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Controversy Over The Withdrawl

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From the Heart of Kurdistan Region

The only English paper in Iraq - No: 312 July 09, 2011

Controversy remains over U.S. troop withdrawal


AFP PHOTO/ Marwan Ibrahim

National

P3

Article 140 to cover larger area


Changes in the leadership and task zone of the High Committee of Implementing Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution raised fears among Kurds that the new rules could reduce the Kurdish percentages in Kirkuk and other towns claimed to be parts of the federal region of Kurdistan.

P7

National

P4

Peace cannot be realized if the people of the disputed areas are not given self-determination
Nechirvan Barzani

Vehicles burn as fire fighter arrive at the scene following a car bomb that ripped through a crowd outside a hospital in Iraq's restive northern city of Kirkuk on March 16, 2011.

National

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Tinted windows banned in Kurdistan


National
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Turkey's hot summer, cold parliament Sport


P 15

Number of swimming pools increases in Kurdistan

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

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AFP PHOTO/Ahmad Al-Rubaye

lobe Editorial

Time to wake up
Kurdistan shouldn't have to wait forever

FCO Press Release: Wednesday 06 July 2011

Minister for Middle East welcomes law banning domestic violence in Iraq
Speaking On Wednesday, Minister for the Middle East Alistair Burt said:

The Kurds do not have to wait forever for the day Iraqi leaders, particularly the prime minister, can do what they promised. The Kurds have enough experience and recent memories not to be hopeful of the way the things are heading in Iraq.

"We have the right to practice our right for self-determination on our land, and to have our independent state, similar to others, being a normal constitutional right; and as long as Iraq keeps its constitutional principles, we shall remain to be part of Iraq, which we have chosen to become part of its federal state, Kemal Kirkuki stated in an interview with Asharq Alawsat newspaper. He pointed out the, implementation of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution had been delayed for a long time, despite the fact that Prime Minister, Nuri alMaliki, had committed himself to implement it. This has been the tone of similar statements in recent days. One of the top Patriotic Union of Kurdistan leader, Kosrat Rasul, in a public speech marking the PUK's anniversary, inferred the time for Kurdistan independence is not far and that the Kurds deserve to have their independence. Such radical discourse by the Kurdish leaders can be seen as a response to the inability of the Iraqi central governments deal-

ing to resolve the pending issues between Baghdad and Erbil, particularly Article 140 of the disputed territories. Plus, there is a general perception that Iraqi prime minister has no incentive for a democratic Iraq but rather to pursue a policy of strong centralized and totalitarian regime that ignores the rights and responsibilities of non-Arab and non-Shiite constituents of Iraq. Failure of the Iraqi political actors to form a new Iraqi government following the general election was finally overcome by initiatives of Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani and the meeting in Erbil concluded the Erbil Accord to form a new government. This accord has so far not been promptly applied by Maliki and has alienated Iyad Allawi and others from participating in the government and brought the political system to standstill. Alienating other groups in Iraq by forcing his single will and authoritarian tendency can easily bring Iraq to its final diss solution. Iraq's political history has forcefully been formed and EXECUTIVE EDITOR

kept intact mainly thanks to the military and draconian rule with the help and assistance of global political powers. The post-Saddam era brought an opportunity for Iraq to reestablish itself on a new set of accords that respect democratic principles, national and minority rights, human rights and voluntary union. This opportunity, it seems, is being quickly eroded due to sectarian and ultranationalist tendencies that still dominate heart and soul of Iraqi Arab leaders. The Iraqi government under Maliki has yet to respect the Erbil Accord and implement the conditions that were established. Malikis government has yet to put into effect the Kurdish demands, including implementing certain articles of the Constitution. The Kurds do not have to wait forever for the day Iraqi leaders, particularly the prime minister, can do what they promised. The Kurds have enough experience and recent memories not to be hopeful of the way the things are heading in Iraq.

Independence is the right of every nation. The Kurds as a nation not only deserve but have to gain independence. There is no future for Kurds in Iraq as long as nationalist and sectarian mentalities override politics and hold power. There is no better time for Kurds to go their own separate way toward freedom and independence. For how long should the Kurds remain patient and silent, watching to see what Iraq does? The Kurdish political actors, intelligentsia, civil society and all other representatives of the nation must work and loudly speak for freedom and independence. Expecting Iraq to properly implement the Constitution, and that Iraq finally will move towards democracy is not only illusion but also naivete. No Kurdish leader has the right to keep the nation under this illusion. It is time to wake up and face challenges with a new horizon ahead and with a new spirit in the heart.

By Azad Amin

I strongly welcome the law banning domestic violence adopted by the Kurdistan National Ass s sembly in Iraq this week, and congratulate the parliamentarians who campaigned hard for this change. By also outlawing some outdated and aws s ful traditional practices such as female genital mutilation and forced marriage, Iraqi Kurdistan is becoming an improved, more equal society. The commitment to better protection for victims, including the provision of more shelters, better health care and protection orders from a new special court, is an important part of this. Iraqi Kurds s istan continues to be a leading example to others in the region combating the personal and social misery caused by domess s tic violence. The UK will continue to support this through projects across Iraq.

Jawad Qadir
Weekly paper printed in Erbil

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The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

Article 140 to cover larger areas


New president vows to accelerate settling disputed areas
Changes in the leadership and task zone of the High Committee of Implementing Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution raised fears among Kurds that the new rules could reduce the Kurdish percentages in Kirkuk and other towns claimed to be parts of the federal region of Kurdistan.
Iraqi Minister of Transportation Hadi al-Amiri, a Shiite leader, was recently appointed as the president of the committee to implement Article 140, replacing Raid Fahmi, a communist leader who was minister of technology in Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri alMalikis first cabinet. The committee, which was linked to the Iraqi Council of Ministers directly, is now linked to the General Secretariat of this council. After taking in office, Amiri stated the committee will exert efforts to accelerate settling the issue of Article 140. Due to several obstacles, implementing this article took longer than expected. Amiri also said in his statement that this settlement must be to the benefit of all Iraqi compos nents through removing obstacles. The committee president also noted three presidents of the Region, government and parliament about the fear of abortion of the article. He called on them to conduct immediate follow-ups on the implementation of this article, or it will leave negative consequences for the regions claim over Kirkuk and some other towns in the provinces of Nineveh, Diyala and Salahaddin. Implementing Article 140 was of the 19 conditions of the Kurdish parties for joining Malikis current cabinet. The Kurdish condition point says that serious efforts must exerted to implement the article within two years. Osman says one year has passed since Maliki approved the Kurdish proposal, and nothing has been done yet. The Kurdish demands have fallen under other Iraqi problems, notes Osman complaining that Malikis government is ignoring its earlier promises. Changing the president of committee at this time was not a good decision according to committee vice president Narmin Osman, a Kurd. She defends the former president Fahmi who she says was working neutrally and had gained enough experience on this issue.
Ako Muhammed REUTERS/Saad Shalash

Iraq's new Transport Minister Hadi alsAmiri speaks at a news conference in Baghdad January 12, 2011.

he has good relations with Kurds. In addition, his statement noted both Kirkuk and Karbala are disputed areas, which brought up issues for Kurdish politicians. The committee has widened its task zone to cover disputed areas in central and southern Iraqi provinces, such as in Karbala and Dhi-Qar. Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution sets three phases for solving administrative and demographic changes in Iraqi provinces made by former Iraqi governments in past decades. The article is also considered a key in settling the issue of

Kirkuk and other places Kurds claim as part of Kurdistan Region. Although the constitution sets a deadline of the end of 2007 for completing the implementation of Article 140, it is still in phase one, which calls for returning families with compensation to their original provinces after they were deported or brought in for ethnic and political purposes. This allowed many Kurdish families to return to Kirkuk and other towns and many Arab families were please with financial compensation to return to their original provinces, leaving these

controversial areas. Under the law, an Arab family is compensated with 20 million Iraqi dinars and a half of this sum for each Kurdish family. Phase two calls for a census and the third phase stipulates holding a referendum allowing the original people of the disputed areas to decide about the future of their towns. Nasih Ghafur, a Kurdish politician, believes Article 140 mainly means Kirkuk and the other places claimed by the Kurds because this is a national and ethnic issue. On the disputed areas in the center and south of

Iraq, he says those provinces are all inhabited by Arabs and are not as important as Kirkuk. Some other Kurdish observers are not happy with keeping the committee busy with other areas than those demanded by the Kurdistan Region. The current changes make matters of concern for the [future] of the srticle, says Mahmoud Osman, a Kurdish member of the Iraqi Parliament. He fears the changes lessen the articles impact on the areas that are part of the Kurdistan Region. Osman warned the Kurdistan Region>s

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Kamal Kirkuki: "Kurds have right to self-determination and their independent state"
Kurdistan Parliaments Speaker Kamal Kirkuki said on July 5: "We have the right to practice our right for self-determination on our land, and to have our independent state, similar to others, being a normal constitutional right; and as long as Iraq keeps its constitutional principles, we shall remain to be part of Iraq, which we have chosen to become part of its Federal State, Kirkuki said in an interview with Asharq Alawsat newspaper. Iraqi Kurds reserve the right for self-determination and to have their own independent state. He pointed out that the implementation of Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution had been delayed for a long time, despite fact that Prime Minister, Nuri al-Maliki, had committed himself to implement it. Claims that the said the article has died, had been a great and dreadful political mistake, because it is a constitutional article that wont die unless by the death of the constitution itself, Kirkuki said. Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution points out the naturalization of conditions in the areas, described as areas underconflict, in a clear sign for the conflict about their belonging to Kurdistan Region, including Kirkuk province and parts of Ninewa and Diala provinces. The Iraqi Constitution defined a time limit to implement the article, through measures that ended on Dec. 31, 2007, leaving residents of those areas with the freedom of self-determination, whether to stay as an independent administrative area, or to merge with Iraqs Kurdistan Region, through a general referendum. Several obstacles caused the postponement of implementing some of the basic contents of the article, for reasons Kurdish politicians consider as political, while Baghdad says the delay was unintentional, at a time when a special ministerial committee had implemented some of its contents, such as the compensation of some of the residents, while the most important paragraph, related to self-determination in those areas, was not implemented.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

PKK leader warns Turkish state not to ignore peace process


GLOBE PHOTO / Qassim Khidhir

Top Turkish intellectual suggests Turkey regard PKK issue as 'rebellion'

A PKK sympathizer in Qandil covers her back with a photo of imprisoned PKK leader.

