Political History of Pakistan
Political History of Pakistan
Political History of Pakistan
● 12 March 1949 – Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly on aims and
objectives of the future constitution. This report was well received by the citizens of Pakistan.
● 7 September 1950 – the interim report of the Basic Principles Committee was presented to the
constituent assembly. This step however marked the beginning of the decline in the popularity
of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. This report was criticized mainly by East Pakistan.
● 6 October 1950 – interim report of the Committee on Fundamental Rights of the Citizens of
Pakistan matters relating to Minorities was adopted by Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. This
report got a comparatively better response.
● 22 December 1952 – the final report of the Basic Principles Committee was presented. This
report was also criticized, because of opposition in Punjab.
● 7 October 1953 – Constitutional impasse was over and formation of the federal legislature was
resolved by the ‘Muhammad Ali Formula’. This report was widely welcomed and helped the
Constituent Assembly regain popularity.
● 21 September 1954 – the Basic Principles Committees’ revised Report was approved by the
Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
The final sketch of the constitution was prepared and the Constituent Assembly was near to the
completion of its purpose. But at this point, the Constituent Assembly was suspended by
Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad, on 24th October 1954. He stated that the Constituent
Assembly had lost the confidence of the people; this ruined the efforts of the first Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan which had been working towards formulating a viable constitution for
seven years.
Top of Form
Bottom of Form
● Objectives Resolution should be made part of the constitution and should serve
as the directive principle of state policy.
● The state of Pakistan was to be a federation.
● The Central Legislature was to be bicameral. It would consist of a House of Unit
(Upper House) with 100 members and a House of People (Lower House) with
400 members.
● The Upper House was to be the representative institution of the provinces,
elected by the provincial legislature. While the Lower House was to be elected by
the people based on adult franchise.
● The tenure of both the Houses was to be five years and both were to enjoy equal
power.
● The decisions regarding budget or monetary bills were to be decided in joint
sessions of the two houses.
● The Head of state was to be elected by a joint session of the two houses for a
term of five years and would work on the advice of the Prime Minister.
● The federal legislature had the authority to remove the head of state.
● Each province was to have its legislature; elected based on adult franchise for a
term of five years.
● The Head of the provincial legislature was to be elected by the head of state for
a term of five years and he was to work on the advice of the Chief Minister.
● Legislative power was to be divided into three lists: 1) The Federal list comprising
of 67 subjects on which the central legislature would legislate. 2) The Provincial
list comprising of 35 items, the provincial legislature would legislate on these
subjects. And 3) The Concurrent list of 37 items on which both the central and
provincial legislatures had the authority to legislate. The residuary powers were
vested in the center.
● In case of a dispute, the Supreme Court had the authority to interpret the
constitution.
● The procedure to amend the constitution was very rigid; it required majority
approval from the central and provincial legislatures.
● The Head of the state was given added powers like the authority to abrogate the
constitution and issue ordinances.
● Urdu was to be the state language.
● The Supreme Court was the head of the judiciary. It would consist of the Chief
Justice and 2 to 6 judges. And High Courts for each province were to be
established.
● A Board of Ulama would be appointed by the head of state and provincial
governors to examine the process of law-making and to ensure that laws were in
accordance with the Quran and Sunnah.
The reaction to this report proved counterproductive and was not conducive to
success. As a consequence popularity of the First Constituent Assembly was badly
maligned. Resultantly Liaquat Ali Khan was forced to postpone his considerations on
account of severe criticism on the part of East Pakistan. This delay led to many
complications in the progress of the First Constituent Assembly.
This report was criticized strongly by S.C. Chattopadyaya and East Pakistan. The crux of
criticism was related to underrepresentation in the central legislature and the proposal
for a strong center with vast powers on financial matters. East Pakistan was given an
equal number of seats in the Upper House, the same as West Pakistan. Thus it reduces
the principle of majority and turned East Pakistan into a minority. Moreover, the
interim report was preposterous for East Pakistan since it Urdu as the national
language and Bengali was nowhere in the constitutional arena.
As a result of this reaction, Liaquat Ali Khan postponed the consideration of the report
and invited new suggestions. To include public opinion he called forth general
comments and suggestions by the public on the report. For this, a committee was set
up headed by Sardar Abdur Rab Nishter, who presented a report in the Constituent
Assembly in July 1952.
Resultantly, the struggle for making a constitution caused serious apprehension in the
mind of East Pakistan. They felt that the Bengali interests were not safe in such a state
of affairs. There could have been rational and mature negotiations with productive and
pleasing results for the sake of nationalism, but that did not happen. Even though the
constitutional deadlock was later vented off but it was too late, the interim report
inevitably posed an ever-impending threat in the minds of East Pakistan that their
interests were not safe given the supremacy accorded to West Pakistan in a federation.
Rawalpindi Conspiracy (1951)
Certain events in the history of nations leave deep impacts on their future. Such
incidents are always controversial and remain a matter of dispute among sections of
society. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy case is one such incident in our post-independence
history that has influenced our political and social history. After the termination of
decades, the event ought now to be analyzed objectively to learn useful lessons from it
as the dust of emotions and sentiments has settled down.
Rawalpindi Conspiracy case was an attempted coup d’état against the government of
Liaquat Ali Khan who the first Prime Minister of the country. This was the first attempt
succeeding a number of attempts against the elected governments of Pakistan in later
history. The mastermind behind the whole plan was Major General Akbar Khan who
was a senior commander of the Pakistan Army at that time. And for this plan, he got
the support of some military men and some left-wing politicians as well.
At the time of independence, Major General Akbar Khan was serving the country as
Brigadier. Soon after independence when war broke out between India and Pakistan
on the issue of annexation of Kashmir; Akbar Khan led the regular army and civilian
tribes against India in the war whereas General David Gracy was the C-in-C of the
Pakistan Army.
General Gracy did not like Pakistan’s deep involvement in the war. Consequently,
Pakistan could only be successful in occupying some areas of Kashmir. General Akbar
Khan who was a valiant solider was not satisfied with the state policies and he was
greatly disheartened by this agreement of ceasefire. He used to express his anger
against the ceasefire incautiously in the presence of all. General Akbar Khan and his
associates were not satisfied with the domestic and foreign policies of the government
particularly policies regarding the Kashmir issue. Along with this Akbar Khan had
personal grievances as well; he felt that he had been unfairly ignored when Ayub Khan
was selected the C-in-C of the Pakistan army. Khan’s valor pooled with aggravation
incited him to make a plan of overthrowing the current government of Liaquat Ali Khan
who was the Prime Minister and Khawaja Nazimud Din the Governor-General.
