Controversy Over The Withdrawl
Controversy Over The Withdrawl
Controversy Over The Withdrawl
The only English paper in Iraq - No: 312 July 09, 2011
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Peace cannot be realized if the people of the disputed areas are not given self-determination
Nechirvan Barzani
Vehicles burn as fire fighter arrive at the scene following a car bomb that ripped through a crowd outside a hospital in Iraq's restive northern city of Kirkuk on March 16, 2011.
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AFP PHOTO/Ahmad Al-Rubaye
lobe Editorial
Time to wake up
Kurdistan shouldn't have to wait forever
Minister for Middle East welcomes law banning domestic violence in Iraq
Speaking On Wednesday, Minister for the Middle East Alistair Burt said:
The Kurds do not have to wait forever for the day Iraqi leaders, particularly the prime minister, can do what they promised. The Kurds have enough experience and recent memories not to be hopeful of the way the things are heading in Iraq.
"We have the right to practice our right for self-determination on our land, and to have our independent state, similar to others, being a normal constitutional right; and as long as Iraq keeps its constitutional principles, we shall remain to be part of Iraq, which we have chosen to become part of its federal state, Kemal Kirkuki stated in an interview with Asharq Alawsat newspaper. He pointed out the, implementation of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution had been delayed for a long time, despite the fact that Prime Minister, Nuri alMaliki, had committed himself to implement it. This has been the tone of similar statements in recent days. One of the top Patriotic Union of Kurdistan leader, Kosrat Rasul, in a public speech marking the PUK's anniversary, inferred the time for Kurdistan independence is not far and that the Kurds deserve to have their independence. Such radical discourse by the Kurdish leaders can be seen as a response to the inability of the Iraqi central governments deal-
ing to resolve the pending issues between Baghdad and Erbil, particularly Article 140 of the disputed territories. Plus, there is a general perception that Iraqi prime minister has no incentive for a democratic Iraq but rather to pursue a policy of strong centralized and totalitarian regime that ignores the rights and responsibilities of non-Arab and non-Shiite constituents of Iraq. Failure of the Iraqi political actors to form a new Iraqi government following the general election was finally overcome by initiatives of Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani and the meeting in Erbil concluded the Erbil Accord to form a new government. This accord has so far not been promptly applied by Maliki and has alienated Iyad Allawi and others from participating in the government and brought the political system to standstill. Alienating other groups in Iraq by forcing his single will and authoritarian tendency can easily bring Iraq to its final diss solution. Iraq's political history has forcefully been formed and EXECUTIVE EDITOR
kept intact mainly thanks to the military and draconian rule with the help and assistance of global political powers. The post-Saddam era brought an opportunity for Iraq to reestablish itself on a new set of accords that respect democratic principles, national and minority rights, human rights and voluntary union. This opportunity, it seems, is being quickly eroded due to sectarian and ultranationalist tendencies that still dominate heart and soul of Iraqi Arab leaders. The Iraqi government under Maliki has yet to respect the Erbil Accord and implement the conditions that were established. Malikis government has yet to put into effect the Kurdish demands, including implementing certain articles of the Constitution. The Kurds do not have to wait forever for the day Iraqi leaders, particularly the prime minister, can do what they promised. The Kurds have enough experience and recent memories not to be hopeful of the way the things are heading in Iraq.
Independence is the right of every nation. The Kurds as a nation not only deserve but have to gain independence. There is no future for Kurds in Iraq as long as nationalist and sectarian mentalities override politics and hold power. There is no better time for Kurds to go their own separate way toward freedom and independence. For how long should the Kurds remain patient and silent, watching to see what Iraq does? The Kurdish political actors, intelligentsia, civil society and all other representatives of the nation must work and loudly speak for freedom and independence. Expecting Iraq to properly implement the Constitution, and that Iraq finally will move towards democracy is not only illusion but also naivete. No Kurdish leader has the right to keep the nation under this illusion. It is time to wake up and face challenges with a new horizon ahead and with a new spirit in the heart.
By Azad Amin
I strongly welcome the law banning domestic violence adopted by the Kurdistan National Ass s sembly in Iraq this week, and congratulate the parliamentarians who campaigned hard for this change. By also outlawing some outdated and aws s ful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation and forced marriage, Iraqi Kurdistan is becoming an improved, more equal society. The commitment to better protection for victims, including the provision of more shelters, better health care and protection orders from a new special court, is an important part of this. Iraqi Kurds s istan continues to be a leading example to others in the region combating the personal and social misery caused by domess s tic violence. The UK will continue to support this through projects across Iraq.
Jawad Qadir
Weekly paper printed in Erbil
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Iraq's new Transport Minister Hadi alsAmiri speaks at a news conference in Baghdad January 12, 2011.