By Qassim Khidhir & Remezan Pertew Murat Qaraylan, a top leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), believes the Turkish state is stalling and is not serious about solving the Kurdish question. During a press conference with a number of reporters from Iraqi Kurdistan Region in the Qandil Mountains, a PKK stronghold, Qaraylan warned that PKK would end its onessided ceasefire if the Turkish state does not make concrete steps to solve the Kurdish issue and participate in the ceasefire. "The Turkish state must announce publicly the end of military and police operations against us. Moreover, the second condition, they must officially invite President Apo [Abdullah Ocalan] for negotiations to solve the Kurdish problem," Qaraylan said. Ocalan, the imprisoned leader and founder of PKK, was arrested in 1999. Qaraylan said the

Turkish government has held Ocalan in the Imrali Island prison and has not negotiated with the PKK leader for peaceful solution for the Kurdish question. "The delegation [from the Turkish government] only asked President Apo to give them another chance and extend the ceasefire." Qaraylan blamed the Turkish government for talking about dialogue and peace while throwing thousands of Kurds in jail for supporting Kurdish parties. Over the past three years, they have arrested 3,000 people and accused them of having ties with PKK without any evidence, he said. They just look to see who is an active member of pro-Kurdish [Peace and Democracy Party] BDP and arrest him. BDP is a Kurdish Party that made remarkable gains in Turkey's June 12 general elections, increasing its representation from 20 to 36 in the 550-seat assembly.

Qaraylan warned that the coming days will be important for PKK and Turkey. "If the Turkish state continues its military operations in the cities and the mountains, we will resume our war and we have prepared for it, he warned. Muhemed Dara Akar, the second man in the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Diyarbakir, the largest Kurdish city in Turkey, said AKP will never sign peace agreement with Ocalan. "When it comes to the Kurdish question, AKP does not see Ocalan as a side. AKP will never hold an official meeting with Ocalan," Akar told the Globe. Akar believes if any AKP leader holds an official meeting with Ocalan, it will create chaos in the party. He explained: "What is happening right now is a government delegation comprised of intelligence, security and political [leaders] meeting Ocalan to extend the ceasefire,

surrender weapons and end the violence. And in the coming days, the situation will remain the same," he concluded. Terrorism or rebellion? Cengiz Candar, a prominent Turkish intellectual who has strong relations with both Kurdish and Turkish parties, and who usually has insider information, believes the violence can be eliminated only if the subject at hand is discussed and settled as a Kurdish rebellion. PKK is designated as a terrorist organization in Turkey, Europe and the U.S. Candar puts Ocalan at the center of these negotiations. He portrays Ocalan's prestige and leadership among Kurds as a factor that would facilitate a settlement. According to Candar, the Kurdish issue is the most important issue hindering Turkey's capabilities for movement. For the first time, Turkey has come to the brink of

solving this old problem. It could result in a stable government, an environment of security and peace for all sides, economic growth, powerful integration dynamics and a suitable international environment. Candar suggested the Turkish state should regard the PKK issue as "rebellion" not as a "terror" issue. "Conditions are ripe. People expect further steps to be taken for a solution." Last week, Nechirvan Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the largest party in Iraqi Kurdistan, said there is a golden opportunity for peace in Turkey. Barzani said the Turkish state must see the reality of PKK. Barzani also suggested a roadmap for the solution of Kurdish issue in Turkey. It was the first time a top Kurdish leader in Iraqi Kurdistan advised the Turkish state regarding the Kurdish issue. Qaraylan welcomed Barzani's

statement, described it as "the right statement at the right time." Rebwar Karim Wali, an expert on Turkey and the Kurdish issue, said normally when a Turkish journalist asks a Kurdish leader in Iraqi Kurdistan about the Kurdish problem in Turkey, the Kurdish leader answers like this "the Kurdish problem in Turkey is Turkey's internal problem, and it can't be solved by military means" and when the journalist asks how the problem can be solved, the leader answers: "We don't want to interfere in the Turkey's internal affairs." Wali said Turkish officials have been asking Iraqi Kurdish leaders for more than a year to convince PKK to not end the ceasefire. Wali said: "The Turkish state cannot solve the Kurdish issue without holding talks with PKK."

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

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GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed

Peace cannot be realized if the people of the disputed areas are not given self-determination chance
Nechirvan Barzani
Representing Kurdistan Regions president at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Assembly congress in Italy on July 5, Nechirvan Barzani, deputy secretary general of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, delivered a speech, in which he outlined the major political issues related to the Kurdistan Region. Below is the text of his speech: support the assembly to recognize these as genocide internationally. " system that protects the rights of all ethnicities and communities from the threat of a centralized government, as well as granting political rights to the federal regions as it is used in Europe, North America, Asia and elsewhere around the world, so there is no way to claim that such as system cannot be implemented in the Middle East. "Third: Iraq needs to solve the issue of the disputed areas and take a path to correct the wrong acts of the Baathist regime. Peace and stability could not be realized if the people of the disputed areas dont have the chance to self-determination. This solution is suggested in the Constitution. "Besides, I would like to emphasize on some issues about the Kurdistan Region as we face many political and economic challenges, but the power of our democratic system gives us the confidence that we can face the events and reach our targets. "First, it is because we have a long-term experience of self-rule and we have achieved development and expansion, at a time when the other part of Iraq has

"First of all, I want to pass His Excellency President Massoud Barzanis apologies for not being able to participate in this event. It was in fact due to a special situation that did not allow him to participate, though he wanted to do so very much. Hereby, I apologize for this and I have the honor to represent him in this meeting. "I would like to pass President Barzanis regards once again. Today I am here with a number of distinguished personalities and would like to start my speech by thanking you, as a person from the Middle East, for your kind support and brotherhood for the people of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. "During our long resistance and struggle in the past, we have reached a belief that nothing could be an alternative to the support of the giant European countries for us. Hence, we have decided to seize every opportunity to develop strong political, economic and social relationships with the European countries and European Congress as a main medium in that aspect. I totally believe that we all agree that what happened to Kurdistan in the past should not be forgotten. "In a short period of time, 182,000 men, women and children were exterminated through the Anfal Campaign; 4,500 villages were destroyed; civilians became direct targets of chemical bombardments in Halabja and other places in Kurdistan Region of Iraq. "We were very pleased when the Iraqi High Tribunal Court recognized these acts as genocide. But this is not enough, and further steps need to be taken and more work to be done. "At the same time, I would like to thank all people and parties that helped escalate this issue in the Legislative Assembly, and I request you and urge others to

All of us agree that what Kurdistan has witnessed in the past should not be repeated

"This is an important gathering and it is held at a time that there is a series of dramatic changes in some Middle Eastern countries and the whole region. We witness events today that we had never imagined. In some countries, the changes took place in a peaceful manner, but in some others we witnessed armed interactions, insurgency and oppression. The new Iraq is more democratic than many regional countries. But we face many challenges in implementing democracy. It was not long ago when the Iraqis got rid of the Baathist regime, and the current policies and governance in Iraq is not much different to what the Iraqis need. We have many challenges in Iraq. We dont have the problem of freedom and democracy as much as we have problem with implementing the new federal system in the country. Today, Iraq is facing three major issues

New Iraq is more democratic than most of the regions countries

Allofusagreethat whatKurdistanhas witnessedinthepast should be not repeated.

that should be solved in order to develop and flourish. "First: Iraq needs to establish trust and faith among the leaders and political parties, since the former regimes culture is deeply rooted in the leaders beliefs and political ideas. Like the voters, they need to know that politicians need to work together in a peaceful and supportive way. "Second: Iraq needs to institutionalize federalism as outlined in the Constitution in a way that certain level of power is given to federal regions rather than unlimited powers of self-rule. Iraqi Kurds have insisted and do insist on establishing a country based on a federal democratic and pluralist

always suffered. We have a strong culture of tolerance and respect in a multi-ethnic and multi-religion region. Today we are continuing to receive displaced Christian families and other displaced people from other parts of Iraq and, fortunately, offer them shelter and support as well, and will offer them jobs whenever possible. We develop natural resources as we have been given the right by the Constitution."

"Moreover, Kurdistan Region owns vast energy and natural energy resources and is currently part of the International Energy Market, and though our political

Kurdistan owns vast energy resources.

system is new, it is developing and improving. We are currently at the stage of democratic principles and we have heavy responsibilities to achieve the goals, which is the responsibility of any democratic leader in this world. Through developing cooperation and coordination between security forces and the people, we have realized a stable and peaceful environment in Kurdistan and will continue to play the role that we have played up to date to face terror and insurgency, which is a real threat on the democratic relations network with the world. Besides, through struggle and believing in democracy, we have been able to achieve the goals that destroyed villages have reached a stage to build modern markets and centers, build new parks for their families. The private sector was developed from a weak economy and limited level of income that was monopolized by a limited number of political figures in the capital, developing foreign investment in a place where it was very difficult to see a school and the curriculum was full of propaganda for the authority, in a place where there was no place for life, we now own a number of public and private educational institutions providing education services with international recognition. "Our people are now able to get onto the Internet that is a path for transferring the power of freedom and democracy. Nowhere else in the new world one can find a similar successful story of democracy like that of Kurdistan Region, which was able to recover and flourish after a long oppression, and stand on it own feet. Sometimes, the Kurds were struggling to protect themselves from genocide policy by a dictatorial regime. We were surrounded by countries who were supposed to protect us, but were suppressing us instead. But today, besides democracy and

federalism, we participate in the making of a real, strong state to help its citizens to achieve their goals and realize their dreams in Iraq.

