration diseconomies are rising and limiting the ability of cities to develop productive and
resilient economies.
FCA Evidence: Excluded youth, informality and the jobs crisis
Over 70% of new firms in Uganda are informal. At the same time, as much as 95 percent of youth in
non-farm enterprises were in informal employment in Uganda as well76.[1 In countries, such Uganda
and Mozambique the informal sector may provide employment for as much as 80 per cent of the
urban workforce. High rates of (disguised) unemployment, underemployment and generally limited
economic opportunities have created a potentially explosive social problem in many African cities,
especially given the particularly high levels of youth under- and unemployment.77
Uganda is a country with an economy in transition from the largely rural agricultural sector to a more
urban, service-oriented sector, but it is a country with a ‘missing middle’, which impedes formal job
creation. The economy is characterised by the many small-scale informal enterprises and a few large-
scale companies.
Informal enterprises generally do not become formal operations and Uganda’s SMEs rarely mutate
into medium or large scale companies, or become integrated into higher value segments of supply
chains. But the current structure and dynamics of the FCA city economies cannot provide the
necessary scale and quality of jobs needed to absorb the fast growing young work force: exclusion is
set to grow and a demographic dividend blocked.
Table 3.5 provides a summary of some of the key constraints to productivity and growth in FCA cities.
75 World Bank (2015), The Growth Challenge: Can Ugandan Cities get to Work?, Uganda Economic Update 5th Edition,
Washington DC.
76 Brookings Institute (2014), Youth Unemployment Challenge In Uganda And The Role Of Employment Policies In Job
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Structure of the economy Value creation and extraction Informality Gender disparities
Regional capitals Dominance of service sector and informal activities Resource based economy - key Employment in the informal sector is Women are more likely to be
- manufacturing small at around 4% of GDP. FDI exports like coffee are only semi- expanding as recorded in both FCA unemployed- The unemployment rate for
(Ethiopia) remains small and has not driven structural processed and other in the small cities, Mekele and Dira Dawa. females is twice that for males (28% and
transformation. manufacturing sector as 14% respectively)
Productivity is low in many industrial sub-sectors; ‘assembled’ e.g. garments and The informal sector is run by women -
especially low in informal activities. shoes) semi-processed and include Women dominate the percentage share of
Competitiveness maintained through the use of low coffee informal sector participation as well as
cost labour ownership of micro and small businesses
Missing a ‘middle’ -lack of productive and profitable
SMEs and medium sized enterprises with growth
potential
Metropolitan cities Dominance of service sector and informal activities Resource based economy - key Informality dominates Within the Employment of men and women in the
- manufacturing small at around 6% of GDP. exports are only semi-processed Greater Accra Metropolitan Area metropolitan areas is comparable.
(Ghana) and include coca and oil (GAMA) 80% of the workforce is
Productivity is low in many industrial sub-sectors; Women’s economic advancement is
City economic consumption driven engaged in informal activities constrained by customary land laws that
Missing a ‘middle’ -lack of productive and profitable
SMEs and medium sized enterprises with growth – (informal activities supporting prevent women from land ownership.
potential consumption patterns of the
wealthy)
Growth corridor Dominance of service sector and informal activities Resource based economy - Informality dominates - Nearly 95% Employment opportunities
cities - manufacturing a small share of the economy the extractive sector of of the urban labour force works in the predominately for men-fee jobs being
Productivity is low in many industrial sub-sectors mining, coal, natural gas and informal economy created but those that are on offer are
(Mozambique) oil development constitute a generally dominated by traditional “male”
Missing a ‘middle’ -lack of productive and profitable
major aspect of the occupations in construction and transport
SMEs and medium sized enterprises with growth
economy. Women underrepresented in the labour-
potential
Infrastructure projects are force - female participation in the labour
largely in support of the market is 26.3% compared to 75.8% for
extractive sectors men
Secondary cities Dominance of service sector and informal activities Increases in value addition Informality dominates -The informal Women account for 51% of
- manufacturing less than 25% of GDP. and product sophistication sector accounts for more than 60 per Uganda’s labour force but are a
(Uganda) have been minimal cent of urban employment. larger share of the unemployment
Productivity is low in many industrial sub-sectors
Resource based economy The informal sector is the fastest rate as well – 5.2% compared to
Missing a ‘middle’ -lack of productive and profitable
where value extraction is growing sector in Uganda 3% total.
