Chapter 39

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Arsacid, Elymaean and Persid

coinage
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Khodadad Rezakhani

INTRODUCTION
………………………………………………………………………………………………

The particular nature of the Arsacid Dynasty (c. 239 BC – AD 224) provided the basis for the
presence of multiple minting authorities in the territories of their empire. From the beginning
of the Arsacid state in the late 3rd century BC, the mint centers were established either anew,
or on the site of older Seleucid mints. However, by the time the Arsacids had effectively
taken over the former territories of the Seleucids, independent minting centers and authorities
had been established all around the Iranian plateau in the core territories of the Arsacids.
Since the Arsacids often sought not to establish exclusive central authority over mints, and
additionally tolerated the existence of subordinate, but autonomous, polities in their
territories, mints producing the coinage of these autonomous states also existed in the Arsacid
territories. Among these, the most significant ones were the mints of the client kingdoms of
Persis (centerd around Istakhr, in the heart of the old Achaemenid homeland) and Elymais
(the polity formed around the ancient Elamite, lowland city of Susa), as well as
Characene/Mesene.

THE ARSACID EMPIRE

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Stylistically, Arsacid coinage has its roots in Seleucid and Achaemenid satrapal coinage
(Curtis 2007: 415–17). The weight, based originally on the Athenian drachm (Alram 1986b),
was standardised and adopted for subsequent Arsacid and even Sasanian coinage in a debased
form, weighing on average 3.7–8 g and using silver, bronze, and occasionally, copper
(Sellwood 1980). The coins of Arsaces I, the eponymous founder of the dynasty (c. 239–
213/11 BC), produced in both silver and bronze (Sellwood 1980: 20–1), essentially provided
the prototype for all subsequent Arsacid coinage, although itself undergoing a few changes.
Probably initially only produced in Nisa/Mithradatkerta, the ‘capital’ of the Arsacids
(Sellwood 1980: 23), later coins were also minted in Hecatompylus (near mod. Damghan),
showing the extension of the power of the new dynasty to the west and south of their original
territories. The coins initially portrayed the Arsacid ruler’sΝprofileΝonΝtheΝobverseΝ– facing
 ARSACID, ELYMAEAN, AND PERSID COINAGE 767

right in the Seleucid manner – with the head covered in a soft cap, a borrowing from
Achaemenid satrapal issues (e.g. Tiribazos of Lydia/Taros, Alram 1986a: Type 324). The
reverse shows a seated figure, again wearing the satrapal soft cap, holding, and seemingly
stringing, a bow. This again is a borrowing from an Achaemenid satrapal issue, namely that
of Datames/Tarkumuwa, the late Achaemenid satrap of Cilicia (Alram 1986a: Type 340).
Unlike the satrapal coins, however, Arsacid coinage bears few Aramaic inscriptions, the
reverseΝbeingΝdominatedΝbyΝstandardΝGreekΝlegends,ΝincludingΝtheΝtitleΝ ΢ΙΛ Χ΢Ν
(king/ruler) [only after Arsaces III/Phriapotus] and the generic name of Arsaces in genitive
formΝ( Ρ΢ ΚΟΤΨ. Although all Arsacid kings had their own personal names, attested in
Greco–Roman sources and occasionally in the Babylonian astronomical diaries, they
universally used the title Arsaces as their regnal name, supposedly in honour of Arsaces I,
although even that dynastic founder might have had the personal name Tiridates (Parth.
*trd’t), making Arsaces in fact a clan name of the dynasty (Rezakhani 2004: 200). In fact, in
the absence of narrative sources for Arsacid history and the prominence often given to
numismatic evidence for reconstructing Arsacid history, the universal use of the title Arsaces
poses a particular hindrance to our understanding of the history of the dynasty.
ApartΝfromΝtheΝGreekΝtitleΝ ΢ΙΛ Χ΢ΝandΝtheΝnameΝArsaces,Νlater Arsacids made use of
other titles, such as Τ ΡΓ ΣΟΤΝ(munificent) and ΦΙΛ ΛΦΟΤΝ(brotherΝlovingΨ, as well
asΝtheΝmoreΝgrandioseΝtitleΝofΝ ΢ΙΛ Χ΢ΝΜ Γ ΛΟΤ (the Great King; eg. Mithridates I,
Sellwood 1980: no. 13.2). The most controversial title is of course ΦΙΛ ΛΛΗΝΟ΢Ν(loverΝofΝ
Greeks/Hellenes) which seems to have begun appearing following the conquest of the former
Seleucid territories in Media, Mesopotamia, and Susiana/Khuzestan by Mithridates II (c. 120
BC). An early title, only used onΝtheΝearliestΝcoinsΝofΝArsacesΝI,ΝwasΝ ΤΣΟΚΡ ΣΟΡΟ΢Ν
which might suggest an initial submission to Seleucid suzerainty, as the title suggests that
Arsaces I thought of himself as the appointed military governor of Parthia, a fact that might
also show his self–understanding as the successor of Andragoras, the rebellious Seleucid
satrap of Parthia (Justin 41.4.7). Along these lines, some issues from Nisa, in addition to
including the name of Arsaces in Greek, bear Aramaic krny, an Achaemenid military title for
Arsaces, replacing any Greek titles.
Already on the coins of Arsaces I, changes had occurred which differentiated it from that
of Seleucid and earlier Achaemenid satrapal issues. The most significant of these was the
change of direction for the profile of the king on the obverse, this time looking to left, which
then became standard on all Arsacid coins. On the reverse, too, the bow–holding archer,
initially seated right on a throne (Curtis 2007: 418), and looking left, was turned to face right,
a position which became more or less standard as well. The coins of the immediate
successors of Arsaces I, namely Arsaces II (whose name may have been Parth. ‘rt’b’n,
‘Artabanus’;ΝRezakhani 2004: 197–200) and Arsaces III/Phriapitos, are variations of the
coinage of the dynastic founder. The most significant change occurred on the coins of
Phriapitos who, for the first time, used and thus standardized theΝGreekΝtitleΝBA΢ΙΛ Χ΢ΝandΝ
even added the title Μ Γ ΛΟΤΝ(GreatΨ to it. The use of these titles was probably related to
the reconquest of the territories lost to Antiochos III, the Seleucid king who, beginning in 210
BC, had launched a major campaign to conquer the territories in the east, including Hyrcania
(Ch. 30; Schippman 1986), and might have forced Arsaces II to give up his right to mint
coins independently. The weakness of the Seleucids after this point allowed Arsaces II and
Phriapitos to again start issuing coins, this time bearing the title of the Great King, and
claiming divine right. The coins, however, kept the same beardless portrait of the king in
profile wearing a soft hat and looking left, on the obverse, while the reverse holds the full
bust of a king, holding a bow, seated on a throne and surrounded by the titles and name of the
authority (Alram 1986b: Typology).
 SELEUCID, POST-ACHAEMENID, AND ARSACID ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 768

