The Role of Attention in Classroom Practice: Developing A Methodology
The Role of Attention in Classroom Practice: Developing A Methodology
The Role of Attention in Classroom Practice: Developing A Methodology
Janet Ainley
Institute of Education, University of Warwick janet.ainley@warwick.ac.uk
Michael Luntley
Philosophy Department, University of Warwick michael.luntley@warwick.ac.uk
We offer a novel theoretical model of how experienced teachers deal with the enormous complexity of classroom environments through the use of attentional skills, and report on the development of a methodology to explore the empirical basis for this model in a study of experienced mathematics teachers. In particular we address issues of the nature of the knowledge base that enables teachers to operate effectively in the complexity of the classroom, and of the challenges of researching this aspect.
In this paper we offer a novel theoretical model of how experienced teachers deal with the enormous complexity of classroom environments, and report on the development of a methodology which would allow us to explore the empirical basis for this model within a small-scale study1 with experienced teachers of mathematics. In particular we address questions of the nature of the knowledge base that enables teachers not only to plan good lessons, but also to operate effectively in the complexity of a class of 30 pupils. We argue that descriptions of the knowledge base of teachers in terms of subject knowledge, and general and subject-specific pedagogical knowledge (e.g. Shulman, 1987) offer tools for analysing particular aspects of practice, but fail to provide an adequate account of what is required to function effectively minute by minute in the classroom. Studies which have attempted to give accounts for the ways in which teachers make choices about how to act in the moment, for example, in terms of decision trees (Peterson and Clark, 1978), or the balance of the influence of knowledge, beliefs and goals (Schoenfeld, 1998) offer detailed models with high levels of complexity. In contrast we offer a relatively simple hypothesis: much of what experienced teachers know is what we call attention-dependent knowledge. This attention-dependent knowledge not only is not reflected in what is written down in lesson plans, but cannot be written down. However, we conjecture that it is this knowledge that enables teachers to respond effectively to what happens during the lesson, and that understanding the performance of experienced2 teachers requires an account of the interplay between the subject and pedagogic knowledge that will be articulated in learning objectives and lesson plans, and attention-dependent knowledge that can only be revealed in the classroom.
Theoretical Model
It is commonplace to note that perceptual knowledge plays an important role in the performance of experts in a number of domains (Dreyfus & Dreyfus 1986, Eraut 2000). The key theoretical challenge is to give a satisfactory account of this knowledge that both
Attention and the knowledge bases of expert practice, funded by an Arts and Humanities Research Board Innovation Award. A full report of this project can be found at www.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/philosophy/research/akbep
2 1
By experienced we mean those who have developed their expertise through experience; this is not the same as simply counting years in the classroom.
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accommodates the idea that this is contextualised knowledge and the notion that it is transferable to a wide range of contexts. The theoretical innovation of the model we offer is that a good part of what experienced teachers know is knowledge that is contextualised and attention-dependent. This is knowledge available in situ through the operation of specialised attentional skills which are transferable to other contexts. If the teacher attends appropriately to aspects of the classroom environment, this makes contextualised shortlived items of propositional knowledge available. It is knowledge of such contextual attention-dependent propositions that is critical in understanding the development of experienced expert behaviour. Such knowledge concerns both the cognitive and affective aspects of classrooms and can both causally explain, and figure in the justification of, the resulting behaviour (Luntley, 2002, 2003, 2004). The idea of knowledge that depends on specialised attentional skills highlights the role of contextualised knowledge that cannot be prefigured or articulated in general rules governing expert performance. Such knowledge is highly particular and, given the role of attention, requires active perception by the subject. The theoretical model emphasises the role of the expert teacher as an agent whose activity helps shape the environment they manage, rather than as a consumer of rules for expert behaviour. It