Consequently, Khan called together a meeting at his place in Rawalpindi on
23rd February 1951 which was attended by Faiz, Syed Sajjad Zaheer, the then
secretary-general of the party, and Muhmmad Hussain Ata, another leader of the party.
Besides civilians, Akbar Khan, Lt Col Siddique Raja, and Maj M Yousaf Sethi were
present in the meeting. According to the planned coup d’etat offered by Khan, both
Governor-General and Prime Minister were to be arrested; the Governor-General was
to be forced to suspend the Prime Minister and his government. And after the
dismissal of the government, Khan was to form the new government which was to
organize general elections in the country. The new government was to allow the
communist party to take part in the political process and as a return, the party was to
welcome and provide support to the new government. The Daily under the editorship
of Faiz was to provide editorial support to the new government. But one of Khan’s
confidants, Ali, who was a police officer, reported the whole plan to the IG Police who,
through the Governor of NWFP, brought the plan to the knowledge of the PM. As a
Consequence, Khan, Begum Nasim, Faiz, and Zaheer were arrested.
A special tribunal was constituted to try the accused persons. The case began in the
court, on 15th June 1951 specially prepared for the trial in the compound of the
Hyderabad jail. The case was not false altogether. The accused claimed that the
meeting had ended without any accord after a prolonged eight hours of intense
debate. According to the law of the land, the conspiracy could only be established if
there was an agreement on the plan. Since no agreement was reached, there was no
conspiracy. After months of trial, finally, the court declared its verdict. The trial
concluded on 22nd November 1950, and the verdict was announced the following year
in January The civilians and the junior army officers were imprisoned for four years and
were charged with a fine and Akbar Khan for 14 years.
The most surprising point of the case was the alliance between the communist party
leaders and the army officers, as both sectors of the society were obsessed with
different approaches towards the society and its functioning and progression.
The conspiracy was gigantic in terms of its consequences to the state since the military
and the elite of the bureaucracy were waiting to capture the state machinery because
the politicians were not working for the people. The subsequent Martial laws imposed
in the country are merely the reflections of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case 1951.
Nowadays when there are talks about the incapability of the state to deal with the
problems of the people it must be remembered that these thoughts were wandering in
the minds of the people when Liaquat Ali Khan served as the Prime Minister. The
Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case echoes across all future events that are a result of the
frustrations among the people concerning the inability of the government.
Subsequently, in October 1955, all the fourteen conspirators were released following
the legal battle that went on in the higher courts after the dissolution of the CAP. Major
General Akbar Khan was soon transformed in Pakistani political life, becoming an
adviser to Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Upon coming to power in 1971, Bhutto
appointed Akbar Khan to be chief of national security. Faiz continued to publish many
works of poetry and was appointed to the National Council for Arts by the Bhutto
government.
● The draft ignored the fact that East Bengal contained the majority of the
population of the country and West Pakistan had a major part of the country’s
territory.
● The draft made the lower house a weak replica of the House of People and
reduced its utility. It also made no provision if both houses were unable to
resolve the conflict in a joint session.
Like the first report, this was also criticized but this time criticism arose from Punjab
which considered the federal formula to be defective. They demanded equal
representation for various units in the lower house and equal power for both Houses.
The Punjab members in the Basic Principles Committee and the Federal Cabinet
disliked the formula because they felt East Pakistan would easily dominate West
Pakistan which had been divided into nine units.
Religious leaders were also not satisfied with the Islamic character of the
recommended constitution especially with regards to their demand for the declaration
of Ahmadis as non-Muslims. In July 1952 during the All Pakistan Muslim Parties
Convention held at Lahore a demand was put forward for the removal of Ahmadis from
the key posts including Zafarullah Khan who was the Foreign Minister. Although
Nazaimuddin sympathized with the demand he refused to incorporate them in the
Basic Principles Committee report.
Ulama’s 22 Points
One of the main arguments of the secularists in Pakistan was that the Ulema were
divided into sectarian lines and they were not in a position to agree on one concept of
the Islamic system. They considered that the Ulema had given such confusing
interpretations to the precepts of the Quran that the unity of purpose in Islam was lost.
They believed that the Ulema of various schools of thought were incapable of giving a
rational and systematic constitutional plan, which could be acceptable to the bulk of
the Pakistani Muslims. To counter this argument and to demonstrate unity, 31 Ulema
from different shades of opinion: Sunnis, Ahl-i-Hadith, and Shias, under the leadership
of Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, gathered at a convention held in Karachi from January 21 to
24, 1951. After thorough discussions, they formulated a program of 22 principles which
according to them were the irreducible minimum for an Islamic State. The formula
given by them is commonly known as the Ulema’s 22 Points.
26. Ultimate sovereignty over all Nature and Laws belongs to Allah Rabb al-Alamin.
27. Quran and Sunnah as the basis of all Law. Current laws considered in conflict
with the Sharia to be abrogated or suitably amended to conform with the
Shariah.
28. The State to be based on principles and ideals of Islam and not on any
geographical, racial, or linguistic concepts and considerations
29. The State to enjoin practices prescribed by the Quran and Sunnah and to
prohibit those forbidden by it. Beliefs of various sects to be taken into
consideration while reviving or establishing Islamic customs, practices, and law.
30. The State to strengthen bonds of unity and solidarity with the Muslim world.
31. The State undertakes responsibility for providing the basic needs of its citizens
who are unable to earn their livelihood irrespective of religion, race, or creed.
32. All citizens to enjoy fundamental rights granted by the Shariah such as safety of
life and property, freedom of religion, worship, freedom of expression, assembly
and movement, freedom to work and to enjoy equality of opportunity, etc.
33. No citizen would be deprived of fundamental rights except under the law of
Islam and no court of law would sentence a citizen without providing him with
an opportunity for defense.
34. Recognized Muslim sects were to enjoy full religious freedom within the limits of
the law. They had the right to impart education to their followers in their way.
Their personal law was to be governed by the laws of their sect and the law
courts were to respect these sectional laws while dealing with members of the
sect.
35. Similar freedom was to be enjoyed by non-Muslim citizens of the State in respect
of their religion, education, and culture. Law courts were to respect their
religious law and custom while dealing with cases involving personal law.
36. All agreements and treaties entered into with non-Muslim subjects of the State
were to be honored in accordance with the Shariah. Non-Muslim citizens were
granted fundamental rights on par with Muslim citizens.
37. The Head of State was to be a Muslim male citizen of the State.
38. All responsibility for running the State was vested in the Head of State who could
delegate his authority or part thereof to any individual or institution in the State.
39. The Government constituted by the Head of the State was to be a consultative
and not dictatorial character. The Head of the State was required to discharge
his responsibility in consultation with the elected representatives of the people.
40. The Head of the State had no right to rule the country by abrogating the whole
or part of the Constitution.