he has good relations with Kurds. In addition, his statement noted both Kirkuk and Karbala are disputed areas, which brought up issues for Kurdish politicians. The committee has widened its task zone to cover disputed areas in central and southern Iraqi provinces, such as in Karbala and Dhi-Qar. Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution sets three phases for solving administrative and demographic changes in Iraqi provinces made by former Iraqi governments in past decades. The article is also considered a key in settling the issue of
Kirkuk and other places Kurds claim as part of Kurdistan Region. Although the constitution sets a deadline of the end of 2007 for completing the implementation of Article 140, it is still in phase one, which calls for returning families with compensation to their original provinces after they were deported or brought in for ethnic and political purposes. This allowed many Kurdish families to return to Kirkuk and other towns and many Arab families were please with financial compensation to return to their original provinces, leaving these
controversial areas. Under the law, an Arab family is compensated with 20 million Iraqi dinars and a half of this sum for each Kurdish family. Phase two calls for a census and the third phase stipulates holding a referendum allowing the original people of the disputed areas to decide about the future of their towns. Nasih Ghafur, a Kurdish politician, believes Article 140 mainly means Kirkuk and the other places claimed by the Kurds because this is a national and ethnic issue. On the disputed areas in the center and south of
Iraq, he says those provinces are all inhabited by Arabs and are not as important as Kirkuk. Some other Kurdish observers are not happy with keeping the committee busy with other areas than those demanded by the Kurdistan Region. The current changes make matters of concern for the [future] of the srticle, says Mahmoud Osman, a Kurdish member of the Iraqi Parliament. He fears the changes lessen the articles impact on the areas that are part of the Kurdistan Region. Osman warned the Kurdistan Region>s
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Kamal Kirkuki: "Kurds have right to self-determination and their independent state"
Kurdistan Parliaments Speaker Kamal Kirkuki said on July 5: "We have the right to practice our right for self-determination on our land, and to have our independent state, similar to others, being a normal constitutional right; and as long as Iraq keeps its constitutional principles, we shall remain to be part of Iraq, which we have chosen to become part of its Federal State, Kirkuki said in an interview with Asharq Alawsat newspaper. Iraqi Kurds reserve the right for self-determination and to have their own independent state. He pointed out that the implementation of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution had been delayed for a long time, despite fact that Prime Minister, Nuri al-Maliki, had committed himself to implement it. Claims that the said the article has died, had been a great and dreadful political mistake, because it is a constitutional article that wont die unless by the death of the constitution itself, Kirkuki said. Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution points out the naturalization of conditions in the areas, described as areas underconflict, in a clear sign for the conflict about their belonging to Kurdistan Region, including Kirkuk province and parts of Ninewa and Diala provinces. The Iraqi Constitution defined a time limit to implement the article, through measures that ended on Dec. 31, 2007, leaving residents of those areas with the freedom of self-determination, whether to stay as an independent administrative area, or to merge with Iraqs Kurdistan Region, through a general referendum. Several obstacles caused the postponement of implementing some of the basic contents of the article, for reasons Kurdish politicians consider as political, while Baghdad says the delay was unintentional, at a time when a special ministerial committee had implemented some of its contents, such as the compensation of some of the residents, while the most important paragraph, related to self-determination in those areas, was not implemented.
A PKK sympathizer in Qandil covers her back with a photo of imprisoned PKK leader.
By Qassim Khidhir & Remezan Pertew Murat Qaraylan, a top leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), believes the Turkish state is stalling and is not serious about solving the Kurdish question. During a press conference with a number of reporters from Iraqi Kurdistan Region in the Qandil Mountains, a PKK stronghold, Qaraylan warned that PKK would end its onessided ceasefire if the Turkish state does not make concrete steps to solve the Kurdish issue and participate in the ceasefire. "The Turkish state must announce publicly the end of military and police operations against us. Moreover, the second condition, they must officially invite President Apo [Abdullah Ocalan] for negotiations to solve the Kurdish problem," Qaraylan said. Ocalan, the imprisoned leader and founder of PKK, was arrested in 1999. Qaraylan said the
Turkish government has held Ocalan in the Imrali Island prison and has not negotiated with the PKK leader for peaceful solution for the Kurdish question. "The delegation [from the Turkish government] only asked President Apo to give them another chance and extend the ceasefire." Qaraylan blamed the Turkish government for talking about dialogue and peace while throwing thousands of Kurds in jail for supporting Kurdish parties. Over the past three years, they have arrested 3,000 people and accused them of having ties with PKK without any evidence, he said. They just look to see who is an active member of pro-Kurdish [Peace and Democracy Party] BDP and arrest him. BDP is a Kurdish Party that made remarkable gains in Turkey's June 12 general elections, increasing its representation from 20 to 36 in the 550-seat assembly.
Qaraylan warned that the coming days will be important for PKK and Turkey. "If the Turkish state continues its military operations in the cities and the mountains, we will resume our war and we have prepared for it, he warned. Muhemed Dara Akar, the second man in the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Diyarbakir, the largest Kurdish city in Turkey, said AKP will never sign peace agreement with Ocalan. "When it comes to the Kurdish question, AKP does not see Ocalan as a side. AKP will never hold an official meeting with Ocalan," Akar told the Globe. Akar believes if any AKP leader holds an official meeting with Ocalan, it will create chaos in the party. He explained: "What is happening right now is a government delegation comprised of intelligence, security and political [leaders] meeting Ocalan to extend the ceasefire,
surrender weapons and end the violence. And in the coming days, the situation will remain the same," he concluded. Terrorism or rebellion? Cengiz Candar, a prominent Turkish intellectual who has strong relations with both Kurdish and Turkish parties, and who usually has insider information, believes the violence can be eliminated only if the subject at hand is discussed and settled as a Kurdish rebellion. PKK is designated as a terrorist organization in Turkey, Europe and the U.S. Candar puts Ocalan at the center of these negotiations. He portrays Ocalan's prestige and leadership among Kurds as a factor that would facilitate a settlement. According to Candar, the Kurdish issue is the most important issue hindering Turkey's capabilities for movement. For the first time, Turkey has come to the brink of
solving this old problem. It could result in a stable government, an environment of security and peace for all sides, economic growth, powerful integration dynamics and a suitable international environment. Candar suggested the Turkish state should regard the PKK issue as "rebellion" not as a "terror" issue. "Conditions are ripe. People expect further steps to be taken for a solution." Last week, Nechirvan Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the largest party in Iraqi Kurdistan, said there is a golden opportunity for peace in Turkey. Barzani said the Turkish state must see the reality of PKK. Barzani also suggested a roadmap for the solution of Kurdish issue in Turkey. It was the first time a top Kurdish leader in Iraqi Kurdistan advised the Turkish state regarding the Kurdish issue. Qaraylan welcomed Barzani's
statement, described it as "the right statement at the right time." Rebwar Karim Wali, an expert on Turkey and the Kurdish issue, said normally when a Turkish journalist asks a Kurdish leader in Iraqi Kurdistan about the Kurdish problem in Turkey, the Kurdish leader answers like this "the Kurdish problem in Turkey is Turkey's internal problem, and it can't be solved by military means" and when the journalist asks how the problem can be solved, the leader answers: "We don't want to interfere in the Turkey's internal affairs." Wali said Turkish officials have been asking Iraqi Kurdish leaders for more than a year to convince PKK to not end the ceasefire. Wali said: "The Turkish state cannot solve the Kurdish issue without holding talks with PKK."
