Nothing Special   »   [go: up one dir, main page]

Content Server

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 13

Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-019-03981-7

ORIGINALPAPER

Non-complicit: Revisiting Hans Asperger’s Career in Nazi-era Vienna


Dean Falk1,2 

Published online: 18 March 2019


© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2019

Abstract
Recent allegations that pediatrician Hans Asperger legitimized Nazi policies, including forced sterilization and child eutha-
nasia, are refuted with newly translated and chronologically-ordered information that takes into account Hitler’s deceptive
‘halt’ to the T4 euthanasia program in 1941. It is highly unlikely that Asperger was aware of the T4 program when he referred
Herta Schreiber to Am Spiegelgrund or when he mentioned that institution 4 months later on the medical chart of another
(unrelated) girl, Elisabeth Schreiber. Asperger campaigned vigorously from 1938 to 1943 to have his specialization, Cura-
tive Education, take priority in the diagnosis and treatment of disabled children over other fields that promoted Nazi racial
hygiene policies. He neither disparaged his patients nor was he sexist. By 1938, he had identified the essentials of Asperger
syndrome and described an unnamed boy whom he later profiled (as Ernst K.) in 1944. Rather than doing ‘thin’ research,
Asperger made discoveries that were prescient, and some of his activities conformed to definitions of “individual resistance.”

Keywords  Asperger syndrome · Euthanasia · Forced sterilization · Hans Asperger · Nazi-era Vienna · T4

Johann ‘Hans’ Friedrich Karl Asperger (1906–1980) was 1938, and he remained so until his habilitation was approved
an Austrian pediatrician and medical educator who is best in 1943. After that, he left Vienna to serve in the military,
known in America from Uta Frith’s 1991 English translation returning in August 1945, after WWII ended.
of his postdoctoral habilitation thesis (Asperger 1944b), ini- Until recently, Asperger was reputed to have worked
tially published in German (Asperger 1944a). In it, Asperger behind the scenes to protect children from the Nazi steriliza-
provided the first full description of a condition he called tion and euthanasia policies that eventually came to Austria
“autistic psychopathy,” referred to here with the modern (Feinstein 2010; Silberman 2015). However, two publica-
name that Asperger eventually accepted, Asperger syndrome tions in 2018 have severely tarnished Asperger’s reputa-
(AS) (Asperger 1979). Upon receiving his medical degree tion (Czech 2018; Sheffer 2018). Historian Herwig Czech
in 1931, Asperger became a postdoctoral student and was asserts that Asperger “publicly legitimized race hygiene
eventually appointed as head of the Curative Education1 policies including forced sterilizations and, on several occa-
Department (or Ward)—called the Heilpädagogische Sta- sions, actively cooperated with the child ‘euthanasia’ pro-
tion—at the University of Vienna’s Children’s Clinic (Asper- gram” (Czech 2018, p. 1). He also claims that Asperger’s
ger Felder 2008). Asperger was still a postdoc when Austria descriptions of his patients were unduly harsh, challenges a
was annexed by Germany during the Anschluss of March 12, number of Asperger’s diagnoses, and suggests that Asper-
ger lied about being threatened by the Gestapo after the
Anschluss. Czech concludes that “future use of the eponym
Electronic supplementary material  The online version of this should reflect the troubling context of its origins in Nazi-era
article (https​://doi.org/10.1007/s1080​3-019-03981​-7) contains
supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. Vienna” (Czech 2018, p. 1).
Historian Edith Sheffer concurs with Czech’s criticisms
* Dean Falk and goes further by describing Asperger as a “Nazi child
dfalk@fsu.edu; falk@sarsf.org psychiatrist” (Sheffer 2018, p. 67) with “solid far-right-
1
Department of Anthropology, Florida State University, 2035
wing credentials” (Sheffer 2018, p. 46). She further asserts
E. Paul Dirac Drive, Suite 206, Tallahassee, FL 32310‑3700, that, “While Asperger did support children he believed to
USA be teachable, defending their disabilities, he was dismissive
2 1
School for Advanced Research, 660 Garcia St., Santa Fe,   Curative education is also known as remedial education or special
NM 87505, USA education.