thereby provides a theoretical framework for making detailed sense of the idea that expert performance draws upon judgement, rather than the application of rules. It is well documented that experienced teachers can find it difficult to articulate what it is that they do successfully in the classroom, other than in highly situated accounts of particular pupils or aspects of the curriculum (e.g. Brown & McIntyre, 1993, Edwards & Collison, 1995). Indeed, this difficulty is not confined to the teachers themselves. The lack of a shared vocabulary with which to describe and discuss expert teaching within teacher education may account for the relative lack of attention paid to learning from the practice of experienced teachers in initial teacher education (Edwards & Protheroe, 2003). As Brown and McIntyre (1993) comment, in a study which attempts to describe and theorise the professional craft knowledge of teachers,
while we recognise that there are those with mastery of some aspects of teaching, we have no coherent account of what they are masters of or how they achieve what they achieve (p.13)
The lack of an articulation of such mastery may partly account for the relative invisibility of minute-by-minute practice in the classroom amongst the features of teaching which are assessed (and hence valued) within current regulations governing initial teacher education in the UK and the relatively high importance placed on those aspects of practice which are more easily observable and more clearly articulated, such as lesson planning and record keeping. We argue that this emphasis presents an impoverished view of what is involved in the expert practice of teaching since it does not appear to recognise or value the skill of teachers to act in the moment in response to classroom events. Placing so much emphasis on detailed planning (and by implication on the delivery of such plans) fails to take account of the ways in which expert teachers adapt their teaching in response to events, and indeed may have the effect of discouraging teachers from exercising judgement and flexibilily in this way.
Developing a Methodology
In a small scale study, carried out in 2003-04, we set out to develop a methodology which would allow us to explore the empirical basis for this theoretical model. This
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methodology needed to enable us to provide evidence that teachers are acting on the basis of attention-dependent knowledge, which is accessed via attentional skills, and also to allow us to explore the nature of those attentional skills and the role of attention-dependent knowledge in classroom practice. The challenge was that it is not possible to gain direct evidence for attention-dependent knowledge, since we cannot have direct access to teachers thought processes (Calderhead, 1984). We have therefore drawn on the different, but linked, perspectives and voices of observers and teachers in a two stage approach to data collection. The remaining sections of this paper discuss the development of our methodology, and present some snapshots of the data to illustrate this. We also offer thoughts on how the methodology may be further refined within a larger study which is currently being planned.
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Any lesson might contain a large number of such episodes, but not all of them will be visible to observers. Some will be extremely subtle, such as changes in pace or emphasis, or eye contact with a particular pupil. The observers task was not to try to capture every possible episode, but to identify a range of examples. Observation in situ was crucial here. The video and audio recordings do not capture the full complexity of the classroom since the focus of the camera necessarily leaves out some aspects of the context. At the most pragmatic level, the quality of recording which we were able to make did not allow us see both the teachers face and the faces of most of the pupils. The presence of observers in the lesson was therefore an important feature of our methodology. The use of two observers was also valuable in providing different perspectives on a fast moving situation. Initially, there were some interesting differences in the ways in which each of us attended to the progress of the lesson, which we might attribute to our differing professional backgrounds. The teacher educator attended mainly to the behaviour of the teacher; the philosopher often focussed more on the pupils. As our experience of the individual styles of the teachers increased, and we developed a clearer picture of the kinds of episodes which were proving interesting, there was an increasing level of agreement in the examples we identified as worth exploring at interview. However the dual perspective, both in observing lessons, and later in interviewing the teachers, continued to be an important strength of our approach.
