The Progressive Post, Foundation For European Progressive Studies (FEPS)
The Progressive Post, Foundation For European Progressive Studies (FEPS)
The Progressive Post, Foundation For European Progressive Studies (FEPS)
AUTUMN
2021
3.00 €
The
Progressive
Post
EU STRATEGIC AUTONOMY
Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection and debate for the benefit of the progressive movement,
and to promote the founding principles of the European Union: freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy,
human dignity, as well as respect of human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law.
With a focus on EU politics, our crucial interest is the state and future of Social Democracy. We offer a platform
(in print and online) for finding progressive answers to climate change, uneven development and social
inequality in a European as well as global context. We invite our readers to explore with us the contradictions
of our time and our authors to put forward arguments for peace, sustainability and social justice.
PUBLISHING DIRECTOR
László Andor
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Hedwig Giusto
DEPUTY EDITORS-IN-CHIEF
Ainara Bascuñana, Olaf Bruns
EDITORIAL BOARD
László Andor (Chair), Ainara Bascuñana, Olaf Bruns, Elena Gil, Hedwig Giusto, David Rinaldi, Johan Robberecht, Ania Skrzypek
PROOFREADING
Nicky Robinson
COVER ILLUSTRATION
Peter Willems - Vec-Star
PHOTO CREDITS
Shutterstock, © European Union, © ILO
COPYRIGHT
© FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies
by Hedwig Giusto
While the pandemic is gradually becoming an turn this into an opportunity for a qualitative
endemic and an accepted part of our lives – leap in European integration – for example, by
or at least a constant feature to which we are increasing its autonomy in the field of defence?
increasingly and disquietingly inured (despite this
probably just being a survival strategy in difficult Other, perhaps deeper, disappointments are
times, with the use of masks, the 'monotony' of those analysed in the Focus that is dedicated to
Covid-19 infection and vaccine data announced COP26. We have entitled this it Cheerleading
daily on the news, and the alternation between exercise to underline the multitude of state-
the imposition and relaxation of restrictions and ments and declarations that characterised
Covid-containment measures) – other crises the summit but without leading to any major
and developments continue to unfold. Climate breakthrough. Declarations cannot indeed hide
change, growing inequalities, the Afghan crisis, the fact that the progress made in Glasgow is
the Belarus border crisis, and the inevitable still insufficient for fighting the challenge of cli-
revival of Europe's migrant question that both mate change, and for doing so with the social
these crises have triggered, are just some of dimension of the problem in mind. Existing and
the issues that have marked the recent months. increasing inequalities were largely overlooked
These developments remind us yet again that we at the COP26, but in Europe, the Green Deal
are increasingly and inextricably interconnected. could represent an opportunity to tackle the
climate crisis in a way that is not only technically
Amidst these global developments, the and economically feasible, but also socially just.
European Union, strongly committed to multi-
lateralism – its raison d'être – but increasingly In the Dossier Eastern discomfort and pro-
compressed between intensifying global rival- gressive ways out, the Progressive Post's gaze
ries, is in search of a way to shape its foreign comes to rest on domestic issues, looking at
policy according to its own values and inter- the gloomy situation of progressive parties
ests. This is the basic idea behind the concept in central and eastern Europe. The countries
of 'strategic autonomy', to which this issue of that were once considered the 'east European
the Progressive Post dedicates its Special tigers', thanks to their economic success, now
Coverage on Strategic autonomy: challenges seem to have become an unfulfilled promise.
and pitfalls. How can strategic autonomy be And the local Social Democratic parties, which
achieved without slipping into retreat and had built their legitimacy on their pro-European
protectionism? How can the European Union orientation, have often turned into the object
pursue its goals and interests without compro- of people's resentment. Undoubtedly, however,
mising relations with its historical allies? CEE progressive parties have also made mis-
takes that have contributed to contributed to
Relations with Europe's most important ally, their difficult situation. True renewal is urgently
the United States, also form the core of one needed, and it is not impossible.
of our Dossiers, EU-US: love no more. The
Biden administration has so far not lived up to
the expectations – small though they were – of
European policymakers, who had hoped that the
new US presidency would mark a turning point
after the difficult relationship with Trump. This,
again, underlines the need for more EU auton- Hedwig Giusto,
omy. US interests and priorities do not always Editor-in-chief
converge with those of Europe. But can the EU
1-
CONTENTS
The
Progressive
#17 Contents
Post
4
Making the international corporate Strategic autonomy:
tax system work for all opportunities and pitfalls
by Joseph Stiglitz
16
Facing the risks: strategic
6
Territory matters: from autonomy in practice
place-blind to place-based policies by Vassilis Ntousas
by Elisa Ferreira
18
The US cannot escape
8
Covid-19: donating the European strategic
vaccines is not enough! autonomy debate
by Marisol Touraine by Martin Quencez
24
COP26: beyond declarations,
smart action with real
impact is required
by Saïd El Khadraoui
26
Bringing the Green Deal home
by Linda McAvan
28
COP26's elephant in the room:
the (re)distribution of material wealth
by Luc Bas
-2
The Progressive Post #17
DOSSIERS INTERVIEW
34
From major legacy issues to strong Book reviews
legitimacy for the future: the
centre-left in central and eastern 50 Philosophy and the art of
Europe in search of true renewal governing – and why they matter
by Anna Pacześniak by Ania Skrzypek
37
The era of 'east European 52 The left, ready to be resuscitated?
tigers' might be over by Ferdi De Ville
by Cornel Ban
54
How to get Great Power
Politics right
EU-US: love no more by Vassilis Ntousas
44
Why the European project
needs defence
by Max Bergmann
3-
CURRENT AFFAIRS
-4
The Progressive Post #17
5-
CURRENT AFFAIRS
Territory matters:
from place-blind to
place-based policies
by Elisa Ferreira
becomes known as 'the great divider'. The This is not an abstract problem - there is Somewhere between the forgotten places
risk is one of widening gaps: intergenera- a very clear human cost. It is the young and the crowded places, there is a balanced
tional, regional, gender and income. But woman, fresh out of university, suitcases medium. The key is to identify the problem,
what can be done? I would like to offer some packed, saying goodbye to her parents at design the right strategies with local stake-
proposals from a territorial point of view – the airport because there are no local jobs holders, and muster the necessary investments.
an angle often overlooked, but one that we that match her high qualifications. It is the Cohesion policy supports regions in designing
ignore at our own peril. 50-year-old man, who lost his job when the such strategies with the partnership principle
factory or mine closed. And it is the many at its core and it mobilises sizeable investment.
First, we need to break the vicious circle more people, who suffer when the jobs go,
of the so-called 'forgotten places', which public services decline, and the region is left
struggle to avoid decline, where infra- to be forgotten.
structure decays, public services close,
opportunities are scarce, and from which But the opposite of this regional purgatory is We need to break the vicious
people leave, especially the high-skilled not some kind of economic and social nirvana
circle of the so-called
and the young. These places come in many elsewhere. When certain regions lose jobs,
'forgotten places', which
shapes and forms. They can be former others – often urban centres – gain them. Yet
industrial regions, mining regions, remote this influx creates its own problems: social divi-
struggle to avoid decline,
rural regions, islands, or border regions. But sion into 'haves' and 'have-nots', skyrocketing where infrastructure
they all have in common this vicious circle: housing costs and higher congestion. We also decays, public services
difficulties in maintaining high value-added know that many of the people will express close, opportunities are
economic activity make it difficult to maintain their anger at the ballot box: votes that often scarce, and people leave.
-6
The Progressive Post #17
© Vladimir Mulder/Shutterstock.com
Studies show that – even before the Covid-19 and digital. Ultrafast broadband, ensuring talk about social justice without looking at the
crisis – European cohesion policy accounted for that homes, hospitals, and schools are well actual places where people live. Cohesion pol-
roughly one in 12 euros spent in public invest- connected. Support to innovative SMEs and icy, therefore, supports businesses and jobs,
ment across Europe. In several countries, this their collaborations with research institutions. hospitals, schools, and social services in the
proportion rose to 40-50 per cent of public Green transport systems, renewable energy, regions that do not have the means to run them
investment during the pandemic. Over the and smart grids. Support for the renovation by themselves.
past few years, we have invested large sums wave, ensuring that homes and public build-
in classic infrastructure, from water and waste ings are insulated, tackling carbon emissions As Europeans, we have great goals. The world's
treatment to public transport networks, from and energy poverty in a single shot. All these first carbon-neutral continent. A digital revolu-
hospitals to schools. These are still very much investments are also designed to spread tion. These goals will not be politically possible
needed, especially in the poorest regions of economic activity more equitably. To a great if they leave parts of the regions and parts of
Europe. extent, the success of these strategies the population behind. All the transitions have
requires strong and efficient public institu- to be just, otherwise, there will simply be no
tions. Struggling regions often lack them. We transitions. Territorial cohesion is an essen-
Many of the people affected also have to offer support so that all regions tial condition for ensuring that Europe, all of
by these changes will possess the capacity to develop efficient pub- Europe, successfully manages these transitions
express their anger at lic policies and implement the investments and is part of the European dream of a demo-
the ballot box: votes that needed to get out of poverty or to break the cratic, open, and inclusive society.
often go to those who offer middle-income trap.
easy but fake solutions
to complex problems. Furthermore, we will not be able to solve
social inequalities without addressing the
spatial and regional ones. The main drivers
of social equality and social opportunity are
However, a growing proportion of cohesion 'place-based'. The number and quality of job
policy investments target the green and opportunities are place-based. The availability
digital transition. In the new programmes and cost of quality housing are place-based.
Elisa Ferreira,
for 2021-2027, we in DG REFORM at the The quality and availability of schools, roads, European Commissioner
European Commission anticipate that at hospitals, shops – in fact, of all infrastructure for Cohesion and Reforms
least half our investments will be green and public services – is place-based. We cannot
7-
CURRENT AFFAIRS
Covid-19: donating
vaccines is not enough!
by Marisol Touraine
-8
The Progressive Post #17
© Photocarioca / Shutterstock.com
from the start. However, there is still time to the richest countries to coordinate and for
decide temporary and targeted measures that the political governance of global health to
can increase voluntary licences and promote evolve. Technical solutions are not lacking,
and push technology transfer further. Neither but financing is, as well as sustainable politi-
is it too late to invest massively in production cal organisation for the response to Covid-19 Itis not new institutions we
platforms in the South. Innovation has a cost, today and the inevitable health threats of need, but the political will for
which must be fairly rewarded. No one is pro- tomorrow. In the early 2000s, organisations practical multilateralism..
posing that companies become philanthropic were created to respond to the challenge of
organisations, but rather that they engage HIV-AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria: the Global
in a sincere and transparent discussion Fund and Unitaid. Today, we do not need new
about prices, and clearly agree to accessi- institutions: we need the political will for prac-
ble prices for low-income countries. Should tical multilateralism.
this negotiation fail, more binding options could
be considered, as immunisation must now be
accelerated everywhere.