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GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed
Peace cannot be realized if the people of the disputed areas are not given self-determination chance
Nechirvan Barzani
Representing Kurdistan Regions president at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Assembly congress in Italy on July 5, Nechirvan Barzani, deputy secretary general of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, delivered a speech, in which he outlined the major political issues related to the Kurdistan Region. Below is the text of his speech: support the assembly to recognize these as genocide internationally. " system that protects the rights of all ethnicities and communities from the threat of a centralized government, as well as granting political rights to the federal regions as it is used in Europe, North America, Asia and elsewhere around the world, so there is no way to claim that such as system cannot be implemented in the Middle East. "Third: Iraq needs to solve the issue of the disputed areas and take a path to correct the wrong acts of the Baathist regime. Peace and stability could not be realized if the people of the disputed areas dont have the chance to self-determination. This solution is suggested in the Constitution. "Besides, I would like to emphasize on some issues about the Kurdistan Region as we face many political and economic challenges, but the power of our democratic system gives us the confidence that we can face the events and reach our targets. "First, it is because we have a long-term experience of self-rule and we have achieved development and expansion, at a time when the other part of Iraq has
"First of all, I want to pass His Excellency President Massoud Barzanis apologies for not being able to participate in this event. It was in fact due to a special situation that did not allow him to participate, though he wanted to do so very much. Hereby, I apologize for this and I have the honor to represent him in this meeting. "I would like to pass President Barzanis regards once again. Today I am here with a number of distinguished personalities and would like to start my speech by thanking you, as a person from the Middle East, for your kind support and brotherhood for the people of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. "During our long resistance and struggle in the past, we have reached a belief that nothing could be an alternative to the support of the giant European countries for us. Hence, we have decided to seize every opportunity to develop strong political, economic and social relationships with the European countries and European Congress as a main medium in that aspect. I totally believe that we all agree that what happened to Kurdistan in the past should not be forgotten. "In a short period of time, 182,000 men, women and children were exterminated through the Anfal Campaign; 4,500 villages were destroyed; civilians became direct targets of chemical bombardments in Halabja and other places in Kurdistan Region of Iraq. "We were very pleased when the Iraqi High Tribunal Court recognized these acts as genocide. But this is not enough, and further steps need to be taken and more work to be done. "At the same time, I would like to thank all people and parties that helped escalate this issue in the Legislative Assembly, and I request you and urge others to
All of us agree that what Kurdistan has witnessed in the past should not be repeated
"This is an important gathering and it is held at a time that there is a series of dramatic changes in some Middle Eastern countries and the whole region. We witness events today that we had never imagined. In some countries, the changes took place in a peaceful manner, but in some others we witnessed armed interactions, insurgency and oppression. The new Iraq is more democratic than many regional countries. But we face many challenges in implementing democracy. It was not long ago when the Iraqis got rid of the Baathist regime, and the current policies and governance in Iraq is not much different to what the Iraqis need. We have many challenges in Iraq. We dont have the problem of freedom and democracy as much as we have problem with implementing the new federal system in the country. Today, Iraq is facing three major issues
that should be solved in order to develop and flourish. "First: Iraq needs to establish trust and faith among the leaders and political parties, since the former regimes culture is deeply rooted in the leaders beliefs and political ideas. Like the voters, they need to know that politicians need to work together in a peaceful and supportive way. "Second: Iraq needs to institutionalize federalism as outlined in the Constitution in a way that certain level of power is given to federal regions rather than unlimited powers of self-rule. Iraqi Kurds have insisted and do insist on establishing a country based on a federal democratic and pluralist
always suffered. We have a strong culture of tolerance and respect in a multi-ethnic and multi-religion region. Today we are continuing to receive displaced Christian families and other displaced people from other parts of Iraq and, fortunately, offer them shelter and support as well, and will offer them jobs whenever possible. We develop natural resources as we have been given the right by the Constitution."
"Moreover, Kurdistan Region owns vast energy and natural energy resources and is currently part of the International Energy Market, and though our political
system is new, it is developing and improving. We are currently at the stage of democratic principles and we have heavy responsibilities to achieve the goals, which is the responsibility of any democratic leader in this world. Through developing cooperation and coordination between security forces and the people, we have realized a stable and peaceful environment in Kurdistan and will continue to play the role that we have played up to date to face terror and insurgency, which is a real threat on the democratic relations network with the world. Besides, through struggle and believing in democracy, we have been able to achieve the goals that destroyed villages have reached a stage to build modern markets and centers, build new parks for their families. The private sector was developed from a weak economy and limited level of income that was monopolized by a limited number of political figures in the capital, developing foreign investment in a place where it was very difficult to see a school and the curriculum was full of propaganda for the authority, in a place where there was no place for life, we now own a number of public and private educational institutions providing education services with international recognition. "Our people are now able to get onto the Internet that is a path for transferring the power of freedom and democracy. Nowhere else in the new world one can find a similar successful story of democracy like that of Kurdistan Region, which was able to recover and flourish after a long oppression, and stand on it own feet. Sometimes, the Kurds were struggling to protect themselves from genocide policy by a dictatorial regime. We were surrounded by countries who were supposed to protect us, but were suppressing us instead. But today, besides democracy and
federalism, we participate in the making of a real, strong state to help its citizens to achieve their goals and realize their dreams in Iraq.
"Our success is the success of a long struggle, and we are proud of our achievements for which we have always worked hard. We have tried to achieve the rights of the Iraqis, both at the time when we were part of the liberation movement and now as we are part of the government in Baghdad. In conclusion, I would like to bring to our memory that at the time when the international community is welcoming the Arab Spring, there are many hidden questions about the Arab Summer, and the destiny of millions of people in the Middle East is directly contingent to the political decisions that are being taken. Our spring took almost three decades to come. But we could protect ourselves, continue to grow. We hope that other people of the Kurdistan Region take this as a sample, as a live sample that democratic wave can bring about better lives for everybody. I appreciate your and the NATO Assembly members efforts for establishing peace, democracy, tolerance and peaceful co-existence. Kurdistan Region supports your efforts and a bright future is waiting for all of us. We hope that our cooperation continues in facing oppression and tyranny, and in reassuring about the global developments on the bases that collects us together. I wish you all success once again and thank you very much for the opportunity for our participation. Thank you very much."
