Paul Stern 2000
Paul Stern 2000
Paul Stern 2000
407–424
Recent developments in theory and research give hope for building the under-
standing needed to effectively alter human behaviors that contribute to environ-
mental problems. This article develops a conceptual framework for the theory of
environmentally significant individual behavior, reports on developments toward
such a theory, and addresses five issues critical to building a theory that can inform
efforts to promote proenvironmental behavior.
*This research was supported in part by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency grant, “The
Social Psychology of Stated Preferences,” and by National Science Foundation grants SES 9211591
and 9224036 to George Mason University. I thank my colleagues Gregory Guagnano, Linda Kalof, and
especially Thomas Dietz and Gerald Gardner for their collaboration, support, and criticism in our
collective effort to theorize about environmental concern and behavior. Correspondence concerning
this article should be addressed to Paul C. Stern, National Research Council, 2101 Constitution Ave.,
N.W. (HA-172), Washington DC 20418 [e-mail: pstern@nas.edu].
407
© 2000 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
408 Stern
Environmental Activism
Private-Sphere Environmentalism
important goods (e.g., home heating and cooling systems), household waste dis-
posal, and “green” consumerism (purchasing practices that consider the environ-
mental impact of production processes, for example, purchasing recycled products
and organically grown foods). Making such distinctions has revealed that some
types of choice, such as infrequent decisions to purchase automobiles and major
household appliances, tend to have much greater environmental impact than
others, such as changes in the level of use of the same equipment: the distinction
between efficiency and curtailment behaviors (Stern & Gardner, 1981a, 1981b).
Private-sphere behaviors may also form coherent clusters empirically (e.g., Bratt,
1999a), and different types of private-sphere behavior may have different determi-
nants (e.g., Black, Stern, & Elworth, 1985). Private-sphere behaviors are unlike
public-sphere environmentalism in that they have direct environmental conse-
quences. The environmental impact of any individual’s personal behavior, how-
ever, is small. Such individual behaviors have environmentally significant impact
only in the aggregate, when many people independently do the same things.
Stern, 1996; Stern, Dietz, & Guagnano, 1995; Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano,
1995; Stern & Oskamp, 1987). The causal chain moves from relatively stable,
central elements of personality and belief structure to more focused beliefs about
human-environment relations (NEP), their consequences, and the individual’s
responsibility for taking corrective action. We postulate that each variable in the
chain directly affects the next and may also directly affect variables farther down
the chain. Personal norms to take proenvironmental action are activated by
beliefs that environmental conditions threaten things the individual values (AC)
and that the individual can act to reduce the threat (AR). Such norms create a
general predisposition that influences all kinds of behavior taken with pro-
environmental intent. In addition, behavior-specific personal norms and other
social-psychological factors (e.g., perceived personal costs and benefits of
action, beliefs about the efficacy of particular actions) may affect particular
proenvironmental behaviors, as discussed below.
The VBN theory links value theory to norm-activation theory by generalizing
the latter. It postulates that the consequences that matter in activating personal
norms are adverse consequences to whatever the individual values (AC). Thus,
people who value other species highly will be concerned about environmental
conditions that threaten those valued objects, just as altruists who care about other
people will be concerned about environmental conditions that threaten the other
people’s health or well-being. VBN theory links the NEP to norm-activation
theory with the argument that the NEP is a sort of “folk” ecological theory from
which beliefs about the adverse consequences of environmental changes can be
deduced (for empirical support, see Stern, Dietz, & Guagnano, 1995).
In a recent study (Stern et al., 1999), my colleagues and I used the VBN theory,
as well as measures from three other theories (indicators of four cultural biases,
postmaterialist values, and belief in the sacredness of nature), to account for three
types of nonactivist environmentalism: environmental citizenship, private-sphere
behavior, and policy support (willingness to sacrifice). The VBN cluster of vari-
ables was a far stronger predictor of each behavioral indicator than the other theo-
ries, even when the other theories were taken in combination (see Table 1). None of
the theories, however, was very successful in predicting the sole indicator of activ-
ism (participation in an environmental demonstration), which appears to depend
on other factors in addition to an environmentalist predisposition.
The results provide strong initial support for the VBN theory’s contentions
that personal moral norms are the main basis for individuals’ general predisposi-
tions to proenvironmental action (other studies supporting this conclusion include
Bratt, 1999b, and Widegren, 1998) and that these norms are activated as the theory
specifies. The personal norm variable was the only psychological variable of the 14
in the study that is associated with all three types of nonactivist environmentalism
when the other variables are held constant. Moreover, values, NEP, and AC beliefs
accounted for 56% of the variance in personal norms.