9-
CURRENT AFFAIRS
Promoting equity
to fight hunger
by Maurizio Martina
Already in the first year, Covid-19 pushed half of all undernourished people, 400 mil- temperatures cannot be underestimated –
over 100 million people to the brink of lion human beings, live in Asia, while over a from Canada to Europe to Asia, across all
extreme poverty and food insecurity, bring- third live in Africa, and about 60 million in continents.
ing the total number of human beings at risk Latin America. The centre of this landslide
of hunger to more than 800 million. Climate is unfortunately once again the African We are losing biodiversity and compromis-
change too is putting a strain on all agricul- continent, where almost a quarter of the ing the planet's natural resources. Rising
tural areas of the world – but at the same population is undernourished. temperatures are changing our life,
time, agriculture plays a decisive role in landscapes and ecosystems. Agriculture
reducing carbon emissions. Food production and food systems in some contexts are
continues to suffer from profound inequal- both the victims and the executioners of
ities and from the paradox that a third of Rising temperatures this short circuit. Action must therefore
overall production is wasted every day. are changing our life, be taken through public policies to stop
landscapes and ecosystems. this spiral, with real support being given
If we are to learn from what has happened Agriculture and food to the majority of people and not just to
with the pandemic, we need to step forward systems are both the victims a few strong economies that are perhaps
urgently – first of all, by truly recognising and the executioners already fit for this environmental transition.
that human health is intrinsically linked to One of the main areas for support is access
of this short circuit.
nature and all living beings. Action must to technological and digital change. If this
therefore concentrate on some decisive and access is well oriented it can help to pro-
interlinked areas. duce better, while consuming less. But for
this to happen, the technological and dig-
With about a tenth of the world's population But the pandemic is just one of the causes ital change must be made by valuing food
now living in conditions of malnutrition, the of this malnutrition. Armed conflicts and wars diversity and distinctiveness, and not by
growth rate of malnutrition is now higher are also one of the main causes of hunger. pursuing the temptation of globally stand-
than that of the population itself. More than And the structural change in climate and ardised food production.
- 10
The Progressive Post #17
© kim7/Shutterstock.com
For this reason, too, there is an urgency for this perspective is perfectly possible if we
a concrete perspective for a fair economy, have the resolve to act accordingly. And of
including food. When unbridled price com- course, we now have no time to waste and
petition is played out on people's lives, it must redouble our efforts. Fighting hunger.
produces an immediate reduction in the Protecting the climate. Through equity.
dignity of those who produce and work. These are the three challenges needing
When finance speculates on food as if it were our urgent commitment.
just a stock market game, it has serious impli-
cations for the right to food for millions of
people. When global food production chains When finance speculates
do not help local food systems, there is a risk on food as if it were a stock
of stifling the ability of many communities to market game, it has serious
live in dignity. implications for the right to
food for millions of people.
A better balance for people and territories
must be found. Short supply chains and
open international markets need to coex-
ist, as do family agriculture and large
companies, agricultural diversity, and
fair prices that guarantee dignity. Other
important fields to be supported are the
use of technologies – for example for pre-
Maurizio Martina, Assistant
cision agriculture – and the reduction of Director-General, Food and
waste and pollution through the enhance- Agricultural Organization (FAO)
ment of diets and food cultures. Building
11 -
CURRENT AFFAIRS
The qualitative leap which was introduced into the European project in
the wake of the Covid-19 crisis has brought higher levels of solidarity and
cohesion. But there is still a long way to go. The State of the Union speech
by the president of the European Commission outlined a few further
steps, but this outline still needs to be drawn for many more. Her speech
also shied from a key issue – for the new phase of its project, Europe
needs to transform the way its democracy works at various levels.
- 12
The Progressive Post #17
Meanwhile, major public procurement opera- of 60 per cent of each member state's GDP, authoritarian drifts, to ensure that the fun-
tions that are currently underway in education, that was defined in the 1990s, has little to do damentals of the rule of law are respected
telework and health might end up benefiting with the present and future reality. throughout its territory. But the EU also needs
non-European companies more. to unlock European decisions on issues
In the face of the clumsy American withdrawal that have dragged on for years – such as a
from Afghanistan, von der Leyen's speech minimum wage, minimum corporate tax,
acknowledges the evidence. Today's world humanitarian external action, defence, and
Recovery plans as a whole
is multipolar, systemic competition is grow- the right of asylum. On these topics, does
have to be designed to
ing, and Europe must strengthen its strategic anyone doubt which way the majority opinion
create new jobs in new autonomy with its own initiatives: humanitarian of Europeans would decide?
activities, and especially interventions, defence capacity, enlargement
to avoid sacrificing a to the Western Balkans, and the launch of the
new young generation. Global Gateway – a European alternative to
China's Belt and Road Initiative. However, she
has failed to enhance the EU's commitment
to the multilateral framework, despite UN
The EU's so-called recovery and resilience Secretary General António Guterres having
plans should be understood as plans to just presented an ambitious plan for his sec-
rebuild European economies on a new basis. ond term, called 'Our Common Agenda'.
This is a long and huge undertaking that
requires a long-term financial boost, count- Most importantly, von der Leyen's speech
ing on a European budgetary capacity and shied from the main issue – that for the
on public debt issuance, and on national new phase of its project, Europe needs to Maria João Rodrigues,
budgets with updated common rules. The transform the way its democracy works at FEPS President
famous European Union's public debt ceiling various levels. Firstly, in the light of current
13 -
CURRENT AFFAIRS
- 14
The Progressive Post #17
© fwjarek/Shutterstock.com
In fact, this raises the question of whether to research, almost 90 per cent of Poles are result of the non-binding political agreement of
we can allow such states to function in our satisfied with Poland's membership in the the December 2020 European Council summit.
community. Through the voice of the Polish European Union and are aware of its benefits.
Constitutional Tribunal, Kaczyński has declared The brave people of Poland expressed this Since the conditionality mechanism is still
an open war against the Union, announcing that opinion in mass demonstrations that took place not used, once again the Polish people are
Poland will not respect one of the fundamen- immediately after the 'ruling'. Unfortunately, it not being treated fairly. This conditionality
tal principles of the European Union – judicial seems that the Polish government is not listen- mechanism at least foresees the option to
independence. This situation is a test case ing to them at all. protect the final beneficiaries of EU funds, but
of whether a judicial system, in which the right now the Commission has started to fight
principle of judicial independence does not The worst thing is that the Polish people have by – for example – simply freezing the recovery
apply, can be tolerated in an EU member not suddenly woken up in an authoritarian funds. In the end this would hit the citizens,
state. What is more, Poland is already not country. Since 2015, PiS – led by Jarosław regardless. In all this madness, we can only
implementing judgments of the Court of Justice Kaczyński – has been undertaking a slow hope that, this time, the Commission reacts
of the European Union (CJEU), so the country is process of dismantling democracy. At the efficiently, without any delay, demanding a fine
on a collision course with the whole structure same time, PiS has tested the EU on how via the CJEU for Poland's non-implementation
of the EU. far it can go with its tricks. In my opinion, the of the judgment regarding the disciplinary sys-
reaction of the EU institutions has not been fast tem of judges from 15 July 2021. Moreover, the
enough in the past, and that is why we are at release of the EU recovery funds for Poland
this point now. should be linked to the country's full imple-
Poland can leave the EU, mentation of all CJEU judgements.
which, I believe, PiS does The EU Council is not moving on with the
not really want. But the Article 7 procedure – and the only words that
come to mind are 'sluggishness' and 'inaction'.
party is certainly capable of
The European Commission is no better – even
bringing this about – be it
now, when there is a mechanism to protect EU
by accident or by design.
funds in the event of a threat to the rule of law
in a given member state, the Commission hesi- Robert Biedroń, one of
tates to use it. This conditionality mechanism is the three leaders of the
political alliance Lewica,
But the actual victims of this 'ruling' are the a statutory law that has entered into force on the Left, and Member of
citizens of Poland. Poles are one of the most 1 January 2021. Meanwhile, the Commission the European Parliament
pro-European societies in the Union. According is waiting for the CJEU judgment, which is the
15 -
SPECIAL COVERAGE STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: OPPORTUNITIES AND PITFALLS
Over time, the concept of 'European strategic autonomy' has come to encapsulate
the EU's desire to chart its own (foreign) policy course according to its own
laws, interests, and values. At the risk of being sucked into the emerging
whirlpool of intensifying global competition, if not unbridled US-China rivalry,
the case for such an objective seems to be getting stronger by the minute.
And yet, for a concept that is deemed so vital for the EU's future, the pursuit of
strategic autonomy remains ridden with risks and fraught with complexity.
- 16
The Progressive Post #17
Strategic autonomy
should be treated as
managing a spectrum
of interdependencies in
the EU's favour, while
avoiding the two extremes
of full dependence and
absolute self-sufficiency.
Finally, the EU needs to avoid treating stra- In all fairness, Brussels and many national
tegic autonomy as an end in itself. If this is capitals seem cognisant of these risks. But the Vassilis Ntousas,
FEPS International
the case, the term might become more of a multitude of levels, sectors, and actors involved Relations Senior
hindrance than a help to otherwise sensible in gradually operationalising the concept of Policy Advisor
goals and actions. The recent example of strategic autonomy and making its promise
17 -
SPECIAL COVERAGE STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: OPPORTUNITIES AND PITFALLS
The US may wish to stay away from the European debate on strategic
autonomy, but the future of the transatlantic relationship will be defined
by this discussion. If the Biden administration is serious about engaging
with its allies, it needs to clarify America's position on the concept.