SMEs and medium sized enterprises with growth
potential dominated by large firms Only 27 percent of girls in Uganda
and few small and medium have received some skills training
sized enterprises compared to 37 percent for boys.
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Figure 3.9: Flood damage across Ethiopia (including in the FCA cities of Dire Dawa and Mekele)
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City vulnerability to climate change impacts, environmental stresses and natural hazards is likely to
increase in Ethiopia. The significant urban population expansion expected over the next 20 years will
increase the vulnerability of cities in relation to flooding, droughts, landslides and the outcomes of
active seismic faults. The most important and perhaps immediate vulnerability is that related to
water, its availability and scarcity. Conflicts could arise. The importance of industrial development is
recognised, many industrial investments, such as textile and leather operations, use significant
quantities of water. In water stressed areas such as Mekelle, the site of many new industrial activities,
water related conflicts may constrain future economic development.78 In the case of Mekelle, scarce
basic urban services O&M budgets are diverted to repair of roads seasonally washed out as a result of
flooding and poor drainage (Figure 3.9 top left). The unreliability of electricity was also mentioned by
many participants of the FCA stakeholder engagement workshops as a major impediment to the
promotion of resilience. For example, it was reported that more than 50% of the households in
Mekelle face power interruptions at least once a week, adversely affecting households and businesses,
especially those in the informal sector and the working poor. Water supplies fail when pumps seize to
operate due to power interruptions; ‘if there is no electricity then there is no water’; as stated by one
participant in FCA Mekelle stakeholder engagement workshop. Electricity and water are two key
factors directly influencing the productivity and quality of life in the city and ultimately its resilience.
In general, cities in Ethiopia are almost entirely unprepared to handle issues of environmental
management, resilience, disaster management and green growth. The policies and plans elaborated
at federal level are not well known at sub-regional levels. Many cities do not appear to know or fully
understand the content of relevant and recent Federal Government policies and pronouncements,
and within city administrations it is often hard to find the person(s) charged with implementing new
work processes for disaster management or watershed management. The relevant legislative
framework is also sketchy. A worse-case scenario is that many cities are overwhelmed by the demands
of a rapidly increasing population, increased adverse climate change impacts and the outcome of
environmental stresses and hazards.
FCA evidence: Climate impact and other environmental vulnerabilities in Ghana
Ghana also is vulnerable to climate change in terms of increased flooding, drought and extreme
temperatures, vector-borne disease, and seismic hazard. Around 3 percent of the population within
the coastal zone is at risk as a result of inundation and shoreline recession. In the east coast, the
erosion of the shores may be occurring at an average rate of 3 meters per year. The areas east of the
Volta River estuary are particularly vulnerable. The coast of the Gulf of Guinea (where GAMA and
Accra are located) is already battered by the Atlantic. The sea-level is expected to rise a further 80 cm
by 2100, affecting low-lying coastal communities, particularly those that have inhabited these
locations over the last hundreds of years. Mean temperature is forecasted to increase 3.9°C by 2080,
presenting increased drought risk across the country and possibly triggering secondary impacts such
as migration into urban areas as well as further shortages in (hydropower based) energy supply.
The GAMA region faces additional hazards including air or water pollution, depletion of natural
resources and related ailments such as respiratory illness and water-borne pathogens. Accra’s major
environmental risk is floods, due mainly to the low-lying coastal landscapes, damaged lagoons and the
drainage infrastructure that lacks capacity and is poorly maintained (itself a function of service deficits
in waste management). Droughts and extensive flooding in Accra is a yearly worry to the people and
the government. Residents of flood plains and flood-prone areas are constantly rendered homeless
and ousted during such periods. The impacts of climate change in the southern part of Ghana,
especially for Accra, results in droughts in the dry season, severe floods in the rainy season, high
temperatures, and an influx of pest and diseases which negatively affect the lives of many thousands
and cause property damage worth millions of dollars. Fortunately, the issue of climate change is
78 Evidence from interview with RMG factory developer: site manager (2015)
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gaining recognition at the highest political level. Currently, all local assemblies are requested to
undertake a Vulnerability Assessment in order for cities to identify and prioritise measures to reduce
vulnerabilities and increase resilience. Unfortunately, many vulnerability assessments are either
incomplete or not undertaken at all. In the case of the 13 MMDAs in GAMA a lack of systematic
evidence of risk and vulnerabilities is a key gap in future proofing and exposes the metropolitan areas
to a numerous risks that are not adequately being managed (Table 3.6).