New law center may help MPs make better decisions about draft laws
GLOBE PHOTO/Safin Hamed
Kurdistan Parliament.
ment Speaker Dr. Kamal Kirkuki told the Globe they have a project underway and it will be inaugurated soon. Kirkuki said they're redrafting Parliaments internal policies and procedures. In the first phase of its activities, the center will assign a number of independent experts to review any draft law that arrives in Parliament and it will compare it with similar laws in other countries and the center will submit a report to Parliament to be considered in the legislation process, explained Kirkuki. Sabir, on the other hand, argues that such a center should not only do a prelegislation review, but should also follow up and monitor the post-legisla-
tion phase and implementation of the laws to see if they're practical and effective. Sabir says if someone is accused of murder or a terrorist act, the law allows him to be held without trial. He mentioned someone who has been in custody for 11 years but has not been proven guilty. Is someone tears his shirt off and scratches his arm and sues someone, the guy, who has no clue what is going on, will be immediately arrested, said Sabir. It is not only the contradictions in the laws that create problems for people, but misunderstanding, misinterpretation and poor implementation of laws are also problematic. From Sabirs perspec-
tive, all KRG and Iraqi laws need revision and with the existence of a research committee, this task would be easier. Besides, based on the studies and research done by experts from a law center, it could recommend possible amendments to specific laws to Parliament. According to Barwari, even with the existence of such a committee and drafting and legislating good and efficient laws, still there is a possibility for poor implementation of those laws, as personal and political opinions would affect the laws implementation. Some laws have never gone into effect. For example, an MP who was smoking a cigarette inside the Parliament while talk-
ing to the Globe, said the smoking ban that was legislated by Parliament had never gone into effect and the first to breach the law were the MPs and lawyers. No one has yet been charged for smoking in Parliament. Though the parliamentary research center is about to launch to help Parliament in designing new laws and amending existing ones, its effectiveness could be called into doubt if it doesnt study all the aspects of preparing and implementing the laws and their effectiveness in practice.
No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011 Observers believe the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq may divide the country almost as much as their arrival did in the first place.
Most of the Iraqi factions, except the Sadr bloc, want U.S. troops stay in Iraq for longer. According to the SOFA agreement between Iraq and the U.S., the 46,000 U.S. troops must leave Iraq on December 31. The Kurds, officially and publicly said they want U.S. troops to stay, fearing fighting may erupt between Kurds and Arabs in the disputed areas after U.S. troops withdraw from the disputed areas. The Iraqi army also wants U.S. troops to stay; so do Sunni groups fearful of Shiite militias. The reports pointed out that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki wants U.S. troops to stay but only if other major political factions join him in asking. Several probably would, but don't want to be the first. Last week, the White House offered to leave 10,000 troops in Iraq for 2012, for training, air support and backup in anti-insurgent missions. A White House national security spokesman said any requests to keep U.S. forces there "would be given serious consideration." Observers interpreted the statement as meaning please, please ask. "We have said for a long time now if the Iraqi government asks us to maintain some level of troops beyond that end of the year deadline, we would consider it," said White House Spokesman Jay Carney. The security situation is still worrisome. The key defense and interior posts, vacant for six months, are nominally held by Maliki, who seems incapable of doing either. Since last week, a number of deadly car bombs exploded in Baghdad and northern Iraq, killing around 100 and injuring more. The political landscape is similar to the security situation, the differences between Maliki and Iyad Allawi, Iraq's second strongest person, mainly supported by Sunnis, are extremely serious. Moqtada al-Sadr openly threatened that if U.S. troops stay past the deadline, he will resume his armed militia and will attack the U.S. troops. Sources in Kirkuk city, the most serious disputed city between Kurds and Arabs, stated that U.S. Vice President Joe Biden will soon visit the city. "After meeting officials in Baghdad, Biden will arrive in Kirkuk to hold meetings with Kirkuk administration officials," said head of Kirkuk provincial council Hassan Toran. However, Toran was not ready to give further details about Biden's visit. In addition, the head of the U.S. Consulate in Kirkuk, Richard
In this March 17, 2006 file photo, a U.S. helicopter lands in the field as a U.S. soldier stands guard outside Samarra, Iraq.
Bell, confirmed Biden will visit Kirkuk. Rebwar Talabani, a Kurd and deputy head of the Kirkuk provincial council said, "Several times we [Kurds] demanded the U.S. not to withdraw its troops from Kirkuk." Talabani believes in the disputed areas, U.S. forces needed to help the combination of Arab Iraqi Army and Kurdish Peshmarga forces in protecting its safety. Kurdistan Region Ministry of Peshmarga stated that it prefers U.S. forces stay in Kirkuk and other disputed areas, to prevent sectarian clashes in the future. This fear stems from past tensions. On April 25, two Kurdish security offis cers died and four people were wound in clashes between the Iraqi Army and Kurdish forces in Kirkuk. Earlier this year, the Kurdish Peshmarga increased its deployment in Kirkuk, citing threats from "radical Arab groups" who intended harm against Kurds in the province. It withdrew the troops to Kurdistan Region after mediation from U.S. military officials. Ministry of Peshmarga said it cannot ask for an extension of the U.S. forces' presence because only the central government and Parliament have the right to sign military agreements. But, "if it is requested that the U.S. forces stay, particularly in the disputed areas, then we will welcome such a request."