The coins of Phraates I, the successor of Phriapitos, and the early issues of his brother and
successor, Mithridates I, also bear a close resemblance to the previous series. Phraates I, who
defeated the Seleucid Antiochos IV around 165 BC (Schippmann 1986), re–established
Arsacid control over Hyrcania, an important province, and opened way to both the southern
Caspian provinces and the central parts of the Iranian plateau. Mithridates I can be called the
real founder of Arsacid power, in an imperial sense, since his brilliant conquests effectively
made the Arsacids the strongest power on the Iranian plateau. Between 164–135 BC
Mithridates I attacked and conquered territories belonging to the Greco–Bactrian kingdom,
immediately east of Parthia proper, as well as large parts of the Seleucid possessions east of
the Euphrates, including Media and Mesopotamia. Although Demetrius II tried in 138 to
recover the Seleucid territories in Mesopotamia, his army and that of his allies were defeated
(Shayegan 2011: 68–77). A by-product of the removal of Seleucid suzerainty from these
regions might have been the emergence of local dynasties in Characene, Elymais, and Persis,
each of which began minting coinage around this time.
The coinage of Mithridates I almost completely changed the subsequent output of coins in
the Arsacid territories. Although his initial issues followed the types of his predecessors, and
were issued in drachm and obol denominations of silver or copper, the conquest of
Mesopotamia and the Seleucid capital of Seleucia–on–the–Tigris required a fundamental
change. The obverse of the coins now showed a bearded man, with a diadem, looking again
right in the Seleucid fashion, while the reverse alternated between the standard Arsacid seated
man with a bow, or a standing Hercules holding a club and the lion skin, or even a seated
Zeus (Alram 1986b: Typology). The influence of Hellenistic types on these coins is obvious,
not only from the iconography, but also from the appearance of the title Philhellene, as well
as Theopator (‘ofΝaΝdivineΝfather’Ψ,ΝsuggestingΝthatΝMithridates’Νfather was now deified in a
Greek manner (Daryaee 2006). Subsequently, although the iconographic innovations of his
coinage were modified by subsequent rulers, the coinage of Mithridates I became the
inspiration for later Arsacid productions, and the obverse type of the beardless king with the
soft hat was completely abandoned. The direction of the obverse bust, initially looking right,
but changed back to looking left on the coins minted at Hecatompylus and other older
Arsacid mints, was continued until the reign of Mithridates II. Another important feature of
the coinage of the Arsacids, established during the reign of Mithridates I, was the limitation
of the issuing of tetradrachms to the mint of Seleucia–on–the–Tigris, while other mints,
including the important ones of Ecbatana and Susa, only emitted drachms and smaller
factions (Alram 1986b: Metals, Denominations, Mints).
Mithridates’Νsuccessors,ΝhisΝsonΝPhraates II and his brother Artabanus II, were both killed
in an unexpected series of invasions by the Sakas who attacked Parthia from the east between
130–124 BC (Schippmann 1986). The coinage of these two kings followed that of their
illustrious predecessor, occasionally revealing personal allegiances with the use of titles such
as Philadelphos by Artabanus. Mithridates II (121–91 BC), an energetic ruler like his
namesake, managed to appease the Sakas in the east and settle them to the south of Parthia, in
what became Sakastan (mod, Persian Sistan). In the west, he defeated the insurgent rulers of
Characene and Elymais (Shayegan 2011: 110–125; Potts 1999: 391) and re–established
Arsacid control over Media and Mesopotamia. In northern Media, he reached an agreement
with the rising Armenian power of Tigranes I and received an area known as the Seventy
Valleys as a concession from that ruler (Schippmann 1986). His coinage established the
standard of all later Arsacid issues, with a bearded portrait of the king, facing left, and
probably partly reflecting the actual likeness of the king, on the obverse, as well as the seated
archer surrounded by legends on the reverse. The seat of the archer, however, was changed
from a full throne to a Greek style omphalos under Mithridates I (Curtis 2007: 408) which
might be an indication of the more HellenizedΝcultureΝofΝMithridates’Νreign. The legends,
 ARSACID, ELYMAEAN, AND PERSID COINAGE 769