13
Vol.:(0123456789)

2574 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

about those he believed to be more disabled. Deprecatory religious background, political views, beliefs about eugen-
pronouncements could be a death sentence in the Third ics, responses to Nazi “racial hygiene” laws, medial train-
Reich…some of Asperger’s judgements were death sen- ing, assessments of his patients, research on autism, and the
tences” (Sheffer 2018, p. 13). According to Sheffer, the discovery and significance of the syndrome that today bears
bulk of Asperger’s 1944 habilitation paper was “in tone and his name. Multiple translation engines (including, but not
details…disparaging of autistic children” (Sheffer 2018, confined to, Google, Pons, and Bing) were used to translate
pp. 176–177), his “overall judgment of children with autistic (from German to English) relevant sections of numerous
psychopathy was derogatory” (Sheffer 2018, p. 178), and he documents and publications that were referred to by Czech
“disdained…the autistic” (Sheffer 2018, p. 215). Sheffer also (2018) and Sheffer (2018), as well as other publications that
alleges that Asperger “had a hand in the transfer of dozens these authors did not cite. Data from the German literature
of children to their deaths at Spiegelgrund” (Sheffer 2018, (Häupl 2006) are discussed and tabulated in order to shed
p. 141)—although four pages later (Sheffer 2018, p. 145) she light on the referrals of children from the University of
limits this accusation, stating that “Of the children Asperger Vienna Children’s Clinic to Am Spiegelgrund, where they
recommended for Spiegelgrund, available evidence suggests were murdered in the infamous Nazi T4 euthanasia program.
that at least two died.” (These two children are discussed A full English translation of Asperger’s 1938 paper, “The
below.) Additionally, Sheffer portrays Asperger’s treat- mentally abnormal child” (Asperger 1938) is provided in
ment of girls as sexist (Sheffer 2018, pp. 151–156) and, like Electronic Supplementary Material Appendix 1. Online
Czech, questions the veracity of Asperger’s claims that “he Appendix 2 provides extensive supporting information about
twice faced arrest by the Gestapo” (Sheffer 2018, p. 230). cultural contexts, Asperger’s sustained campaign on behalf
According to Sheffer, “Asperger chose his milieu and col- of disabled children, and his attitude toward patients.
leagues” (Sheffer 2018, p. 230).
Sheffer also assesses Asperger’s scholarship. She
describes Asperger’s research as “thin” (Sheffer 2018, Results and Discussion
p. 212) and asserts that “Asperger’s diagnosis of autistic
psychopathy emerged from the values and institutions of T4 in Austria and the Schreiber Girls
the Third Reich” (Sheffer 2018, p. 13). His “idea of autistic
psychopathy was a totalizing, yet totally amorphous diagno- The Nazi secret program for killing people deemed undesir-
sis….[that] got to the heart of what it meant to be human in able was endorsed by Hitler in 1939 and called T4, short for
the Third Reich” (Sheffer 2018, p. 176). Sheffer claims that “Tiergartenstrasse 4,” the address of the euthanasia center in
Asperger’s definition of autistic psychopathy shifted over Berlin that administered the program (Thomas et al. 2006).
time, and that “between 1938 and 1944, his diagnosis of In Austria, T4 was implemented for infants and children with
autistic psychopathy became so aligned with his senior asso- disabilities at the City of Vienna Young People’s Welfare
ciates in Nazi psychiatry that it would seem to be the result Institution Am Spiegelgrund, which opened on July 24,
of his immediate circumstances rather than of the evolution 1940. Victims were murdered at the Infant Center, frequently
of autonomous research and independent thought” (Sheffer by starvation and injections of lethal drugs, although their
2018, p. 221). deaths were often recorded as due to pneumonia (Rigele
This paper provides chronological and historical data, 2006) (Table 1). The first child died at Am Spiegelgrund on
many of which are translated from the German literature, August 25, 1940 and a total of 789 recorded victims died
that strongly suggest that Asperger was unaware that the two there between then and June 3, 1945 (WStLA 2002). As
children he referred to Am Spiegelgrund (one directly) might of this writing, files of 562 of the 789 victims have been
be murdered. New information is also provided that refutes preserved (Czech 2018, p. 37 endnote 96).2 Data for 547 of
the other sensational allegations outlined above, including those victims, including the name and institution of the per-
inaccurate assertions about Asperger’s scholarship. son who referred the child to Am Spiegelgrund (if known),
were published in 2006 (Häupl 2006, pp. 47–620). Of the
547 victims, 44 were referred directly to Am Spiegelgrund
Methods by staff from various departments (wards) of the University
of Vienna Children’s Clinic (Kinderklinik). One of these
Information about the scientific, medical, pedagogical, and was 3-year-old Herta Schreiber, who had suffered serious
cultural milieu that characterized pre-Nazi and Nazi-era
Vienna is summarized from the German and English lit-
erature in order to provide culturally and temporally appro- 2
  In Czech’s paper, the endnote superscript numbers are out of sync
priate contexts for evaluating archival and other materials with their corresponding texts; the endnotes cited here for his paper
that pertain to Asperger’s career. Topics include Asperger’s correspond to his actual endnotes rather than superscripts in his text.