Table 3.6: Illustration of Urban Environmental Risk Framework: GAMA
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Table 3.7 Resource Constraints, Risks and Growth: FPCS Evidence from Uganda
Threat Evidence of threat Local drivers Regional drivers International drivers Current Future
risk risk
Contamination Wastewater from Industrial pollution and Environmental enforcement Climate change M H
and depletion processing of animal shoreline land use
Inadequate or weak enforcement of Projections suggest that
of freshwater products is
Due to harmful land use national wastewater management under climate change
discharged directly
practices along the lake’s standards is problematic for avoiding conditions, there will be
into the drainage
shoreline and riverbanks, industrial pollution. a much greater water
channels and sewer
industries are contributing demand nationally
line (SotER for Jinja More generally, environmental
to water pollution. coupled with some
District 2005). regulations for water issues are clear,
However, several industries potential reductions in
Furthermore, the but implementation is lacking.
have invested in waste supply (total demand is
water front is at Water resource planning
treatment infrastructure, so expected to increase
serious risk of being
the key to addressing this Given the national demands for water from 408 million m3 in
degraded through 3
threat will be further for industry and hydropower, there is a 2010 to 3,963 million m
silting and
industrial environmental need for better water use planning, as in 2050 (CDKN, 2015).
encroachment (JMC
regulation. well as strong institutions – otherwise
Final Structure Plan
Report 2009). city risks will be not be able to be
addressed.
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3.5 Summary
The evidence from the FCA cities is both substantial and compelling - at present the majority of towns
and cities in these countries do not appear to be able to withstand and recover from significant shocks,
stresses and hazards to their environment, economy and society; the majority are beset by weak
governance and inadequate finances; most face an uphill task to overcome infrastructure, service and
housing deficits; virtually all are characterised by social and economic inequalities and the dominance
of informality in housing and employment; and all appear to be driven by economies and politics that
continually reproduce these constraints on transformative and inclusive growth, and resilience. The
literature indicates that this state of affairs in mirrored across much of Sub-Saharan Africa. Given the
context of a rapidly rising urban population the prospects for the promotion of inclusion and resilience
seem to be muted Prompting change is however, vitally necessary. If marked improvements in
inclusion and resilience are not secured over the coming few decades, the evidence presented here
indicates that the immiserisation of urban Africa may be an outcome leading to a significant increase
in poverty and inequalities (reversing the trend of the recent past), major social tensions and armed
conflicts, and an irreversible environmental degradation across FCA countries .
For cities and towns in the FCA countries to become engines of inclusion and resilience, they must be
the site of transformational change with particular reference to change in clientele governance and
wealth creation and distribution is necessary (see Figure 3.10). The exact pathway that can be
travelled is most likely to vary city by city. But each pathway of change needs to constructively disrupt
the current low productivity – high vulnerability – low income growth models currently characterising
the FCA cities. The critical issue of sustainable infrastructure and service provision in the context of
high levels of informality and low incomes requires new ways of thinking. Low carbon, labour
intensive and affordable provision of services seems closer to the mark and thus requires a
restructuring of the political – economy shaping current incentives, financial and delivery modes of
basic services to ensure they reach the urban poor.
The next chapter identifies a package of recommendations to support transformation and future
proofing.