41. The institution was responsible for electing the Head of the State had the power
also to remove or suspend him.
42. The Head of the State enjoyed no immunity and was subject to the law like any
other citizen.
43. The accountability to the law of the land was equally applicable to all members
of the government and functionaries of the State.
44. The judiciary was to be independent of the executive.
45. Propagation of such ideas and ideologies as are considered contrary to the
fundamentals of Islam was to be prohibited.
46. The State was to be of a unitary nature. Different regional racial, tribal, or
linguistic areas constituting the territory of the State were not to enjoy the right
of secession.
47. No interpretation of the Constitution which was repugnant to the Quran and the
Sunnah was considered valid.
During 195-52 due to a lack of proper rainfall and then because of flood the crops were
badly damaged in Punjab and Sindh. Moreover, the prospect of land reforms
influenced wheat production so this food shortage was created by the landlords who
had turned hostile due to the modest reforms made by the Doultana government in
favor of agriculture tenants. With this background, when Nazimuddin showed an
inability to declare Ahmadis non-Muslim the ulama restored to direct action. Five
volunteers carrying placards with demands marched to the residence of the Prime
Minister and the situation worsened when Mumtaz Doltana, who was the Chief
Minister of Punjab endorsed the demands and appealed to the center for their
acceptance.
Martial Law was imposed in Lahore to maintain the law and order situation by Ayub
Khan who was Commander in Chief of the army, to control the disorder that had
followed the direct action. Mumtaz Doltana not only retraced his earlier statement but
also vacated the office of Chief Minister for Firoz Khan Noon. After a few days, the
Punjab assembly passed the budget and the situation worsened for Nazimuddin, due
to slashing of the defense budget by one-third in light of stringent financial conditions.
This situation created annoyance between the military leaders for the Nizamuddin
Government. However, Nazimuuddin still enjoyed the confidence of the constituent
assembly and could defeat his opponents in the assembly.
However, Ghulam Muhammad with the support of bureaucracy and military leadership
used the discretionary power given to him by the provisional constitution and
dismissed Nazimuddin. He was summoned by Ghulam Muhammad along with his
cabinet and ordered to resign when Nazimuddin declined he was dismissed along with
his cabinet. The Governor-General had acted under section 10 of the adopted
Government of India Act, thus Nazimddin became the victim of a bureaucratic-military
coup. Nazimuddin tried to resist his dismissal since he enjoyed the confidence of the
legislature and had also passed the budget for the year 1953-54. He also tried to
contact the Queen in England to remove Ghulam Muhammad from the office of
Governor-General but failed to produce the desired effect. Muhammad Ali Bogra
became the new Prime Minister of the country on 17th April 1953.
When Muhammad Ali Bogra became the Prime Minister of Pakistan, the main task
ahead of him was to achieve an agreement on a workable constitution for the country.
He worked hard on this project and within six months of assuming power, came out
with a constitutional formula. He presented the formula to the Constituent Assembly
on 7th October 1953 and it is known as the Bogra formula. The major features of the
formula were:
● The federal legislature would comprise of two houses – the House of Unit and
the House of People. The total strength of the House of Units would be 50, which
was to be equally divided among five units namely, East Bengal, Punjab, NWFP,
Frontier States, Sindh and Khairpur, Balochistan. The House of Units would be
elected indirectly by the legislature of the units. The Bogra formula reduced the
9 units of West Pakistan into 4 units.
● The House of People was to have a total number of three hundred members, to
be divided among the five units in this manner – East Bengal 165 members,
Punjab 75, NWFP 13, Sindh 19, State of Khairpur 1, Balochistan 3, and
Bahawalpur State 7.
● Both Houses were to have equal powers in all matters. There was a provision for
a joint session of the two for the election of the Head of the State and the
disposal of votes of confidence.
● In case of a difference of opinion between the two Houses, a joint session of the
two Houses would be called and the matter would be decided by a majority vote,
provided that the majority included thirty percent of the members from each
zone.
● It maintained the principle of parity between East and West Pakistan in
combined Houses, with 175 seats for each zone. So in total, both the wings were
to have 175 seats each in the two Houses of the Legislative Assembly.
● In place of the Board of Ulama, the Supreme Court was given the power to
decide if a law was in accordance with the basic teachings of the Holy Quran and
Sunnah.
● The two houses of the Legislative Assembly formed the Electoral College for the
Presidential elections and the President was to be elected for a term of 5 years
This proposal was received with great enthusiasm however, there were some points of
criticism as well. The issue of equal powers to both Houses attracted a lot of criticism
and some people maintained that since the lower house represented the people it
should have more power. But generally, this proposal was accepted although the
parliament was divided on the response to the formula. Another significant measure
during this period that facilitated the problem of constitution-making was the
settlement of the language issue. In 1954 the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan decided
that Bengali and Urdu would be the national languages of Pakistan. This decision
facilitated the constitution-making process.
Unlike the two reports of the Basic Principles Committee, the Bogra Formula was
appreciated by different sections of the society. There was great enthusiasm amongst
the masses as they considered it to be a plan that could bridge the gulf between the
two wings of Pakistan and would act as a source of unity for the country. The proposal
was discussed in the Constituent Assembly for 13 days, and a committee was set to
draft the constitution on 14th November 1953. However, before the constitution could
be finalized, the Assembly was dissolved by Ghulam Muhammad, the then
Governor-General of Pakistan.
Furthermore, the Constituent Assembly was not happy with the ever-increasing role of
the Governor-General and day-to-day affairs of the government. They also disliked the
power of the Governor-General to dissolve the government. When Ghulam
Muhammad was on an official tour of NWFP, the CAP amended the constitution and
snatched away his discretionary power under which he had dismissed Nazimuddin’s
government. Ghulam Muhammad cut short his tour and immediately returned to
Karachi. On his return, he, first of all, tried to win over important politicians including
Ayub Khuhro, Mumtaz Daultana, Fazlul Haq, and Dr. Khan Sahib, etc., and then took
Ayub Khan into confidence. Once he was sure that he had the backing of the people
who matter on October 24 he dissolved the CAP on the ground that it had lost the
confidence of the people of Pakistan. He imposed press censorship and promised fresh
elections. Bogra, the Prime Minister of the dissolved assembly endorsed the move and
declared CAP was responsible for imperiling national unity by provoking personal,
sectional, and provincial rivalries and suspicion. He was made the Prime Minister of the
Cabinet which used the back door to gain power.
Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan, the president of the dissolved CAP did not submit to the idea
and along with other members tried to hold the already scheduled session of the
assembly on October 28. When they were not allowed to enter the assembly hall, on
November 7 he filled a writ in the Sindh Chief Court against the action of the
Governor-General. On February 9, 1955, a full bench of the Sindh Chief Court gave a
verdict in favor of Maulvi Tamizuddin and ordered that the Governor-General had no
power to dissolve the CAP. After the ruling, Maulvi Tamizuddin called the meeting of
the CAP on March 7. Bogra, after consulting Ghulam Muhammad, who was in Paris at
that time for his medical treatment, decided to challenge the decision in the Federal
Court. Chief Justice of the Federal Court, Justice Muhammad Munir, assured the
government that the judgment of the Sindh Court would be reverted. The Federal
Court, working according to the doctrine of necessity, did not go into the question,
whether the CAP was legally dissolved or not. Rather, they rejected the writ on the
technical ground that Section 233A under which the writ had been issued in favor of
Maulvi Tamizuddin was not yet law since it had not received the assent of the
Governor-General. One member of the five-member bench, Justice A.R. Cornelius held
that the assent of the Governor-General was not required for constitutional Act and
believed that the decision of the Sindh Chief Court should be upheld. The history of
Pakistan would have been different, had the voice of Justice Cornelius be heard by the
other four judges of the bench.
Before the dissolution of the constituent assembly, Ghulam Muhammad instructed Muhammad Ali
Bogra, the prime minister to form a cabinet for the benefit of the parliament. Hastily a ten-member
cabinet was put together on 24th October 1954 which included five members of the previous cabinet
three as ministers – Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, Dr. A.M Malik, and Ghiyyasuddin Pathan, two as ministers
of state – Sardar Amir Azam Khan and Murtaza Raza Chaudhry. The new members of this cabinet were
M.A. Isphani from the Muslim League, Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur, PML Vice President, Dr. Khan Sahib, Major
General Sikandar Mirza, General Ayub khan commander in chief of the army.
Later on, five more ministers were added to this Cabinet, Habib Ibrahim Rahimtoola, Sayyed Abid
Hussain, and Sardar Mumtaz Ali both from the Muslim League, Shrawardy and Hussain Sarkar. Bogra
described it as the “cabinet of talents” which, in the nonexistence of an elected legislature, was
responsible to people. Although he was the figurative head of the cabinet but had no authority over it.
This Cabinet of Talents can be viewed as the beginning of the military taking over civilian responsibility,
as is clear from the appointment of Mirza as Minister of Defense and his time as Interior Minister.
Sikander Mirza became so important, that he provided strategy and policies of the cabinet. His main task
was to facilitate the cabinet in constitution-making. For this purpose, he greatly employed the note that
Ayub khan had drafted in London and presented in the USA to the closed military audience as the basis
for constitution building. The cabinet first adopted the One Unit Plan, which sought amalgamation of the
provinces and princely state of Pakistan into one province. The cabinet used influential and coercive
methods to eliminate any hurdles in its way to implementing the One Unit Plan.
The cabinet wanted official authorization from all the legislative bodies wherever they existed. Mushtaq
Ahmad Gurmani was appointed as the Governor of Punjab to convince the MPAs to agree to the
One-Unit Plan. The NWFP assembly accepted the plan, even though Pir of Manki Sharif with five other
members opposed and boycotted the plan. In Sindh, all political forces earlier combined and form a body
known as the Security of Sindh. And on 23rd October 1954 74 out of 109 MPAs issued a signed statement
against the idea of One Unit. In the wake of this event, the Cabinet of Talent replaced Sattar Pirzada with
Ayub Khuhro, as Chief Minister and after one month Sindh Assembly also agreed to the One-Unit
scheme. Mir of Khairpur state agreed with the plan and Amir of Bhawalpur also gave his consent after
the dissolution of the ministry. Khan of Qalat, president of Balochistan States Union was coerced into a
merger document on the behalf of states for the administration of West Pakistan.
The Governor-General established a council on 16th December 1954. Gurmani was made the chairman of
this council which comprised of Governor and Chief Ministers of Units. It set up committees to settle the
organization, staffing, integration of services. The cabinet engaged Sir Ivor Jenning, a British expert to
prepare a draft constitution based on the American Presidential System, with a Vice President and
President who were assigned wide executive and financial powers. This draft was adopted by the Cabinet
of Talents as the country’s constitution and the Council of Administration finalized its report. However,
the higher courts halted constitution-making by an executive decree.
When Pakistan came into existence the geography of Pakistan was completely confusing in a sense of
divisional land. The land of Pakistan was geographically divided into two parts which were known as East
Pakistan (now current Bangladesh) and West Pakistan (Islamic Republic of Pakistan). It is crystal clear that
East Pakistan was separated from West Pakistan with a vast expanse of land. On the other hand, West
Pakistan was itself divided into four provinces. East Pakistan was considered one province. It was difficult
for east Pakistani to be prosperous with the privileges which it had. So there were a lot of hurdles
between east and west. Such as language issues, sharing of powers, etc. additionally West Pakistan was
more developed and it had a strong military and bureaucracy.
Nevertheless, the rulers of Pakistan tried to solve the issue of disparity that was being faced by East
Pakistan. The then Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra brought the concept of one unit under
discussion. The leaders of the viewed that the disparity and hopelessness of East Pakistan could be
removed by merging all four units of West Pakistan into one unit and the campaign would have other
development projects.
In this way, equality between east and west would come to the surface. On 30th September a bill was
passed in the assembly in the favor of one unit. Furthermore, Lahore was declared the capital of one
unit. The land of West Pakistan was controlled by three governors which became under a chief
commissioner. Knowing the fact the one unit’s first governor was appointed as Mushtaque Ahmed
Gurmani and the first chief minister was dr. khan sahib.
The question arises here whether the merging of all West Pakistan provinces was the consent of all the
units of the provinces or not. The answer would be “NO” because when the campaign of one unit was
initiated, firstly it was opposed by the Sindh assembly. It is clear as day that the center or federal
government has been strong all the time. The then chief minister was dismissed Pirzada Abdul Sattar was
dismissed by Ghulam Muhammad.
After the dismissal of Pirzada, Muhammad Ayub Khuro was installed as the new chief minister of Sind.
The Sind assembly started supporting one unit campaign. Sad to as that Ayub Khuro was dismissed in the
case of corruption PRODA (public and representative officer disqualified act) “under the Act 1949, the
government could start legal proceedings against ministers and members of the assembly on the charges
of misconduct or corruption.’ But after three years he was appointed as chief minister. After few months
again he was dismissed. But in 1954 PRODA was lifted and Mr. Khuro was again made the chief minister
of Sindh. Besides Sind and West Pakistan, East Pakistan was fully against one unit campaign because they
had a threat of demographic change. But passing through great hurdles one unit came into existence.
The fact cannot be denied that the merging of the provinces created further troubles and tribulations.