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typical kinds of episodes (when a pupil gave an unexpected response, or was unable to respond, when a pupil asked for help) but many others did not fall into such categories. It is important for our approach that the teachers perspective is used both to triangulate and to add to the observers views. The interviews therefore had two primary functions: to provide opportunities to test out the observers conjectures about the episodes, and to provide opportunities to access further information which was not available to the observers; for example, what it is that the teacher was attending to, what the teachers purpose was in taking a particular action. It is tempting to assume that what we are engaged in here is establishing a true account of what happened during that episode of the lesson, but that clearly is not the case. The accounts given by teachers in the interview may not correspond to any account which they might have given at the time (Calderhead, 1984), any more than the observers accounts provide an objective record of what really happened. In order to try to get some access to the teachers patterns of attention during the lesson, we used a number of strategies to encourage teachers to imaginatively re-enter the lesson context through stimulated recall: talking through the progress of the lesson, with prompts from one of the interviewers viewing video extracts and the availability of the transcript using neutral, open questions such as whats going on here? using more focussed questions, such as what made that feel right? is that something you often do? Of course, none of these strategies is unproblematic. In some cases viewing the video materials prompted the teachers to critique their performance (Did I really say that? I should have done that differently) or to offer justifications for their actions. The perspective of the video camera does not correspond to what the teacher was actually seeing during the lesson, and in some interviews the effect of watching the video was to draw attention to aspects of the classroom that they had previously been unaware of, rather than to help to recall their perceptions of the lesson. However, many of the teachers comments did add to the picture that was being built up of each episode, both by supporting or contradicting our conjectures, and by adding perspectives which were not available to us. For example, in one lesson we noticed that when Teresa posed a question to Colin and he seemed unable to answer, she said Dont worry, and passed the question to another pupil. We were surprised by this action, because in a previous, very similar, incident with Lauren, Teresa had continued to ask further questions and scaffolded a response, even though Lauren appeared to be uncomfortable. In the interview, Teresas account of the episode filled in detail which was not accessible to the researchers.
Teresa: Its Colin. He doesnt know. [pause] oh, love him. [pause] He was alright on the carpet actually. Again, hes incredibly lacking in confidence. Hes actually a lot better than Lauren at maths. Urm, I dont know why I didnt keep going with Colin but I didnt. I went to Hilda and got her to do it, didnt I? And then I went back to him. I didnt want to leave him without knowing what to do, but I didnt want to draw attention to the fact that he didnt know. So I must have decided quickly to get Hilda up there and then go over it with him. But he was okay actually and often he [pause] He was almost there. He was almost there, but not quite there. [pause] So, I suppose it was that I didnt want to draw attention to the fact that he didnt know, but I wanted to make sure he did. So I went back to him afterwards. Must have been. I didnt even know that I had done that.
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Int:
what we are interested in was what it was you were picking up on that made [that] feel right ... I suppose it was that I could sense a sort of panic in Colin that I didnt want to make worse. And yet I banked on Hilda knowing it. I just knew she would be fine and shed be able to do it. So I could reinforce it for everybody at that point and then I could go back to Colin and ease that worry that he was having. That panic that he was feeling. He wont say that he is struggling. Lauren will tell me. Shell say: Im beginning to panic now. He wont but you can see it in him. There is this sort of rising panic.
Teresa:
Teresas comments indicate that she had been attending to clues in Colins expression and body language which prompted her action. These clues had not been accessible to us as observers during the lesson, or from reviewing the video recording. However, even if we had been able to share Teresas physical viewpoint, we would not have shared the background knowledge that she had about Colin which apparently enabled her to attend to these subtle clues. A challenge for us was to pick out comments from the interviews which represent accounts of the teachers attention during the lesson, rather than retrospective accounts for their actions. Often the comments in which we are most interested are characterised by being given quickly in response to viewing a video extract, or to a particular question, and by their hesitant and often unstructured nature. In Teresas comments above we can see both initial, rather disjointed comments which seem to offer accounts of the focus of her attention during the episode, and more considered and fluent accounts for her actions (So I must have decided quickly , I just knew she would be fine and ). More detailed conversational analysis may provide tools for making these distinctions more clearly.