Globe: Does the Region have a good education system? Banzet: Things are changing, its getting better. I dont know exactly what the Ministry of Education's policies are, but they should open more private schools so these schools, for the short term, offer the quality of education. The hardest one, the heaviest step, is to change the public education system, which takes a long time, but generally, things are getting better. Globe: According to some international views, Kurdistan made an example of religious coexistence. Do you agree with that? Banzet: I think Kurdistan is a good example of religious coexistence, comparing to the rest of the country and other regions. I would say people mix a lot, especially Christians
and Muslims, partly because of the history and the language. Globe: There are still some cases of honor killings in the Region. Do you think it's cultural backwardness? Banzet: Killing your own sister is a crime. The government passed a law last week punishing honor killers. They should not commit it, because they will be punished, and they should not do it because its not right. To stop honor killings, you need to change the mentality but it also takes time and you need a legal framework. Globe: What do you think of the Kurdish musicians? Banzet: I have never seen a region with so many musicians; I think It would be really worth it to have an organization to help them participate in international activities. Globe: Do you have ex-
amples of some of the musicians? Banzet: Of course, I know a lot them. I know Sivan Perwar, Chope, I listen to Aziz Waissi and Zakaria. Globe: How about the Kurdish language, do you speak it? Banzet: I should have made more of an effort. I think I understand a lot of it. Globe: Have you tried the Kurdish traditional foods? Banzet: There is a problem because we cannot find homemade traditional Kurdish food in the bazaar. You need to go to peoples houses and be invited to eat dolme. I wish there were a restaurant serving traditional foods.
Rawaz Koyee
Erbil
shano_koye @yahoo.com
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buses. Like other owner-drivers, Sarbast Said will receive compensation from Kurdistan government if he agrees the terms. He says the decision is not in his best interests. It would be better if we got
long-term loans rather than a small amount of money, he said. Sinour Khalid, another old bus owner, says he can't afford to repair his bus because his income has dropped in recent years. I'd like to replace my bus
with a new, modern and efficient bus because mine is old and always almost has mechanical problems. But I don't have enough money for a new one. I wish Kurdistans government would increase the budget for this and offer
drivers long-term loans, said Khalid. Salah Jawhar, director general of Land Transportation and Railway at the Ministry of Transportation and Communication of Kurdistan, said the decision is in the bus driv-
ers best interests and the private sector is purchasing and importing the new buses. The government has no plans to provide loans for buses.
Edited by Salih Waladbagi
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GLOBE PHOTO / Salih Waladbagi
Following a decision made by the Kurdistan Regional Presidency on June 14, no car is allowed to drive on the streets with tinted windows.
The decree will be publicized in the media for two weeks to raise awareness of the law, and then traffic police and security forces will start enforcing the law. The campaign of monitoring the streets to implement the law started on June 25, and there is no ex-
ception for anyone, neither officials nor citizens, said Amanj Mahmood Ahmed, First Lt. at Nawroz traffic police station in Erbil. The decree is part of new reforms being carried out in Iraqi Kurdistan. The reforms followed two months of protests in Kurdistans second largest city, Suleimaniya. In the demonstrations, protestors expressed their anger at corruption and nepotism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Part of the reform process is to remove tints and shades from car windows. The decree includes all vehicles, without exception. Kurdistan President, Mas-
soud Barzani, and some government officials, ims mediately removed their tinted windows to show that the law is for all people. Cars in the cities still have tinted or blackedout windows. The law stipulates that the interior of the car must be clearly visible. The law already exists, and according to Iraqi traffic laws, tinted wins dows are not allowed, said Ahmed. Some have received authorization to have tinted windows, but these authorizations are now suspended, explained Ahmed. A taxi driver told the
Globe that tinted windows are still allowed for certain groups of people. He said he saw a car at a checkpoint with tinted windows. The driver showed his license and was allowed to go. A traffic policeman anons ymously said diplomatic cars and cars of KRP have new licenses and are allowed to have tinted windows for security reasons. Traffic police, in coopers ation with security forces known as Asayesh and police teams, have set up checkpoints across Kurdistan to monitor and stop cars with tinted windows. Our teams in all Kurdistan's cities are observing
the streets through checkpoints and are recording the names of the drivers and details of the cars with dark glass. The drivers must promise not to drive with tinted windows or their fine will increase, said Ahmed. To prevent importing new cars with tinted windows, traffic police officials have sent an ans nouncement to all customs areas that no car should be come into the Region with tinted glass. This is to avoid importing cars with tinted windows through the borders. The most important point is that our people are obedient to the law and they do not break
the regulations, said Ahmed. A driver with tinted windows, after seeing the traffic police, removed the tinted film from his car. I know this is a good law, but I hope all people are punished equally, said the driver. People are now aware of the law and its consequences. On the first day, one of the high-ranking ministers was stopped at our checkpoints and he pledged to remove the tints from his car that day. He did that, said Ahmed. By Salih Waladbagi
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New parliament members stand up during a swearingsin ceremony of the Turkish Parliament in Ankara, Turkey, Tuesday, June 28, 2011.