The circumstances of one unit could not bring prosperity and development to the country. Due to that
the West Pakistan legislature passed a bill in October recommending the dissolution of one unit. This led
to the downfall of Suhrwardy’s cabinet. The central government dismissed the ministries in Punjab, Sind,
and NWFP. One unit continued until general Yahya khan dissolved it on July 1st, 1970.
To conclude, one unit created more problems internally in West Pakistan. With one unit of West Pakistan
neither the disparity of East Pakistan was removed nor was any other issue was resolved.
The Federal Court’s decision in the Reference by the Governor-General cleared the way for summoning
the Second Constituent Assembly (1955-1958). The verdict of the Federal Court in Usif Patel’s case had
put to an end the effort of Ghulam Mohammad and his nominated Cabinet to make a Constituent make
a Constitution by executive decrees.
The Federal Court unanimously declared that the task of framing a Constitution had to be performed by
a Constituent Assembly. That decision was made on 13th April and two days later, the Governor-General,
Ghulam Mohammad, by proclamation, summoned a sixty-member Constituent Convention to meet on
10th May 1955. The Convention was to be elected from the existing provincial assemblies and its function
would be to replace the first Constituent Assembly.
The Convention, unless dissolved earlier, would stand dissolved at the expiry of six months and would be
presided over by a person appointed by the Governor-General. Of its sixty members, seven were to e
reserved for non-Muslims in East Pakistan. The number of the seats was allocated as follows:
East Pakistan 30
Punjab 16
North-West 3
Sindh 4
The remaining seven would be nominated by the Governor-General based on one from Baluchistan,
Frontier State, Khairpur State, Bahawalpur State, and Karachi. The Tribal Areas had two representatives.
The proclamation of the Governor-General was amended by subsequent orders. Within fifteen days, two
new orders were issued. The first was related to the method of election to the Constituent Convention. It
provided that the procedure for the election would be the same as had been adopted for the
Constituent Assembly elected in 1947 that is, by the method of proportional representation with a single
transferable vote. The Governor-General issued a second amendment Order on 27 April under which the
Convention would have eighty members and would also function as the federal legislature. The new
Constituent Convention would now have all powers which were exercised by the first Constituent
Assembly under the provisions of Section 8 of the Indian Independence Act. The composition now stood
as follow:
NWFP 4
Baluchistan 1
Tribal Areas 3
Khairpur State 1
Bahawalpur State 2
Karachi 1
The composition of the Convention was based on the principle of parity of representation between East
and West Pakistan. In East Pakistan, the leader of the united front, A.K. Fazlul Haq, was threatening to
boycott the Constituent Convention on the ground that did not give East Pakistan a majority of seats
based on population. Subsequently, as a result of a deal with the Prime Minister, Mohammad Ali, under
which parliamentary institutions suspended since 1954 was restored in East Pakistan, United Front
accepted its representation. Law Minister Suhrawardi already accepted it. Party position in the second
Assembly was very different. In the first Constituent Assembly the Muslim League had an absolute
majority since it had captured almost all the Muslim seats. It was clear that from the beginning that the
Muslim League would not enjoy that position in the new Assembly. It was in East Pakistan that out of 309
members in the East Pakistan provincial legislature the League only had 10 members and it could get one
seat from the province. In West Pakistan, the League captured all the Muslim seats from Sindh and
NWFP. In the Punjab internal divisions prevented it from having a monopoly. It lost three seats to the
dissident group led by Malik Feroz Khan Noon. With twenty-five members in the house eighty, the
Muslim League was still the largest single party in the new Assembly.
Since no single party was in the position to command a majority the various groups lost no time in
seeking alliances. A coalition of the Muslim League and the United Front was ultimately formed with
Chaudhry Mohammad Ali the Former Finance Minister, as prime minister. Mohammad Ali Bogra quietly
resumed his old assignment as Ambassador to the United States.
Chaudhry Mohammad Ali contributed a lot to the success of the new Assembly in framing a Constitution.
Other prominent members of the New Assembly were H.S.Suhrawardy leader of Opposition, A.K Fazl ul
Haq, Leader of the United Front. There was a complete absence of women from the Second Assembly.
The immediate task before the Second Constituent Assembly was to revalidate those statues which had
become null and void as a result of the legal disputes. The task was not too easy as it involved the
delicate discussion of the merits of those statutes. The Assembly first met on 7 July 1955 and
immediately passed the Validation of Laws Act of 1955. The first important and highly controversial task
performed by the second Constituent Assembly was the unification of West Pakistan. West Pakistan was
established as One Unit. The Second Constituent Assembly also had the advantage of profiting from the
work of its predecessor. The draft provided for a strong center. Draft containing 245 Articles was finally
approved by the Second Constituent Assembly.
Constitution of 1956
After assuming charge as Prime Minister, Chaudhary Muhammad Ali and his team
worked hard to formulate a constitution. The committee, which was assigned the task
to frame the Constitution, presented the draft Bill in the Constituent Assembly of
Pakistan on January 9, 1956. The bill was opposed by the Bengali autonomists. Bhashai,
the leader of Awami League in East Pakistan, even used the threat of secession to press
for autonomy and his party staged a walkout from the Assembly on February 29, when
the Assembly adopted the Constitution. Later on, Awami League boycotted the official
ceremonies celebrating the inauguration of the Constitution. However, despite their
opposition, the Constitution was adopted and was enforced on March 23, 1956. With
this Pakistan’s status as a dominion ended and the country was declared as the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan. Constituent Assembly became interim National Assembly and
Governor-General Iskander Mirza sworn in as the first President of Pakistan.
The Constitution of 1956 consisted of 234 articles, divided into 13 parts and 6
schedules. Following were the chief characteristics of the Constitution:
● Pakistan was declared as the Islamic Republic and it was made mandatory that
only a Muslim could become the President of the country. President would set
up an Organization for Islamic Research. Good relations with the Muslim
countries became the main objective of the Foreign Policy. Objectives Resolution
and Quaid’s declaration that Pakistan would be a democratic state based on
Islamic principles of social justice were made the preamble of the Constitution.
Steps were to be taken to enable the Muslims individually and collectively to
order their lives in accordance with the teaching of the Quran and Sunnah and
to implement Islamic moral standards. The sectarian interpretations among the
Muslims were to get due regard. Measures were to be taken to properly
organize zakat, waqfs, and mosques. However, one clause relating to the
elimination of riba, which was the part of the draft was eventually dropped.
● The constitution provided for the federal form of government with three lists of
subjects: federal, provincial and concurrent. The federal list consisted of 33
items, provincial of 94 items, and a concurrent list of 19 items. The federal
legislation was to get precedence over provincial legislation regarding the
concurrent list. In case of a conflict between federal and provincial governments,
or between the provincial governments, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
was to act as a mediator. The federal government exercised wider control in
provincial matters in case of emergency.