since at least the time of Mithridates I, also carried a date according to the Seleucid era
(Alram 1986b: Metals, Denominations, Mints), although this was not consistently applied, as
well as several monograms and minor iconographic features. The exclusive production of
tetradrachms by the mint of Seleucia allows us to partly disentangle the subsequent confused
succession and political infighting among multiple Arsacid claimants to the throne.
The immediate consequence of Mithridates’Νdeath was the beginning of a divided
monarchy among his direct descendants, in the form of his son Gotarzes I, as well as a
possible brother of Mithridates, named Sinatruces, who must have been quite an old man,
judged by his portraits on his coins (see Assar 2000: 8ff for some discussion of this period).
Gotarzes’ΝpositionΝasΝheirΝofΝMithridatesΝIIΝisΝestablishedΝnotΝonlyΝby his coinage, but also by
evidence in the Babylonian astronomical diaries (Sachs and Hunger 1996: no. 87; Shayegan
2011: 192–7), as well as a badly eroded relief at Bisotun in Media, identifying him as ‘Satrap
of the Satraps’ during the reign of his father (Ch. 34; Herzfeld 1920: 35–39). The competition
between Gotarzes and Sinatruces, however, allowed the Armenian king Tigranes I (the Great)
to temporarily capture large tracts of Arsacid, as well as Roman, territory and to expand his
power all the way to the Mediterranean (Scherwin–White 1984: 109–10). In the meantime,
Sinatruces was in charge of areas in the east, including the mints of Ecbatana and Rhagae
(Rayy), while Gotarzes controlled Seleucia–on–the–Tigris and occasionally minted coins in
Rhagae and Ecbatana as well (Assar 2000). Among the successors of these two kings is a
certain Orodes I, who appears to have initially reigned without any opposition, but who was
later challenged by an unnamed claimant from the east who eventually removed him from the
throne, even in Babylonia (c. 78 BC). Phraates III (c. 70–58), who may have been the son of
Sinatruces (Shayegan 2011: 227), was the most successful king of this period, controlling
both Parthia and Babylonia, and appeasing rebellious rulers such as the Kamnaskirids of
Elymais. However, he had a challenger in by the name of Darius of Media who controlled
Media Atropatene, and was an Arsacid prince of a cadet branch. The coins of Phraates III,
issued at Seleucia, Ecbatana, Rhagae, Hecatompylus, Margiana, Traxiana, Nisa, and Areia,
were also supplemented by an itinerant mint which probably accompanied the king while on
campaign (Alram 1986b)
Phraates was killed by his two sons, the subsequent Mithridates III/IV (58–55 BC) and
Orodes II (58–38 BC). The former, although largely an insignificant ruler, was important
numismatically by standardizingΝtheΝreverseΝlegendΝofΝ ΢ΙΛ Χ΢Ν ΢ΙΛ ΧΝΝ Ρ΢ ΚΟΤΝ
Τ ΡΓ ΣΟΤΝ ΙΚ ΙΟΤΝ ΠΙΦ ΝΟ΢ΝΦΙΛ ΛΛ ΝΟ΢Ν(theΝKingΝofΝKings,ΝArsaces,ΝtheΝ
munificent, the just, the illustrious, the Philhellene) which continued more or less unchanged
so long as Arsacid coinage continued to be produced, or Greek legends can actually be
discerned. One issue, largely overstruck by his brother Orodes II, gives his personal name
(ΜΙθΡ ΣΟΤ), though this proved to be an unstable feature of later Arsacid coin legends
(Alram 1986a: Type 394).
The coins of Mithridates III/IV and Orodes II show minor stylistic changes, in both silver
and bronze issues, mainly consisting of a new type of portrait which shows him, still facing
left, with short, well–trimmed hair and short beard and a visible moustache, possibly
reflecting the actual portrait of the king (Sellwood 1980: Types 40 and later). The full bust of
a man, sitting on the omphalos, wearing a soft–cap and holding a bow, was left unchanged on
the reverse, save for some tetradrachms of Orodoes II from Seleucia on which the king
replaces the sitting figure, with a kneeling Tyche in front of him, shown presenting him with
a scepter (Sellwood 1980: Type 46). These innovations, in addition to the increasingly
elaborateΝtitlesΝofΝtheΝkingΝonΝtheΝreverse,ΝmightΝhaveΝbeenΝaΝresultΝofΝOrodes’ΝincreasingΝ
power following the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC which resulted in the destruction of several
Roman regions and death of Crassus, the ill–fated Roman politician (Bivar 1983: 48–58).
 SELEUCID, POST-ACHAEMENID, AND ARSACID ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 770