The European debate on strategic autonomy The framework for the strategic autonomy The concept of strategic autonomy has there-
often seems stuck in an endless loop of well- discussion is traditionally provided by the bal- fore only recently gained traction in Europe.
worn arguments and counterarguments. The ance of power in the transatlantic security and Indeed, it has only started to do so now that
different actors in this discussion play their defence partnership. Within the alliance, the Europe has begun to realise that its depend-
respective roles perfectly: while France and US remains a security provider, while European ence on the US is becoming more difficult
EU officials are the explicit champions of the powers are mostly security benefiters. US to sustain. The evolution of the security
cause, Poland, the Baltic states and NATO political leaders – from Eisenhower to Trump environment in Europe and its eastern
raise concerns and doubts about the over- – have repeatedly criticised European 'secu- and southern neighbourhoods over the
all concept. Between these two extremes rity free-riding', but their European counterparts past ten years, together with the growing
of the spectrum, the other European pow- have traditionally been less than eager to move unpredictability of US politics, has there-
ers provide assorted nuances and varying from this comfortable position. fore now led some Europeans to think that
emphasis. they can no longer rely on others to solve
their problems.
The US, however, plays an ambiguous role,
with European strategic autonomy thus
The evolution of the security However, translating this thinking into real
appearing to be the elephant in the room in environment in Europe and action is not easy. In Europe, the never-ending
most US-EU discussions. In fact, European its eastern and southern series of so-called 'wake-up calls' (from the
strategic autonomy is still very much about Syria 2013 'redline' episode to the invasion of
neighbourhoods over the
the US. Despite many attempts to consolidate Crimea, the election of Donald Trump, and the
past ten years, as well as the
and expand the concept to broader issues, the evacuation of Kabul) has given new arguments
inertia of this debate is a perfect illustration
growing unpredictability of to the proponents of strategic autonomy,
of the inability of the transatlantic partners to US politics, has now led some but has failed to convince all partners. In
reform and recalibrate their relationship in Europeans to think that they fact, the self-proclaimed EU 'geopoliti-
order to adapt it to the 21st century geopolit- can no longer rely on others cal Commission', which since 2020 has
ical environment. to solve their problems. been committed to using 'the language of
- 18
The Progressive Post #17
power', has not been able to show any real the transatlantic partners. On the other hand, The context of US-China strategic competi-
improvement. Looking at the multiplicity of Washington has historically been anxious tion does not change the situation. The US
crises that have affected European and global to see the EU become more autonomous in encourages Europeans to think strategically
stability over the past 18 months (the Chinese strategic affairs, criticising EU initiatives for when engaging with China. The US lobbying
repression of the Hong Kong protests, the decoupling NATO's existing frameworks of in Europe on 5G technology was particularly
deepening of Russian influence in Belarus, cooperation or for discriminating against US interesting in this regard and indeed produced
the quasi-collapse of the Lebanese state, the defence companies. The discussions about some results. Promoting European strategic
return of the Taliban to power – to name just third-country participation in the European autonomy is therefore in the interest of the US,
a few) is a humbling experience for Europeans Defence Fund and Permanent Structured as it could incite Europeans to develop tools
who aim to see the EU become a credible geo- Cooperation (PESCO) projects illustrate this to decrease Europe's reliance on Chinese
political actor. argument perfectly. technologies and thus to protect Europe's
critical infrastructure from Chinese investment.
European complacency is not the only reason But the US is also critical of strategic auton-
for this apparent stalemate over European omy if this implies European equidistance
strategic autonomy. US mixed messages between Washington and Beijing. Although
also play a very large part in the confusion
US mixed messages also US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has
and have reinforced the existing dividing play a very large part in the underlined that the Biden administration will
lines within Europe. The US is officially confusion and have reinforced not force its allies to choose between China
ambivalent: on the one hand, US leaders have the existing dividing lines and the US, and although French President
declared their full support for any action that within Europe. Emmanuel Macron has rejected the idea that
would allow Europeans to take more security Europe seeks to hedge between the two
responsibility, and that would therefore lead global powers, this concern continues to feed
to a more balanced burden-sharing between US discussions.
© Alexandros Michailidis/Shutterstock.com
19 -
SPECIAL COVERAGE STRATEGIC AUTONOMY: OPPORTUNITIES AND PITFALLS
The recent creation of the AUKUS security autonomy by gradually decoupling its inter-
pact between Australia, the UK and the US ests from those of the US. The argument that
is the latest illustration of these mixed mes- the EU needs to build mechanisms to protect
sages. The celebratory announcement in itself from the influence of global powers,
Washington DC of a 'next-generation part- such as China and the US, is this seen as
nership' with the UK and Australia took counterproductive by this latter group, and
place the very day that the EU released its as dangerous for transatlantic cooperation.
own Indo-Pacific strategy calling for more
cooperation with the US. While the Biden The US remains unclear on this issue: would
administration has insisted that it wants a more strategically autonomous Europe
Europeans to work with the US in counter- make the US more likely to engage with or
ing China's influence, it nevertheless acted disengage from European security affairs?
against the interests of the most-engaged Many Americans perceive this as a theoretical
European country in the region – France – and largely useless debate that just sus-
and in total secrecy vis-à-vis Brussels. tains European complacency. Nevertheless,
Washington remains the key to the debate
until Europeans stop referring to the US
position to promote Europe's own vision of
its strategic autonomy. Indeed, European
Clear and active US strategic autonomy has been deemed 'nec-
engagement in the essary but impossible' for the future of the
discussion, in support of transatlantic relationship. Clear and active US
initiatives that could make engagement in the discussion, in support
Europeans think and act of initiatives that could make Europeans
more strategically, would think and act more strategically, would
be a game-changer. be a game-changer. It is only then that the
transatlantic partnership could be reformed
and adapted.
- 20
Discover the new flagship research
project investigating the concept of
'European strategic autonomy' (ESA).
The debate about the EU's strategic autonomy has picked up again – not
least because the sudden US-withdrawal from Afghanistan in September
2021 surprised Europeans so badly. One reason for this was the insufficient
communication and coordination with Europe's most important ally, the US. The
whole episode has underlined the extent to which Europeans depend on the US.
- 22
The Progressive Post #17
© Arthimedes/Shutterstock.com
to strengthen cooperation between democra- solidarity, the rule of law, and respect for this is the only way the EU can play a leading
cies and working against previous isolationist human rights. Indeed, this is laid down in role on the international stage and use its influ-
tendencies. Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union ence to bring about positive changes and more
(TEU). Furthermore, according to Article 21 TEU, coordinated responses to global challenges
In this changing environment, European strate- these values should be reflected effectivly and – primarily the promotion and protection of
gic autonomy remains a key goal – not against coherently in all areas of the EU's relations with human rights, as well as in the field of envi-
the US, but in close partnership with it, with non-EU countries. ronmental and climate-related challenges. The
Europe hopefully playing an increasingly impor- EU will only retain credibility and be effective
tant role. This would be beneficial for the EU The EU and its member states therefore need globally if its respect for freedom, democracy,
– not only when the EU and the US diverge, to stand by their commitments to human rights human rights, the rule of law and equality are
but also when they converge. and democracy, and to push back against the credible internally. Therefore, its work must
challenge to the international human rights begin at home.
The EU's foreign policy appraoch is founded framework. To do this effectively, the mem-
on the values of respect for human dig- ber states need to move, in the longer term,
nity, freedom, democracy, equality, to qualified majority voting in the Council for
human rights-related matters – particularly
for issues falling under the EU action plan on
human rights and democracy, and for the adop-
The EU needs to speak with tion of sanctions.
a single voice in multilateral
forums, and act in unison Crucially, the EU needs to speak with a sin- Daniela Schwarzer,
when faced with crises gle voice in multilateral forums, and to act
Executive Director for
Europe and Eurasia at the
that challenge its core in unison when faced with crises that chal- Open Society Foundations
values and interests. lenge its core values and interests. Indeed,
23 -
FOCUS COP26: CHEERLEADING EXERCISE
Disappointment is almost inevitable at these meetings. Let's face it: we will need
more than COP meetings to get things done! We need more ambition, credible
and concrete transition plans that integrate the multifaceted social dimensions
from day one, and novel approaches that connect with ordinary citizens and
show how climate action will reshape their daily lives – for the better.
- 24
The Progressive Post #17
25 -
FOCUS COP26: CHEERLEADING EXERCISE
Bringing the
Green Deal home
by Linda McAvan
When the European Commission launched That is why we need to make the case for at the start of the new five-year mandate of
the 'Fit for 55' package back in July, it was a change at national level and develop solid the European Commission. Newly elected
significant moment in the preparation of this political and public support for domestic plans MEPs used their veto power over the new
year's COP26 in Glasgow: a demonstration by for deep decarbonisation. European Commission (candidate commis-
the 27 EU member states that not only had sioners are subject to confirmatory hearings
they responded to the call to present a more by MEPs) to push for more climate ambition
ambitious climate target – a cut in greenhouse in the EU's plans. The result was a promise
gas emissions of at least 55 per cent by 2030
At a time when public by the new European Commission President
– but that this target was underpinned by a confidence in the EU is Ursula Von der Leyen to deliver an EU 'Green
solid package of laws to deliver those emis- already fragile, particularly in Deal', a comprehensive plan to set Europe
sion cuts. As the dust now settles on Glasgow, central and eastern Europe, on the path to carbon neutrality by 2050.
eyes turn to Brussels to see whether the EU where opponents of climate And when we look at opinion polls since
can live up to its promise to walk the walk and those European Parliament elections, we see
action are strongest, the
not just talk the talk. ongoing, solid support for climate action: a
EU must tread warily. Get it
Eurobarometer poll conducted in the summer
However, as followers of EU affairs know well,
wrong and this could damage shows that 9 out of 10 EU citizens consider
what the Commission puts on the table is only the wider EU project. climate change as a serious problem facing
the start of the story. The Commission's pro- the world. Thousands of people took to the
posals have to be agreed by EU ministers and streets in cities and towns across Europe to
MEPs in a to-and-fro legislative procedure that voice that concern during COP26. In some
can take up to two years – plenty of time for fos- If we look back to the origin of the EU Green countries, citizens are challenging their
sil fuel lobbies to attempt to water them down. Deal, it is worth remembering that it was born governments in court over failure to deliver
But equally important as the fights in Brussels not as a 'top-down' initiative but out of the on climate ambition – with recent wins in
will be the battle for hearts and minds in the wave of climate activism, the 'Greta effect', Germany, the Netherlands and France, among
member states. If the EU Green Deal is seen ahead of the last European elections in May others. People voted for climate action and
as a top-down plan from Brussels, or fails to 2019. This wave had a major impact on the now they expect the EU, MEPs and their
address social divides, it could stall. make-up and policies of the European Union own governments to deliver.