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Introduce measures to
START POSITION - Create circumstances constructively disrupt current
(reformist environment) that allow the Current Equilibrium - characterised by a equilibrium . Measures to include
introduction of measures to disrupt Target Future Equilibrium - virtuous cycle
cycle of exclusive power and party politics, for example improvements in
of, inclusive politics, effective institutions;
current equilibrium. May need a poor governance, ineffective institutions infrastructure and service access
strong governance and transformation
‘catalytic event’ (e.g. clear failure of and slow growth to build hybrid economy and
growth
services; significant rise in unemployment promote inclusion
and social tensions)
reformulation
anchoring new
provision and maintenance of and
disruption
equilibrium
• New forms of value extraction
in society
access to infrastructure and services
created to which more people have
• New institutional platforms creating access - transformative growth
new public-private-civil society dialogue
and movement to collaborative as
• Integration of informal and formal
poor sector businesses in value chains -
opposed to contested government governance; Ineffective and Open, Strong
rise of hybrid economy - inclusive governance -
closed and fragmented transparent,
• Concerted focus on micro / informaland growth
and ordered Effective and
opaque ‘Deal institutions
SME business and technology Space’ • Infrastructure and service provision ‘Deal Space’ coordinated
development so building the hybrid and equitable access improved - institutions
economy resilience strengthened
• Open and censual debate re
management of public goods
Africa ‘ Stagnating’ scenario Africa ‘Rising” scenario
Arena of change and contest:
‘My time to eat’ culture Moving from one equilibrium to another ‘My time to participate’ culture
Society, economy and environment vulnerable will be an iterative and contested process Increasingly inclusive and resilient
Key research question - Use of an ‘inclusive growth and resilience’ development strategy - and the crucial role of improved equitable access to infrastructure and services - as the lighting rod for
transformation and movement to a new equilibrium (characterised by increased inclusivity and resilience)
Adapted from Cities Alliance (2016). Equitable Economic Growth in African Cities: Final Report, IPE Tripleline
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Based on the normative framework diagnostics, the broad range of issues identified throughout this
feasibility study has been reduced to some 23 key problem/opportunity areas divided between each
dimension (governance, services, citizenship, economy and environment). In turn each
problem/opportunity area is matched with recommended intervention areas divided into the 3 key
action areas that will make transformation possible namely:
Reform
Capacity
Investment
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Table 4.1 summarises the key problem statements based on the evidence in Chapters 2 and 3 above
(opportunity / constraint) and the recommendations to act to remove the constraint / capture the
opportunity
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Governance:
1.0: Dysfunctional and Reform 1.1: Review the national enabling institutional, policy and fiscal environment for cities
fragmented national enabling and the urban law within each country to guide a reform process that will ensure that cities
environments and have the legal tools to deliver appropriate and affordable services.
inappropriate urban law
undermining the capacity to
Capacity 1.2: Support existing or help establish National Urban Forums that enable dialogue
deliver services.
between diverse national ministries, urban local governments, academia, private sector and
civil society to identify opportunities and constraints to inform the reform process.
Investment 1.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget
support to ensure functionality of National Urban Forums
2.0: Urban Local Reform 2.1: Support a reform process that aims to strengthen the accountability of local
Governments do not have government technical staff, such that a career in local government carries both the stature and
sufficient and qualified staff reward to counter rent seeking.
nor the incentives to attract
them without rent seeking.
Capacity 2.2: Based on the Toolkit developed by the FCA identify and quantify the skill gaps
and develop a strategy both Pan -African and national to scale up training of managerial and
technical staff.
Investment 2.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise in both reform and strategic
processes and operational budget to support implementation of identified programmes
3.0: Weak financial resources Reform 3.1: Attached to reform agenda 1.1 ensure that cities have clear funded mandates and
to deliver services and the legal responsibility to raise revenue.
inadequate management
systems to ensure
Capacity 3.2: Support the institutional and human resource capacities of local government to
accountability
enhance own source revenue and embed Performance, Financial and Information
management systems to account for all revenues and expenditure.
Investment 3.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget to
support implementation and the procurement of both hardware and software
4.0: Existing land use planning Reform 4.1: Support the reform of existing land use planning approaches in each country to
is unable to deal with scale ensure that they are able to respond to the scale and speed of city expansion in a way that
and speed of city growth enables the securing of land to protect the environment and future transport, drainage and
resulting in increased other service delivery lines.
informality and sprawl.
Capacity 4.2: Support the development of “land expansion” plans in each city and the securing
of land to protect the environment and long term transport, drainage and service delivery lines
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5.0: Many larger cities are not Reform 5.1: linked to 15.0 support institutional reform that enables the better coordination of
managed as a single multiple jurisdictions that typically constitute a metropolitan area.
functional region, but rather
as a collection of separate
Capacity 5.2: Working with different jurisdictions and stakeholders support the development
districts with sever impacts on
of an inclusive transport structure/master plan as a frame for future city growth and service
services that cross
delivery need.
jurisdictional boundaries
including transport and drains
Investment 5.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget to
support process.