brought up the Armenian massacre. He accused intellectuals of betraying the Turkish people. After the BDP won local elections in Idr in 2009, iek said: "They come alongside to Armenian frontier." Later, BDPs mayor of Idr was arrested on charges of connections to the Communities' Union of Kurdistan (KCK). It is possible to see AKP, CHP and MHP reach a tacit mutual understanding in the election of iek as parliament speaker. Responding to questions from the media after ieks election. I believe that Mr. Cemil, who has a strong charisma, will give a successful performance during these troubled term of parliament, said Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. MHP leader Devlet Bahceli, said, solving the oath and the boycott crises should be the primary task of iek. CHPs Kldarolu cels ebrated iek and said he plans to visit him. iek will meet with CHP, MHP and BDP. AKP finds no obstacles in the way of the parliament and claims scheduled constitutional changes and new laws will still stay on the party's agenda, and it will work on them without CHP and BDP. Erdogan's manner, in particular, seems to have no room for concessions. In addition to his tough statements, Erdogan stated in response to Kldaroglu, who emphas sized that the party will not
take oath in parliament even if keeps them out of parliament for four years, that, Youll see, theyll swallow their words. Erdogan regarded the CHP's manner as misguided and stated that he avoids commenting on the issue for the reason that it is an ongoing court case. Erdogan's response to calls for resettlement of the issue was: "This country is a country of law, and you did this, although you knew that it would not work out." It is not only AKP's head who takes a hard line. The latest comments by the ruling party regarding the oath crisis came from Mustafa Elita, AKPs parliamentas ry group deputy chairman. There were two noticeable elements in Elita's states ments, who also summoned the CHP and the BDP to take oath and reminded them Article 84 of the constitution and Article 13 of parliamentary bylaws. First, Elita stated that the MPs who insist on not taking oath are "guests" in the parliament, and said MPs who fail to attend to five meetings in a month may have their status as MPs revoked. Elita called upon the CHP MPs who did not take oath and said: "We are telling them to climb down, however, if they refuse to do so, July 15 might be the latest date. If the presidency council reviews this issue and sends it to the [parliamentary] joint committee, it will be probably too late to do anything." Secondly, Elita emphasized on the
possibility of a by-election. Elita, in response to quess tion about the discussion regarding the by-election expounded that conditions for by-election are apparent in bylaws and the constitution, in case if 5 percent of the seats in the Turkish National Grand Assembly (TBMM) remain unattended, by-elections can go ahead within three months with the relevant proposal by the presidency. According AKP statements, it seems possible that a rapprochement between the AKP and the MHP can take place. Erdogan was asked: "If CHP continues boycotting parliament it is claimed that studies on a new constitution will be risked, how do you evaluate this?" He replied: "We can keep our promise for constitutional studies if we can have a consensus with the MHP. Some analysts assert that to disable the CHP and the BDP, Erdogan may compromise with the MHP. Kldarolu responded to reactions of Erdogan and Elita in a similar, tough manner. He expounded further and said: "History of humankind is consisted of people paid for democracy, human rights and freedom," he continued, "we are ready to pay for the price for fully implementating international law, democracy and suffrage and right to be elected. We will never give up because of threats and any sort of blackmail. Our mission is a struggle for democracy and human
rights. We are struggling for abolishing obstacles to suffrage and the right to be elected, and eliminating factors that are blocking the national will and democracy." Kldarolu, clarified that CHP supports "a country that is not ruled single-handedly but a Turkey where the national will is the only sovereign." In response to Elita' words res garding MPs being stripped of their position in case of nonattendance to the parliament, Kldarolu stated that "no one will stop him from doing that." Nevertheless, experts believe that at least the issue of CHP will be resolved with aims of Cemil iek. On the other hand, CHP believes iek will find a solution for the crisis with his 30 years' experience in politics. Although it is not discussed much, BDP's boycott decision and this partys attitudes are watched with a grave concern. The Turkish public shows a tendency to see an equivalence between BDPs reaction against the Turkish parliament and the CHPs attitude. However, there are deep differences between these two acts. While the CHP joined parliament but refused to take part in the swearing-in ceremony, BDP boycotted the Turkish parliament outright. By doing so, the BDPs MPs were not only out of parliament but also they were out of Ankara, and they held the group meetings each week in Amed/Diyarbakir. This decision has a sym-
bolic importance: Traditionally in the presence of Kurdish politicians Amed/ Diyarbakr is considered as the capital city of Kurdistan of Turkey. In the meeting at Amed/Diyarbakr Station Square, The pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Congress (DTK) co-chair and BDP MP Ahmet Trk said: "The Kurdish people will create their alternatives if the doors to peace are closed. Trk continued, "Everybody should take responsibility to form the Kurdistan Assembly. We promised our people to create the Kurdistan Assembly and we will stand behind our promise till death." The BDP parliamentary group met on Tuesday in Amed/ Diyarbakr. The first group meeting of the boycotting the BDP was not broadcast live by the state television TRT 3 (Assembly Channel). The meeting was instead shown live on Roj TV. Indeed, the establishment of the Kurdistan Assembly will be first step to declare a de facto democratic autonomy or to be perceived by the Kurdish people as an autonomous Kurdistan, which was a declared priority before the June 12 elections. Obviously, political actors in Turkey and Kurdish politics pour out their trump cards quickly. The Turkish public is certainly witnessing an unprecedented showdown. In addition, every political actor wants to take steps to narrow the others political maneuvering area. The AKP tries to turn the deep crisis around with astounding quickness in the Arab world into a golden opportunity, and also wants to turn the superficial crisis the feeble main opposition parties lay before it into an opening. Even now, mutters against Kilicdaroglu and his team started from CHP members about the decision to boycott the swearing-in ceremony. People know Erdogan is preparing himself to see a parliament without Kemalists and Kurds. At the end of this crisis will by-elections be necessary in Turkey? A possible reconciliation between the AKP and the MHP, MPs of the CHP and the BDP may lose their mandate. In Turkey's current situation, it seems the steps taken by veteran politician iek, former justice minister and deputy prime minister in the AKPs last two terms, will be decisive.