"Our success is the success of a long struggle, and we are proud of our achievements for which we have always worked hard. We have tried to achieve the rights of the Iraqis, both at the time when we were part of the liberation movement and now as we are part of the government in Baghdad. In conclusion, I would like to bring to our memory that at the time when the international community is welcoming the Arab Spring, there are many hidden questions about the Arab Summer, and the destiny of millions of people in the Middle East is directly contingent to the political decisions that are being taken. Our spring took almost three decades to come. But we could protect ourselves, continue to grow. We hope that other people of the Kurdistan Region take this as a sample, as a live sample that democratic wave can bring about better lives for everybody. I appreciate your and the NATO Assembly members efforts for establishing peace, democracy, tolerance and peaceful co-existence. Kurdistan Region supports your efforts and a bright future is waiting for all of us. We hope that our cooperation continues in facing oppression and tyranny, and in reassuring about the global developments on the bases that collects us together. I wish you all success once again and thank you very much for the opportunity for our participation. Thank you very much."

We were able to continue to improve on our own

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

Process of passing laws in Parliament needs an overhaul


When someone is accused of a crime, he is arrested and put into custody. The investigation and trial take a long time. This may cause a spouse to file for divorce, and she may lose her house and her belongings. A few years later, the court finds him innocent and he is freed. But, he is freed into a different life. Society still sees him as a criminal and he can't get a job, or a new life.
That is what Shwan Sabir, a legislator and human rights activist, thinks could happen because of inappropriate and obsolete laws if they are not revised. He thinks that in such cases, the law can be harsh and inhumane. If we dont do academic research and studies about the laws, their impact and implementation methods, those laws could destroy peoples lives in a way that is hard to recover, said Sabir in an interview with the Globe. Almost 95 percent of the laws currently in force in Kurdistan Region were developed and passed before the establishment of the government and when Saddam Hussein or other former governments were in power. Besides, some of the amendments made in the Region or new laws that have come into effect are contradictory to the old laws and some overlap the old laws. Dr. Sarwar Abdulrahman, Member of the Kurdistan Parliament, also believes some of the draft laws submitted to Parliament are so badly drafted and planned that instead of organizing the lives of the people, they deteriorate them. Abdussalam Barwari, MP and Chair of Parliaments Social Committee, says that in the majority of the submitted law proposals, there is no study about the importance and rationale for the law. There's no information about what the law addresses, whether the law will solve the issue, or whether it solves any problem at all. According to Barwari, these issues are not considered while drafting the laws. After amending the MP bodyguard law, even MP Sabir confessed this amendment was not necessary. When we are invited to a Parliament session to discuss and pass a law, we have no other choice than having our say, explained Sabir. Lack of a legal research center to support Parliament in the legislation process, according to Abdulrahman, is the core reason behind the issues the Regions legislative branch faces. Instead of having all these long discussions inside Parliament, we can pass this responsibility to experts to present us a neat, clear and complete drafts to save MPs' time for other tasks, explained Abdulrahman in an interview with the Globe. Although Abdulrahman and many other MPs said they are unaware of any proposals to establish this kind of law center, Parlia-

New law center may help MPs make better decisions about draft laws
GLOBE PHOTO/Safin Hamed

Kurdistan Parliament.

ment Speaker Dr. Kamal Kirkuki told the Globe they have a project underway and it will be inaugurated soon. Kirkuki said they're redrafting Parliaments internal policies and procedures. In the first phase of its activities, the center will assign a number of independent experts to review any draft law that arrives in Parliament and it will compare it with similar laws in other countries and the center will submit a report to Parliament to be considered in the legislation process, explained Kirkuki. Sabir, on the other hand, argues that such a center should not only do a prelegislation review, but should also follow up and monitor the post-legisla-

tion phase and implementation of the laws to see if they're practical and effective. Sabir says if someone is accused of murder or a terrorist act, the law allows him to be held without trial. He mentioned someone who has been in custody for 11 years but has not been proven guilty. Is someone tears his shirt off and scratches his arm and sues someone, the guy, who has no clue what is going on, will be immediately arrested, said Sabir. It is not only the contradictions in the laws that create problems for people, but misunderstanding, misinterpretation and poor implementation of laws are also problematic. From Sabirs perspec-

tive, all KRG and Iraqi laws need revision and with the existence of a research committee, this task would be easier. Besides, based on the studies and research done by experts from a law center, it could recommend possible amendments to specific laws to Parliament. According to Barwari, even with the existence of such a committee and drafting and legislating good and efficient laws, still there is a possibility for poor implementation of those laws, as personal and political opinions would affect the laws implementation. Some laws have never gone into effect. For example, an MP who was smoking a cigarette inside the Parliament while talk-

ing to the Globe, said the smoking ban that was legislated by Parliament had never gone into effect and the first to breach the law were the MPs and lawyers. No one has yet been charged for smoking in Parliament. Though the parliamentary research center is about to launch to help Parliament in designing new laws and amending existing ones, its effectiveness could be called into doubt if it doesnt study all the aspects of preparing and implementing the laws and their effectiveness in practice.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011 Observers believe the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq may divide the country almost as much as their arrival did in the first place.
Most of the Iraqi factions, except the Sadr bloc, want U.S. troops stay in Iraq for longer. According to the SOFA agreement between Iraq and the U.S., the 46,000 U.S. troops must leave Iraq on December 31. The Kurds, officially and publicly said they want U.S. troops to stay, fearing fighting may erupt between Kurds and Arabs in the disputed areas after U.S. troops withdraw from the disputed areas. The Iraqi army also wants U.S. troops to stay; so do Sunni groups fearful of Shiite militias. The reports pointed out that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki wants U.S. troops to stay but only if other major political factions join him in asking. Several probably would, but don't want to be the first. Last week, the White House offered to leave 10,000 troops in Iraq for 2012, for training, air support and backup in anti-insurgent missions. A White House national security spokesman said any requests to keep U.S. forces there "would be given serious consideration." Observers interpreted the statement as meaning please, please ask. "We have said for a long time now if the Iraqi government asks us to maintain some level of troops beyond that end of the year deadline, we would consider it," said White House Spokesman Jay Carney. The security situation is still worrisome. The key defense and interior posts, vacant for six months, are nominally held by Maliki, who seems incapable of doing either. Since last week, a number of deadly car bombs exploded in Baghdad and northern Iraq, killing around 100 and injuring more. The political landscape is similar to the security situation, the differences between Maliki and Iyad Allawi, Iraq's second strongest person, mainly supported by Sunnis, are extremely serious. Moqtada al-Sadr openly threatened that if U.S. troops stay past the deadline, he will resume his armed militia and will attack the U.S. troops. Sources in Kirkuk city, the most serious disputed city between Kurds and Arabs, stated that U.S. Vice President Joe Biden will soon visit the city. "After meeting officials in Baghdad, Biden will arrive in Kirkuk to hold meetings with Kirkuk administration officials," said head of Kirkuk provincial council Hassan Toran. However, Toran was not ready to give further details about Biden's visit. In addition, the head of the U.S. Consulate in Kirkuk, Richard

Controversy remains over U.S. troop withdrawal


U.S. Vice President Joe Biden to visit Kirkuk
AP Photo/Khalid Mohammed

In this March 17, 2006 file photo, a U.S. helicopter lands in the field as a U.S. soldier stands guard outside Samarra, Iraq.

Bell, confirmed Biden will visit Kirkuk. Rebwar Talabani, a Kurd and deputy head of the Kirkuk provincial council said, "Several times we [Kurds] demanded the U.S. not to withdraw its troops from Kirkuk." Talabani believes in the disputed areas, U.S. forces needed to help the combination of Arab Iraqi Army and Kurdish Peshmarga forces in protecting its safety. Kurdistan Region Ministry of Peshmarga stated that it prefers U.S. forces stay in Kirkuk and other disputed areas, to prevent sectarian clashes in the future. This fear stems from past tensions. On April 25, two Kurdish security offis cers died and four people were wound in clashes between the Iraqi Army and Kurdish forces in Kirkuk. Earlier this year, the Kurdish Peshmarga increased its deployment in Kirkuk, citing threats from "radical Arab groups" who intended harm against Kurds in the province. It withdrew the troops to Kurdistan Region after mediation from U.S. military officials. Ministry of Peshmarga said it cannot ask for an extension of the U.S. forces' presence because only the central government and Parliament have the right to sign military agreements. But, "if it is requested that the U.S. forces stay, particularly in the disputed areas, then we will welcome such a request."