6.0: Lack of reliable basic Reform 6.1: Attached to reform agenda of 7.0.
data available to city
managers to ensure that
Capacity 6.2: Based on the Toolkit developed by the FCA support development of data
strategic and operational
collection, storage and management systems useful to city managers in each city.
planning is based on
evidence.
Investment 6.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget to
support implementation and the procurement of hard and software
7.0: Ministers and City Reform 7.1: Working with UCLGA, design a learning and scale up process (LSU) through the
Managers in Africa are not development of a continental wide knowledge management platform.
gaining access to the relevant
experience and learning of
Capacity 7.2: Based on the experience of the FCA `Support the implementation of a knowledge
others both within and
platform in each country that links national government and other institutions to the cities and
between countries.
the cities to each other.
Investment 7.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget to
support implementation and procurement of hardware and software
8.0: City Managers often Reform 8.1: Linked to reform agenda 1.0 support the incorporation of City Development
manage cities moving from Strategies into the hierarchy of plans guiding city management.
one crisis to another without
any or limited long -term
strategic vision and strategy. Capacity 8.2: Using the Toolkit developed through the FCA support the development of a City
Development Strategy in each city.
Investment 8.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified inputs and the packaging of bankable
social, economic, environmental infra-structure projects.
9.0: Land Administration Reform 9.1: Linked to 1.0 ensure that traditional authorities where relevant are adequately
Systems unable to effectively incorporated into policy-making processes.
incorporate customary land
into strategic and land use
Capacity 9.2: Support an on-going dialogue with customary authorities aimed at building trust
planning often resulting in
and finding a new pathway to release land in partnership with government.
conflict and eviction.
Investment 9.3: Technical Assistance to ensure qualified expertise and operational budget to
support implementation
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10.0: Cities faced with high youth Reform 10.1: Linked to 8.0, support the conceptualisation of the hybrid economy and
unemployment focus on the needs research how the formal and informal economy can mutually benefit in the interest of
of the relatively small formal more inclusive economic growth.
economy and ignore or actively
work against the larger informal
Capacity 10.2: Using the Toolkit developed by the Cities Alliance, evaluate the structure
economy undermining livelihoods
of each cities economy and develop policies, regulations and guidelines to enable the
and limiting economic opportunity
integration of informal economy enterprises into the value chains currently dominated
and growth.
by formal enterprises so they can expand, become more productive and benefit from
‘spill over effects.’
12.0: Even with the advantages of Reform 12.1: Linked to 10.0 but also including the integration of urban local
agglomeration few informal government opportunities and the implementation of the Paris agenda at the local
activities transform into small, level.
medium enterprises undermining
employment. In the context of
Capacity 12.2: Identify SME’s with high potential and support them to expand
local government services and
generating jobs for the urban poor and environmental benefits.
clean energy new opportunities
could potentially be available.
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13.0: In a growing number of Reform 13.1: Linked to reform 1.0 ensure that organisations of the urban poor are
African countries slum recognised stakeholders with both rights and responsibilities.
dweller organisations are
successfully partnering with
Capacity 13.2: Support the organisational development and programme of organised
urban local governments to
slum dwellers based on the mobilisation of savings groups.
improve informal
settlements.
Investment 13.3: Operational budget to support organisational development.
14.0: Both Informal and Reform14.1: Linked to both 1.0 and 10.0 ensure the organisations of the private sector
formal economy (informal and formal) are recognised stakeholders with both rights and responsibilities.
stakeholders are poorly
organised at city level
Capacity 14.2: Support the mobilisation and organisation of informal sector and formal
undermining the potential of
sector economic actors within each city.
productive partnerships
between them and with
urban local government. Investment 14.3: Operational budget to support organisational development.
15.0: In most cities strategies Reform 15.1: Linked to 8.0 ensure stakeholder participation in urban planning and
and programmes do not management.
meet the needs of citizens
causing tension between
Capacity 15.2: Building on the evidence of Uganda support the development of multi
urban local governments and
stakeholder Municipal Development Forums in each city.
the populace.