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The June 12 national elections in Turkey were historic for the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan secured a landslide victory and a third term, and many hoped it would also be historic for the future face of Turkey. However, the ushering of a new chapter in Turkey hardly got off to the best of starts as boycotts by the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) and the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) derailed any short-lived, post-election euphoria. The simultaneous boycott by CHP underlined the broader national frustration with judicial handicaps and democratic constraints in Turkey, and strengthened the sense of injustice among the Kurds. Progress on the Kurdish issue has been stop-start and inconsistent at the best of times, nevertheless, the Kurdish question has taken a new footing under Erdogans tenure. Some of the reforms, cultural rights and increasing reaching out to the Kurds in the middle of nationalist hysteria have certainly been symbolic. However, as we have seen with the unprecedented Arab spring that has rocked the Middle Eastern horizon and toppled many long-established regimes, once expectations, rise unless progress on the ground and fulfillment of demands rises exponentially with it, the enmity and determination of the people can not be contained and this leads back into a vicious cycle of tail-chasing socio-political progress. The experiences of the Kurds in Turkey is hardly glittered with glory, but as expectations have naturally grown and the people have become steadily more confident, the raft of changes proposed by the Turkish
government has failed to appease Kurdish ambition. Erdogan has promised to secure consensus for the drafting of a new constitution with a key demand of the BDP and Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) of recognition of Kurdish identity among the proposed amendments. Much like the much-heralded Kurdish opening, Turkey finds itself in posis tion of promising much but delivering little against a backdrop of hawkish circles and nationalist anger. As such, Kurdish hopes for comprehensive changes to the constitution are unlikely. Erdogans AKP previously enjoyed strong electoral support in the Kurdish regions, but the latest elections demonstrate a bewilderment and lack of faith in Erdogan fulfilling his promises. The balance of keeping the west and east of the country happy has almost certainly shifted in favor of appeasing the west of Turkey. Erdogan has proven he can stand up to the traditionalist elite and rise above the might and influence of Turkeys military peers. But this battle has proven a difficult and contentious balancing act and, as such, Erdogans reaching out to the Kurds has quickly been followed by backtracking. In the current Middle Eastern turmoil, the rising prominence of Kurds in Iraq and Syria and the changing strategic shape of the region, it is the east of Turkey thats holds the real card to Turkey>s growth, prosperity and stability. In the past, Turkey could afford to ignore its restive Kurdish population at will, and worse, confine them to second-class status, but in the present age such policies will only see a push back for Ankara. Without economic growth
in the region, social and cultural advancement, more political freedom and a a larger slice of state focus and investment, what reasons will the Kurds have to sway towards Ankara and reconciliation? It is time for the Turkish government to offer the Kurdish population a real political alternative. The Kurds have often been stuck between successive repressive governments and violence and resistance of the PKK. This has had led to a vicious cycle where the people have been seemingly trapped. On the one hand, the Turkish governments overtures simply do not fulfill those expected of a modern democratic European nation, and on the other hand the Turkish government has drastically undermined political representation in the region which has ubiquitously left the PKK as the representatives and interlocutors of the Kurdish nation. Indeed this PKK shadow continues to hinder Kurds in the political arena. BDP is a reincarnation in a long line of Kurdish political parties that have been banned and reprimanded. The fact that the BDP representatives had to run as independents tells its own story with the electoral system continuing to plague Kurdish advancement. While Erdogan recorded a landslide victory, the real victors at the recent polls was the BDP with 36 seats. However, the BDP boycott of parliament as a result of the stripping of jailed deputy Hatip Dicle of his seat, along with the refusal to release five candidates awaits ing trial in prison, quickly dispelled hopes of a new beginning and evoked fears of a return to the poisonous atmosphere of the past. If this was a one-off occurrence, then perhaps it would be more understandable, but
practically every Kurdish party in the past has been hindered and disbanded for one reason or another. The Kurds fear the government is already trying to clip their wings again as they potentially form a considerable voice in parliament. Just where does this leave the roadmap for the Kurdish opening? Evidently, the more disillusioned the Kurds become, the more the PKK threatens to grow in influence. Kurdish politis cal advancement is a must for Turkey to shake the cobwebs of its past struggles against the PKK. In the new dawn of a new age, violence is no longer an acceptable form of political resolution and like most ordinary Turkish citizens, the Kurds do not favor violence or instability. They want jobs, opportunities, cultural and political freedoms and investment. As bitter of a pill as it is to swallow, the PKK is now intertwined with the Kurdish opening and a solution to the Kurdish problem. Even the government behind the political chambers has realized this and have kept contact with jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, but this has been concealed and played down for fear of a major government own goal. In reality, without a resolution to the PKK dilemma, the Kurdish question can never be resolved. This is the byproduct of Turkeys own mistakes. It has failed to promote political representation for Kurds and at the same time has refused to acknowledge the PKK. Turkey must break from tentative steps and piecemeal gestures to its Kurdish population and instead implement tangible wholesale reforms. The Kurds are eagerly looking towards Ankara to gauge the sincerity and ap-
petite of the government for real change. In the meantime, the PKK continues to lurk in the background with its own threats and demands and ongoing confrontation in the southeast. Against a backdrop of nationalist fever, the government is unlikely to meet PKK demands, negotiate directly or grant any level of amnesty. While an inflammation of armed insurrection is unlikely, the Kurdish population as it has shown in the protests leading up to the elections, can cause more unrest and political damage than any armed struggle. As witnessed in the Middle East, mass mobilization of the people is stronger than any military might. The Kurdish population is not a small, insignificant corner of Turkey but an integral part of its past, present and future. There is no reason why Turkey could not usher a new era of true fraternity. The Kurds have much more to gain with a productive Ankara by their side, but at the same time cannot indefinitely accept token gess tures. Both the Kurds and Turks, both within Turkey and beyond, are inseparable entities. The prosperity of both nations lies only with the advent of strong relations and new channels of dialogue and understanding. As difficult as it may prove for the BDP, it must end its boycott and not to succumb to further weakening in parliament. While Turkey must realize it must first solve democratic shortcomings in its own back yard before launching itself as the regional sponsor of the new reformist tidal wave in the Middle East.
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By Salah Bayaziddi
sbayaziddi@yahoo.com
Iraqi security look on as an IraqisKurdish man sits on the shoulders of a another holding up the Kurdish flag in the northern city of Kirkuk on March 28, 2011.
it always has belonged to the Kurds rather than the Iraqi government and only its oil made it a source of tension that's why the Kurdish claim to Kirkuk is rooted in history, geography and demographics. This is a recipe for a civil war if Iraqi policymakers don't address its governance correctly. The new Iraqi government should learn a lesson from the catastrophic policies of the previous regimes, and should finally, once and for all, come up with a peaceful solution for this nearly centuryslong conflict. Since the fall of Saddam
Hussein's regime in 2003, thousands of displaced Kurdish families and others returned to Kirkuk and other Arabized regions to reclaim their homes and land. While the Kurds have all legal and historical claims on Kirkuk as their ancestral homeland, they patiently have avoided taking back the city through violence or extreme measures. However, the Kurds have made clear to everyone that Kirkuk is everything to them. Kirkuk has come to symbolize the injustice the Kurds suffered at his hands and its annexa-
tion to the KRG is the only way to remedy it. Article 140 consists of three steps: Normalization, and the return of Kurds and other residents of Kirkuk displaced by the Arabization campaigns; a census to determine the makeup of the province's population; a referendum to determine Kirkuk's status. This process was supposed to have been completed by the end of 2007, but neither a census nor a referendum has been completed because of unresolved disputes between Iraq's Arabs and Kurds. Rather, the government
postponed the deadline by six months to June 2008, and then the United Nations attempted to broker a solution outside the Article 140 framework, but the final result hasn't been disclosed yet. After almost seven months of political initiative by Barzani, which ended eight months of political stalemate in Baghdad, the Iraqis still are hoping the new government will lead to stability and economic recovery. Now, all these U.S. efforts and Iraqis' hopes for a democratic and free Iraq seem doomed. The failure to follow the Erbil initiative and filling the positions of sensitive ministries of security and intelligence and continuing attacks and suicide bombings by Sunni insurgents, continuing tensions between the KRG and the Iraqi government over Article 140, other potentially dangerous remaining issues, and finally, the meds dling of regional powers in the political process of Iraq are more than enough to paralyze the entire exit strategy of the U.S. from Iraq. The complexity of new Iraq following the failure to resolve political dispute between Al-Iraqiyeh and the Maliki government, and also the contended issues such as census and provincial election in Kirkuk and U.S. military withdrawal by the end of 2011 have been added to the sensitivity of this period for the future of Kurdish political status in Iraq. Nevertheless, the implementation of Article 140 on the status of the city of Kirkuk and other disputed territories is a red line for the Kurdish Alliance and the Kurdish politicians in Baghdad and the three levels of KRG should closely analyze and review the new developments of Article 140 and related policies of newly appointed Amery, as well.