Orodes’Νsuccessors largely preserved his coin type, including the portraiture, and
occasionally even the alternative reverse just described. Two features of the obverse, the
addition of a mole-like ‘royal wart’ to the forehead of the king, as well as a star and crescent
behind his head, are the most significant features of the coins of Phraates IV (c. 38–7 BC)
(Tanabe 1998: 365–84). The son of Phraates IV, known as Phraataces, most significantly had
an obverse portrait of himself on his coins, but a reverse portrait of his mother, Queen Musa
(Sellwood 1980: Type 58), along with a circular inscription identifying Queen Musa as
‘heavenly’, in contrast to the square inscriptions that had been common until that point in
time on Arsacid coinage (Sellwood 1980: Type 58.4; Strugnell 2008).
The coins of Vonones I, the Romanized son of Phraates IV who was placed on the Arsacid
throne as a candidate of Rome, show, on the reverse, an image of the Nike, possibly denoting
‘victory’ against his enemies. They are particularly distinguished by the fact that they bear
inscriptions in Greek on the obverse, in a circular design possibly influenced by both Roman
coins and those of Phraataces.
The period after Phraates IV is generally one of uncertain succession to the Arsacid throne
(or what might be called Arsacid high–kingship). Due to this, the iconography of the coins
tended to stabilize, reflecting the claims of various contenders to the crown. The kings who
ruled in the first half of the 1st century AD, from Artabanus III to Vardanes II, tended to
model their coins roughly on those of Orodes II and Phraates IV, with variations reflecting
different mints. Silver tetradrachms continued to be minted exclusively at Seleucia–on–the–
Tirgris (Alram 1986b), while Ecbatana appears to have been the second most productive, and
probably important, mint of the realm. On the coins of this period, the obverse type of Orodes
II or Phraates IV seem to have become almost canonical, while the reverses show either the
bow–holding king or Tyche in front of a seated king (and occasionally alone). The Greek
inscriptions on the obverse, generally following the pattern of Phraates IV, slowly became
more debased and harder to read, particularly on the reverse of drachms, while the legends on
the tetradrachms continued to be legible (Alram 1986b: Legends).
With Vologases I, the reforming Arsacid emperor of the 1st century AD, the coinage also
followed the ambitions of the crown. With more stable iconography, higher standard metal,
and more careful stylistic considerations, quality appears to have returned to the currency of
the empire (Simonetta 1949: 237–9).ΝVologases’ΝdiplomaticΝandΝmilitaryΝsuccesses,Ν
particularly against Rome in the case of Armenia, appear to have increased his prestige, and
brought more mints into production (Millar 1995: 29–34). It was also under Vologases I that
the use of Greek dates, based on the Seleucid era, became more common on Arsacid coins,
with more examples appearing on the coinage of Vologases II (Alram 1986b).
The most important successor of Vologases I, Pakores (Pacorus) I, followed the
established iconography of Vologases, although from his period, for almost a century (up to
Vologases III), the appearance of Tyche instead of the seated king with a bow became more
common on Arsacid coinage, particularly issues from Ecbatana. Vologases V, the last strong
Arsacid king, presented himself on the reverse of his coins seated on a throne, facing left,
with an increasingly Iranian-looking Nike (in the shape of a bearded man in a three pronged
crown) presenting him with a diadem (Sellwood 1980: no. 88.10). In fact, Iranian influences
seem to have increased in tandem with the decrease of the quality of the Greek inscriptions.
As early as the reign of Vologasses I, the appearance of the personal name of the king, or an
abbreviated version of it, had become common on Arsacid coinage. By the time of
Vologasses V, this was indeed quite common, with the reverse inscription increasingly
depicting illegible Greek, and more commonly letters that spell words in Aramaic script, used
for the Parthian language (Alram 1986b: Legends).
Vologases V was famously succeeded by his two sons, Vologasses VI and Artabanus
V/IV. While the former was in charge of Seleucia, and thus issued tetradrachms, he was only
 ARSACID, ELYMAEAN, AND PERSID COINAGE 771