Law pleases police but causes conflict among Kurdish parties


Disagreements on who pays the salary increase sours the new law
The Iraqi Parliament issued a law in favor of increasing salaries of police and security forces in the country, including Kurdistan Region. On whether the Kurdistan Regional Government or the federal government in Baghdad should budget for the extra payments, the Coalition of Kurdistan blocs and Gorran (Change) parties made statements blaming each other. Both sides also argued over who should take credit for the law. The Law of Service and Retirement of Interior Forces consists of 90 articles and was passed on July 4 after intensive debates. The law raises salaries of the police; the lowest rank will receive a monthly salary of 445,000 Iraqi dinars ($370) and a general will be paid 1,075,000 ID. The increased salary will be applied retroactively to January 2011; the back pay will be paid out in six months and the Iraqi government budgeted 2 billion ID for this purpose, announced Shwan Muhammad Taha, a Kurdish lawmaker in the parliamentary committee of interior and defense. The law also raises retirement age from 60 to 63. Police elements, like any other governmental employee, can also now receive bonuses according to marital status, number of children and education level, said Taha. Increasing salaries of police and security was one of the main promises made during the election campaign. Although this is now law, Kurdish politicians quarrels have not stopped. Some parties, unfortunately, want any law issued in the Iraqi Parliament to be executed in Kurdistan and this weakens the Kurdistan Region and strengthens centrality in Iraqi, MP of the Coalition of Kurdistan blocs Saman Fawzi read in an announcement from his party in a news conference in Suleimaniya on July 6. His some parties is translated as the Gorran party, the main opposition party in the Region. Fawzi also said it is not logical the extra salary of Kurdistan Region police be paid out of the Regions budget while the basic salary comes from Baghdad. He explained that some of the police in Kurdistan are paid from Baghdad and their salaries will be increased with this law. The Coalition of Kurdistan blocs demanded the federal government pay for those police who are currently paid by Erbil, he said, noting this as a constitutional right. This statement angered the Gorran Movement and its MP Latif Mustafa said in a press conference in Suleimaniya the following day it didn>t plan for the salary increases to come from the Kurdistan budget. We have said that the salary of the police in Kurdistan Region should be the same amount as the Iraqi forces. But we never said the extra salary should come from the Kurdistan Region budget, said Mustafa replying the Kurdish major parties statement.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

Iraqi census still has no official date


U.N. and Iraqi government disagree on whether Kurdistan Region can hold its own census
The Iraqi general census previously scheduled for October 2010, and then postponed to December 2010 has still not been held. The Iraqi government has used a number of reasons why it keeps getting postponed. Meanwhile, no official date has been set for holding it, while unofficial sources report it will be held in August 2011.
The Kurdistan Region has always stressed the need for a census to have the exact data about the population's ethnic ratios. Although the Iraqi government has made no clear decision on holding the census and no date has been set, Kurdistan Region is intent on holding it in Erbil, Suleimaniya and Duhok, although neither the U.N. nor the Central Government recognize this. The head of Kurdistan Region Census Board, Sirwan Muhammad, presumes the census will be held in the next two months, though he noted Kurdistan Region has not officially asked the Cens tral Government to hold the census. But in the meetings between Kurdistan Regional Government and the Iraqi government, the issue of the census has always been discussed. One of the main reasons the Central Government has given for not holding the census has been the instability of the Iraqi political situation. During the second half of 2010, many government employees mostly teachers and Ministry of Education workers were trained to conduct the process of census in the country, and Muhammad believes those trainees will conduct the census. Other public servants from other institutions will also participate in this process, if needed. The last census was held in Iraq in 1987, and included the Kurdistan Region. Another partial census was held in 1997, but didnt include Kurdistan Region and only covered 15 Iraqi provinces. No precise census has been held especially in terms of ethnicity and politics in the country, said Darbaz Muhammad, an expert in the field of census and popus lation. According to the Iraqi Constitution, the Central Government is the only authority with power to decide on holding a census. If the Kurdistan Region conducts the census in its three provinces independently and without Baghdads approval, the U.N. and the Iraqi government will not recognize the results and data, Darbaz Muhammad noted. During past elections, the government depended on the census used to determine food coupons. Some think this is unreliable because tens of thousands of people who still hold those coupons are now dead or live outside the country. Darbaz Muhammad emphasized the significance of a census for government planning. A census gives information about the population ratio and its features; the ratio of young to elderly people; the ratios of males to females; literacy levels; and income levels. The developed countries set their plans according to the censuses they hold. They might have five to 10 year plans also based on those censuses. Some experts believe Iraq is desperately needs a census because the country is ethnically, religiously and linguistically diverse. On the other hand, the form, through which the census is held, needs to provide more questions and details because of the diversity of Iraq. The census is done by special teams, and each team surveys 25 families or fewer. Some are worried about false data, such as having people recorded twice or recording the names of the deceased. All the family members should stay home during the days of holding the census. At the same time, the census will be held according to a system that fingerprints of everyone will be taken. So, no ones name can be registered twice, Darbad Muhammad also explained. Furthermore, the general elections can also be based on having strong census records, because the Commission of Elections prepares the arrangements for the elections using census results. Some political experts think Iraqi political parties and figures are the main obstacles blocking the census, and Darbaz Muhammad believes Iraqi and also Kurdish political parties try to stall the process. They can get more parliamentary seats for their provinces through election fraud. Shiites tried to get the most possible seats in the Shiite-populated areas, more than Sunnis and Kurds in the Iraqi parliamentary and provincial council elections. He further noted that election fraud is now 35 percent, but it could go down to 5 percent if the country holds a census.

Media outlets will no longer receive huge budgets


KRG opens new training center for journalism
A new center for training journalists was inaugurated in the capital city of Kurdistan Region, Erbil, to enhance the role of the profess s sion of journalism in the Region. The Kurdistan Regional Government also opened the center to urge media agencies to become profitable enterprises instead of taking a portion of the Region's annual budget.
It is no longer reasonable to dedicate such an open budget to media institutions that are more often than not, unprofessional, said KRG Minister of Culture Kawa Mahmoud, in the inauguration ceremony of the center. The minister said the Region has approximately 850 media outlets, some of which people even dont know about, and the government cannot provide each one of them with a dedicated budget. The profitable and mains stream media can survive. Meanwhile, Minister Mahmoud explained that the Ministry of Culture has cut off the stipend to all media that received it from the ministry. The ministry will systematically dedicate financial support for self-supporting media. A new system will be put in place for that purpose. Halgurd Jundiani, the general director of media in the ministry, said he was unaware that such a system was discussed. It is true that the ministry has cut off the allowances. We might systematically provide a limited allowance for those media. Ubeid Hirori, manager of American Airex Organization for training journalists, supported the recent ministry decision of cutting media stipends because no independent media remains the same, even if the government allocates it with a dedicated budget. It means there is no need to waste the money of the people this way. The dedicated budget for other media, Hirori noted, has almost been a waste of money because they always tried to fill up the space. They can now change their policy and it is time for them to become profitable. The policies of the Ministry of Culture changed to encourage professionalism in journalism. This way, media agencies can be the source of income for the institutions or organizations they work for. At the same time, the point of professionalism has become a controversial debate in the Region. Alwand Hamid, a journalist working for Speda satellite channel, says opening this center could be a good step forward, but won't solve journalists problems entirely. Although he was optimistic, he believes what journalists learn in centers like this one may contradict the practicalities of journalism. When journalists work, they follow the policy of their employer. Probably, the media organizations prefer their policies to professionalism. This is how unprofessional journalists are born. Although this may improve media in Kurdistan Region, political parties still dominate the media and are the real key players in media policy. Limited flexibility from political parties may lead to a permanent failure in creating an independent media. Hirori further noted if media agencies dont move towards professionalism, it may affect them the most. One day, journalists will head towards the media agencies where they can find fewer obs structions and more freedom in practicing their profession.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

Head of French Cultural Center says traditions are disappearing


Head of the French Cultural Center in Kurdistan, Ameilie Banzet, in an interview with the Globe said the centers primary objective is to be Kurdistans gateway to Europe. Banzet believes Kurdish traditions are disappearing because people are more attracted to modern things. Globe: What are the French Cultural Center's main goals? Banzet: The cultural center is more like a tool we are using to promote culture, basically to build cultural ties with Kurdistan, plus promoting Kurdistan Regions culture through supporting the local artists here as well as the French artists who come here. Globe: How do you describe the Kurdish culture, generally? Banzet: I have to say that the Kurdish culture is very rich and very interesting quite different from European, but Im sad that I see the traditional things, especially the handicrafts, are disappearing quickly. Of course, people like modern things in every country, its normal to be attracted to new things a modern car, house, carpets, modern clothes, but it's sad to see that these traditional clothes, houses are vanishing. Globe: In your view, what are the reasons? Is it because of integration? Banzet: The reason is because people want new things after so many years of difficult life, of course they want modern things. They would not keep their mud houses, it's normal. It's the government's role to subsidize and make efforts to make sure the traditional architecture is preserved, to make sure there are still some people who know how to build the mud houses, because when you lose your traditional sites, they will never come back. Globe: Do you see any similarity between the Kurdish and French cultures? Banzet: The majority of both people are proud of their culture. French people are proud of their culture the Kurdish people as well, the dress, the music, the whole spirit of the culture, the hospitality, the way you receive people, going on a picnic on Fridays it's something you can see almost everywhere. Globe: So far you have been working in the large cities; do you have plans to work in the villages as well? Banzet: Sure, we want to, and there are people who have been asking us, but its only me and I dont have 24 hours in a day. Globe: What makes working in the cities easier? Banzet: I guess in the cities people are dynamic and really want to learn from outside. They are interested in cultural exchange, to have their culture more open. You have so many artists who are dynamic and enthusiastic to learn from other cultures, but in the villages it's quite different. Working with the villagers is hard because people are not familiar with French ladies and musicians. Globe: What is the most attractive thing about Kurdish culture to you? Banzet: There are several things. The first thing is the contact with people. I think people here are so easy to access; very open and ready to talk. You see everyone on the streets talking to each other. In Europe, some people are in the same neighborhood for 10 years but they dont know each other, but here everybody knows each other. Going to the bazaar. I love going to bazaar! It's traditional here. I like going to the parks, as you see something you don't see everywhere; entire families picnicking in the parks, with all walks of life mixing and the young, the elderly and children. I have not seen that everywhere, not in Europe for sure. The music and dance if you put a music on for five minutes, everyone starts dancing. It's great, it's really nice. Globe: Do you support NGOs that work in the same field as your center? Banzet:Yes we have a program to support NGOs; we are funding some of them, it's mostly financial aid. Globe: Is it right if we say the center aims to integrate the two cultures together or is somehow imposing a bit of French culture on Kurdistan? Banzet: It's neither integrating nor imposing it's just here, just like in other places. No one is forced to come here. People like coming because they want to learn and they want to meet Europeans. It's not imposing, it's more like exchanging. People who want to know more come here; we are trying to be a gateway to Europe. Globe: What are the setbacks in the process of exchanging ideas between the two cultures? Banzet: The difficult part is that you have to make sure you are not imposing anything; people have to be willing to discover new people and a new culture. Globe: So the people from all walks of life are welcome at the center? Banzet: Yes. Anyone has free access to come here; they can come any time they want, our door is open. We have exhibitions and a library. Globe: What do you think about the level of womens participation in the political process is Kurdistan? Banzet: Of course, there are things that need to change, but at the same time, you will not choose a woman because she is a woman; you need to choose a competent one. Due to the history and culture, there are maybe fewer women with the ability to handle these high positions. Globe: What are the barriers? Banzet: Maybe because they had no proper access to higher education; men are still a priority here. There are qualified women, but they are not taken seriously by the men.
GLOBE PHOTO/Safin Hamed

We are trying to be a gateway for Kurdistan to Europe

Head of the French Cultural Center in Kurdistan, Ameilie Banzet.