- 26
The Progressive Post #17
© M-SUR/Shutterstock.com
Will the Green Deal live up to public expecta- proposed to compensate for any additional of workers, building renovation programmes,
tions? That is what we will find out over the costs. A good move, yes, but a Brussels-based support for cities and towns on green mobility.
coming months. There are some grounds for financial scheme may struggle to find its way A national 'Green Deal plan' for every country.
optimism. The Covid-19 crisis did not derail the into people's pockets. At a time when public
Green Deal plans as many of us feared last year. confidence in the EU is already fragile, par- Post Glasgow, the Green Deal is a real oppor-
Instead, agreement was reached to include a ticularly in central and eastern Europe, where tunity for the EU to get back on track after the
requirement to spend at least 37 per cent of opponents of climate action are strongest, the Covid-19 crisis, to demonstrate to EU citizens
the EU's recovery fund on climate action. Also, EU must tread warily. Get it wrong and this that the 27 member states can act together to
and against early expectations, agreement could damage the wider EU project. tackle the next big threat to our societies, and
was reached to reopen the EU's 2030 emis- to show the rest of the world the EU has a plan
sions reduction target, up from minus 40 per for tackling climate change which is not only
cent to, at least, minus 55 per cent. And a new economically and technically feasible, but also
EU-wide climate law has been agreed which
People voted for climate socially just and underpinned by broad public
enshrines that new target in law and creates an action and now they expect support. Its success, however, depends on
expert committee to scrutinise compliance. But the EU, MEPs and their own action, not just in Brussels, but on transform-
we know that the real battles are yet to come: governments to deliver. ative policies in each member state. We need
on the reform of the Emissions Trading System to bring the Green Deal home.
(ETS), on national emission reduction targets,
car emissions targets, a carbon border tax and
increased renewable energy – all controversial, Is securing the Brussels Green deal enough? The opinions expressed in this article are those of the
and all the subject of intense lobbying. No. A good package of EU climate laws is vital, author. They do not necessarily reflect the opinions or
and progressives can support their ministers views of the European Climate Foundation.
Can the Green Deal deliver emission reductions and MEPs, who are the ones who will vote
in a socially just way? It can. But it will require on the EU laws, by building public support for
careful policy design and particular attention ambitious EU laws in countries. It would indeed
to ensuring that policies do not exacerbate be a refreshing change to see a vibrant
the social injustices created by previous crises national debate – in parliaments, town halls
which have been laid bare by the Covid-19 and regional assemblies – explaining why
pandemic. One area of concern at present is action at EU level is needed. But the Brussels-
the idea of extending the EU carbon market level work is only part of the story. Real change
(the Emissions Trading System) to the heating needs policy commitments and a transforma-
and transport sectors. Whereas the current tion of the national political landscape, not just Linda McAvan,
ETS price applies to businesses, extending to implement what is agreed at EU level, but ExecutiveDirector for
the ETS to heating and transport could put a to underpin it with strong, domestic measures: European Relations at
the European Climate
more direct cost on households, which could financial reform to push money towards the Foundation, former Member
disproportionately affect lower income house- right investments, the right planning laws to of the European Parliament
holders. A Social Climate Fund (SCF) has been scale up renewable deployment, the reskilling
27 -
FOCUS COP26: CHEERLEADING EXERCISE
For this year's COP26 conference in Glasgow on climate change, the host,
the UK, and its partner, Italy, had put the focus on increasing the ambition on
emission reductions, on strengthening adaptation to the impacts of climate
change, on mobilising finance for climate action, and on enhancing international
collaboration. However: a crucial factor has almost been overlooked: tackling
social inequalities, the distribution of material wealth – and its redistribution.
Earlier this year, UN Secretary-General Antonio Although the ecological limits of economic devel- wealthiest fifth of humanity earns about
Guterres had described 2021 as a "make or opment are well known, they are far from being 70 per cent of the worldwide income, while
break year" for tackling the climate emergency. respected. And the recent COP26 has brought the poorest fifth earns a meagre 2 per cent.
In his view, we needed to launch a decade of little change – if any. We are using renewable
transformation to achieve the shift that the peo- resources from nature faster than ecosystems Climate change and biodiversity loss are,
ple, and the planet, so desperately need. And can regenerate, and we are filling waste sinks in fact, critical indicators for too much, too
with the US administration making climate action beyond nature's capacity to assimilate what we fast, and wrong consumption patterns.
a centrepiece of its policies, and China pledg- put there. Some relative 'decoupling' of economic Climate change is not only an energy or
ing to achieve carbon neutrality by 2060, there production from its impact on nature might take transport challenge, but also a symptom
could have been real international momentum to place. But, all too often, this decoupling is merely of the overall unsustainability of our cur-
go beyond 'business as usual' at COP26. There a result of false accounting and trade, where rent economic system. One could argue
were, indeed, some hopeful elements, such as a wealthy countries export their ecological impact that we could achieve all UN Sustainable
declaration on deforestation from key countries, towards poorer countries. Development Goals (SDG) just by tackling
some increases on financing, and additional SDG 12 on sustainable consumption and
pledges on emission-reductions. Indeed, high-income countries have achieved production – but in a socially just way.
their level of 'development' by promoting mate-
However, to start such a transformation, the rial growth, (over)consumption, globalisation, and Although poorly respected, the limits of
climate emergency and the colossal threat trade. Yet these nations' relatively good environ- development within the planetary bound-
of accelerated biodiversity loss need to be mental performance hides enormous amounts of aries are well defined. And so are the
addressed together. With one COP on climate imported emissions and biocapacity-use due to requirements for social well-being, which
change and a separate one on biodiversity production overseas. High-income countries are include decent work and health security,
(COP15, the second phase of which has been thus running on an 'ecological deficit'. and education. Kate Raworth's 'doughnut
postponed until April 2022 in Kunming, China, economy' provides an excellent example of
and is receiving scant media attention), the At the same time, massive global social ine- this. But the minimum material wealth for a
current set-up is bound to fail. quality persists. According to Oxfam, the good life is much less clear.
- 28
The Progressive Post #17
29 -
DOSSIERS EASTERN DISCOMFORT AND PROGRESSIVE WAYS OUT
More than 30 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, many hopes, aspirations,
and expectations of the people in central, eastern and southern Europe are
still unfulfilled, despite their countries being full members of the European
Union. A new generation of leaders – based on broad, inclusive, and
progressive social alliances – is needed to achieve advanced levels of a
knowledge economy and a fully-fledged constitutional democracy.
- 30
The Progressive Post #17
© Gonzalo Bell/Shutterstock.com
initiatives, as well as coordination and The data for Thomas Piketty's seminal work
cooperation among all stakeholders – all Capital and Ideology highlight the empirical
characteristics that were underdeveloped, fact that the outflows from central and eastern
The dominant mantra was
ignored, and abandoned by the central and Europe in the form of profits and other prop-
eastern European countries in the initial that open markets would erty income significantly outpaced the inflows
stages of transition and EU accession. The take care of everything, and of finance to that region.
dominant mantra was instead that open that governments would do
markets would take care of everything, best when they did less. The discontent of the populations in central and
and that governments would do best when eastern Europe has its origin in their disillusion-
they did less. ment with the process of transition, post-transition,
and accession to the EU. And yet there is real
The claim of 'premature welfare states' in The European regional yearbooks and the innovative, productive, social, and democratic
central and eastern Europe was accom- European innovation reports show that there potential in the societies and countries in cen-
panied by the idea of the primacy of the is a continuing divide between the most tral, eastern and southern Europe. The current
international markets, and of residual developed regions in a handful of European backslide towards authoritarian populism with a
social welfare policies and dependency on countries and the rest of the EU. A former modicum of improved social welfare policies is
international financial flows. Structural and Polish deputy prime minister and finance neither a necessary nor a sufficient step towards
cohesion funds helped improve conditions minister, Grzegorz Kołodko, who was also the real social and economic transformation of
in many vital areas of economic, agricultural, a scholar of the transition a decade ago, the countries in the region towards a knowledge
and social life in many central and eastern described Poland as a "two-thirds success economy and inclusive, pluralistic societies.
European countries. However, these funds story", implying many missed opportunities
did not lead to more innovative, inclusive or and much mismanagement during Poland's It was a Hungarian biochemist, Katalin Karikó,
sustainable developments. transition and EU accession. working in the US, who helped shield the world
31 -
DOSSIERS EASTERN DISCOMFORT AND PROGRESSIVE WAYS OUT
- 32
Unequal Europe
Calling the situation of the centre-left parties in central and eastern Europe
'difficult' equals hiding behind a diplomatic langue de bois. Social Democrats
are in government in none of the countries of the region – neither at the
helm of a coalition, nor as a partner in one. Sometimes they have even failed
to enter parliament altogether. Internal conflicts, controversial decisions
by party leaders, misguided political alliances and an incoherent image
are problems progressives in this part of Europe have to deal with.
- 34
The Progressive Post #17
The centre-left in the CEE Interestingly, the label 'progressive' is even parties and politicians know full well. For the
region has built its legitimacy used to discredit right-wing organisations, as Czech Social Democrats (ČSSD), the price
on its pro-EU orientation, was seen in the case of the Czech Pirate Party for having governed for a few years with
and it is (rightfully) still in the last electoral campaign. While the term Andrej Babiš was extremely high. Their deci-
strongly associated with 'liberal' used to be a pejorative label that would sion to form a coalition with his ANO party in
prompt distrust, today it is the term 'Social 2017 was perhaps an attempt to move forward
the European mainstream.