13
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584 2575

Table 1  Forty-four referrals of children from the University of Vienna Children’s Clinic to Am Spiegelgrund, where they were murdered
between 1940 and 1945
Name Referred by Affiliation Admitted Died Age at death Cause

Am Spiegelgrund opens 24-07-1940


Stelzer, V. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 15-08-1940 05-02-1941 1 + years Pneumonia
Rosenauer, F. Türk, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 20-08-1940 03-10-1940 1 + years Pneumonia, general life
weakness
Hess, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 11-10-1940 29-11-1940 8 years Pneumonia, weak heart
Hacker, J. Türk, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 15-01-1941 03-02-1941 3 + years Pneumonia
Schreiber, H. Asperger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 01-07-1941 02-09-1941 3 + years Pneumonia
T4 halted 24-08-1941
Bayerl, W. Bablik D.R.K. (German Red Cross) 28-08-1941 06-09-1942 7 + years Pneumonia
Univ. Kinderklinik
Ramme, N. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 07-11-1941 23-01-1942 4 + years Severe enteritis
Stockreiter, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 27-11-1941 07-02-1942 3 + years Pneumonia
Fritz, A. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik Wien 08-12-1941 10-01-1942 4 + years Diptheria
Hatschka, A. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 23-04-1942 21-07-1942 7 + years Pneumonia & bowel inflam-
mation
Billisich, T. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 24-07-1942 04-08-1942 2 + years Pneumonia
Kadlec, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 31-08-1942 24-10-1942 2 + years Diptheria & pneumonia
Zehetner, G. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 12-11-1942 18-12-1942 1 + years Unknown
Gassner, M. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 29-01-1943 05-03-1943 2 + years Pneumonia
Grandl, A. Doz. Kossler Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 03-02-1943 28-02-1943 4 + months Breathlessness from intracra-
nial pressure
John, H. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 10-03-1943 13-04-1943 3 + years Pneumonia
Guttmann, A. Türk, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik/ 30-03-1943 18-06-1943 2 + years Pneumonia
KÜST
Graf, W. Türk, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 10-05-1943 07-06-1943 3 + years Acute gastroenteritis
Horvath, B. Türk, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 10-05-1943 09-07-1943 5 + years Pneumonia
Iser, K. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 23-06-1943 11-07-1943 10 + months Pneumonia & enteritis
Bogner, H. Pötzl Univ. Kinderklinik Wien 09-07-1943 27-03-1945 12 + years Epilepsy, pneumonia
Möslinger, R. Univ. Kinderklinik, Wien 9 21-07-1943 24-07-1943 3 + years Epilepsy, pneumonia
Prem, A. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 16-08-1943 12-09-1943 3 + years Pneumonia
Nerlich, E. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 10-09-1943 28-04-1944 10 + years Pneumonia
Schauer, H. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 30-09-1943 04-10-1943 1 + years Pneumonia
Braun, A. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik xx/11/1943 09-12-1943 7 + months
Raab, R. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 13-11-1943 22-12-1943 2 + months Pneumonia
Binici, Y. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 01-02-1944 13-06-1944 4 + years Epilepsy, tuberous sclerosis
Priemer, G.D. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 02-02-1944 27-04-1944 2 + years Bronchitis & pneumonia
Pleban, K. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 07-02-1944 06-04-1945 5 + years Flu, pneumonia
Strohhofer, K. Univ. Kinderklinik Wien IX 29-02-1944 30-08-1944 3 + years Pneumonia with tuberous
sclerosis
Hawlitschek, G. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 09-05-1944 12-09-1944 5 + years Pneumonia
Scheidt, R. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 25-07-1944 10-11-1944 3 + years Severe brain hyperemia
Gyergyai-Haardt, W. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 21-11-1944 06-04-1945 2 + years Enteritis, weak circulation
Buchleitner, W. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 28-11-1944 20-02-1945 3 + years Flu, pneumonia
Kratochwil, W. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 01-12-1944 26-01-1945 1 + years Whopping cough, pneumonia
Zollo, H. Univ. Kinderklinik/Landrat 09-01-1945 12-02-1945 2 + years Pneumonia
Neunkirchen
Müller, W. Univ. Kinderklinik Wien 19-01-1945 04-04-1945 1 + years Flu with acute bowel inflam-
mation
Moegle, E. Türk, E. Univ. Kinderklinik Wien 9 23-01-1945 04-04-1945 10 + years Acute brain inflammation
Schmid, L. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 01-02-1945 05-04-1945 4 + years Flu, pneumonia

13

2576 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

Table 1  (continued)
Name Referred by Affiliation Admitted Died Age at death Cause

Groisz, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 02-02-1945 13-03-1945 2 + years Pneumonia