Globe: Does the Region have a good education system? Banzet: Things are changing, its getting better. I dont know exactly what the Ministry of Education's policies are, but they should open more private schools so these schools, for the short term, offer the quality of education. The hardest one, the heaviest step, is to change the public education system, which takes a long time, but generally, things are getting better. Globe: According to some international views, Kurdistan made an example of religious coexistence. Do you agree with that? Banzet: I think Kurdistan is a good example of religious coexistence, comparing to the rest of the country and other regions. I would say people mix a lot, especially Christians

and Muslims, partly because of the history and the language. Globe: There are still some cases of honor killings in the Region. Do you think it's cultural backwardness? Banzet: Killing your own sister is a crime. The government passed a law last week punishing honor killers. They should not commit it, because they will be punished, and they should not do it because its not right. To stop honor killings, you need to change the mentality but it also takes time and you need a legal framework. Globe: What do you think of the Kurdish musicians? Banzet: I have never seen a region with so many musicians; I think It would be really worth it to have an organization to help them participate in international activities. Globe: Do you have ex-

amples of some of the musicians? Banzet: Of course, I know a lot them. I know Sivan Perwar, Chope, I listen to Aziz Waissi and Zakaria. Globe: How about the Kurdish language, do you speak it? Banzet: I should have made more of an effort. I think I understand a lot of it. Globe: Have you tried the Kurdish traditional foods? Banzet: There is a problem because we cannot find homemade traditional Kurdish food in the bazaar. You need to go to peoples houses and be invited to eat dolme. I wish there were a restaurant serving traditional foods.
Rawaz Koyee

Erbil
shano_koye @yahoo.com

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

10

Kurdistan's fume-belching buses to be replaced


Bus owners say they're unable to afford new buses
Kurdistan is replacing its old and brokensdown buses with more modern and efficient models, but not all bus owners welcome the change.
A decision from the Council of Ministers of Kurdistan Regional Government means 3,000 older buses will be replaced with new buses. In return, the government will pay $3,000 and provide a license plate to owners of older buses. This old bus is my only source of income. It is getting old, it's from the 1980s. I bought it about 15 years ago. It cost around $4,000 and I cannot buy a new one with that amount of money, even though government will give us $3,000 and a license plate, said Karim Hussein, a bus operator from Erbil. Hussein said bus drivers cannot afford to buy new buses and hopes the government will provide them with new ones. Some of the buses have been on the road since the 1980s. Every day, fume-belching buses sweep around the city, picking up passengers. The vehicles themselves are striking. Some of these buses may only be on the streets for a few more months. Kurdistan's bus fleet has 4,234
GLOBE PHOTO / Hawzhin Rashadaddin

A fumesbelching bus picks up passengers in Erbil.

buses. Like other owner-drivers, Sarbast Said will receive compensation from Kurdistan government if he agrees the terms. He says the decision is not in his best interests. It would be better if we got

long-term loans rather than a small amount of money, he said. Sinour Khalid, another old bus owner, says he can't afford to repair his bus because his income has dropped in recent years. I'd like to replace my bus

with a new, modern and efficient bus because mine is old and always almost has mechanical problems. But I don't have enough money for a new one. I wish Kurdistans government would increase the budget for this and offer

drivers long-term loans, said Khalid. Salah Jawhar, director general of Land Transportation and Railway at the Ministry of Transportation and Communication of Kurdistan, said the decision is in the bus driv-

ers best interests and the private sector is purchasing and importing the new buses. The government has no plans to provide loans for buses.
Edited by Salih Waladbagi

Iraqi government will not compensate forcible deportees


The process of sending back of Iraqi refugees continues, and Kurds are among the forcible deportees. Almost 55,000 Iraqi refugees are under threat of being sent back to their country. In addition, 6,000 Kurdish refugees have been deported to Kurdistan Region since 2005. The deportation process of Iraqis and Kurds is the result of a deal between the Iraqi government and Western countries. Iraqi Minister of Migration and Migrants Dindar Najman Dosky says the ministry will not compensate deported refugees. Western countries realize the instability of political, economic, sectarian and national violence issues in middle and southern Iraq are more pronounced than in Kurdish parts of Iraq. This is why Kurds are the main target of forcible deportation. International conventions state that those who seek refugee status should not be deported forcibly their homeland. Dosky says that according to international conventions if the security, economic and political conditions of a country are unstable it is not fair to send the migrants back or deport them to their country. But Western countries realize the economy and security are more stable, and want to send the migrants back. For example, Denmark will not grant refugee status to Kurds, as it considers Kurdistan Region to be stable. Iraq signed a deal with Western countries to return the refugees forcibly to Iraq. According to the content of the deal, Western countries will forgive part of an outstanding loan Saddam Hussein's government did not pay back. Majid Muhammed Hafid, a member of Migration and Migrants committee in the Iraqi Parliament, said the deal is against international conventions and no one should be deported and the deal should be canceled. A few days ago, reports surfaced that 70 Kurdish refugees were arrested in the U.K. and were to be forcibly deported. The news caused many objections both inside and outside Kurdistan. Some European and British legislators stood against that deal. Dashti Jamal, secretary of the International Federation of Iraqi Refugees, said after a campaign against the forcible deportation, the British court issued a decision that refused to forcibly send back the 70 refugees. According to reports, three buses were to take the refugees to an airport to fly them to Baghdad. Jamal said his federation won the case in British court and the refugees will not be deported. Dosky says the case of most of those who were deported forcibly was processed and their cases were rejected. There is no legal way to prevent this, and the Iraqi government cannot prevent the process. Moving abroad and applying for refugee status costs thousands of dollars, so those deported feel they have lost out. The Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden offer $8,000 to $12,000 to each Iraqi family that returns to Iraq.

Edited by Salih Waladbagi

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

11
GLOBE PHOTO / Salih Waladbagi

Tinted windows banned in Kurdistan


New car law tests whether all are treated equally

A traffic policeman removes the window tint from a car in Erbil.

Following a decision made by the Kurdistan Regional Presidency on June 14, no car is allowed to drive on the streets with tinted windows.
The decree will be publicized in the media for two weeks to raise awareness of the law, and then traffic police and security forces will start enforcing the law. The campaign of monitoring the streets to implement the law started on June 25, and there is no ex-

ception for anyone, neither officials nor citizens, said Amanj Mahmood Ahmed, First Lt. at Nawroz traffic police station in Erbil. The decree is part of new reforms being carried out in Iraqi Kurdistan. The reforms followed two months of protests in Kurdistans second largest city, Suleimaniya. In the demonstrations, protestors expressed their anger at corruption and nepotism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Part of the reform process is to remove tints and shades from car windows. The decree includes all vehicles, without exception. Kurdistan President, Mas-

soud Barzani, and some government officials, ims mediately removed their tinted windows to show that the law is for all people. Cars in the cities still have tinted or blackedout windows. The law stipulates that the interior of the car must be clearly visible. The law already exists, and according to Iraqi traffic laws, tinted wins dows are not allowed, said Ahmed. Some have received authorization to have tinted windows, but these authorizations are now suspended, explained Ahmed. A taxi driver told the

Globe that tinted windows are still allowed for certain groups of people. He said he saw a car at a checkpoint with tinted windows. The driver showed his license and was allowed to go. A traffic policeman anons ymously said diplomatic cars and cars of KRP have new licenses and are allowed to have tinted windows for security reasons. Traffic police, in coopers ation with security forces known as Asayesh and police teams, have set up checkpoints across Kurdistan to monitor and stop cars with tinted windows. Our teams in all Kurdistan's cities are observing

the streets through checkpoints and are recording the names of the drivers and details of the cars with dark glass. The drivers must promise not to drive with tinted windows or their fine will increase, said Ahmed. To prevent importing new cars with tinted windows, traffic police officials have sent an ans nouncement to all customs areas that no car should be come into the Region with tinted glass. This is to avoid importing cars with tinted windows through the borders. The most important point is that our people are obedient to the law and they do not break

the regulations, said Ahmed. A driver with tinted windows, after seeing the traffic police, removed the tinted film from his car. I know this is a good law, but I hope all people are punished equally, said the driver. People are now aware of the law and its consequences. On the first day, one of the high-ranking ministers was stopped at our checkpoints and he pledged to remove the tints from his car that day. He did that, said Ahmed. By Salih Waladbagi

Transparency law forces Kurdistan Region officials to disclose property


According to the Transparency General Committee law signed by Kurdistan Region's President Massoud Barzani, officials in Kurdistan Region are required to reveal their personal and family property, and the committee has the authority to investigate their finances. After the TGC law was passed in Kurdistan Parliament on April 26, Barzani singed it and sent it back to Parliament. The law officially goes into effect after it is published in Waqayey Kurdistan newspaper. The law outlines strict legal consequences and has practical mechanisms to help eradicate corruption. According to Article 2 of the law, committee members are independent and work with Parliament's oversight. The purpose of the committee, clarified in Article 3, are as follows: 1. Concentrating on rule of law. 2. Eradicating corruption, supporting the principles of transparency and strengthening the principles of the government's foundation on legal disciplines. 3. Relying upon objective standards for evaluating the work and eradicating corruption. Sherwan Haidary, head of legal committee in Parliament said: The transparency committee, along with the Financial Monitoring Divan and General Prosecution take the responsibility of fighting corruption. The law will apply to evyerone from the Kurdistan Region presidency to simple government officials. The most important figs ures the law applies to include: The legislative and executive branch heads and members. Public sector companies that contract with government agencies and ministries. Political and civil society organizations working in the region. Based on Article 5, the duties and authorities of the committee are as follows: 1. Enforcing the laws to eradicate corruption. 2. Investigating corruption cases and reporting them to the courts. 3. Receiving people's complaints. 4. Promoting the national idea of transparency. 5. Providing instructions on work ethics that offis cials in the Region should adhere to. Despite the existence of Financial Monitoring Divan and General Prosecution, according to Goran Azad, member of legal committee in Parliament, the TGC will play a crucial role in eradicating corruption.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