Democrat' that has a similar function. after the ČSSD lost 13 per cent in the elections
(equating to a loss of 35 seats in parliament
But a search for the reasons for the electoral and many budgetary subsidies). Back then,
weakness of progressive parties cannot be half of the voters lost by the ČSSD turned
limited to external factors. Such a fragmented to ANO (chiefly the low-income and elderly
diagnosis would indeed not be helpful for the voters), with others throwing their support
parties themselves. In all honesty, it has to be behind the right-wing populist SPD party of
The centre-left in the CEE region (post-commu- said that in many cases the situation of these Tomio Okamura or the Pirates Party (as tended
nist parties as well as those that are free from progressive parties is the result of mistakes, to be the case for disenchanted younger and
this legacy) has built its legitimacy on its pro-EU inadequate decisions, ideological confusion, better-educated voters). Significantly, in the
orientation, and it is (rightfully) still strongly and internal conflicts. 2017 elections 260,000 of the former ČSSD
associated with the European mainstream. In voters did not turn out to vote at all.
this context, the centre-left of the CEE countries
thus become a very easy target for populists of One year after the formation of the rather
all shades. Populists then play on resentments HARMFUL ALLIANCES exotic cabinet coalition with ANO, the 2019
and paint progressives as a suspicious breed elections to the European Parliament took
of politicians who do not defend (or at least not Governing with an inadequate coalition part- place, in which the ČSSD failed to cross the
sufficiently) national interests. ner can be very harmful – a fact that many electoral threshold. This was a sign that the
© RachenStocker/Shutterstock.com
35 -
DOSSIERS EASTERN DISCOMFORT AND PROGRESSIVE WAYS OUT
drift of the ČSSD voters had not stopped but, explained by the electoral maths and attempts from the shadows of the past – which makes
on the contrary, had intensified. Governing to regain voters who have turned to right-wing the task of revitalising these parties internally
alongside someone who is accused of fraud, radicals – who for their part use outright xeno- and externally incredibly tough.
nepotism and corruption made the ČSSD phobic rhetoric (for example, against migrants).
look – to a certain extent – like accomplices,
thus allowing others to present an alternative
electoral offer in 2021. Furthermore, govern- TRUE RENEWAL NEEDED
ing together with Babiš infected the ČSSD
The centre-left will never
with certain ideas that appear contrary to beat the right on their turf, This bitter analysis is not intended to clip the
progressive ideals – a key example being so it doesn't make any wings of progressive parties in the countries of
the narrative that the ČSSD adopted towards sense to even try: neither central and eastern Europe. Indeed, the cen-
migration. ideologically, nor electorally. tre-left has established itself in the CEE region
as a guarantor of a rational state policy that
In the most recent Czech elections, the Social does not lose sight of the weakest citizens,
Democrats did not manage to enter parliament that is a predictable partner in relations with
– and there can be no consolation in the fact The problem, however, is not only that of vot- the European Union, and that is capable of
that the Communist Party did not do any bet- ers straying away from the programmatic core facing the challenges of the future with a pro-
ter. Although the Polish SLD-Wiosna-Razem but also that of a perceived loss of integrity. grammatic approach. However, true renewal
provides an example of a centre-left party in Even citizens who are not very well-informed is needed and this means renovating with
the CEE region that failed to enter parliament can detect insincerity that is dictated by polit- solid foundations. Such renewal will surely be
at a certain moment but managed to make a ical calculation. And should these voters be appreciated by progressive voters – who have
comeback in later elections (in a new, broader tempted by the message, they would be more not disappeared altogether from the societies
formula), it is not a safe bet at all for ČSSD to likely to vote for actual right-wing parties than of central and eastern Europe.
hope to do the same. for those just copying right-wing narratives.
TARNISHED REPUTATION
IDEOLOGICAL CONFUSION
Finally, mention also needs to be made of the
Analysing the PES parties from the CEE scandals that have damaged the image of
region from the angle of their programmatic certain progressive parties in the CEE region.
views, there is more than one question that Several parties that have governed or co-gov-
arises. Within this group, there are supporters erned in the CEE countries over the past two
of a flat tax (who are either in favour of intro- decades have not been able to withstand the
ducing one or of defending one that was put in numerous temptations that come with the
place by neoliberals); there are critics of trade privilege of being in power. This weakness has Anna Pacześniak,
Professor at the University
unions, and there are also die-hard conserva- discredited several of these parties and they of Wrocław and member of
tives with no leaning towards equal rights or have not yet managed to restore voters' trust. the FEPS Scientific Council
minority rights. Some of these attitudes can be Corruption and minor scandals keep returning
- 36
DOSSIER The Progressive Post #17
Source: IMF 37 -
DOSSIERS EASTERN DISCOMFORT AND PROGRESSIVE WAYS OUT
© Mike Mareen/Shutterstock.com
- 38
The Progressive Post #17
28
26
24
CZECH REPUBLIC
22
ROMANIA
20
SLOVAKIA
18 HUNGARY
16 SERBIA
14 RUSSIAN FEDERATION
UKRAINE
12
GEORGIA
10
2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018
Most CEE countries have thus far avoided this right-wing illiberals seem deeply entrenched sector that is too focused on consumption
middle-income trap created by premature in government in Hungary and Poland, have and too little on investment.
deindustrialisation. The Czech Republic, changed the game in the Czech Republic and
Hungary and Slovenia are in the top 20 Slovenia, and are the most vibrant opposition From the Czech Republic to Romania, the
most complex exporters, ahead of the US, forces in Romania. ageing population, mass migration and
Italy, the UK and France. Romanian and broken vocational training systems result in
Polish exports are in the same league as labour markets characterised by a hard wage
those of Denmark and the Netherlands, with ceiling. Even the better performing econo-
Romania's export profile showing remarkable
Too often we take this mies that belong to the 'developed' category
dynamism in both volume (nearly an 800 growth for granted and pay net wages still below those of southern
per cent increase between 1999 and 2019) fail to note the high risk of Europe. Will Poland be as dynamic when its
and complexity. This is a transformation that stagnation that is baked into labour costs double to nearly those of Spain?
exceeds the performance of those Asian the CEE growth model due Maybe. But this will require a different and
states which experienced the middle-income to the model's dependence progressive kind of structural reform with a
trap. Indeed, the only developing country on low labour costs. combination of an open economy and green
that has more complex exports than the new industrial policy anchored in decision-making
EU member states is China. This is a drastic processes that give pride of place to good
change from 1995 when the CEE countries old tripartite coordination between state,
counted only the former Czechoslovakia and Another, less talked about, reason to feel capital and labour – plus a great number
Hungary among those with more complex malaise is that too often we take this growth of educational reforms aimed at preventing
exports than China. for granted and fail to note the high risk the ongoing mass deskilling, and at prevent-
of stagnation that is baked into the CEE ing the transformation of the non-university
And yet, there are good reasons to feel some growth model due to the model's depend- educated central and eastern Europeans
malaise when considering the CEE region. ence on low labour costs, the incentives into cheap and precarious labour on west
One, which is talked about ad nauseam, is that of foreign industrial capital, and a financial European farms and building sites and in
39 -
DOSSIERS EASTERN DISCOMFORT AND PROGRESSIVE WAYS OUT
west European slaughterhouses. If the CEE also numerous educators and students who
region's Social Democrats do away with the have largely swelled the ranks of the right
1990s economic orthodoxy and/or national so far. In the long term, this support would
populism, they may have a chance of avoid- create space for much higher wages through
ing a reactionary stagnationist future. the higher value added of a local products
channel. It may be a long shot, but the road
to political hegemony means at least doubling
public education, research and development
SocialDemocrats and budgets at the expense of the undertaxed oli-
progressives could step garchies and high-carbon luxury consumption.
into this gap and support
extensively funded national While emerging Europe has certainly avoided
innovation systems Latin America's experience of 'premature dein-
that could help move dustrialisation' as well as southern Europe's
national economies up experience of internal devaluation, emerg-
the scale of complexity ing Europe's relative success nevertheless
and thus wages too. appears more fragile if one looks more at
the structural factors and less at per capita
income, the share of manufacturing in GDP,
and a few ostentatious successes in ICT.
Unlike in South Korea and other Asian trail- However, rather than being resigned to this
blazer countries that grew rich but also reality, progressives and Social Democrats
stayed rich, in much of central and eastern in the CEE countries could see in these
Europe, public and private spending on growing engines of stagnation the oppor-
research and development remain pitifully tunity to make themselves heard with a
low. Governments in the CEE region remain harsh critique of the status quo. They could
reluctant to commit sufficient funds to applied mobilise the anger against this status quo, and
research, and the multinational manufacturing direct it against the unfair social systems and
firms that dominate these countries' export- against the dependent economic structures
led growth regimes have few incentives that bode ill for the CEE region's future.
to relocate significant technical innovation
systems to the region. This is perhaps the
biggest source of vulnerability for illiberals:
they may try to build a national bourgeoisie
while courting 'productive' FDI, but they will
always struggle with the consequences of
dependent innovation systems that use their
countries as assembly lines for firms in 'core'
Europe. Social Democrats and progressives
could step into this gap and support exten- Cornel Ban,
sively funded national innovation systems Associate Professor of
International Political
that could help move national economies Economy at Copenhagen
up the scale of complexity and thus wages Business School
too. This would not just benefit the firms, but
- 40
'UNited for a People-Powered Recovery' was the 4th edition of the yearly flagship initiative powered by FEPS.
#UNitedfor conferences have been held since 2018 in New York -ahead of the United Nations General Assembly- to
discuss, with international high-level policymakers and experts, the most important international issues at stake.
This year, FEPS 'UNited for' has been a key part of the Global Progressive Forum 2021.
ur
La
en
Bul
bin
- 42
The Progressive Post #17
The Biden administration's international goals can- It is notable that European-US cooperation The future is likely to see Europe and the
not be understood in isolation from US domestic has functioned best in areas where both sides United States coordinating regularly but
politics. European policymakers may have under- agree that democratic values are central to carving out more independent areas of
estimated the degree to which Biden would be any meaningful international initiative. This is focus. European policymakers are only too
driven by domestic considerations in shaping his true in the field of technology, and the Trade aware that Biden's political position remains
foreign policy. The confrontation with China plays and Technology Council set up by the United precarious, that he is constrained in his ability
well in the United States and is the strongest basis States and the EU is a significant step forward. to take domestic action in areas like climate
for winning public support for an internationalist In other ways, Biden has moved to draw a line change, and that they may be faced with a
approach. But when the goal of building an anti- under problems in the transatlantic relation- Republican administration again in three
China alliance conflicts with domestic priorities, it ship (or in relations with individual European years' time.
is the latter that prevails: Biden has done nothing countries) over Nordstream 2, aircraft subsi-
to expand trade links with Indo-Pacific partners dies and steel and aluminium tariffs. Moreover,
because trade deals are unpopular with voters was at the heart of a significant agreement on
whose support he wants to retain. a minimum global tax recently.