Rudolf, A. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 07-03-1945 26-03-1945 6 + months Pneumonia
Kilga, S. Hamburger Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 08-03-1945 03-04-1945 3 + years Epilepsy
Paulus, E. Wr. Univ. Kinderklinik 28-03-1945 31-03-1945 6 + years High-grade life-threatening
pneumonia

Entries ordered according to victims’ dates of admittance. Five referrals occurred before Hitler’s so-called ‘halt’ to T4 on August 24, 1941, one
of whom was still alive at that time. Asperger’s referral of H. Schreiber, written on June 27, 1941, is the only one identified from the clinic’s
Curative Education Department. Referrals by: Asperger, Director of Curative Education Department; Bablik, affiliation unknown; Kossler, an
Associate Professor; Franz Hamburger, Head of the Children’s Clinic; Otto Pötzl, Director of Psychiatric Department; Elmar Türk, postdoctoral
student of Hamburger in the Pediatrics Department. D.R.K., German Red Cross; KÜST, Children’s pickup point in Vienna 9, Lustkandlgasse;
Landrat Neunkirchen, District Administrator of Neunkirchen. Data from Häupl (2006), except for admission dates for Zehetner, Strohhofer,
Buchleitner, and Kilga (WStLA 2002)

brain damage, likely due to encephalitis, and is the only child “Spiegelgrund” in Frage” (Czech 2018, p. 22 Fig. 10), which
known to have been referred to Am Spiegelgrund directly Czech translates as, “Therefore it is understandable that the
by Asperger (Table 1). mother pushes for institutionalization. Spiegelgrund would
“Immense pains” were taken to keep the T4 program top be the best possibility” (Czech 2018, p. 22, emphasis added
secret in both Austria and Germany. Its perpetrators, “nota- by author [DF]). However, the last sentence of the entry
bly doctors…aided in the cover-up. They hid their actions should be translated as, “Most likely the ‘Spiegelgrund’
from those most likely to be disturbed by and protest against came into question.” This vague remark constitutes, at best,
the killings, including relatives, members of the Catholic a very flimsy basis for accusing Asperger of complicity in
Church, and foreign populations” (Martin 2013, p. 3). Nev- Elisabeth’s murder. In any event, Elisabeth went to another
ertheless, the public began to question what was happening institution, which eventually transferred her to Am Spiegel-
as rumors circulated in Germany and Austria about suspi- grund, where she died in September, 1942. (Her name is
cious deaths. Protests increased during July 1941, and culmi- not included in Table 1 because her direct referral to Am
nated in a widely-published sermon denouncing euthanasia Spiegelgrund was not from the Children’s Clinic.)
that was delivered by Bishop Clemens August von Galen in The two unrelated Schreiber girls are the supposed
Germany on August 3, 1941 (Hepburn 2014). In response to “smoking guns” for Sheffer’s and Czech’s repeated allega-
public outrage, Hitler ostensibly halted the T4 program on tions that Asperger was complicit in the Nazi murders of
August 24, 1941. However, “this official response to protest children. Thus, Czech asserts that “the records of Herta and
was deceptive” (Martin 2013, p. 4) because “unknown to Elisabeth Schreiber suggest that…Asperger was willing to
most, the children’s killing programme was exempted from accept the killing of children as a last resort” (Czech 2018,
the halt decree” (Martin 2013, p. 3). In other words, after p. 31, see also p. 24); “[Asperger sent] children directly to
becoming public, T4 went underground and expanded its the killing facility” (Czech 2018, p. 23). Apart from the fact
operations. At Am Spiegelgrund, 733 of the 789 recorded that Elisabeth Schreiber was sent to Am Spiegelgrund by
murders (93%) occurred after the so-called ‘halt’ to T4 someone other than Asperger, these accusations presume
(Table 1). that Asperger knew about the euthanasia program during the
Although Czech observes that six children examined by 4 months that bracketed his reports for the two girls (June 27
Asperger “died at the ‘euthanasia’ facility” (Czech 2018, and October 27, 1941).
p.  25), five of the six were sent there by persons other However, Asperger’s recommendation that Herta
than Asperger, Herta Schreiber being the only exception Schreiber be transferred to Am Spiegelgrund (Czech 2018,
(Table 1). Moreover, it is important to note that, consist- p. 20, Fig. 7) occurred before Bishop von Galen’s sermon
ent with standard medical practice (Online Appendix 2), that provoked Hitler’s false halt to the T4 program and at a
Asperger had recommended institutionalization for severely time when only four children referred by the Kinderklinik
disabled children since at least 1936 (Asperger 1937). had died there, two in 1940 and two in 1941 (Table 1). Given
Czech points to an entry on the medical chart of Elisabeth the likelihood that these four deaths would not (yet) have
Schreiber (unrelated to Herta, despite having the same sur- been perceived as likely murders, given the intense secrecy
name) that was composed by Asperger and dated October of the nascent T4 program in Austria (Martin 2013), and
27, 1941. Part of the entry is, “Es ist daher begreiflich, dass given that Asperger was a highly observant Catholic who did
die Mutter auf Unterbringung drängt. Am ehestend käme der not belong to the Nazi party (discussed below), it stretches