occasionally in charge of Ecbatana, where his brother Artabanus held sway. In fact,
Artabanus appears to have been in charge on the Iranian plateau. He is depicted giving a
crown to a certain Khwasak, possibly a local governor of Khuzistan or an Elymaid king, at
Tang–e Sarvak (Henning 1952), as well as checking the advances of the rebellious Persid
prince, Ardashir. However, Ardashir, having together with his father removed the Persid
kings from their throne, defeated the Elymaid vassals of Artabanus, as well as the Arsacid
himself. Another victory against Vologases VI guaranteed the ascendance of the Sasanian
Ardashir I in 224 and the final fall of the Arsacids from power. The last Arsacid coin, of
either Vologases VI in exile or the last claimant to the Arsacid throne (Tiridates III?), was
issued in 226 at Ecbatana (Sellwood 1990: 157), after which the minting of Arsacid coins
ceased completely and all mints converted to the productionΝofΝArdashir’sΝcoinage.

THE KINGDOM OF ELYMAIS

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Elymais, the Hellenized kingdom formed to the east of the ancient city of Susa, was among
the minor powers that appeared at the twilight of Seleucid imperial power and was eventually
absorbed into the larger Arsacid Empire. Elymais, however, enjoyed a great deal of
autonomy, and occasionally even independence, one of the indications of which was the
minting of coinage. With their territory consisting largely of the lowland domains of the
ancient Elamite kingdom (hence the name Elymais, a Greek rendering of Elam; see Potts
1999: 375), the Elymaean kings controlled access to the head of the Persian Gulf (Hansman
1998). Additionally, their economy probably relied on the fertile Susiana plain, where much
of their later coinage has been found, which had a history of intensive cultivation and high
agricultural yields, a factor that further strengthened the Elymaean coin issues.
The political history of Elymais dates from the re–foundation of Susa, one of the
Achaemenid ‘capitals’, as a Hellenistic polis under Seleucid rule, where Seleucid rulers
minted coins (Le Rider 1965; Kritt 1997). While the city was ruled by a council, in the style
of a Greek polis (Ch. 30), the region was a Seleucid satrapy itself, known as Susiana. It may
have been following the defeat of the Seleucids by the Romans at Apamea, in 188 BC, that a
local rebel, possibly a former Seleucid satrap, by the name of Okkanapsos, took temporary
control of the region and started issuing coinage in Seleucid style, the obverse of which
shows a right-facing portrait of the king wearing a diadem, and the reverse Apollo sitting on
an omphalos holding a bow and arrow in his hands, with a variant of the legend on Seleucid
coins that named theΝissuerΝ ΢ΗΛ Χ΢ΝΟΚΚ Ν ΦΟΤΝ΢ΧΣ ΡΟ΢ (Alram 1986:
445/446). Issued in debased tetradrachm and drachm denominations, as well as copper
varieties down to obols, these coins probably reflect their issuer’sΝclaim to independent rule,
rather than genuine kingship.
Following his defeat by the Romans at Apamea, Antiochus III entered Susa in 187 BC and
attempted to seize the treasury of the local god, Bel, for himself (Diodorus Siculus
28.3/20.15; Potts 1999: 382). Based on the evidence of Justin (32.2), he was then killed by
the local people for this insult (although II Maccabees assigns this death to Antiochus IV,
who later attempted yet a similar robbery of a sanctuary at Susa, before dying at Gabae). This
incident demonstrates both the power and independence of Susa, and its Elymaean kings, as
well as Seleucid attitudes towards that independence.
Numismatically, the coins of the subsequent kings of Elymais, the Kamnaskirids, betray
influences from the coinage of Demetrius II and Alexander Balas, suggesting that their
coming to power post-dated these two Seleucid rulers (Hansman 1998). Consequently, a date
between 147 and 145 BC seems likely for the beginning of the reign of Kamnaskires I, the
 SELEUCID, POST-ACHAEMENID, AND ARSACID ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 772