12

Turkey's hot summer, cold parliament


Boycott continues to cause problems in Turkish politics
Turkish political life has an intensive and controversial agenda. The swearing-in crisis, which began immediately after the June 12 elections, still continues. The pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) persistently pursues the political decision to boycott parliament and the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) gives statements that indicate its persistence on the decision of We will not take the oath unless the way is open for all our deputies to take the oath." Throughout the 91 years of the Turkish parliament, this is the first boycott, but it continues to work as if nothing happened. Meanwhile, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) continue to blame the BDP and the CHP for not participating in parliament. Under the shadow of the boycott and swearing-in crisis, Turkish parliament elected Cemil iek, an Ankara MP from the AKP, as the new parliament speaker on July 4. All MPs of the CHP, including party chief Kemal Kldarolu, joined parliament for the election, but remained silent and did not vote. The BDPs independent MPs were completely absent from parliament as a part of their ongoing parliamentary boycott. Our first task is to keep parliaments esteem at the highest levels possible. This holy place is not for conflict. Lets turn it into a place of civilized debate, said iek in a speech after being elected speaker. This parliament is that of heroes. Even in the hardest days, it has been a source of hope, said iek, labeling parliament as the heart of democracy and noting it should continue in that tradition. iek has been characterized as deep man and the man of every era in Turkish public opinion. He had his first experience in the Motherland Party (then ANAP, later ANAVATAN), founded by Turgut zal in the aftermath of the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup. He also described the entry and the first three article of the constitution as red lines. iek, displaying racist tendencies toward Kurds and Armenians, opposed to the conference arranged by Turkish intellectuals that
AP Photo

Mehmed Sabri Akgnl The Globe s Diyarbakir

New parliament members stand up during a swearingsin ceremony of the Turkish Parliament in Ankara, Turkey, Tuesday, June 28, 2011.

brought up the Armenian massacre. He accused intellectuals of betraying the Turkish people. After the BDP won local elections in Idr in 2009, iek said: "They come alongside to Armenian frontier." Later, BDPs mayor of Idr was arrested on charges of connections to the Communities' Union of Kurdistan (KCK). It is possible to see AKP, CHP and MHP reach a tacit mutual understanding in the election of iek as parliament speaker. Responding to questions from the media after ieks election. I believe that Mr. Cemil, who has a strong charisma, will give a successful performance during these troubled term of parliament, said Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. MHP leader Devlet Bahceli, said, solving the oath and the boycott crises should be the primary task of iek. CHPs Kldarolu cels ebrated iek and said he plans to visit him. iek will meet with CHP, MHP and BDP. AKP finds no obstacles in the way of the parliament and claims scheduled constitutional changes and new laws will still stay on the party's agenda, and it will work on them without CHP and BDP. Erdogan's manner, in particular, seems to have no room for concessions. In addition to his tough statements, Erdogan stated in response to Kldaroglu, who emphas sized that the party will not

take oath in parliament even if keeps them out of parliament for four years, that, Youll see, theyll swallow their words. Erdogan regarded the CHP's manner as misguided and stated that he avoids commenting on the issue for the reason that it is an ongoing court case. Erdogan's response to calls for resettlement of the issue was: "This country is a country of law, and you did this, although you knew that it would not work out." It is not only AKP's head who takes a hard line. The latest comments by the ruling party regarding the oath crisis came from Mustafa Elita, AKPs parliamentas ry group deputy chairman. There were two noticeable elements in Elita's states ments, who also summoned the CHP and the BDP to take oath and reminded them Article 84 of the constitution and Article 13 of parliamentary bylaws. First, Elita stated that the MPs who insist on not taking oath are "guests" in the parliament, and said MPs who fail to attend to five meetings in a month may have their status as MPs revoked. Elita called upon the CHP MPs who did not take oath and said: "We are telling them to climb down, however, if they refuse to do so, July 15 might be the latest date. If the presidency council reviews this issue and sends it to the [parliamentary] joint committee, it will be probably too late to do anything." Secondly, Elita emphasized on the

possibility of a by-election. Elita, in response to quess tion about the discussion regarding the by-election expounded that conditions for by-election are apparent in bylaws and the constitution, in case if 5 percent of the seats in the Turkish National Grand Assembly (TBMM) remain unattended, by-elections can go ahead within three months with the relevant proposal by the presidency. According AKP statements, it seems possible that a rapprochement between the AKP and the MHP can take place. Erdogan was asked: "If CHP continues boycotting parliament it is claimed that studies on a new constitution will be risked, how do you evaluate this?" He replied: "We can keep our promise for constitutional studies if we can have a consensus with the MHP. Some analysts assert that to disable the CHP and the BDP, Erdogan may compromise with the MHP. Kldarolu responded to reactions of Erdogan and Elita in a similar, tough manner. He expounded further and said: "History of humankind is consisted of people paid for democracy, human rights and freedom," he continued, "we are ready to pay for the price for fully implementating international law, democracy and suffrage and right to be elected. We will never give up because of threats and any sort of blackmail. Our mission is a struggle for democracy and human

rights. We are struggling for abolishing obstacles to suffrage and the right to be elected, and eliminating factors that are blocking the national will and democracy." Kldarolu, clarified that CHP supports "a country that is not ruled single-handedly but a Turkey where the national will is the only sovereign." In response to Elita' words res garding MPs being stripped of their position in case of nonattendance to the parliament, Kldarolu stated that "no one will stop him from doing that." Nevertheless, experts believe that at least the issue of CHP will be resolved with aims of Cemil iek. On the other hand, CHP believes iek will find a solution for the crisis with his 30 years' experience in politics. Although it is not discussed much, BDP's boycott decision and this partys attitudes are watched with a grave concern. The Turkish public shows a tendency to see an equivalence between BDPs reaction against the Turkish parliament and the CHPs attitude. However, there are deep differences between these two acts. While the CHP joined parliament but refused to take part in the swearing-in ceremony, BDP boycotted the Turkish parliament outright. By doing so, the BDPs MPs were not only out of parliament but also they were out of Ankara, and they held the group meetings each week in Amed/Diyarbakir. This decision has a sym-

bolic importance: Traditionally in the presence of Kurdish politicians Amed/ Diyarbakr is considered as the capital city of Kurdistan of Turkey. In the meeting at Amed/Diyarbakr Station Square, The pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Congress (DTK) co-chair and BDP MP Ahmet Trk said: "The Kurdish people will create their alternatives if the doors to peace are closed. Trk continued, "Everybody should take responsibility to form the Kurdistan Assembly. We promised our people to create the Kurdistan Assembly and we will stand behind our promise till death." The BDP parliamentary group met on Tuesday in Amed/ Diyarbakr. The first group meeting of the boycotting the BDP was not broadcast live by the state television TRT 3 (Assembly Channel). The meeting was instead shown live on Roj TV. Indeed, the establishment of the Kurdistan Assembly will be first step to declare a de facto democratic autonomy or to be perceived by the Kurdish people as an autonomous Kurdistan, which was a declared priority before the June 12 elections. Obviously, political actors in Turkey and Kurdish politics pour out their trump cards quickly. The Turkish public is certainly witnessing an unprecedented showdown. In addition, every political actor wants to take steps to narrow the others political maneuvering area. The AKP tries to turn the deep crisis around with astounding quickness in the Arab world into a golden opportunity, and also wants to turn the superficial crisis the feeble main opposition parties lay before it into an opening. Even now, mutters against Kilicdaroglu and his team started from CHP members about the decision to boycott the swearing-in ceremony. People know Erdogan is preparing himself to see a parliament without Kemalists and Kurds. At the end of this crisis will by-elections be necessary in Turkey? A possible reconciliation between the AKP and the MHP, MPs of the CHP and the BDP may lose their mandate. In Turkey's current situation, it seems the steps taken by veteran politician iek, former justice minister and deputy prime minister in the AKPs last two terms, will be decisive.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

13

Dialog is the way forward for stability and prosperity


As Turkish parliament stutters to a start, Kurds demand wholesale measures
By Bashdar Pusho Ismaeel