414 Stern
Data from several studies indicate that the values most strongly implicated in
activating proenvironmental personal norms are, as norm-activation theory pre-
sumes, altruistic or self-transcendent values (Karp, 1996; Stern, Dietz, Kalof, &
Guagnano, 1995; Stern et al., 1999). However, other values are sometimes linked
as well. Self-enhancement or egoistic values and “traditional” values such as
obedience, self-discipline, and family security are negatively associated with
proenvironmental norms and action in some studies. The ways these values affect
behavior are not well understood, but they may be important bases for principled
opposition by some individuals to environmental movement goals. Another poten-
tially important issue, as yet unresolved empirically, is whether a set of biospheric
values is emerging, distinct from altruistic values about other people, that might
provide a distinct basis for people’s support for preserving endangered species and
habitats.
An important element of the VBN theory is that the link from values to envi-
ronmentalism is mediated by particular beliefs, such as beliefs about which kinds
of people or things are affected by environmental conditions (AC) and about
whether there are individual actions that could alleviate threats to valued persons or
things (AR). Thus, environmentalist personal norms and the predisposition to
proenvironmental action can be influenced by information that shapes these
beliefs. This proposition suggests how environmentalism can be affected by the
findings of environmental science (about consequences), publicity and commen-
tary about those findings, and the actual and perceived openness of the political
system to public influence (which may affect perceptions of personal responsibil-
ity). It also suggests an interpretation of environmentalist and antienvironmentalist
rhetoric as efforts to activate or deactivate people’s environmental norms by high-
lighting certain kinds of values or consequences (Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano,
1995). The VBN theory offers an account of attitude formation that can deal with
new or changing attitude objects (Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano, 1995) and,
Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior 415
more generally, with how environmental concern and environmental issues are
socially constructed (Dietz, Stern, & Rycroft, 1989). The VBN theory is thus com-
patible with the constructed-preference tendency in cognitive psychology (Dietz &
Stern, 1995; Fischhoff, 1991; Payne, Bettman, & Johnson, 1992).
ABC Theory
This “ABC theory” formulation implies that for personal behaviors that are
not strongly favored by context (e.g., by being required or tangibly rewarded), the
more difficult, time-consuming, or expensive the behavior, the weaker its depen-
dence on attitudinal factors. Supporting evidence for this implication exists in stud-
ies that have used the same attitudinal variables to account for different
proenvironmental behaviors. For example, in a study of household energy conser-
vation, the relative explanatory power of social-psychological variables declined
as effort or cost increased, from 59% of the explainable variance in self-reported
home thermostat settings to 50% for minor curtailments such as shutting off heat in
unused rooms, 44% for low-cost energy efficiency improvements such as caulking
and weather-stripping, and 25% for major investments such as adding insulation or
storm windows (Black et al., 1985). There are similar findings for public-sphere
behaviors. The social-psychological variables of the VBN theory accounted for
35% of the variance in expressed policy support for environmentalism and 30% of
the variance in environmental citizenship behaviors but only 4% of the variance in
committed activism (Stern et al., 1999). These findings suggest a provocative
hypothesis that is worthy of further exploration, namely that the more important a
behavior is in terms of its environmental impact, the less it depends on attitudinal
variables, including environmental concern.
alternative transport modes); behaviors that require specialized skills are likely to
be strongly influenced by whether or not one possesses those capabilities; and so
forth. Such hypotheses, though fairly obvious, do not go without saying. They offer
a good starting point for efforts to understand particular environmentally signifi-
cant behaviors.
Different causal variables also appear to work different ways in influencing
behavior. For example, certain attitudinal factors create a general predisposition to
act, which may be shaped into specific action largely by personal capabilities and
contextual forces. A new context may make old habits untenable and lead someone
to consider his or her attitudes and values explicitly in developing new ones
(Dahlstrand & Biel, 1997). Or financial incentives may favor behaviors that never-
theless do not occur unless information makes individuals aware that the incentive
is available (Stern, 1999).
The insight of the ABC formulation, that the different types of causal factors
may interact, implies that interpretations based only on main effects can be seri-
ously misleading. Studies that examine only attitudinal factors are likely to find
effects only inconsistently, because the effects are contingent on capabilities and
context. Similarly, studies that examine only contextual variables, such as material
incentives, social norms, or the introduction of new technology, may find effects
but fail to reveal their dependence on individuals’ attitudes or beliefs. Single-
variable studies may demonstrate that a particular theoretical framework has
explanatory power but may not contribute much to the comprehensive understand-
ing of particular environmentally significant behaviors that is needed to change
them. I return to this point later.