13
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584 2577

credulity to think that his Nazi boss (Franz Hamburger, Anschluss, Asperger lectured that doctors had an obligation
1874–1954) or colleagues from the departments at the Chil- to help both individuals and the “people, which is more than
dren’s clinic that made the referrals would have admitted to the wellbeing of the individual” prevent the transmission of
him that they had begun sending children to Am Spiegelgr- serious hereditary diseases to future generations, and that
und knowing that they might (or would) be murdered. unhealthy inherited tendencies could be countered by “con-
Czech’s assertion that Asperger was willing to accept the tinued non-exercise - e.g., through institutional accommoda-
killing of children as a last resort contrasts starkly with his tion, since there is no opportunity to practice these urges”
conclusion that “neither the Spiegelgrund files nor the case (Asperger 1939, p. 943, translated by the author). Although
records from Asperger’s own ward contain evidence that he Asperger’s referrals of severely disabled patients to institu-
ever reported one of his patients to the Public Health Office tions was consistent with accepted medical practice as well
for the purpose of sterilization. These findings support as Asperger’s Catholicism, knowingly sending children to
Asperger’s claim of noncooperation with the sterilization facilities where they risked being murdered would not have
program” (Czech 2018, p. 19). Curiously, in the same paper been.
Czech notes that “it is impossible to determine whether
Asperger in some cases abstained from reporting children Asperger’s Religion, (Non)politics, and Uneasy
who met the criteria for child ‘euthanasia’” (Czech 2018, Relationship with the Nazis
p. 8). Are we to infer that although the evidence strongly
suggests Asperger avoided facilitating forced sterilizations Asperger was a Roman Catholic with strong religious
despite the fact that they were mandated by law, he was com- beliefs, as attested to by his mentor Franz Hamburger
plicit in the illegal killings of disabled children?3 (Brezinka 1997, p. 401), numerous Nazi officials (Online
There is another reason to reject the suggestion that Appendix  2), his daughter (Asperger Felder 2008), his
Asperger knew children were being murdered at Am own publications (Asperger 1969, 1957), and his decades
Spiegelgrund when his observations about the two Schreiber of service as a medical pastor at the Salzburg International
girls were recorded. On April 17, 1942, 6 months after Pedagogical Workshops (Brezinka 1997, p. 408). Historical
Asperger’s entry on Elisabeth’s medical chart, Asperger pub- records show that Nazi officials were keenly aware of Asper-
lished that “the more difficult cases can only be done justice ger’s religious beliefs and that, rather than having “solid
through long-term inpatient observation, as is the case in far-right-wing credentials” (Sheffer 2018, p. 46), Asperger
the Curative Education Department of the Children’s Clinic was widely regarded as nonpolitical (Online Appendix 2).
and the ‘Am Spiegelgrund’ Welfare Institution….We have Numerous Nazi officials began investigating him immedi-
to stand up for people who are socially at risk” (Asperger ately after the Anschluss of March 12, 1938 (Czech 2018,
1942, p. 355, translated and emphasis added by the author). p. 8). Czech minimizes Asperger’s peril by noting “in all,
It would require great cynicism to suggest that Asperger this investigation is the only documented instance of politi-
would compare Am Spiegelgrund as offering treatment cal trouble for Asperger; the sources otherwise reflect a
equivalent to that provided by his own clinic, if he knew, or spotless record of political accommodation with National
even suspected, that children were being murdered at the for- Socialism” (Czech 2018, p. 9). However, rather than com-
mer. It makes more sense to take Asperger at his word—i.e., prising only one “documented instance,” the chronology of
that he referred children for long-term inpatient institutional 11 official reports detailed in Online Appendix 2 shows that
care if they were too ill or disabled to be properly cared for Asperger was repeatedly investigated by the Nazis for more
either as outpatients or by their parents. This, of course, was than 2 and a half years after the Anschluss.
the case for both Schreiber girls (Czech 2018, p. 20 Fig. 7, Czech speculates that Hamburger, who was not only
translated by Herwig Czech [HC]). Asperger’s mentor but also an active member of the Nazi
The fact that Asperger was nonpolitical (see below) and party, was a likely source for the above investigations: “Ham-
that, as far as anyone knows, he avoided reporting chil- burger was certainly in a position to decisively influence the
dren to the Health Department’s registries of candidates outcome of such a procedure [investigation by the Gestapo]”
for forced sterilization (Czech 2018) does not mean that he (Czech 2018, p. 9). Czech’s observation rings true, and is
was opposed to all forms of eugenics. He referred favorably consistent with a 1974 radio interview (Asperger 1974) in
to the German policy of encouraging families to have chil- which Asperger remarked that the concept of “life unworthy
dren in response to the decrease in population size follow- of life” was “completely inhumane” and that “because I was
ing WWI (Asperger 1944b, p. 86; Turda 2010). After the never willing to … report weak-minded [children] to the
Health Department,4 as we were instructed, I was in a very
4
3
  Asperger refers here to the Main (Public) Health Office in Vienna,
  No euthanasia law was ever formally enacted in Germany or Aus- which established a Department of Eugenics and Racial Hygiene after
tria during this era Thomas et al. (2006, p. 343). the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased Offspring was