● Though the constitution provided for the Parliamentary form of Government,
yet it declared that the executive authority of the Federation would be in the
president.
● Any Muslim citizen of Pakistan, who was at least forty years old, could be elected
as the President of Pakistan for the term of five years. No one was entitled to
hold this office for more than two tenures. 3/4th members of the Assembly could
impeach the president.
● President could appoint from amongst the MNAs a Prime Minister who had to
take the vote of confidence from the house in two months. The Prime Minister
had to inform the president about all the decisions of the cabinet.
● Ministers could be taken from outside the National Assembly but they were to
get themselves elected within six months.
● President had the power to summon, prorogue, and dissolve the Assembly on
the advice of the cabinet. No bill imposing taxes or involving expenditure could
be moved without his consent. He had partial veto power. He could give or
withhold his assent to a bill passed by the Assembly.
● Prime Minister and his cabinet were to aid and advise the president. The
president was required to follow the advice of the cabinet except where he was
empowered to act at his discretion.
● The Constitution entitled for a Unicameral Legislature. The National Assembly
was to consist of 300 members. The age limit of a candidate for a seat in the
National Assembly was 25 years.
● The principle of parity was accommodated in the Constitution. West Pakistan
was treated as one unit and seats were divided equally between the two wings
of the country. National Assembly was to meet at least twice a year. A minimum
of one session should be held in Dhaka.
● Members of the Assembly were to be elected based on Direct Elections
conducted based on Adult Franchise. However, for the first ten years, five
additional seats were reserved for women from each wing. Every citizen, who
was more than 21 years of age was considered an adult.
● The provincial structure was similar to that of the center. There were 300
members in both provincial assemblies. Ten additional seats were reserved for
women. Punjab was given 40% seats in the West Pakistan Assembly.
● It was a Written Constitution.
● It was a Flexible Constitution and two-third members of the Assembly could
bring an amendment to the constitution.
● Fundamental Rights were made justiciable. However, the President had the
power to suspend fundamental rights in case of emergency.
● Elaborate provisions were made for the higher judiciary to ensure its
independence.
● Urdu and Bengali were declared as the state languages. However, for the first
twenty years, English was to continue as an official language. After ten years, the
president was to appoint a commission to make recommendations for the
replacement of English.
The constitution was never practically implemented as no elections were held. It was
eventually abrogated on October 7, 1958, when Martial Law was enforced.
Analysis
Many in Pakistan while discussing the reasons for the enforcement of Martial Law in
the country believe that it was the failure of the Parliamentary system. They argue that
the politicians and the political parties of the country were not competent enough to
run the affairs of the state and thus failed to provide good governance. According to
this school of thought, differences arose on the basic constitutional issues like the role
of Islam in Politics, Provincial Autonomy, and the distribution of powers between the
East and the West Wing of the country, etc. They further claim that the bad economic
conditions, due to both wrong policies as well as lack of rains, resulted in the lack of
development as an important cause.
However, a good look at the history of Pakistan from 1951-1958 indicates that the
system collapsed less because of the above-mentioned reasons and more because of
the mal intentions of the establishment. First Ghulam Muhammad and then Iskander
Mirza and Ayub Khan never allowed the system to flourish. They tried their best to
create hurdles in the process of institutionalization so that their hegemony could
prevail. It was on the initiative of the establishment that the wrong policies like the
creation of One Unit and the principle of parity were introduced. They were afraid of
the masses and thus always tried to delay the holding of general elections in the
country. Isn’t it an irony that those who forced Martial Law declared that the
parliamentary form of government failed to work in Pakistan without having a single
general election in the country? Those who have studied even the basics of political
science know that elections are the main prerequisite for the parliamentary system.
Constitution of 1962
After the military coup of 1958, Ayub Khan waited for some time intending to pave the
path of public opinion in his favor. A legislative commission was established in the
leadership of Justice Shahaab-ud-din. The commission forwarded the report on 6th May
1961. Justice Manzoor Qadir designed and drafted the whole constitution. Ayub,
bypassing a presidential ordinance, enacted the new constitution on 8th June 1962.
It had the following salient features:-
1. It was in written form and had information about the state institutions and their
mutual relations.
2. The constitution was not passed with the consent of the elected representatives
of the people. It was the creation or brainchild of a single person.
3. The constitution was president-friendly; making amendments was easy only if
supported and endorsed by the president or it was a very lengthy and difficult
job. For making any amendment, the 2/3rd majority of the assembly had to pass
the bill and then had to send it to the president. If the president did not take up
any objection for thirty days, the amendment was considered valid. However,
the president might disapprove or send back the resolution with certain
alterations. In that case, it was needed to gain the consent of the 3/4th majority of
the assembly. The president had to give consent in ten days or had to propagate
it for the opinion of Basic Democrats. In that case, the opinion of the B.D’S was
considered final.
4. It was a federal system of government with East Pakistan and West Pakistan as
its units. The constitution contained the list of only federal authorities, the rest
were given to the federating units. The center had the authority to intervene in
the provincial matters if considered necessary.
5. Unlike previous constitutions, the Indian Act 1935 and the constitution of 1956, it
was presidential with all the executive powers resting with the president. He was
the constitutional head of government and state.
6. It was a unicameral system of government with only one house. The members of
the National Assembly were elected by the basic democrats.
7. The judiciary was kept independent to the extent of theory. All the judges of the
High courts had to be selected and appointed by the president with the advice of
the chief justice. But the president was not bound to the opinion or wishes of
the Chief Justice.
8. The constitution guaranteed the basic human rights for all the citizens of
Pakistan without any discrimination of caste, creed, and color.
The constitution of 1962 was a one-man show. It was designed for a single man.
Apparently, it gave many rights and securities to the people but actually it deprived the
people of all kinds of political rights and their representation in the legislation.
● Agartala Conspiracy Case (separation of East Pakistan from West Pakistan with
the armed aid of India) against Mujeeb and a band of civil and military officers in
Jan. 1968.
● Bhashani gave the lead till the release of Mujeeb.
● Slogan: ‘Gheraoo, Jalaoo’. Burnt govt. offices and ministers’ houses. Compelled a
large number of BD’s to resign. Some were burnt alive.
Political Alliances
● Anti Ayub Movement (1968-69) launched by the Urban middle class i.e. Students,
lawyers, teachers, doctors, laborers, politicians, etc.
● Joint Labor Council called for laborers strike.
● Central Medical Body held a successful strike of the Doctors.
● Association of teachers participated in the anti-Ayub movement.
Ayub resigned and Marshal law was re-imposed on March 25, 1969.