founder of the Kamnaskirid Dynasty of Elymais (for alternative arguments and the existence
of two Kamnaskires, see Shayegan 2011: 88–100). At the time the Elymaeans probably
controlled the eastern and southeastern parts of Khuzestan, with their capital at Seleucia–on–
the–Hedyphon (near mod. Behbahan; Hansman 1998).ΝTheyΝdon’t,Νhowever,ΝappearΝtoΝhaveΝ
controlled Susa, and historical accounts show a clear understanding that Elymais, a rugged
and mountainous region, was different than and separate from Susa and the Susiana plain
(Hansman 1998; see Potts 1999: 391–3 for Susa during the Elymaean period).
Probably because of their support of Demetrius II, Elymaean territory was invaded by
Mithridates I in 140–139 BC, but a few decades later, the Elymaeans regained most of their
territory and established a mint in Seleucia–on–the–Hedyphon. Silver tetradrachms and
drachms issued under the authority of Kamnaskires II and dated to around 82 BC, show an
obverse portrait similar to that of Kamnaskires I, with a right-facing, clean-shaven king
wearing a diadem, and Apollo sitting on the omphalos, surrounded by Greek legends, on the
reverse. Kamnaskires II was followed by another Kamnaskires (III) who also minted silver
tetradrachms and drachms until 39 BC. These coins all follow the basic Seleucid type, with
some coins of Kamnaskires III also including a portrait of Queen Anzaze alongside (and
behind) his bust (Alram 1986: Types 454/455). These latter types, however, show a shift in
style, with the king shown bearded king, wearing a flat cap, and facing left, on the obverse.
The reverse shows a left–facing, seated Zeus holding a scepter, in a gesture that suggests he is
crowning the king on the obverse. The obverse also shows an anchor symbol behind the
king’sΝbust. This symbol, which first appeared on the reverse of the coins of Kamnaskires II
(Alram 1986a: Type 434), became the identifying marker of the Elymaean kings.
The fact that an Elymaean envoy was sent to the Roman general Pompey seems to suggest
an effort by the Elymaeans to attract Roman support against the Arsacid Phraates III who also
minted bronze coins at Susa (Hansman 1998). From this point on, two more Kamnaskirid
kings, Kamnaskires IV and V, ruled the kingdom until the middle of the 1st century AD. In
fact, after 45 AD (in the reign of the Arsacid king Vardanes), there does not seem to have
been any Arsacid minting activity at Susa, suggesting that the Elymaeans may have taken
effective control of the city, turning its active mint to their own use (although on the earlier
Elymaean issues from Susa, see Potts 1999: 384). Elymaean coins after Kamnaskires III
show a remarkable consistency, with an obverse portrait of a bearded king, facing left, often
wearing a diadem and occasionally a flat–cap,ΝandΝanΝanchorΝbehindΝtheΝking’sΝbust,ΝasΝwellΝ
as the old Achaemenid satrapal star and crescent signs. The reverse, initially depicting a
seating Zeus, surrounded by Greek legends, quickly deteriorated into meaningless Greek, and
occasional, Aramaic looking legends, with unidentifiable figures. These coins were issued in
tetradrachms, drachms, and hemidrachms of both silver and copper, as well as occasional
bronze and billon, up to the end of the rule of the Kamnaskirid Dynasty sometime in the late
1st century AD (Hansman 1998).
Around the end of the 1st century AD, a cadet branch of the Arsacid dynasty, starting with
Orodes I, began minting coins in the style of the Kamnaskirids in Elymais, both at Seleucia
and Susa (Le Rider 1965: 428). This seems to have been the starting point of a second line of
Elymaean rulers, the so called ‘Arsacid’ line, although this is purely based on the onomastic
logic of the use of Parthian names, while the coinage itself was unchanged and closely
resembled that of the so–called ‘Kamnaskirids’. However, while the Kamnaskirid coins used
Greek for their inscriptions, the Arsacid dynasty used both Greek and Aramaic, the number of
coins bearing Greek legends higher among issues from the Susa mint, while those bearing
Aramaic ones were more commonly issued at Seleucia, although both mints produced coins
with legends in both languages (Hansman 1990: 5–10). Additionally, although the obverse of
the ‘Arsacid’ types remained largely faithful to the Kamnaskirid issues, the reverse became
 ARSACID, ELYMAEAN, AND PERSID COINAGE 773

more varied, occasionally repeating the anchor symbol, while at other times showing birds,
female portraits, an archer, or even simple leaf–like designs.
Orodes II, known as Kamnaskires–Orodes, was followed by a certain Phraates, then
another king known as Osroes, which could have been the same as Osroes I, the Arsacid
Emperor known to have temporarily used the Susa mint to issue bronze coinage for the
payment of his army (Hansman 1998; Le Rider 1965: 431). Coins of Osroes, depicting the
frontal portrait of the king, were probably copies of, or identical to, coins of the Arsacid king
by the same name, some of whose influence can be seen on the coins of some later Elymaean
rulers. Another king, Orodes III, was accompanied on the reverse of some of his coins by the
bust of a woman, identified with a proto–Pahlavi legend as Ulfan, possibly a Queen. The
inscriptions of Tang–e Sarvak identify a king called Abar–Basi, and another as Orodes, who
may be the same as the king identified on his coins as Orodes (IV) who ruled c. 165–170 AD.
A relief discovered at Susa shows a governor of Susa named Khwasak who ruled under the
suzerainty of Artabanus IV and is shown receiving his crown from the latter (Henning 1952:
166–76). The accounts of the rise of Ardashir I, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, mention
another Orodes, the ‘king of Khuzestan’ who was instructed by Artabanus IV to check the
advances of Ardashir I around 222 AD. The operation was unsuccessful, forcing Artabanus
IV himself to get involved. His defeat ceded control of Khuzestan, and eventually all of Iran,
to the Persid king who went on to found the Sasanian dynasty (224 AD). Elymais, including
Susiana, capitulated to the Sasanian state which largely abolished the Arsacid style of local,
autonomous polities, and consequently the right to issue coinage.