13

2578 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

dangerous situation. I have to credit my teacher, Hamburger, a 5-year campaign of concerted lobbying for humane proce-
for being able to rescue me twice from the Gestapo even dures for diagnosing and treating disabled children (Asper-
though he was a convinced National Socialist. He knew my ger 1938, 1939, 1941a, b, 1942). See Online Appendix 2
mentality and protected me with his whole person” (Asper- for details about Asperger’s escalating campaign to protect
ger Felder 2008, p. 105, translated by the author; see also; disabled children.
Asperger 1952). By the time of the Anschluss, Asperger had a good idea
Nonetheless, Czech is highly skeptical of “Asperger’s that his advocacy for disabled children would face an uphill
self-portrayal as a man persecuted by the Gestapo” (Czech battle. In 1971, he looked back on 1938 with retrospective
2018, p. 34 endnote 34), claiming that “1962 is the first understanding that, to those who had their ears to the wall,
known mention of the alleged Gestapo episode and the only the future for disabled individuals was not only ominous,
one where Asperger explicitly speaks of the possibility of but likely hopeless: “The inhumanity of National Social-
arrest” (Czech 2018, p. 34; Asperger 1962). This claim is ism set out to conquer the world. Some perceptive people
erroneous. In 1957, Asperger wrote that he would “not for- already suspected that terrible consequences would come
get my teacher’s [i.e., Hamburger’s] loyalty, which saved with time, conclusions that would make any help for the
my life and liberty with a commitment that put him at risk, handicapped seem pointless”(Asperger 1971, p. 50, trans-
knowing that I did not share his political conviction, [which lated by the author). Despite his reflective pessimism, the
was] prescribed at the time” (Asperger 1957, p. 549, trans- December 28, 1942 evaluation of Asperger’s habilitation by
lated by the author). Consistent with Asperger’s account, his Nazi mentor, Hamburger, described Asperger’s methods
the first detailed description of his life work (missing from for treating disabled children as superior to those of Ger-
Czech’s references) remarked that, although Hamburger was man curative pedagogy, and remarked that Asperger’s efforts
fully committed to Nazi ideology, he was completely “open had saved some individuals: “In many cases, he [Asperger]
minded” about Asperger’s novel psychological and peda- has succeeded in preventing the children from slipping off
gogical methods (Brezinka 1997, p. 420). or being taken over in institutional care” (Brezinka 1997,
p. 400, translated by the author). Asperger’s persistence
Asperger’s Clarion Call: “You Know What Measures in advocating humane treatment for disabled children dur-
are Being Taken …” ing Austria’s Nazi era was persuasive with colleagues and
ultimately effective, and it had a lasting influence on how
After the Anschluss, an Office of Heredity and Racial Biol- disabled children would be treated in the future. Andreas
ogy was opened at the University of Vienna’s Medical Rett (1924–1997, discoverer of Rett syndrome), for example,
School, and on October 3, 1938 a corresponding Depart- was deeply influenced by Asperger’s work in curative educa-
ment was established by decree of the Reich Minister of Sci- tion when he planned the first modern facility for treating
ence, Education and Public Education (Neugebauer 1998). disabled children, which opened in Vienna in 1975 (Ronen
On that same day, Asperger gave a training lecture (“The et al. 2009, p. 122).
mentally abnormal child”) under the tutelage of his post-
doctoral director, Franz Hamburger (Asperger 1938). Online Asperger’s Attitude Toward his Patients
Appendix 1 provides a full translation of Asperger’s 1938
publication, in which he anticipated the 1940 enactment of Asperger’s “overall judgment of children with autistic
the Nazi Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased psychopathy” has recently been characterized as “deroga-
Offspring in Austria (which was separate from the secret T4 tory,” and his 1944 habilitation described as “disparaging
euthanasia program) that would permit forced sterilizations. of autistic children” (Sheffer 2018, pp.  178, 176–177),
As discussed in Online Appendix 2, the 1938 paper (Online largely because he viewed some behaviors as “malicious,”
Appendix 1) began with a rallying cry (“you know what “spiteful,” or mischievous (Sheffer 2018, pp. 156–157).
measures are being taken”) that initiated what would become A more nuanced view is provided elsewhere (Frith 1991,
p. 24, “Malice and the law-abiding citizen”). It is important
to recall that, in Asperger’s day, “instilling of respect and
discipline” was a major aspect of childhood education in
Footnote 4 (continued)
Europe (Asperger 1944b, p. 40, UF’s footnote 8), consist-
enacted in Austria in 1940. The Department registered the names of
individuals with an array of presumably hereditary defects that poten- ent with Asperger’s own upbringing as well as the focus on
tially rendered them as having “lives not worth living” and, thus, conduct problems in his reports (Online Appendix 2). Some
candidates for evaluation for possible forced sterilization (Thomas of the behaviors Asperger mentioned included “impulsive
et  al. 2006, p.  344). The Health Office should not be confused with acts [that] occurred without any warning and were therefore
Am Spiegelgrund, to which some disabled children were referred for
observation and were surreptitiously murdered under the secret Nazi extremely difficult to manage or control” such as something
T4 program. mischievous…[like] “knock[ing] everything off the table or