● If we minutely study the ten years of Ayub’s era we calculate a few things. Like
every martial law administrator, Ayub liked to keep the power in his own hands.
As soon as he came to power, one of the first steps he took was the passing of
EBDO (Disqualification of politicians and political parties under the Elective
Bodies Disqualification Order), claiming to minimize corruption.
● People wanted a parliamentary form of government, but General Ayub.
presented the nation with the second constitution in 1962 which was
presidential in nature.
● By introducing the system of Basic Democracy (BD), the right of the adult
franchise was curtailed.
● The control of the media and press was observed.
● The Land and Family Laws were very attractive but they were not fully
implemented.
● The concept of urbanization was encouraged, but facilities were not provided.
● The whole of West Pakistan was made in one unit, with which the small
provinces were not happy.
● Rumours about his illness in early 1968, about making Gohar Ayub his
successor, withdrawal of military support added more to his unpopularity.
One more aspect which Ayub neglected from the beginning that caused a major
upheaval in his popularity graph was the case of East Pakistan. It is an atrocious truth
that since independence all the governments including that of Ayub Khan had
neglected East Pakistan. Like his predecessors, he did nothing to decrease the
economic disparity between East and West Pakistan. He was aware of the acute
grievances of the Bengalis, but he did not try to tackle it seriously. As Bengal was a
densely populated and politicized province, it’s feeling of deprivation increased by the
absence of democratic institutions in Ayub’s highly centralized regime. The East
Pakistanis also considered Martial law as the rule of Punjabi dominated Army. The
issue of provincial autonomy was also an issue that intensified with time and we see
that in 1966 Sheikh Mujeeb ur Rahman presented his six points formula for provincial
autonomy of the East wing. Even then, no heed was paid to the growing
discontentment.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto exploited the Tashkent declaration to turn public opinion against
Ayub. The increasing popularity of the Awami League under Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman in
East Pakistan and Pakistan Peoples Party under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in West Pakistan
was alarming for the stability of General Ayub’s Regime. Then there was also Asghar
Khan’s movement and few other political alliances which were creating hurdles for a
stable Ayub’s government.
Finally, the movement against his government intensified towards the end of 1968 and
at the beginning of 1969. The movement was launched by the Urban middle class i.e.
Students, lawyers, teachers, doctors, labourers, politicians etc.
It became quite difficult for General Ayub to face so much opposition from politicians
as well as common people from all walks of life. He ultimately decided to resign in
March 1969. In his last radio address to the nation on 25 March 1969, he said, “I cannot
preside over the destruction of my country”.
This ended a rather stable and progressive era in the history of Pakistan.
1969-71 Dismemberment
Legal Framework Order (1970)
After becoming the Chief Martial Law Administrator in 1969, Yahya Khan announced to
conduct free and fair elections and gave an assurance that a new constitution would be
made soon. In March 1970 he announced the Legal Framework Order that determined
principles for the future constitution of Pakistan and on 1st July 1970 he dissolved the
One-Unit scheme. The salient features of the LFO 1970 are as below:
1: The National Assembly of Pakistan will consist of 313 seats with 13 seats reserved for
women. Out of 313, 169 seats were reserved for East Pakistan, 85 for Punjab, 28 for
Sindh, 19 for NWFP, 5 for Baluchistan, and 7 seats were allotted to the tribal areas.
2: Each province will have a provincial assembly consisting of elected members. East
Pakistan provincial assembly will have 400 members, Punjab 186, Sindh 62, Baluchistan
21, and NWFP 42.
3: The elections for National Assembly will be held on 5 October 1970 and for provincial
assemblies not later than 22 October.
4: The new constitution of Pakistan will follow these principles:
a: Pakistan will be the Federal Republic and will be known as the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan
b: The head of the Pakistan state would be a Muslim and the divinity of Islam will be
preserved in the constitution.
c: The principles of democracy will prevail by holding free elections for federal and
provincial legislatures based on adult franchise. Independent judiciary will be made
possible along with fundamental rights for the citizens.
d: The center will remain strong while all provinces will be given maximum autonomy.
e: The state will try to eliminate economic disparities in the society and the citizens of
the country will be able to participate actively in the affairs of the state.
f: The constitution of the country will enable the Muslims of Pakistan to live their lives
according to the teachings of Islam. The minorities will be free to follow their faiths and
will be able to enjoy the benefits of citizenship along with their fellow Pakistanis.
g: The LFO clarified the status of national and provincial assemblies. The National
Assembly would either be the only legislature provided that federal legislature
consisting of one house or it would be the lower house if the federation has two
houses. Its tenure would be for the full term in both cases. The same went for
provincial assemblies.
h: The Constituent Assembly was to stand dissolved if it was unable to frame the
Constitution within 120 days.
5: After the elections of the National Assembly, provisions will be made to arrange its
meetings.
6: The LFO specified the number of conditions and qualifications. Any contesting
political party failing to fulfill the requirement will not be allowed to participate in the
elections.
Mukti Bahini
Mukti Bahini also termed as the Freedom Fighters collectively refers to the armed
organizations that fought against the Pakistan Army during
the Bangladesh Liberation War. It was dynamically formed by Bengali regulars and
civilians after the proclamation of Bangladesh‘s independence on March 26, 1971.
Subsequently, by mid-April 1971, the Bengali officers and soldiers of East Bengal
Regiments formed the Bangladesh Armed Forces and M. A. G. Osmani assumed its
command. The civilian groups continued to assist the armed forces during the war.
After the war, Mukti Bahini became the general term to refer to all forces military and
civilian of former East Pakistani origin fighting against the Pakistani armed forces
during the Bangladesh Liberation War. Often Mukti Bahini operated as an
effective guerrilla force to keep their enemies on the run.
Although Mukti Bahini was formed to fight off the military crackdown by
the Pakistan army on March 25, 1971, during the climax of the Bangladesh freedom
movement, The crisis had already started taking shape with the anti-Ayub uprising in
1969 and precipitated into a political crisis at the height
of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman‘s Six–point movement beginning in the 1970s. In March
1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in what was
then East Pakistan later, Bangladesh was met by harsh suppressive force from the
ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment in what came to be
termed Operation Searchlight. India started actively aiding and re-organising what
was by this time already the nucleus of the Mukti Bahini. This led to a crackdown
by West Pakistan forces became an important factor in precipitating the civil war as a
sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million) came flooding to
the eastern provinces of India.
The immediate precursor of the Mukti Bahini was Mukti Fauj, which was preceded
denominationally by the Sangram Parishads formed in the cities and villages by the
student and youth leaderships in early March 1971. When and how the Mukti Fauj was
created is not clear nor is the later adoption of the name Mukti Bahini. It is, however,
certain that the names originated generically to refer to the people who fought in
the Bangladesh liberation war.