16.0: The majority of urban Reform 16.1: Linked to 14.0 engage with informal service providers and explore
services are delivered at high possibilities and incentives required for increased regulation and improved service
cost and low quality by quality.
informal service providers,
resulting in low health and
Capacity 16.2: Linked to 12.0 formalise informal service delivery into formalised SMEs.
economic outcomes.
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17.0: Throughout Africa good Capacity 17.2: Establish Community Upgrading funds that enable community built and
experience illustrating managed infrastructure to be rolled out on a larger scale.
community built and
managed infrastructure can
Investment 17.3: Technical Assistance to design funds, operational cost of oversight
deliver better quality
and investment capital to capitalise funds.
infrastructure and service.
Investment 18.3: Technical assistance to ensure quality of inputs and operational cost
of oversight.
Investment 20.3: Technical assistance to ensure quality of inputs and finance capital to
enable SME involvement.
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22.3 Investment: Technical assistance to ensure quality inputs and the packaging of
bankable projects.
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Not all 23 problem/opportunity areas are equal in impact. The central finding of the feasibility study
is that African cities will not effectively manage urbanization unless local government gears up with
qualified personnel that are paid a decent wage to perform a professional service. Secondly cities will
not be able to finance their infrastructure needs without a growing economy that creates work. Thirdly
cities will forever be at high risk unless land use and infrastructure plans are developed and
implemented that can effectively help protect against the inappropriate settlement of land and
promote the management of orderly settlement and development. These are the 3 priorities and are
presented in red in table 4.2 below.
Leveraging off Cities Alliance past investments certain of the identified recommendations can achieve
measurable impact within the short-term while others will require the longer term. To achieve the
institutional framework required for effective city programming, some of the recommendations will
need to be managed upfront in parallel. The institutional framework is based on the premise that the
degree to which national stakeholders, local government and citizens forge a coherent and
transparent relationship is the degree to which an accountable local government can be achieved.
This is the bed-rock on which the broader programs build. Experience has demonstrated that
stakeholder engagement is a prerequisite for successful planning and reform, yet dialogue without
short-term measurable results soon begins to lack credibility. It is the balance between vital
stakeholder dialogue and results on the ground that informs the idea of breaking implementation
down into 6 discreet steps/phases, although the actual execution will depend on country specific
conditions.
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Short term: Projects that can build on or be set up and have a measurable impact within 2 years
Step 1: New Land Use Planning Step 1: National Urban Forums Step 2: Registered Community
approaches in place. functioning. Upgrading Funds in place and
dispersing
Step 1: The better coordination of Step 2: A strategy both Pan - Step 3: SME’s with high potential
multiple jurisdictions that typically African and national to scale up supported to expand and generate
make up a metropolitan area in training of managerial and work opportunities.
place. technical staff in place
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Step 1: Organisations of .
informal and formal sector
economic actors operational
within each city.
Medium term: Projects that can be set up and have a measurable impact within 5 years
Step 5: Functioning affordable Step 5: land expansion plans and Step 4: Better PPP packaging and
housing value chain in place the secured land to protect long monitoring provides improved
delivering pilot in-situ and green term drainage and service service delivery.
field projects delivery lines in place
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Longer term: Projects that are likely to take more than 5 years to show measurable impact
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FCA BCIS (2014), p. 2.
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Table 4.3 Institutional and Policy Positioning of Potential FCA Follow-on Programming
Country Lead Ministry /Supporting Ministries National / Local Policy Linkages City Focus Development Partners
Ethiopia Ministry Urban Development and Housing Strong Regional capitals / WB – City strength / City competitiveness / ULGDP 1 & 2: on –
(Ministry of Finance & Economic Co-operation Growth & Transformation Plan II / growth centres to going dialogue.
/ National Planning Commission) ECPI and NUDSP align with national DFID – EIAF partial link to city level via industrial land. No direct
priorities. Mekele/ focus on cities
Dire Dawa plus
Ghana Ministry of Local Government and Rural Strong GAMA – Cities African Development Bank – Cities Alliance engaged in design of
Development Ghana Shared Growth and Alliance is GAMA Master Plan TA support package. World Bank – City
(National Development Planning Commission Development Agenda (2014 – 7) / supporting Strength / WASH sector Master Plan under consideration.