In its approach to vaccine development and It is important to remember that both Euro-
export, Biden frustrated European partners pean and US foreign policies are evolving.
who wanted more attention to global needs. European policymakers have moved to a
Even now that the United States has enough tougher position on China, while the Biden
vaccine doses to donate widely to countries administration is likely to look for ways to
that need them, it is still more focused on manage coexistence with China once it has
scaling up production at home than on build- established an initial position of strength.
ing up capacity overseas. Biden's policies are Transatlantic interests remain aligned on
rooted in a perception that the polarised and many international issues, and Europeans Anthony Dworkin,
Senior Policy Fellow at
evenly divided politics of the United States do will remain reliant on the United States as the European Council
not allow him to give the Trump-dominated a security partner, even while they develop on Foreign Relations
Republican Party any opening to attack him. more capacity to operate independently.
43 -
DOSSIERS EU-US: LOVE NO MORE
EU defence has suddenly been thrust back US for its security. While this may feel fine Second, EU defence will significantly
onto the EU agenda after the chaotic with- during the current US administration, the advance the European project. It is worth
drawal from Afghanistan and the fallout over prospect of an isolationist or far-right looking back at the European Defence
the AUKUS submarine deal. Europe has had administration should make Europeans Community (EDC) proposal of the 1950s to
twin revelations. First, the US and European think. The airlift at Kabul Airport was a mas- understand why. With the cold war kicking
security priorities are no longer identical. sive humanitarian intervention, involving off and Soviet forces vastly outnumbering
America may be 'back' with President Joe thousands of forces and the logistical might US forces, there was a need to rearm West
Biden, but the US has also fully pivoted to of the US military. The EU could not have Germany. Yet this was understandably con-
Asia: not only away from Europe, but also evacuated its citizens without the help of the cerning for France and Europe. France's
from the Middle East and the Sahel - Europe's United States. Europe lacks critical, yet basic, solution was thus to create a European
broader neighbourhood. Second, Europe's enabling capabilities: the air tankers to keep force. Yet in the process of negotiating the
utter military weakness means it is entirely transport and fighter aircraft aloft, the drones European Defence Community, thorny issues
dependent on a United States that is increas- to provide intelligence and surveillance. Sim- emerged. In a democracy, there must be
ingly disinterested in protecting EU citizens. ilarly, even France, the EU's strongest military civilian control over the military. Troops must
This has led to calls for action. A summit, power, needs the US military's logistical sup- take orders from democratically elected
now set for early 2022 under the French EU port to operate in the Sahel. leaders. The EDC, therefore, aimed to lead
presidency, will create an opportunity for to a directly elected people's chamber. Addi-
the European project to make significant tionally, operating and maintaining a military
advances. requires strong fiscal support, and, in this
case, a common budget. Creating a common
First, it should bother European pro- defence force thus made forging a political
gressives that the EU cannot protect its union necessary. If France had not in the
citizens. The EU, despite spending about
Itshould bother European end blocked the EDC, it would have been a
€200 billion a year (as much as a major progressives that the EU massive leap forward in the European inte-
power), remains utterly dependent on the cannot protect its citizens. gration project.
- 44
The Progressive Post #17
EU defence will
significantly advance
the European project.
© Bumble Dee/Shutterstock.com
Developing the EU's defence capacity will Third, Europeanising defence is a way to European progressives to support the con-
therefore further the cause of a political eventually make sure European actions live cept of EU defence, without supporting the
union. It will highlight the need for internal up to European values. Progressive concerns funding of real, tangible, acquisitions. The
EU reforms. The EU would need to strengthen about creating a European defence industrial NextGeneration EU recovery fund means the
and streamline its foreign and security policy complex or militarising Europe ignore the fact EU now has the ability to borrow. European
decision-making. A stronger defence capac- that leaving defence to member states means progressives should call on the EU to borrow
ity would put pressure on the EU to address there are currently no European regulations additional funds to make key acquisitions that
its democratic deficit – picking the heads or policy on external arms sales. National fill gaps in EU and NATO capabilities.
of the European Commission and Council defence industries have a great deal of clout
through backroom deals will not cut it any within European countries and push to remove The EU needs to get its act together on
longer. The EU would also need to expand constraints on arms sales. This means member defence. Ahead of next year's defence summit,
its fiscal capacity to support defence procure- states are often extremely reticent to forego European progressives should be pushing the
ments and operations. a sale due to concerns over human rights or EU to think big and act boldly. If they do, the
safeguarding sensitive technology. European summit could prove a critical moment in the
progressives may find this surprising, but over- development of the European project.
all, the US process for vetting and approving
A stronger defence capacity arms sales is extremely rigorous, far more
so than for most European arms exporters.
would put pressure on
Pushing for a greater EU role in defence could
the EU to address its
therefore also lead to a more rigorous Euro-
democratic deficit – picking pean process to vet and approve these sales. Max Bergmann,
the heads of the European Senior Fellow and
Commission and Council What should be done? Ultimately, EU defence
Director for Europe and
Russia at the Center for
through backroom deals is about spending money and making real American Progress
will not cut it any longer. investment. It is not good enough for
45 -
INTERVIEW
Current transformations
and the future of work
Interview with Guy Ryder, by László Andor
László Andor: Two years ago, the ILO cele- route. Protectionism was being talked about.
brated its centenary, but it wasn't purely about And strategic autonomy was on the table. The
the past: a lot of work and research went into third major driver is demography. Europe is
The ILO's core mandate is
studying the future. Could you highlight the wrestling with the challenges of an ageing promoting social justice,
main findings concerning the future of work? population, but a large part of the world is so our question was: how
And also: what has followed in terms of practi- trying to deal with youth bulges. These differ- do we make sure that
cal steps out of this effort? entials also have a major impact on the world these changes move in the
of work. In the beginning, the question was: direction of social justice?
Guy Ryder: Indeed, the initative on the future what do we do to navigate these transformative
of work was the centrepiece of the ILO's cen- changes? The ILO's core mandate is promot-
tenary celebrations. At that time – and it is still ing social justice, so our question was: how do
true today – the world of work was undergoing we make sure that these changes move in the LA: Could you highlight some best practices,
extraordinary and transformative change. The direction of social justice? The things that pro- the importance of social dialogue when tack-
drivers of change we identified were obvious: gressive politics really cares about. We set up a ling these transformative challenges?
first, of course, technology, digitalisation, Global Commission to investigate these issues,
fourth industrial revolution. Second – and this co-chaired by President Cyril Ramaphosa of GR: The major conclusion is that we need to
is increasingly entering into people's calcula- South Africa and Stefan Löfven, the Prime invest. Our societies need to invest in three
tions – climate change and what we need to Minister of Sweden, and we produced a major areas: the first area is to invest in peo-
do about it. When we say that climate change report. We adopted a Centenary Declaration ple and their capacities, and here we focus on
is the result of human activity, it is too easily on the Future of Work. This is the blueprint for social protection. I think the Covid-19 pandemic
forgotten that most of that activity is work the ILO as it moves into its second century. Of has underlined how inadequate social protec-
or work-related. Third, globalisation. At that course, Covid came almost immediately after tion arrangements are. We also need to focus
time, in 2019, we were seeing a certain ques- that and has complicated the story. But it has on skills and education – not just on workplace
tioning of the path globalisation was taking. not rendered all this work redundant. It means education, but on a lifelong process of edu-
Even then people were beginning to think we must apply it in the very challenging circum- cation, that goes from early learning, through
that maybe we were going down a different stances of today. constant re-skilling and right through the entire
- 46
The Progressive Post #17
and labour to sit together and work out prac- was adopted in Gothenburg on the Social Pillar,
tical solutions, we tend to do very well. And delighted about the action plan put in place in
the other important reference point is interna- Porto, which, I think, is a renewal, an adaptation
tional labour standards: the Conventions and and application of the social model in Europe in
Recommendations which are the lifeblood of ways which can only be positive.
our organisation at the ILO.
LA: Four years ago, the European pillar of
LA: In many European countries there is a very social rights was adopted and earlier this year
strong institutionalised social dialogue and a the so-called Action Plan has been added,
/Shu tterst
ock.com kind of advanced thinking about the issues pointing to new ambitious targets to increase
© Magnola
you listed, and it is perhaps also in Europe further the employment rate and lift people out
that you find some of the best practices. But of poverty or social exclusion. Another ambi-
can we be proud and cautious enough tious target concerns lifelong learning. This
at the same time? The European social really highlights the importance of connecting
model probably really is an inspiration employment policies, on the one hand, with
for many, but at the same time Europe is education and training, and investing in the
not perfect, and a lot remains to be done. necessary institutions on the other hand. But
do you think Europe should go even further?
GR: I think Europe should not only be For example, issues like minimum wage coor-
proud of the achievements of its social dination are now also on the agenda.