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GLOBE PHOTO/ Zakaria Muhammed
Broosk pool charges 5,000 Iraqi dinars for an hour of swimming or you can pay a monthly membership of $100. It is open from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m., year-round. Broosk also holds swimming courses for anyone wanting to learn how to swim safely. In Rostam's view, the increase in the number of pools in the Region is mostly because investors see it as a profitable business, due to the high demand. "I know swimming at some pools is three times more expensive than it is at my pool. That is because the pool owners only think of swimming as a business," Rostam said. Although swimming is less publicized than other sports, and there are few competitions, the Region has its share of competitive swimmers. Eight
swimmers from Broosk pool are club members and participate in competitions. Khalis Anwar, 20, is an athlete who has been swimming competitively since 2001, when he was only 10 years old. Anwar, who also works at Broosk pool as a lifeguard, criticized the Region's sports officials for only paying attention to football and neglecting swimming. "Swimmers here are ignored. They are only talked about in the media when there is a tournament running. Because most of the clubs have no pools, swimmers spend a lot of their own money to swim in the pools when they train and prepare for a championship," he explained Anwar has been with the Ararat, Jihan, Handren and Qella clubs before joining Peshmarga club.
He placed first in 15 ofs ficial tournaments at the level of Erbil, Kurdistan and Iraq. He is the Iraqi record holder for backstroke. Anwar agrees with those who regard swimming as a healthy activity that can be continued for a lifetime. He says it works almost all of the muscles in the body and can develop general strength, cardiovascular fitness and endurance. "Swimming is above all the types of sport. I see basketball and volleyball players, footballers, and even bodybuilders swimming in the pools. All athletes benefit from swimming."
Zakaria Muhammed
Erbil
zakaria.kurdishglobe @gmail.com
Iraqi national soccer team head coach Wolfgang Sidka watches the team during a training session in Doha, December 2010.
Last page
Ghareebi
M e
m o i r s
By Sazan M. Mandalawi
Ghareebi. One single word that can be a connotation to many different feelings, but above all in Kurdish it refers to loneliness of living far from the home land. I never knew what the term implied, until after I returned home. "Life is perfect in Europe, but Ghareebi is difficult," I had heard this sentence infinite number of times when living in the West, including from my own family. I recall when my grandfather died when we were in Ghareebi. We came back home from school, I could hear crying from the path that lead into our house, to find my mother inside, on the floor in the worst state I had ever seen in my life, Baapira (granddad) had passed away. It was almost the 40th night after his death before we were informed, her family did not want my mother to hear the news in Ghareebi (here it is, the same word again). Not long
after, the same news arrived of my paternal grandmother. I had firsthand experience; as I witnessed the worst possible news arrive to my parents in lands away from home, oceans and continents away. Still, I didn't realize what Ghareebi was. But for the first time as a child I witnessed the tears of my parents. Recently, in another experience of my life in Kurdistan, I learned yet another lesson. I observed a woman, dressed in European style to some extent, she ran into the house, leaving three children
I spent away
a few words to have an idea of who this beautiful young woman was. I listened and watched closely for a good six or seven minutes, until finally I too, could hum along: "Daaayaaa! Daaayaaa!" (mother, mother), "Why did I leave, why did I do that?" She would speak and weep at the same time then the other women would begin crying together right after. She would begin again, "Daya, Daya, for the time I spent away from you, may God make me blind." The women began a second chorus of crying. By this time, the tears had slid down my neck. The scene was heartbreaking. She had heard the news of her mother's death when she was abroad, and came back for the memorial. I was sitting in the corner, the eldest sister called from a different corner of the world; no one could talk to her. Whoever picked up the phone began to cry, everyone, including the father, the sisters and the brothers. It seemed that this time the phone, Facebook, instant messenger and Skype could not ease the pain of Ghareebi. As I had seen my own mother when I was a young child in
primary school, I could imagine just how the elder sister was as she heard the news from Erbil. I imagined her in a lonely, small apartment on the kitchen floor, her husband at work, her children at school, and a phone call that informed her of her mother's death in just a few words. Here we are more than 100 women, sharing the sorrow and grief of this family during this difficult time. In an apartment far away, across oceans, countries and continents, a young girl is alone as she hears of the news. Just as I was thinking of this, the women around me began talking about Ghareebi. Right then and there, five years later, I learned exactly what that word meant. Ghareebi has a cause. With the bloody history experienced by the Kurdish nation, situations and experiences led many to flee into exile, to migrate and find refuge in another country. Therefore, today it is not rare for parents to have children separated in four different countries across the world. It becomes a dream for them to unite all at the same time, under one roof. The word Ghareebi entered the poems of poets and the songs of artists. The word made its way into theaters and musicals; it has become a part of people's life in this part of the world. Is there hope that one day the Kurdish nation can be freed from this term? Aaax La Ghareebi