/ Ministry of Environment, Science 40 Year National Development preparation of UNDP Resilience building advocacy program. GiZ Resilience risk
&Technology and Innovation (Town and Plan (in progress NDPC lead) / resilience plans to financing strategy with Alliance Re (Germany); SDI – People’s
Country Planning Department)) Medium Term National link to MTDPs for Dialogue sanitation, enumeration and negotiations with local
Development Policy Framework / the 13 MMDAs government
National Infrastructure Plan Extending national DFID – no direct programmes centred on urbanisation / cities.
(ongoing) coverage (northern Possible linkage around economic development.
regions)
Mozambique 6 Ministries have responsibilities for urban Moderate Growth Corridors Strong interest in future programming from Cities Alliance
issues and city development. Potential lead: Weak urban policy BUT stronger Tete – Nampula – development partners - World Bank, GIZ, UN-H – via the
Ministry of State Administration and Public policies on growth corridors. Nacala / Other Decentralisation Working Group. DFID – discussions initiated on
Function through the National Directorate of Strong buy-in at city level for TA for potential programming leveraging FCA. No current urban / city
Municipal Development. planning and investment support. focused programming.
Uganda Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Strong FCA Secondary DFID – CIG potential engagement: scoping in progress. Good Fit
Development Vision 2040 / National Cities – link to WB – USMID next phase –14 FCA cities. GIZ energy renewable
(National Planning Authority / Ministry of Development Plan 2 (Urban finalisation and next program; USAID Governance Accountability & Participation
Finance, Planning & Economic Development / transformation planned); Draft steps of MDSs and Program; AfD program on climate change/ renewable energy;
Ministry of Water & Environment / Ministry of National Urban Policy; Municipal implementation. AVSI Skilling program for the Youth; AfDB market devt, WASH;
Works and Transport; Office of the Prime Development Strategies; and HFHI on Affordable housing for the poor; UN Habitat Country
Minister, Ministry of Local Government) Municipal Physical Development Program for Uganda, SDI – Actogether – negotiating forums,
Plans, & 5 year Economic planning and enumerations.
Development Plans (City Level)
Notes: Based on FCA Institutional Assessments (Annex 2). The FCA approach prioritises: (1) a strong fit with national priorities (typically Ministry of Finance driven and those that are growth and
climate change related); (2) working with the agencies supporting cities and, critically, directly with cities.
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Intervention Themes: Breaking the Barriers to Future Proofing – More than Finance
o Creating the Conditions for Effective Governance: Reshaping incentives and building
capacity of frontline delivery institutions (as detailed in section 4.2 above):
Incentives for City Resilience: Across the FCA programme, there is a need to
strengthen urban governance supporting effective decentralisation and
frameworks that prioritise more effective functioning of city government.
There is a need to channel greater shares of national resources to
cities: cities often generate far greater shares of resources than
proportional to populations but much of this is then transferred back
to national institutions. Making up investment backlogs and planning
for expansion requires major injections of revenue for investment
and O&M.
The is a need to recalibrate the balance between the devolution of
responsibilities with the resources cities have available to discharge
their responsibilities.
More than Finance: Across the FCA programme, there is pressing need to
dramatically increase the HR capacity at local level to effectively plan and
implement growth, infrastructure investment and climate change adaptation
initiatives. Increasing financial resources and legislative responsibilities
without addressing the HR bottlenecks are not likely to deliver inclusive
growth or resilience.
o Managing Policy Overload
FCA countries are pursuing ambitious national development strategies and
policy responses to international agreements around the SDGs and climate
change. These initiatives have profound consequences for cities, though they
are typically not part of making commitments, and creating an overload on
already weak local governments. Policy reforms need to bring
implementation requirements into the decision – making calculus and the
implications for city government made explicit and resourced.
o Structural Change is Required for Inclusive Growth
The FCA city economies all require structural change, if local resources are to
be created to invest in future proofing. Growth without structural change will
not sustainably improve city productivity and equality. Go for growth is not a
resilient option. National development strategies and their corresponding
spatial structures (with cities often at the forefront) should fully internalise
environmental and resource constraints. The evidence from FCA is that local
resource constraints are not sufficiently considered in national growth
strategies.