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However, the distinction is not always clear cut. In some cases it may be difficult for a teacher to re-enter an episode which we would categorise as non-conceptual, since if they did not conceptualise the situation at the time, they may be less likely to remember it clearly. Teachers may also be reluctant to reveal that they do not recall what they were thinking or know why they acted in a particular way (Calderhead, 1984). A third coding of the episodes related to the teachers actions. We distinguish between occasions when the teacher seemed to be reacting to the classroom context by using a familiar strategy, and those when the teacher was responding in a novel way3. This categorisation was made by drawing on evidence from both observers and teachers. In some cases it was clear within a particular lesson that certain actions are repeated. For example, observing Mary questioning the whole class, we noticed that when a child gave an answer, Mary often said Is that right? to encourage other pupils to contribute, whether or not the original answer was correct. In cases where we were did not observe this kind of repeated behaviour, we asked teachers at interview Is that something you often do? in order to test our conjectures. For example, when Judith had a situation in which pupils were offering different answers to a particular question, she asked the whole class to vote on which they thought was correct. Our conjecture was that this was a novel response to help to move the lesson forward, but in the interview Judith reported that this was a technique she regularly used to help pupils to focus on justifying and explaining their thinking, and so we coded that episode as a reaction. The fourth coding emerged from analysis of interview transcripts in which we noticed teachers talking explicitly about what they thought underlay particular actions on the part of pupils. This seemed to indicated that they had been attending to the focus of pupils attention, which differed from the focus which the teacher had intended. In the episode with Teresa and Colin, described earlier, we categorised Teresa as noting that Colin was not able to attend to the content of the question in a way that enabled him to give an answer. However, she did not attempt to interrogate the focus of his attention, but used a different approach. We contrast this episode with others in which the teachers comments suggest that they were interrogating the focus of pupils attention to find a way to move their thinking forward. A clear example comes from an interview with Judith. At the end of a sorting activity, Judith had made a list of shape names on the whiteboard which contained the names of several quadrilaterals and two triangles. As the focus of the lesson was to be on quadrilaterals, she asked Can you work out which two of those words dont fit with the rest? The first pupil suggested Rhombus and arrowhead, which was clearly an unexpected answer. Judith asked for other suggestions before re-directing the focus of the activity. Her comments after viewing the video extract reveal that she was interrogating the focus of the pupils attention.
I had no idea what it was that [he] was trying to say. I couldnt see any link between the two he had given me. I couldnt think, arrowhead and rhombus? What are the [pause] Apart from the fact that the words themselves may be as opposed to the shape. And I had no idea. And when the next person said the same two things, I was beginning to think: Oh God! There is something I am missing here. [laughter] Something that is obvious to them but not obvious to me. Because you know sometimes with childs eyes you see something. Then I realised that they obviously didnt even look at those words and think, oh thats a three sided, thats a four sided. They obviously didnt have that connection as an obvious connection between the number of sides and the actual words. There was
3
We are grateful to John Mason for offering us the vocabulary for this distinction.
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obviously something else they were looking at, if you know what I mean. Which is why I then thought I am going to have to try and pull out here how many sides do these things have.
Judith made this comment spontaneously after viewing the video, and this, together with the hesitant and disjointed nature of the comments suggests that this is a reasonable account of her attention at the time, rather than a rationalisation of her actions. Although as observers we could often conjecture that teachers were noting or interrogating the focus of pupils attention, combining these conjectures with the teachers perspectives was essential in making this coding with any confidence. In a further study we would use prompts such as Did you have a sense of what the pupils were thinking about? within the interview to offer opportunities to access this.
Conclusion
In this small-scale study we have developed what we believe to be an appropriate and robust methodology which has provided limited evidence of teachers using attentional skills which enable them to read the activity of the classroom, and that they use the knowledge they gain by and from this attention in making judgements about how to act. We argue that the recognition of attention-dependent knowledge is significant in explaining and justifying why experienced teachers act in the ways they do, and may have significant implications for teacher education. We are currently planning a more extended study in which we will use this methodology to further explore the practice of both experienced and novice teachers.
References
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