13
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584 2579

bash[ing] another child” or lashing “out with anything he habilitation disparaged disabled children (Sheffer 2018,
could get hold of (once a hammer), regardless of the danger pp. 176–177). It is noteworthy that Hamburger’s remarks are
to others” (Asperger 1944b, pp. 43, 40, translated by Uta concordant with (among others) Frith’s depiction of Asper-
Frith [UF]). For another boy, Asperger reported that “one of ger as “a quiet, reticent man….[who] enjoyed giving tutori-
the principal reasons for his being referred … was his savage als in all school subjects to the children on the ward, and
tendency to fight. Little things drove him to senseless fury, regularly accompanied groups of them on summer camps”
whereupon he attacked other children, gnashing his teeth (Frith 1991, pp. 9–10).
and hitting out blindly….he often allegedly caused injury Asperger’s attitude toward his patients is also reflected
to others” (Asperger 1944b, p. 51, translated by UF). Other in his description of the day-care center at his department,
conduct issues included “aggression…shown frequently in which was established to help counterbalance poor envi-
pinching, biting and scratching” and “cruelly torment[ing ronments of patients who had moved back home. Once a
a] little brother” (Asperger 1944b, pp. 65, 83, translated by week, 30–40 former children, some autistic, came to the
UF). center to play freely, engage in pantomimes or impromptu
Rather than disparaging his patients, Asperger interpreted games, read adventure stories, become familiar with poetry
their behaviors from a clinical perspective. He observed and art, and to celebrate holidays. When parents picked up
that it was “mainly within the family that ‘autistic acts of their children, the staff took the opportunity to discuss with
malice’ occur….However, since their [his patients’] emo- them any difficulties that had arisen during the day. In this
tionality is poorly developed, they cannot sense how much way, the day-care center reinforced the ward’s previous care
they hurt others, either physically, as in the case of younger by giving these children “for some hours a beautiful and rich
siblings, or mentally, as in the case of parents” (Asperger life, which corresponded to their wishes and possibilities”
1944b, p. 77, translated by UF). For example, a 7-year-old (Asperger 1944c, p. 392, translated by the author).
boy remarked to his mother, “Mummy, I shall take a knife The recent assertions that Asperger viewed his patients
one day and push it in your heart, then blood will spurt out derogatorily ignore the foregoing indications that he in fact
and this will cause a great stir” (Asperger 1944b, pp. 79–80, cared deeply for his patients. The assertions are based on
translated by UF). Asperger attributed such behavior to a selected information that is judged retroactively according
failure to recognize the mental states of others (Asperger to modern standards, ignoring the medical and social milieu
1944b, p. 77, footnote 64), consistent with today’s under- in which Asperger was reared and educated. As detailed in
standing about theory-of-mind deficits in autistic individu- Online Appendix 2, similar criticisms apply to Sheffer’s
als. Significantly, Frith wrote, “Acknowledgement that some claim that Asperger was biased against female patients
autistic children can be guilty of peculiarly repulsive acts (Sheffer 2018, p. 170) and Czech’s assertion that Asperger
has been rare. Yet it is vital to acknowledge this problem took a more negative view than the “committed Nazi and
of which practitioners have long been aware” (Frith 1991, race hygienists” in numerous cases (Czech 2018, pp. 25–27).
pp. 24–25). Today, the behaviors that Asperger described
as malicious or spiteful would likely be associated with the Asperger’s Scholarship
“threats, meltdowns, destructive behavior, harm to self and
others” that may be triggered by demand avoidance, referred Although Asperger first published the term “autistic psy-
to by some (somewhat controversially) as “pathologi- chopaths” in 1938 (Asperger Felder 2008), he is usually
cal demand avoidance” (PDA) (O’nions and Noens 2018, credited with having discovered what is now called Asper-
p. 389). Frith also observed that “Asperger appreciated their ger syndrome (rather than the old-fashioned term autistic
many surprising positive features while fully recognizing psychopathy, see Online Appendix 2) in 1943 (Asperger
their negative ones. He admired their independent think- 1944a, b). As shown by the English translation of Asperger’s
ing and capacity for special achievements, but also candidly 1938 paper (Online Appendix 1), he had by then already
documented their learning problems and seemingly spiteful recognized that autistic psychopathy could co-occur with
and malicious behavior” (Frith 1991, p. 7). In other words, other (comorbid) conditions, was potentially linked to both
Asperger’s assessments of disabled children were frank and environmental (e.g., related to home life) and hereditary fac-
unvarnished. tors, and that its symptoms sometimes abated later in life
The literature suggests that Asperger not only cham- (e.g., during puberty). He also noted that autistic individu-
pioned his patients; he was fond of them. For example, als were eccentric, tended to be loners, had special intense
Hamburger wrote that Asperger was a “very rare person of interests (often of a scientific or technical nature), and that
complete selflessness” and that he was characterized by an “autistic eccentrics” were frequently found among their rela-
“extraordinary devotion to the children entrusted to him” tives. Above all, Asperger described autistic psychopathy as
(Brezinka 1997, p. 401, translated by the author)—a state- eminently treatable through curative education that included
ment that contrasts starkly with the assertion that Asperger’s “suggestive therapy” as well as certain techniques that are