© Timofe ef
model, but it should also be appreciative
f/Shu tterst
ock.com of them: everything that has been achieved GR: It is a complicated debate, but I also under-
in Europe through dialogue, through coop- stand what is at stake. The ILO for example
eration, through taking into consideration the has a convention about minimum wages. But
work cycle. So, people and their capacities are equity of the policy packages that Europe has it's not trying to define the level at which the
the first areas of investment. produced over the decades and inspired the minimum wage should be in any country, we
European project from the beginning. At the are rather pointing to the considerations and
The second area of investment is in what we same time, I think that appreciation needs to go the mechanisms which are useful in setting a
call the institutions of work: the laws, the regu- with a coolheaded and objective understanding minimum wage. Around the world, we observe
lations, the processes, that we have developed that this is not an easy path to take. If we think a renewal of interest in minimum wages and
over 100 years, to try to govern labour markets, that applying the solutions of yesterday to minimum wage setting. Outside Europe, this
to try to make them social markets. But with the tomorrow's challenges will automatically is becoming a very big discussion, and for
transformation of work, new areas of work are give good results, then we're making a good reasons. Quite reasonably, in this time
developing that really do not fit into the estab- mistake. I think we have to work constantly of pandemic and the crisis engendered by
lished categories: the gig economy and things to update, refine, and adapt the social model. the pandemic, people are looking to policy-
like that. So, the second area of investment is I don't suggest that we change its basic prin- makers and public institutions to guarantee
in all of these institutions of work. Finally, and ciples to make sure that it remains relevant them a minimum of social protection when
perhaps most obviously, it is about investing in and that it has the approval of people. I think they don't have work, or the ability to live
the jobs of the future. We have to really work social dialogue will be judged by voters and by decently when they do have work. So, it
out where these decent jobs are coming societies, not as a doctrine or an ideology, but
from and again, to no surprise, the areas based on the results that it produces. In fact,
If Europe stays faithful to
to be focused upon are the green economy, the balance sheet of results in Europe is very its social model, it will be
the care economy and the development positive. That's not always appreciated. I think stronger. I'm obviously
of infrastructure in the broadest possible there's a counter-narrative out there which pro- delighted about what was
sense: physical infrastructure, social infrastruc- gressive politics needs to be aware of. Let's not
adopted in Gothenburg on
ture, digital infrastructure. On social dialogue, believe that everybody agrees automatically
the Social Pillar, delighted
I think the experience of Europe shows, and with the model. But I have to say that if Europe
about the action plan
it's a lesson learned in other regions too, that stays faithful to its social model, it will be
wherever we can get governments, business, stronger. I'm obviously delighted about what put in place in Porto.
47 -
INTERVIEW
seems to me that there are two demands LA: This connects with the greater awareness And I'm not talking about the health threat, I'm
which we should be responding to. One is that of income inequality and the various implica- talking about the economic and social threat.
in whatever circumstances you find yourself tions and consequences of income inequality. And that has made people acutely aware that
because of misfortune in life, you should be This debate was not so strong 10 or 20 years inequality has now reached levels where it has
able to rely on a minimum level of social pro- ago. Today we see that various multilateral hardened into structural injustice. It's not just
tection. This links to debates about Universal institutions – even the IMF – are more inter- inequality, it's injustice: when some parts
Basic Income (UBI). I'm not 100 per cent a fan of ested in this debate than before. But is it just of the population have access to digital
UBI, but we do need to put in place social pro- talk? For example: in G20 meetings, are there connectivity, educational options, social
tection floors. Today, the majority of workers any practical consequences when political protection, comfortable accommodation to
– 53 per cent! – have no social protection leaders speak more about inequality? get through the pandemic, and others have
of any kind. And is it not reasonable to think none of those things.
that if you're working full time, you should take GR: In the international debate, there is a lot
home a sufficient income to enable you and of discussion about the question of whether LA: We like to believe that governments on
your family to live decently? These seem to inequality is real. The answer is that inequality both sides of the Atlantic probably gave a bet-
me the minima of social policy. Now, how do between countries, globally, has been com- ter response to the pandemic recession than
you establish those minima? Through collec- pressed. China's performance is interesting to the Great Financial Crisis 10 years before
tive bargaining? Through legislation? And how in that regard. But inside practically every – also from the point of view of investing
does that play out in the European field? It's country, inequality is rising, so the social per- seriously in income protection, in job-saving
a complex discussion and, as an organisation ception – and it is a grounded perception – is schemes, and, if possible, also by using social
that tries to set universal labour standards, we that inequality is getting worse. This has been dialogue.
must be respectful of the diversity of national recognised. You've mentioned the International
circumstances and practices, but those objec- Monetary Fund and it's quite impressive that GR: I would like to believe that we learned
tives should stay in our mind. the IMF is pointing not just to the social dangers something from 2008-2009. Now there is rec-
of inequality, but also to the economic dangers ognition that the premature move towards
– that it can retard job creation and growth. austerity was a mistake and that it damp-
I think it's interesting as well, that in the UN ened down recovery. Frankly, this recovery
2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development, was still incomplete when Covid-19 hit us. So,
com
one of the 17 goals is specifically about reduc- yes, governments have done better this time.
er stock.
ing inequality. There is global recognition Look just at the volume of resources spent on
that inequality has reached unacceptable the economic and social response. It's around
o/ Shu tt
proportions. 20 years ago, that was a politi- 16 trillion US dollars! That is enormous! And
to Luss
cal debate, now it's a political given. And we yes, a lot of ad hoc interventions were made
© Rober
must look at the experience of the pandemic: to protect jobs, to protect incomes, to protect
enterprises. I think we would all applaud that
effort. But here is the problem: that effort was
There is global recognition massively unequal. To put it in simplistic terms,
that inequality has reached the rich world – and we could include the US
and Europe grosso modo in the rich world –
unacceptable proportions.
spent very large sums on the recovery. They
20 years ago, that was
had the fiscal firepower to keep their econ-
a political debate, now omies going. And they also had access to
it's a political given. vaccines in larger numbers than other
parts of the world.
tters tock .com
- 48 ers tock
.com
l/ Shu tt
e y Ko h
© S erg
The Progressive Post #17
om
tock .c
billion). If properly directed. And if that's backed
u tters
up by more equitable vaccine distribution, this
der/ Sh
could level the playing field of recovery, ena-
bling the developing world and the emerging
A lexan
economies to get on this faster track of recov-
© M ir t ery. Because on current trajectories, the real
risk is that in a world where we promised to
leave nobody behind, we're leaving the
entire developing and emerg-
ing economies behind. And
nobody in Europe can afford to
say 'too bad, that doesn't matter to ©L
ef te
ris P
me'. It does matter, for moral reasons, apa
ulak
is /S
hu t te
for health reasons, for social stability r s to
k.com
ck .c
om
and economic reasons as well. So, I
tter stoc
think this is one of the biggest global And by the way, I would make the same
int/ Shu
challenges ahead, and Europe needs to points about climate change and the move
strongly support an inclusive and sustain- towards carbon neutrality: we all agree we
© H i- Po
able recovery, which we don't have at the want to see it, but more and more we know
moment. that this is an extraordinary challenge of
reorganising productive systems. Probably
LA: We praise both Europe and North unprecedented in our lifetimes.
America for macro-level interventions, which
facilitate faster recovery, but I wonder whether
we also need to highlight the importance of
micro-interventions in specific sectors, because
the pandemic probably pushed much more
people to the gig economy, than before.
49 -
LIBRARY BOOK REVIEWS
Grant Duncan
How to Rule? The Arts of Government
from Antiquity to the Present
Routledge, 2021
'All politicians are the same' and 'none of Grant Duncan is Associate Professor at Government is – at least theoretically – all
them listens to us' were two sentences that Massey University in New Zealand. In 2021, his about stability and predictability, which in
repeatedly appeared in public opinion surveys work in political science was recognised with times of Covid-19 have been particularly hard
during the first decade of the 21st century. 'We a DASSH Award for Leadership in Excellence to achieve. Additionally, the crisis has exac-
will tell them' was the response from those and Innovation in the category 'Engagement erbated inequalities, which, even before, had
political forces who rose on the back of this and Public Communication'. His primary inter- been significant enough to make people dis-
disenchantment in the following years. Their ests are political theory and philosophy, but trust the entire system. Duncan warns against
emergence meant tectonic shifts across also public policy. He remains a top name seeing the resulting attitudes of disenchant-
political landscapes in Europe and beyond, when it comes to expertise regarding the New ment as signs of a crisis of democracy. He
bringing fragmentation, polarisation, and Zealand Labour Party, which has brought him believes that democracy’s ideal has still not
several elections with little results. For some into communities such as the FEPS Next Left been achieved and that there is much left
EU member states, the emergence of these High-Level Group. to realise (overcoming the persistent discrim-
political forces even brought an impasse, and ination against women, for example).
prolonged periods without government and/ His How to Rule is the first book in a new
or the need to repeat elections. Observing series of monographs designed to analyse What he suggests instead is to see the chal-
certain countries that managed to stay afloat governance and the quality of current repre- lenges as a crisis of representative democracy,
even during these difficult times, some ana- sentative democracy. which will never be fixed if one only resorts
lysts and citizens started asking the existential to the solutions embedded in the existing
questions: 'does it really matter? Is the gov- Duncan sets off with persuasive argumen- systems. He writes that "a broken system
ernment necessary at all?' tation as to why delving deep into history cannot be used to fix the broken system". And
could be indispensable for those in power that leads him to argue that politics requires
The recent monograph by Grant Duncan or aspiring to get there today. He under- innovations, which build on traditions with-
– How to rule? The Arts of Government lines that the new context of the pandemic out repeating old mistakes. This involves an
from Antiquity to the Present – provides an may have shown people rallying around their entire set of ideas – starting from the role of
extended and very convincing answer as to governments in the early phase, but that this leaders and the necessity for them to embody
why indeed it does matter. tendency is not here to stay by default. a particular kind of ethical integrity; moving on
- 50
The Progressive Post #17
to the mandate and the role of intellectuals interesting cases, such as that of Russia (espe- may need at a given time? What is the impact
that make up part of the political elites, along- cially Peter the Great) or the Austro-Hungarian of science and administration on the exercise
side the guiding principles that should shape Empire, but the book still provides very rich of power, and how does digitalisation influ-
public administration; and finally examining material, examined from various angles. For ence it? How can one hope to deal with the
the ways to pursue the challenge of building example, Duncan looks at the connections legacy of neoliberalism, when so many previ-
a real deliberative process in these times between religion and politics, and how the ous attempts have shown failures in the fight
that he labels as "audience democracy". The emergence of monotheism and organised between politics and capital(ism) – for which
solid catalogue of answers that Duncan has church structures kept influencing the the history of the East India Company can be
accumulated in this volume makes his work an culture of governance. This is a fascinating taken as a prime example?
important handbook for academics (for whom question indeed, and throughout the book,
it was initially written), as well as predestining one can follow the transition from the belief Days after putting How to Rule? The Arts of
it to be a kind of a primer for political elites that power is divine, towards the more mod- Government from Antiquity to the Present
that are truly willing to make a difference. ern understanding that power comes from away, these and many other questions leave
citizens' endowment in the spirit of a social the reader wondering, which, among many
Particularly for European readers, the book contract. possible reasons, is the best one upon which
offers the possibility to broaden the brack- to recommend the book wholeheartedly, and
ets within which one thinks about governing Duncan captures well the nature of shifts to await the sequel eagerly.