THE KINGDOM OF PERSIS

………………………………………………………………………………………………

The coinage of Persis provides an interesting example of Hellenistic influence on coin

production during the suzerainty of the Arsacid dynasty. Containing much Achaemenid-
influenced iconography, the coins of the Persid dynasty also changed in response to Seleucid,
Arsacid, and unknown local political, and of course economic, challenges. There were, in
general, three periods of coin production in Persis, each characterized either by a stylistic
shift, or by a major disruption in production.
The beginnings of Persid coin production are quite obscure. Reigning in the heartland of
the once great Achaemenid kings, the rulers who issued the earliest Persid coins are thought
to have been local commanders or satraps (Ch. 32). This is in fact evidenced by the title they
used, frataraka, an Achaemenid military rank, which also distinguished the first period of
Persid coin production (Curtis 2010: 380). Additionally, Achaemenid or local Persid
influence is noticeable in the use of imperial Aramaic as the preferred script for the coin
legends, marking a departure from Seleucid and Arsacid issues, as well as those of other
Hellenistic kingdoms around them, most importantly Elymais. It is commonly believed that
the earliest coins were produced by a certain Baydad (Aramaic bgd’t) who is shown
cleanshaven, apart from a moustache, on the obverse wearing an elaborate, soft hat with
turned up ear flaps (Alram 1986a: Types 511–19). Some of the early reverses show Baydad
sitting on a crown with a standard behind him, an image copied from Seleucid satrapal coins.
He soon switched to an image that became more or less canonical in the first two stages of
Persis coin production, that of a large, square building, with an image of Frauahr (either
Ahuramazda or the Glory of the King) above it (Klose and Müseler 2008: 24–5). On the left,
the king is shown standing, wearing a soft–cap with a chin–piece, resembling the garb of a
priest from post-Achaemenid tomb reliefs, holding a barsom bundle and facing the central
structure in a respectful manner. On the right of the structure is a standard, sometimes with an
 SELEUCID, POST-ACHAEMENID, AND ARSACID ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 774

eagle on top of it, and the whole image is surrounded by inscription, varying in its placement,
identifying the king as ‘Baydad, the frataraka of the Lord’ (Klose and Müseler 2008: 18).
Nevertheless, scholars disagree on the date of the beginning of Persid coin production. An
early date — as early is 295 BC — has been suggested by some scholars (e.g. Klose and
Müseler 2008: 16–18; Hoover 2008; Curtis 2010: 386), while others prefer to put the
beginning of Persid emissions at the same time as those of Elymais and Characene, namely
the period of the declining Seleucid influence and the rise of Arsacid power (c. 180 BC). The
former rely on iconographic similarities between the early Seleucid and Persis coinage, as
well as the evidence of overstrikes that would allow a possible sequence, and relative dating,
for these coins. The supporters of a later dating of the Persid coinage (Alram 1986a) point out
the stylistic continuity within the coinage and the fact that there does not seem to be any
break in coin production in Persis, something that is necessary if one favors the earlier dating
(cf. Ch. 32).
The normal divisions of Persid history rely both on stylistic information as well as coin
legends which show a shift in the ideology of the ruling authorities. While stylistically, the
coinage from the beginning to the rule of Darev I remained rather faithful to its predecessors,
the legend changed significantly, marking a new era in the political history of Hellenistic
Persis. The first series of coins have obversesand reverses like those described above, while
those aftrer Darev II, including some issues of Darev himself, abandoned the image of the
large building on the reverse and opted for a more minimalistic representation of a standing
man/king, worshipping before a simple fire altar (Alram 1986a: Type 564ff). Although the
reverses went through several design changes, the major change affecting the obverse was the
adoption of Arsacid models (e.g. in case of Vadfradad III, Alram type 561), mostly of
Mithridates II, as well as a change in the direction of the profile from right to the left, which
became standard on Persid coinage after Darev II.
Following changes to the obverse portrait on Arsacid coins, those of Pakor I (Alram
1986a: type 588) adopted the same sort of ‘wavy’ hairstyle present on the obverse of the
coins of Phraates III (c. 73–58 BC). On the reverse, beginning with Pakor I, the coins
sometimes show a second, left-facing portrait in profile, wearing a diadem, which might
represent the father of the ruler shown on the obverse. This interpretation would be supported
by the fact that, as the reign of Darev II, the coins of some rulers include a reverse legend
naming the father of the king (in case of Darev, Vadfradad IV). Additionally, the coins of
rulers such as Pakor II (Alram 1986a: type 597/598) or Nambed show symbols, including a
three pronged ‘star’, on their reverse, the significance of which is unclear.
The coin legends, as mentioned, are important for determining the sequence of Persid coin
production. While the earliest rulers, specifically Baydad, Ardaxshir I, Vahbarz, and
Vadfradad I, used the title ‘frataraka of the Gods,’ (written in cursive Aramaic as prtrk’ ZY
ALHYA) on the reverse of their coins, the rulers after Darev I identified themselves as
Aramaic MLKA (‘king’), thus making a more significant claim to rulership (Klose and
Müseler 2008: 43). This may have been preceded by the earlier title krny, a higher military
rank than frataraka, which is found on some earlier coins of the frataraka series (Alram
1987; Klose and Müseler 2008: 36). It thus seems that, after Darev I, the rulers of Persis felt
secure enough to claim a royal title for themselves and despite, political challenges, did not
abandon the claim and the title until the end of their rule. Stylistically, legends remained
confined to the reverse of Persid coinage well into the history of the kingdom, with Pakor II
being the first ruler to display his name on the obverse of his coins. Thereafter, the normal
pattern was to include the name of the ruler on the obverse, while the reverse was reserved
for a legend identifying his descent, occasionally including names that are not known from
other coins (e.g. Mithras on the reverse of the coinage of Mancihr I or Artaxshir III; Alram
1986a: types 628/631).
 ARSACID, ELYMAEAN, AND PERSID COINAGE 775