The June 12 national elections in Turkey were historic for the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan secured a landslide victory and a third term, and many hoped it would also be historic for the future face of Turkey. However, the ushering of a new chapter in Turkey hardly got off to the best of starts as boycotts by the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) and the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) derailed any short-lived, post-election euphoria. The simultaneous boycott by CHP underlined the broader national frustration with judicial handicaps and democratic constraints in Turkey, and strengthened the sense of injustice among the Kurds. Progress on the Kurdish issue has been stop-start and inconsistent at the best of times, nevertheless, the Kurdish question has taken a new footing under Erdogans tenure. Some of the reforms, cultural rights and increasing reaching out to the Kurds in the middle of nationalist hysteria have certainly been symbolic. However, as we have seen with the unprecedented Arab spring that has rocked the Middle Eastern horizon and toppled many long-established regimes, once expectations, rise unless progress on the ground and fulfillment of demands rises exponentially with it, the enmity and determination of the people can not be contained and this leads back into a vicious cycle of tail-chasing socio-political progress. The experiences of the Kurds in Turkey is hardly glittered with glory, but as expectations have naturally grown and the people have become steadily more confident, the raft of changes proposed by the Turkish

government has failed to appease Kurdish ambition. Erdogan has promised to secure consensus for the drafting of a new constitution with a key demand of the BDP and Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) of recognition of Kurdish identity among the proposed amendments. Much like the much-heralded Kurdish opening, Turkey finds itself in posis tion of promising much but delivering little against a backdrop of hawkish circles and nationalist anger. As such, Kurdish hopes for comprehensive changes to the constitution are unlikely. Erdogans AKP previously enjoyed strong electoral support in the Kurdish regions, but the latest elections demonstrate a bewilderment and lack of faith in Erdogan fulfilling his promises. The balance of keeping the west and east of the country happy has almost certainly shifted in favor of appeasing the west of Turkey. Erdogan has proven he can stand up to the traditionalist elite and rise above the might and influence of Turkeys military peers. But this battle has proven a difficult and contentious balancing act and, as such, Erdogans reaching out to the Kurds has quickly been followed by backtracking. In the current Middle Eastern turmoil, the rising prominence of Kurds in Iraq and Syria and the changing strategic shape of the region, it is the east of Turkey thats holds the real card to Turkey>s growth, prosperity and stability. In the past, Turkey could afford to ignore its restive Kurdish population at will, and worse, confine them to second-class status, but in the present age such policies will only see a push back for Ankara. Without economic growth

in the region, social and cultural advancement, more political freedom and a a larger slice of state focus and investment, what reasons will the Kurds have to sway towards Ankara and reconciliation? It is time for the Turkish government to offer the Kurdish population a real political alternative. The Kurds have often been stuck between successive repressive governments and violence and resistance of the PKK. This has had led to a vicious cycle where the people have been seemingly trapped. On the one hand, the Turkish governments overtures simply do not fulfill those expected of a modern democratic European nation, and on the other hand the Turkish government has drastically undermined political representation in the region which has ubiquitously left the PKK as the representatives and interlocutors of the Kurdish nation. Indeed this PKK shadow continues to hinder Kurds in the political arena. BDP is a reincarnation in a long line of Kurdish political parties that have been banned and reprimanded. The fact that the BDP representatives had to run as independents tells its own story with the electoral system continuing to plague Kurdish advancement. While Erdogan recorded a landslide victory, the real victors at the recent polls was the BDP with 36 seats. However, the BDP boycott of parliament as a result of the stripping of jailed deputy Hatip Dicle of his seat, along with the refusal to release five candidates awaits ing trial in prison, quickly dispelled hopes of a new beginning and evoked fears of a return to the poisonous atmosphere of the past. If this was a one-off occurrence, then perhaps it would be more understandable, but

practically every Kurdish party in the past has been hindered and disbanded for one reason or another. The Kurds fear the government is already trying to clip their wings again as they potentially form a considerable voice in parliament. Just where does this leave the roadmap for the Kurdish opening? Evidently, the more disillusioned the Kurds become, the more the PKK threatens to grow in influence. Kurdish politis cal advancement is a must for Turkey to shake the cobwebs of its past struggles against the PKK. In the new dawn of a new age, violence is no longer an acceptable form of political resolution and like most ordinary Turkish citizens, the Kurds do not favor violence or instability. They want jobs, opportunities, cultural and political freedoms and investment. As bitter of a pill as it is to swallow, the PKK is now intertwined with the Kurdish opening and a solution to the Kurdish problem. Even the government behind the political chambers has realized this and have kept contact with jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, but this has been concealed and played down for fear of a major government own goal. In reality, without a resolution to the PKK dilemma, the Kurdish question can never be resolved. This is the byproduct of Turkeys own mistakes. It has failed to promote political representation for Kurds and at the same time has refused to acknowledge the PKK. Turkey must break from tentative steps and piecemeal gestures to its Kurdish population and instead implement tangible wholesale reforms. The Kurds are eagerly looking towards Ankara to gauge the sincerity and ap-

petite of the government for real change. In the meantime, the PKK continues to lurk in the background with its own threats and demands and ongoing confrontation in the southeast. Against a backdrop of nationalist fever, the government is unlikely to meet PKK demands, negotiate directly or grant any level of amnesty. While an inflammation of armed insurrection is unlikely, the Kurdish population as it has shown in the protests leading up to the elections, can cause more unrest and political damage than any armed struggle. As witnessed in the Middle East, mass mobilization of the people is stronger than any military might. The Kurdish population is not a small, insignificant corner of Turkey but an integral part of its past, present and future. There is no reason why Turkey could not usher a new era of true fraternity. The Kurds have much more to gain with a productive Ankara by their side, but at the same time cannot indefinitely accept token gess tures. Both the Kurds and Turks, both within Turkey and beyond, are inseparable entities. The prosperity of both nations lies only with the advent of strong relations and new channels of dialogue and understanding. As difficult as it may prove for the BDP, it must end its boycott and not to succumb to further weakening in parliament. While Turkey must realize it must first solve democratic shortcomings in its own back yard before launching itself as the regional sponsor of the new reformist tidal wave in the Middle East.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

14

Kurds concerned about delay of Article 140


A new head of the commission to implement the article raises questions
Ahead of U.S. military withdrawal at the end of 2011, the Kurdish politicians have shown their concern and uneasiness about the final status of Kirkuk and the implementation of Article 140 on many occasions. The biggest cause for concern was openly discussed when Dr. Mahmud Osman, a prominent Kurdish politician and a member of the Iraqi Parliament, publicly announced there is evidence to believe the future of Article 140 is under threat. He also requested the three levels of Kurdistan Regional Government pay more attention to this scenario and follow the developments closely. Because the future of the final shape of the Iraqi government has remained in limbo, the dispute between Al-Iraqiyeh and the Maliki government has reached its most furious level. The pressure of opposition groups has weakened the unity of the Kurds and the entire Region is in a revolutionary climate about how the Kurds can pressure the government in Baghdad for a speedy processing of Article 140 and final status of Kirkuk. This new round of tension spread to every corner of Iraqi politics when the head of commission for Article 140, Raeed Fahmi, was fired and his successor, Hadi al-Amery, seemed to be following a different agenda. As Osman pointed out, there are plans to change the pattern and legal processing of Article 140 and Amery is a man who hasn't made his intentions clear, causing concern that this part of the constitution could be dismantled. The minute he was appointed, Amery showed his support for the implementation of Article 140 and all ethnic groups of those areas, but he also indicated the geographic areas of Article 140 include more than Kirkuk and its surrounding provinces. This was exactly what the Kurds feared most: If the provinces of Karbala and Divanieh are included in the implementation of Article 140, the final status of Kirkuk and surrounding territories will not be resolved in the near future and it could damage the entire process of this peaceful solution to a difficult problem. Last year, when Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri alMaliki, at a joint press conference with President of Kurdistan Regional Government Massoud Barzani, called for the implementation of Article 140 of the Constitution on the status of Kirkuk and other disputed territories, there were enough signs to create mixed feelings among the Kurds. While at the time forming an alliance between Kurds and Maliki was still uncertain, the unexpected visit produced different reactions and interpretations among Iraqi politicians and policymakers in the Region, but the situation has not changed much for the Kurds. When most political observers argued Maliki had agreed to most of the Kurdish demands especially the implementation of Article 140 in return for Kurds' support for his premiership, after seven years scrambling over these contentious issues, one short sentence should be enough. It was another way to delay Article 140 and final status of Kirkuk. Today, while Iraq is in a new period of violence and ethnic conflict ahead of the U.S. military withdrawal at the end of 2011, the Kurds can no longer hide their concern and fear about the future of the disputed territories. Today, the dispute over Kirkuk has spilled out into every corner of national politics, and it seems it is getting worse each day. It is crucial for all Iraqi policymakers to have a better understanding of the historical background of the Kirkuk conflict. Kirkuk is originally a Kurdish city;
AFP PHOTO/Marwan Ibrahim

By Salah Bayaziddi
sbayaziddi@yahoo.com

Iraqi security look on as an IraqisKurdish man sits on the shoulders of a another holding up the Kurdish flag in the northern city of Kirkuk on March 28, 2011.

it always has belonged to the Kurds rather than the Iraqi government and only its oil made it a source of tension that's why the Kurdish claim to Kirkuk is rooted in history, geography and demographics. This is a recipe for a civil war if Iraqi policymakers don't address its governance correctly. The new Iraqi government should learn a lesson from the catastrophic policies of the previous regimes, and should finally, once and for all, come up with a peaceful solution for this nearly centuryslong conflict. Since the fall of Saddam

Hussein's regime in 2003, thousands of displaced Kurdish families and others returned to Kirkuk and other Arabized regions to reclaim their homes and land. While the Kurds have all legal and historical claims on Kirkuk as their ancestral homeland, they patiently have avoided taking back the city through violence or extreme measures. However, the Kurds have made clear to everyone that Kirkuk is everything to them. Kirkuk has come to symbolize the injustice the Kurds suffered at his hands and its annexa-

tion to the KRG is the only way to remedy it. Article 140 consists of three steps: Normalization, and the return of Kurds and other residents of Kirkuk displaced by the Arabization campaigns; a census to determine the makeup of the province's population; a referendum to determine Kirkuk's status. This process was supposed to have been completed by the end of 2007, but neither a census nor a referendum has been completed because of unresolved disputes between Iraq's Arabs and Kurds. Rather, the government

postponed the deadline by six months to June 2008, and then the United Nations attempted to broker a solution outside the Article 140 framework, but the final result hasn't been disclosed yet. After almost seven months of political initiative by Barzani, which ended eight months of political stalemate in Baghdad, the Iraqis still are hoping the new government will lead to stability and economic recovery. Now, all these U.S. efforts and Iraqis' hopes for a democratic and free Iraq seem doomed. The failure to follow the Erbil initiative and filling the positions of sensitive ministries of security and intelligence and continuing attacks and suicide bombings by Sunni insurgents, continuing tensions between the KRG and the Iraqi government over Article 140, other potentially dangerous remaining issues, and finally, the meds dling of regional powers in the political process of Iraq are more than enough to paralyze the entire exit strategy of the U.S. from Iraq. The complexity of new Iraq following the failure to resolve political dispute between Al-Iraqiyeh and the Maliki government, and also the contended issues such as census and provincial election in Kirkuk and U.S. military withdrawal by the end of 2011 have been added to the sensitivity of this period for the future of Kurdish political status in Iraq. Nevertheless, the implementation of Article 140 on the status of the city of Kirkuk and other disputed territories is a red line for the Kurdish Alliance and the Kurdish politicians in Baghdad and the three levels of KRG should closely analyze and review the new developments of Article 140 and related policies of newly appointed Amery, as well.