Toward a Synthesis
The field now needs synthetic theories or models that incorporate variables
from more than one of the above broad classes, postulate relationships among
them, and use them to explain one or more types of environmentally significant
behavior. Researchers are beginning to propose such models (e.g., Dahlstrand &
Biel, 1997; Fransson & Gärling, 1999; Gardner & Stern, 1996; Hines, Hungerford,
& Tomera, 1987; Ölander & Thøgerson, 1995; Stern & Oskamp, 1987; Vlek,
2000). Some of the models expand on familiar theories of altruistic behavior (e.g.,
Schwartz, 1977) or planned behavior (e.g., Ajzen, 1991), which emphasize attitu-
dinal factors almost exclusively. Because the new models also take into account
personal capabilities, context, and habits, they are more suitable for explaining
behaviors that have significant environmental impacts, which are often strongly
influenced by such nonattitudinal factors.
A dialogue among such models is needed to move the field toward synthesis. It
is also likely to build links to other psychological theories. For example, the
distinction between attitudes and habits as causes of behavior closely parallels the
Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior 419
once financial incentives are large enough to demonstrate a clear personal benefit,
increasing the incentive may be far less effective in producing behavior change
than providing information through marketing (see Stern, 1999).
Theory has progressed to the point at which it is possible to identify useful and
practical principles for intervention (see Table 2; for a guide to the application of
these principles, see McKenzie-Mohr & Smith, 1999). Space does not permit elab-
oration of all the principles here. The admonitions to combine multiple interven-
tion types, to understand the situation from the actor’s perspective, to continually
monitor and adjust programs, and to use participatory methods all suggest ways to
make practical progress with incomplete theory.
For researchers who would like to advance the understanding necessary to
make behavioral approaches to environmental protection more successful, a related
set of principles applies (see Gardner & Stern, 1996, chap. 10). First, identify target
behaviors that are environmentally significant in terms of impact. Then analyze the
behaviors to identify the responsible actors and actions. Then consider the full range
of causal variables and explore their possible relevance to the target behavior from
the actor’s standpoint. By exploring the possibilities directly with representatives of
the population whose behavior is to be changed, it is possible to find promising
strategies for intervention without trying them all out experimentally.
This research strategy offers the best approach to developing useful theory
about specific behavioral types that have important environmental impacts. In
addition to its practical value, such small-scale theory provides the essential build-
ing blocks for broader, inductively developed theory about environmentally signif-
icant behavior.
Table 2. Principles for Intervening to Change Environmentally Destructive Behavior
A. Use multiple intervention types to address the factors limiting behavior change
1. Limiting factors are numerous (e.g., technology, attitudes, knowledge, money,
convenience, trust)
2. Limiting factors vary with actor and situation, and over time
3. Limiting factors affect each other
B. Understand the situation from the actor’s perspective
C. When limiting factors are psychological, apply understanding of human choice processes
1. Get the actors’ attention; make limited cognitive demands
2. Apply principles of community management (credibility, commitment, face-to-face
communication, etc.)
D. Address conditions beyond the individual that constrain proenvironmental choice
E. Set realistic expectations about outcomes
F. Continually monitor responses and adjust programs accordingly
G. Stay within the bounds of actors’ tolerance for intervention
H. Use participatory methods of decision making
Note. From Environmental Problems and Human Behavior (p. 159), by G. T. Gardner and P. C. Stern,
1996, Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Copyright 1996 by Allyn and Bacon. Reprinted with permission.
Theory of Environmentally Significant Behavior 421
Conclusions
• The causal factors may interact. Attitudinal causes have the greatest
predictive value for behaviors that are not strongly constrained by con-
text or personal capabilities. For behaviors that are expensive or diffi-
cult, contextual factors and personal capabilities are likely to account
for more of the variance.
In addition to such empirical principles, past research has yielded important
insights for research and action on environmental protection, as described above
and in Table 2. One cannot overemphasize to behavioral scientists the importance
of identifying target behaviors from an environmental perspective (in terms of their
impact), even though understanding them requires an actor-oriented approach that
focuses on their causes. It is also critical to underscore the need to draw on insights
from across the behavioral and social sciences, because the important causal vari-
ables lie in the domains of various disciplines and because the variables interact.
Thus, interdisciplinary research is necessary for full understanding.
By following these insights and elaborating on the above principles, behav-
ioral researchers can further advance understanding of environmentally significant
individual behavior and can provide useful input to practical programs for environ-
mental protection. They are also likely to make contributions to the broader project
of behavioral science.
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