Alram (1986a) identified three Unknown Kings within the Persid sequence. These
preceded Darev I, Vadfradad IV, and Mancihr III, respectively, and are classified as
‘unknown’ due to the illegibility of the legends on these coins, making it difficult to identify
them. The sequential numbers given to these kings are thus a result of modern numismatic
research and may have to be revised when and if legible specimens are discovered.
After the major change under Vadfradad III and Darev II, Persid coinage remained largely
consistent. Minor changes in reverse and obverse style, nonetheless, kept the style
recognizable and distinct. Otherwise, the issue of tertradrachms was abandoned after the
frataraka Dynasty, possibly under Arsacid pressure, and Persid issues were limited to
drachms and fractions of silver, bronze and copper (Klose and Müseler 2008: 24–44). The
mint is assumed to have been located at Istakhr/Stakhr, the capital of Persis according to
available narrative sources, although this is never mentioned on the coins. The whole series is
also completely devoid of any sort of dating, thus forcing us to rely on conjectural evidence,
as well as comparisons with Arsacid coinage, for dating both the coins and the reigns of the
rulers who minted them.
The consistency of Persid coinage, however, came to a dramatic end sometime in the early
3rd century. According to later sources (e.g. Tabari I.814; Bosworth 1999), a rebellion against
the ruling family of Persis (‘the Bazrangids’), led by Babak (MP. Pabag), a supposed local
strongman, toppled Ardaxshir IV. Pabag and his son, Shapur, then ruled the region, the coins
ofΝtheΝlatterΝshowingΝhisΝfather’sΝbustΝonΝtheΝreverseΝin a completely new style which included
visibly larger flans, although the denomination was still a drachm; a portrait of Shapur in
frontal pose, while that of Pabag was shown in profile, facing left; and a much more elaborate
design and pearl circle surrounding the entire scene (Alram 1986a: 653–5). Most astonishing,
and significant, is the script used for the legends on the obverse and the reverse of the coins.
While cursive Aramaic had undergone significant changes during the Persid period, the script
that appears on the coins of Shapur is fully ‘Pahlavi’, of the kind associated with and visibly
legible on Sasanian coins. This should probably cause little surprise, at least politically, since
the next ruler of this new line was none other than Ardashir (V of Persis) who shortly, after
defeating Artabanus IV/V, would become the Ardashir I, King of Kings and founder of the
Sasanian dynasty (Daryaee 2007: 2–5). The coinage sequence of Persis thus came to an
abrupt end, as Sasanian imperial coinage completely replaced all local issues, including those
of Elymais and Persis.

FURTHER READING
………………………………………………………………………………………………

Arsacid coinage, Elymaean and Persid coinage (as well as that of Characene) is often
classified as part of the general category of Hellenistic coinage, due to the initial stylistic
influence of Seleucid emissions. The major work on Parthian coins is still Sellwood's
compact, but informative, handbook (1980). The most comprehensive catalogue of Persid
coinage is now Klose and Museler 2008. The coins of Elymais were catalogued by van 't
Haaft, although his typology and categorizations are not widely accepted and the whole series
is in need of a re-evaluation.ΝAlram’s monumental work (1986) is overall the most
comprehensive catalogue of all of these various series and still one of the most useful
sources.
 SELEUCID, POST-ACHAEMENID, AND ARSACID ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 776

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