The Kurdish Globe

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

15
GLOBE PHOTO/ Zakaria Muhammed

Number of swimming pools increases in Kurdistan


While some cool off at the pool, others train for fitness or competition
In Erbil, where temperatures in July top 45 degrees Celsius (113 F), people look to swimming pools to cool off. While most splash around for fun, others use it to get fit or to train for competitive swimming.
People have always gone swimming in Kurdistan. In the 1990s, when there were few public swimming pools, people went to the lake resorts outside the cities. In recent years, more pools have been built in the cities. Two decades ago, Erbil had only two pools. Today, it has at least 30 and the manager of the largest ones in Erbil say the city needs more pools to serve its growing population. The Globe visited Broosk swimming pool Erbil, where everyone from the young to the old swim. Many swim to spend the hot afternoons with friends to stay cool, while some swim for fits ness. Others swim every day to prepare for competitions and tournaments. According to Abdulstar Rostam, Broosk pool manager, many swim to help treat conditions and their doctors have told them to swim every day. Swimming is considered good physical therapy for those with back problems. "A lot of people like to pay the monthly membership, but because they're short on time, they come swim for an hour once or twice a week and leave," said Rostam A group of seven friends were splashing and playing at the pool. "Instead of going to spend our time in crowded markets uselessly, we came to gather here. We enjoy swimming and being in the water to cool off," said one the group, sitting in sauna after his swim. Rostam said sometimes school principals bring students in groups to to swim to relieve some of the stress of studying. Children under 14 are not allowed to swim in the Brusk pool unless they are accompanied by an adult. "I am happy because it is so nice up here. My mom is not worried about me because I have my older brother with me. He helps me, teaches me, and takes good care of me," said Soran Saleem, 12.
A swimmer comes at the Broosk swimming pool in Erbil, July 2011.

Broosk pool charges 5,000 Iraqi dinars for an hour of swimming or you can pay a monthly membership of $100. It is open from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m., year-round. Broosk also holds swimming courses for anyone wanting to learn how to swim safely. In Rostam's view, the increase in the number of pools in the Region is mostly because investors see it as a profitable business, due to the high demand. "I know swimming at some pools is three times more expensive than it is at my pool. That is because the pool owners only think of swimming as a business," Rostam said. Although swimming is less publicized than other sports, and there are few competitions, the Region has its share of competitive swimmers. Eight

swimmers from Broosk pool are club members and participate in competitions. Khalis Anwar, 20, is an athlete who has been swimming competitively since 2001, when he was only 10 years old. Anwar, who also works at Broosk pool as a lifeguard, criticized the Region's sports officials for only paying attention to football and neglecting swimming. "Swimmers here are ignored. They are only talked about in the media when there is a tournament running. Because most of the clubs have no pools, swimmers spend a lot of their own money to swim in the pools when they train and prepare for a championship," he explained Anwar has been with the Ararat, Jihan, Handren and Qella clubs before joining Peshmarga club.

He placed first in 15 ofs ficial tournaments at the level of Erbil, Kurdistan and Iraq. He is the Iraqi record holder for backstroke. Anwar agrees with those who regard swimming as a healthy activity that can be continued for a lifetime. He says it works almost all of the muscles in the body and can develop general strength, cardiovascular fitness and endurance. "Swimming is above all the types of sport. I see basketball and volleyball players, footballers, and even bodybuilders swimming in the pools. All athletes benefit from swimming."
Zakaria Muhammed

Erbil

zakaria.kurdishglobe @gmail.com

Iraqi football team trains in Turkey


Al-Wakra lets its Iraqi footballers train with the national team
The Iraqi football national team arrived in Turkey on July 2 for a nine-day training camp. Iraqi team coach Wolfgang Sidka wanted to have a 10-day training camp in Germany, but due to visa issues, the Iraqi Football Association decided to move the training camp to Turkey. Vice President of the IFA, Abdul Khaliq Masoud said on July 5 that the Qatari club Al-Wakra agreed to let three Iraqi players, Younis Mahmoud, Alaa Abdul-Zahra and Ali Hussein Rahima join the national team at the training camp. "IFA would like to thank the head of Al-Wakra club, Qatar's Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hassan Al-Thani, and the Iraqi coach, Adnan Drjal, for their cooperation with the Iraqi national team, said Masoud Iraq played a friendly game on June 6 against Rize, a Turkish premier league club, and won the match 3-0. Al-Wakra club striker, Alaa Abdul-Zahra, scored the opening goal in the first half. For the second half, Sidka made several changes and gave fair chances to all the players to prove themselves by showing their skill. The changes resulted in many attacks on the Turkish side. Amjad Radhi scored two goals and the match ended 3-0 in Iraq's favor. The Iraqi team is preparing for the second round of the 2014 FIFA World Cup qualifiers, on July 23 and 28, with Iraq slotted to play against Yemen. Sidka invited several new players, hoping to make some changes in the squad to improve the team performance. The footballers from European and other foreign leagues and the Iraqi league already joined the team. The training camp will help Sidka choose his final team.
PRESS PHOTO

Iraqi national soccer team head coach Wolfgang Sidka watches the team during a training session in Doha, December 2010.

Last page

No. 312, Saturday, July 09, 2011

Ghareebi

M e
m o i r s

By Sazan M. Mandalawi
Ghareebi. One single word that can be a connotation to many different feelings, but above all in Kurdish it refers to loneliness of living far from the home land. I never knew what the term implied, until after I returned home. "Life is perfect in Europe, but Ghareebi is difficult," I had heard this sentence infinite number of times when living in the West, including from my own family. I recall when my grandfather died when we were in Ghareebi. We came back home from school, I could hear crying from the path that lead into our house, to find my mother inside, on the floor in the worst state I had ever seen in my life, Baapira (granddad) had passed away. It was almost the 40th night after his death before we were informed, her family did not want my mother to hear the news in Ghareebi (here it is, the same word again). Not long

after, the same news arrived of my paternal grandmother. I had firsthand experience; as I witnessed the worst possible news arrive to my parents in lands away from home, oceans and continents away. Still, I didn't realize what Ghareebi was. But for the first time as a child I witnessed the tears of my parents. Recently, in another experience of my life in Kurdistan, I learned yet another lesson. I observed a woman, dressed in European style to some extent, she ran into the house, leaving three children

Daya, Daya, for the times from you.


and two men to bring down the luggage from the car. As soon as she entered the house, the women inside began a choir of weeping. I heard crying and a type of yodeling sound that went with it. She was speaking, but crying at the same time. I was attempting to get a gist of

I spent away

a few words to have an idea of who this beautiful young woman was. I listened and watched closely for a good six or seven minutes, until finally I too, could hum along: "Daaayaaa! Daaayaaa!" (mother, mother), "Why did I leave, why did I do that?" She would speak and weep at the same time then the other women would begin crying together right after. She would begin again, "Daya, Daya, for the time I spent away from you, may God make me blind." The women began a second chorus of crying. By this time, the tears had slid down my neck. The scene was heartbreaking. She had heard the news of her mother's death when she was abroad, and came back for the memorial. I was sitting in the corner, the eldest sister called from a different corner of the world; no one could talk to her. Whoever picked up the phone began to cry, everyone, including the father, the sisters and the brothers. It seemed that this time the phone, Facebook, instant messenger and Skype could not ease the pain of Ghareebi. As I had seen my own mother when I was a young child in

primary school, I could imagine just how the elder sister was as she heard the news from Erbil. I imagined her in a lonely, small apartment on the kitchen floor, her husband at work, her children at school, and a phone call that informed her of her mother's death in just a few words. Here we are more than 100 women, sharing the sorrow and grief of this family during this difficult time. In an apartment far away, across oceans, countries and continents, a young girl is alone as she hears of the news. Just as I was thinking of this, the women around me began talking about Ghareebi. Right then and there, five years later, I learned exactly what that word meant. Ghareebi has a cause. With the bloody history experienced by the Kurdish nation, situations and experiences led many to flee into exile, to migrate and find refuge in another country. Therefore, today it is not rare for parents to have children separated in four different countries across the world. It becomes a dream for them to unite all at the same time, under one roof. The word Ghareebi entered the poems of poets and the songs of artists. The word made its way into theaters and musicals; it has become a part of people's life in this part of the world. Is there hope that one day the Kurdish nation can be freed from this term? Aaax La Ghareebi

Holiest Yazidi temple to be restored


A German company has begun work restoring the holiest Yazidi temple to its former glory. Lalish temple in Duhok province, Kurdistan has fallen on hard times and is a long way from its original pre 19th century state. Many modern modifications have been made and the work is aimed at removing these. The conical roofed temple is the location of the tomb of Sheikh Adi, an incarnation of the peacock angel and the main firgure in the Yazidi faith. All the cement and modern construction materials like ceramics and stones cut using modern machines will removed. said Khairi Buzani, director of Yazidi Affairs in Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Instead, only stones and lime will be used to restore the temple to what it looked like before 1849. Yazidis are expected to take at least one six-day pilgrimage during their lifetime to Lalish. The restoration of the temple comes after the Yazidi Spiritual Council started to collect old photographs and sketches of the temple produced by travelers and orientalists in an attempt to identify the original appearance of the temple. Some of the oldest photographs of the temple were taken by the British Henry Layard who visited the temple in the 1840s. Layard also did detailed sketches of the temple. The project will be fully funded by the KRG. The Yazidi are members of a Kurdish monotheistic religion who believe god placed the earth under the stewardship of seven angels. They have faced persecution in Iraq and Kurdistan with some Muslims branding them devil worshipers.
AKnews A Yezidi family enters the holiest Yezidi temple, called Lalesh, in Duhok province.

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