The anti-Ayub uprising in 1969 and during the height of Mujib’s six points movement
there was a growing movement among the Bengalis in East Pakistan to become
independent driven by the nationalists, radicals and leftists. After the election of 1970,
the subsequent crisis strengthened that feeling within the people. Sheikh Mujib himself
was facing immense pressure from most prominent political quarters, especially the
ultra-nationalist young student leaders, to declare independence without delay. Armed
preparations were going on by some leftist and nationalist groups, and the Bengali
army officers and soldiers were prepared to defect. At the call of Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman the people of East Pakistan joined in a peaceful movement for
non-cooperation from 3 March 1971, and 7th March and onward, which lasted up to
midnight of 25 March 1971. On this date, the Pakistani Army cracked down upon
unarmed civilians to take control of the administration. During the army crackdown on
the night of March 25, 1971, there were reports of small scale resistance notably at
Iqbal Hall, Dhaka University and at the Rajarbagh Police Headquarter. The latter
initially put a strong fight against the Pakistan Army. As political events gathered
momentum, the stage was set for a clash between the Pakistan Army and the Bengali
people vowing for independence. Bengali members of the Army were also defecting
and gathering in various pockets of the country.
All these early fights were disorganized and futile because of the greater military
strength of the Pakistani Army. Outside of Dhaka, resistance was more successful. The
earliest move towards forming a liberation army officially came from the declaration of
independence made by Major Ziaur Rahman of the East Bengal Regiment on behalf
of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In the declaration made from Kalurghat Betar Kendra
(Chittagong) on March 27, 1971, Zia assumed the title of “provisional commander in
chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army”, though his area of operation remained
confined to Chittagong and Noakhali areas. Major Ziaur Rahman’s declaration on
behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman marked a break with Pakistan by the Bengali units of
the army.
Though prolonged Bengali resistance was not anticipated by Pakistani planners
of Operation Searchlight, when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population,
the Mukti Bahini were becoming increasingly visible. Headed by Colonel (later,
General) M. A. G. Osmani, a retired Pakistani Army officer, this band was raised as
Mujib’s action arm and security forces before assuming the character of a conventional
guerrilla force. After the declaration of independence, the Pakistani military sought to
quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground
“Bangladesh army”. These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and
bolstered their weaponry.
On April 12, 1971, Colonel M. A. G. Osmani assumed the command of armed forces at
Teliapara (Sylhet) headquarters. Osmani was made the commander-in-chief of
Bangladesh Armed Forces on April 17, 1971. A serious initiative for organizing the
Bangladesh liberation army was taken between 11–17 July.
The regular forces later called Niomita Bahini (regular force) consisted of the members
of the East Bengal Regiments (EBR), East Pakistan Rifles (EPR, later BDR), police, other
paramilitary forces and the general people who were commanded by the army
commanders in the 11 sectors all over Bangladesh. Three major forces: Z-Force under
the command of Major (later, Major General) Ziaur Rahman, K-Force under Major
(later Brigadier ) Khaled Mosharraf and S-Force under Major (later Major
General) K M Shafiullah were raised afterwards to fight battles in efficient manners.
The irregular forces, generally called Gono Bahini (people’s army), were those who
were trained more in guerrilla warfare than the conventional one.
The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the
students, peasants, workers and political activists. Irregular forces were initiated inside
Bangladesh province to adopt guerrilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces
were engaged in fighting the usual way.
The Mukti Bahini obtained strength from the two main streams of fighting elements:
members of armed forces of erstwhile East Pakistan and members of the urban and
rural youths many of whom were volunteers. Other groups included members of
Sangram Parishads, youth and student wings of Awami League, NAP,
Leftist-Communist Parties and radical groups. The Mukti Bahini had several factions.
The foremost one was organized by the members of the regular armed force, who
were generally known as Freedom Fighters. Then there was Bangladesh Liberation
Forces (BLF) led by four youth leaders of the political wing of Sheikh Mujib’s Awami
League and the third one generally known as Special Guerrilla Forces (SGF) led by the
Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party, and Bangladesh Students
Union. They then jointly launched guerrilla operations against
the Pakistani Army causing heavy damages and casualties. This setback prompted the
Pakistani Army to induct Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams , as well as other Bengalis
who opposed independence, and Biharis who had settled during the time of partition.
This helped Pakistan stem the tide somewhat as the monsoon approached in June and
July.
Bangladesh Navy was constituted in August 1971. Initially, there were two ships and
45 navy personnel. These ships carried out many successful raids on the Pakistani fleet.
But both of these ships were mistakenly hit and destroyed by Pakistani fighter planes
on 10 December 1971, when they were about to launch a major attack
on Mongla seaport.
Bangladesh Air Force started functioning on 28 September at Dimapur in Nagaland,
under the command of Air Commodore AK Khondakar. Initially, it consisted of 17
officers, 50 technicians, 2 planes and 1 helicopter. The Air Force carried out more than
twelve sorties against Pakistani targets and was quite successful during the initial
stages of the Indian attack in early December.
Besides, some independent forces fought in various regions of Bangladesh and
liberated in many areas. These included Mujib Bahini which was organized in India.
Major General Oban of the Indian Army and Student League leaders Serajul Alam
Khan, Sheikh Fazlul Haque Mani, Kazi Arif
Ahmed, Abdur Razzak, Tofael Ahmed, A. S. M. Abdur Rab, Shahjahan Siraj, Nur E
Alam Siddiqi, and Abdul Quddus Makhon were organisers of this Bahini. There was
the Kaderia Bahini under Kader Siddique of Tangail, Afsar Bahini and Aftab Bahini of
Mymensingh,Tiger Bahini under Abu Siddique Ahmed of Netrakona Latif Mirza Bahini
of Sirajganj, Akbar Hossain Bahini of Jhinaidah, Quddus Molla and Gafur Bahini of
Barisal, Hemayet Bahini under Hemayet Uddin of Faridpur..Several communist leftist
groups clashed with the Pakistan Army and controlled some areas independently.
Besides, there were some other groups of freedom fighters that were controlled by the
Leftist parties and groups including the NAP and Communist Parties. Among
others, Siraj Sikder raised a strong guerrilla force that fought several battles with the
Pakistani soldiers in Payarabagan, Barisal. Although there were ideological conflicts
among the communist parties on deciding a common action in the context of
Bangladesh Liberation, many of the individuals and leaders of Mukti Bahini were
deeply influenced by the leftist ideology in general. There were strong concerns among
the Indian authority and members of the Awami League-led provisional government
not to lose control of the liberation war to the leftists. Nevertheless, many leftists
overcame these internal and external difficulties and actively participated in the
Liberation War with the main nucleus of the Mukti Bahini.