traditions. Typically, their respective sylla- between monarchies and republics in both
buses of political science encompass ancient revolutionary and reformist ways, as he does
Greece and Rome, possibly Egypt – but leave the changing nature of states in the con-
out other ancient civilisations. Duncan’s pic- texts of the evolutions of civilisations and
ture is much more complete, as he analyses revolts by citizens. His views on connections,
China (starting from Kong Qiu, better known communities, and communication are very
as Confucius), India, Persia, the Mongol intriguing, claiming that despite many ide-
Empire, Byzantium, and also so-called native alistic expectations, social media are not a
cultures of contemporary Latin America and modern equivalent of the speakers' corner,
the Asia-Pacific region. Further cases are also but rather tools of "disempowerment and
examined – including colonial empires, repub- oppression".
lics, cities, enlightened absolutist monarchies,
the states of the 19th century that were What makes Duncan's book still more capti-
founded on the cusp of romantic, nationalist vating is his reflection on very fundamental
ideas, 20th-century totalitarian regimes and questions, like: if accepting a language (its
modern democracies. grammar and logic) is accepting a certain cul-
ture of rules and, by extension, governance,
The structure of Duncan’s book allows com- what is the real impact of the current Twitter
parisons of diverse models and provides culture on political imagination? If every time
Ania Skrzypek,
sources of inspiration and practices alongside needs its specific answers, is leadership a FEPS Director for
geographical and time dimensions. One could question defined universally by a moral code, Research and Training
perhaps wish for more attention on certain or it is first and foremost about what society
51 -
LIBRARY BOOK REVIEWS
Christophe Sente
La gauche entre la vie et la morte:
Une histoire des idées au sein de
la social-démocratie européenne
Social Europe Publishing, 2021
- 52
The Progressive Post #17
Henri De Man during the interbellum; by the of Social Democratic thinking is not sufficiently two classes is widely accepted. But there is
lesser-known Willi Eichler – again within the justified. It is striking, for example, that no less consensus on the 'positive' dimension, on
German SPD – in the years following World chapter is dedicated to Scandinavian Social which Social Democratic objectives and strat-
War II; by Michel Rocard in France during the Democratic thinkers and parties, while it was egies should replace the workers' overthrow of
crisis of the 1970s and 1980s; and finally by there, in Sweden in particular, that democratic capitalism. In Sente's view, it is "organised lib-
Anthony Giddens and Tony Blair in the 1990s revisionism was first fully embraced by a Social eralism" that should replace this, meaning that
with their (in)famous and influential New Labour Democratic Party (SAP). Indeed this resulted in a the complementary association of economic
project. The common thread in each of these hegemonic position for Social Democracy first liberty, a strong civil society and public policies
debates is that the modernisers pleaded for in Sweden and later also in other Scandinavian should continuously improve social justice and
a project of 'organised liberalism', building countries. But Sente makes no mention of the open democracy.
on and going beyond earlier revisions of the important role played by Hjalmar Branting or
Social Democratic programme. This, according Per Albin Hansson in SAP's early adoption of Yet this begs the question of how Social
to Sente, means an acceptance of the effi- democratic revisionism, nor of the influence, Democracy, conceived like this, is different
ciency of markets, and a stronger emphasis they had on other Social Democratic thinkers, from humanist Christian democracy or social
on individual freedoms and the importance of politicians and parties in Europe. liberalism. This view of Social Democracy as the
equality of rights and opportunities rather than next phase of liberalism, or as true liberalism,
of outcomes. It implies a scepticism towards a Sente's book argues that Social Democracy is at odds with how, for example, Sheri Berman
strong bureaucratic state, and an embrace of must always be adapted to changing societal has defined Social Democracy. In Berman's
decentralisation and spontaneous collaboration and economic circumstances and that when view, the main feature of Social Democracy is
within civil society. this occurs, Social Democracy can be success- the "primacy of politics", where the predomi-
ful. Yet this argument is presented in a way nation of societal choices over the market is
Sente's book is richly researched and elo- that makes it seem as if Social Democrats are realised through democratic means. Here,
quently written, providing a fascinating account faced with a changing external environment Social Democracy and liberalism are antitheti-
of major debates within the Social Democratic over which they have no control or responsi- cal rather than complementary.
movement over the course of a century. It also bility, and to which they can merely respond
provides clear, if rather implicit, advice for by adjusting their positions. This does not take All in all, La gauche entre la vie et la mort offers
Social Democratic parties: if they succeed in into account the fact that Social Democrats a somewhat selective narrative of the moderni-
modernising their programme on a regular have often held co-responsibility for these sation of Social Democracy, both as regards the
basis in order to accommodate it to changes changes and that earlier revisions of the intellectuals that are discussed, and as regards
in the economy and society, and if the differ- Social Democratic programme may have the descriptive and normative analysis of the
ent factions within the party coalesce around constrained the choices for later genera- redefinition of Social Democracy. Nonetheless,
this renewed programme, Social Democratic tions of Social Democrats. The contribution it is a stimulating read for all those interested
parties can flourish. By providing examples of by Social Democrats to globalisation and in past and present debates about Social
such times of successful renewal in the past, European market integration are two important Democratic purpose and strategy.
the book offers a message of hope for Social cases in point.
Democratic parties. The success of the SPD in
the German elections of September 2021 could In addition, Sente defines the core of the revi-
have been seen as a case in point, corrobo- sionist project as being in pursuit of "organised
rating this insight of Sente's book – had the liberalism", and it is clear from the book that
elections taken place before its publication. he supports this view of Social Democracy. But
this is only one possible definition of revisionist Ferdi De Ville,
Nevertheless, there are several ways in which Social Democracy. The 'negative' dimension of Associate Professor
in European Political
the book could have been more convincing. the definition of Social Democracy as a rejec- Economy at Ghent
The selection of key intellectuals that have tion of the Marxist orthodoxy of historical University
made a major contribution to the modernisation materialism and the separation of society into
53 -
LIBRARY BOOK REVIEWS
Sven Biscop
Grand Strategy in 10 Words: A Guide to
Great Power Politics in the 21st Century
Bristol University Press, 2021
Words: A Guide to Great Power Politics in multilateral, increasingly multipolar world. Along the way, Biscop peppers the analysis
the 21st Century is perhaps the most ambi- with a healthy dose of prescriptive comment.
tious. Drawing on his wealth of experience, This is a timely analysis that – crucially – also This is not simply a book about how great
the author attempts to offer an attractive manages to feel both very real for the time powers act, but also about how they ought
conceptual map for great powers, focusing on it is written and future-proof in terms of the to act. Beyond the individual suggestions
an ever-elusive objective: how to design and insights it includes and the lessons it uncov- for each, which deserve attention in their
implement a truly effective Grand Strategy, at ers. Even though written during the Covid-19 own right, he also distils his reflections into
a time when the renaissance of geopolitics crisis, the book cleverly links current dynam- a clear set of precepts that concern all of
and the return of brutal great power compe- ics to longer-term trends, as well as recent them. Firstly, great powers ought to accept
tition is increasingly evident. developments to decades-long trajectories. each other as peer competitors; secondly,
they must invest in effective multilateralism
This endeavour takes the shape of a very All four great powers that are analysed are and stick to core rules on which they mutually
insightful analysis based on ten keywords given diligent and critical attention with the agree; thirdly, they need to respect the sover-
that ideally should substantiate such a strat- aim of demonstrating their true motives and eignty of all states (and therefore of all other
egy: 'simple', 'competitive', 'rational', 'allied', the true reasons behind their successes and powers); and finally, each great power must
'comprehensive', 'creative', 'agile', 'coura- failures, beyond the rhetorical dress-up, the protect and strengthen its own sovereignty as
geous', 'dirty' and 'proactive'. Each of these is inherent biases and the emotional underbelly a sine qua non for engaging with the others.
afforded a separate chapter where the value of many of their decisions. Indeed, the book's It is the book's strength that this combination
of pursuing the said element is demonstrated argumentation is perhaps at its most insightful of recommendations includes inconvenient
and the actions of and interactions among (and entertaining) when the author dissects truths not just for Beijing or Moscow, but for
the world's current great powers – the US, some of the specifics of the simple truth that, Washington and Brussels as well. Biscop could
the EU, China and Russia – are critically ana- despite each power's advantages, craft- at times have drilled deeper into how and
lysed. Taken together, these analyses make ing and executing a truly efficient Grand when each side's actions veer dangerously
- 54
The Progressive Post #17
away from this set of precepts, but he expertly richness that underpin it that make Grand
mixes history, theory and empirical analysis of Strategy in 10 Words a great contribution to
why each great power will be well-served if it the global debates around the current and
follows this simple prescriptive map. future dynamics of great power politics. One
might not always entirely agree with the anal-
The author also punctuates his analysis with ysis or all of the prescriptions, but the book
a host of interesting quotes from famous puts forward an intelligent and highly intelli-
political figures and policy experts – these gible case as to why a Grand Strategy should
are effortlessly blended into the analysis be operationalised in a particular way by all
and are organically used to complement the great powers in these times of increasing tur-
argumentation. What is more, the book also bulence. At least, that is, if the aim of all great
delivers plenty of its own quotable lines, which powers is to avoid "rivalry without end (and,
land especially strongly when the author casts ultimately, without purpose)" – as it should be.
a critical eye on how great powers tend to
behave. ("Before one can lead by example,
one must actually set an example", the author
quips when referring to the fact that all great
powers, including the EU and the US, at times
venture into illegality in their actions.)
55 -
TAX
JUSTICE
With the recovery from the Covid19 crisis and the green and digital
twin transitions, tax reforms are more crucial than ever.
RECENT PUBLICATIONS
A European Formula for Global Tax Reform | Policy Study
A European wealth tax for a fair and green recovery | Policy Study
Taxing Multinationals in the European Union | Policy Brief
A Common Withholding Tax for the EU | Policy Brief
Find out more about the research project by the Foundation for European Progressive
Studies (FEPS), the Renner Institut and the Austrian Chamber of Labour (AK):
'A fiscally sustainable public investment initiative in Europe to prevent climate collapse'
Discover our latest issues: progressivepost.eu
ISSN 2506-7362
3.00 €