Interventions to improve productivity enhancing infrastructure – electricity
and mobility – are much needed, along with access to water and other basic
services. But, 75% of the city economies are made up of informal activities
which need far reaching policy and regulatory reform (ease of doing business)
and access to business services to improve competitiveness. Central to this is
access to serviced commercial / industrial land with security of tenure.
Promoting a hybrid economy as a second best option is sensible whereby
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informal economic activities are linked to value chains and markets in the
formal economy provides an intermediate pathway to productivity growth.
New models of infrastructure and service delivery are needed that are
appropriate and sustainable in view of the on the ground conditions in African
cities: key parameters of these services are likely to include micro-grids, low
carbon, labour intensive and affordable to low income households and micro
/ small scale businesses.
Central to this is access to serviced commercial / industrial land with security
of tenure. Interventions are needed to create effective land management
systems that reduce uncertainty in terms of security of tenure (for households
and commercial activities) and provide for urban land expansion to avoid the
reproduction of informal settlements on the city boundaries.
o Managing Risks and Vulnerabilities: Getting the Basics Right
There is a need to get greater granularity and ground truth the potential risks
and vulnerabilities related to climate change and environmental constraints:
more investment is needed in reliable and accurate data at city level.
City governments need to build capacity to better understand and manage
urban risks: this includes new tools (for example the FCA urban risk
framework is aimed at filling this gap; resilience.io provides a more integrated
planning tool to improve investment choices), quick, scaleable and easy to
use methods to assemble data and the right people doing the job and the
time and reosurces to do it propertly.
80The State of the Art Papers, Research Monographs and Future Research Agenda documents are available on the FCA
OneDrive:https://onedrive.live.com/?authkey=%21AKPE3I%5FN%2D0eT9DE&id=EB71EA6F3B96B3F%21204&cid=0EB71E
A6F3B96B3F The more detailed recommendations related to the future research agenda and engagement with African
research institutions is included as part of a separate report: FCA Future Research Report. The FCA Research Report
provides a rapid assessment of the state of African urban research capabilities and potential themes for future African
research and options to deliver research and influence policy.
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Tools82
o Resilience.io (Output 3)
Prototype / Proof of Concept successfully established – logframe milestone
achieved at end of project.
Commission an independent due diligence (DD) assessment of the
resilience.io platform to validate market positioning and demand, identify
potential collaboration partners (assessing links to other complementary
initiatives) and define realistic funding streams for the platform development.
Based on the DD assessment, DFID to clearly define future investment
intentions in the platform development, and if willing to invest, to define level
of investment, terms and conditions to enable resilience.io development
team to plan.
81
This would extend the on-going work of New York University and would be designed to capture the
specificities of African urbanisation and build in key variables relevant to policy goals, SDGs and climate change
risk and resilience.
82 See Annex 1for a more detailed review of the FCA tool development work packages.
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83The Knowledge Platform budget of £200,000 is 4% of FCA budget with logframe weighting of 12.5%. At £50k/country
this was very low and highly restricted the scope and depth of KP utilisation and fully embedding the system into city level
business processes notwithstanding demand for more functionality.
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City Level Growth: Equitable Wealth Creation and Resources for Investment
o Complementing governance and capacity building support are interventions to foster
structural economic change to deliver jobs and savings to invest in growth.
o Cities need a much stronger economic base: growth enabling infrastructure and
business regulation reforms to make it easier and safer for the informal sector to
operate; through this shift, high extortion payments to rent seekers will shift to taxes
and fees fairly charged and collected by city governments.
o Improve the investment readiness of cities to host FDI and larger formal sector
activities.84
84The rationale is simply that making cities function and improving the business environment (ease of doing business) will
improve investment readiness.
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5. LIST OF ANNEXES
1. FCA Knowledge and Tools
Available in: https://1drv.ms/f/s!Aj9rufOmHrcOkzwUufJTx23qR1mg
2. Institutional Context
Available in: https://1drv.ms/f/s!Aj9rufOmHrcOkz2uBKE5Nb3PS1oK
3. Ethiopia
Available in: https://1drv.ms/f/s!Aj9rufOmHrcOkz59ayyCyKbjKqdC
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