13

2580 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

used today, such as appealing to patients’ logic, rather than nerdish, and esoteric.” (Asperger 1938, Online Appen-
to their (relatively weak) intuitive comprehension, and pro- dix 1, pp. 3–4).
viding them with comforting regular daily routines.
Contrary to the suggestion that Asperger’s definition
It is especially noteworthy that Asperger’s 1938 descrip-
of autistic psychopathy shifted between 1938 and 1944 to
tions of two unnamed boys refer to the core characteris-
accommodate and reflect Nazi values (Sheffer 2018, p. 221),
tics that are now associated with AS. Thus, the first boy,
the foregoing discussion shows that Asperger had already
a 10-year-old, had multiple sensory difficulties and strong
identified the essentials of AS by 1938, an identification he
food dislikes and preferences: “He dislikes all sorts of foods,
confirmed and expanded in subsequent papers (Asperger
but passionately loves extremely sour things (by the way,
1939, 1941b, 1944b). For example, in 1941 he reiterated the
we often find this trait in psychopathic children)” (Asperger
essentials of autistic psychopathy and added further observa-
1938, Online Appendix 1, p. 1). He was fearful and took
tions about eye gaze and tone-of-voice (affect). If one doubts
“trifles very much to heart….On the smallest occasions there
the continuity between Asperger’s 1938 and 1944 papers,
are scenes in which he behaves ‘like mad’” (Asperger 1938,
one should compare the second unnamed boy described in
Online Appendix 1, pp. 1–2). On the other hand, the boy’s
1938 (above) with Ernst K. from the 1944 paper. Asper-
“language has the complex sentence structure [grammar]
ger described both boys as 7&1/2-year-old only children
and vocabulary of an educated adult. His interests are also
with absentee fathers and histories of serious problems at
those of an adult….[He] has special intellectual achieve-
school, noticeably big/tall for their age, rude and clumsy,
ments.” (Asperger 1938, Online Appendix 1, p. 2).
having poor handwriting, making many spelling mistakes
The second boy, a 7&1/2-year old, was more profoundly
when copying, tuned out, and having narrowly-focused
disturbed than the first and had more serious social and
intelligence in specific areas. Asperger also noted that both
educational difficulties at school. Like the first boy, he also
boys were still being dressed by their mother when they
had traits that are now recognized as typical for AS. He
were 7&1/2 and that Ernst K., like the unnamed boy, “acted
was socially awkward and clumsy, the latter reflected in,
like a red rag to his class” (Asperger 1944b, p. 59). Taken
among other things, smeared, slow-paced handwriting.
together, Asperger’s descriptions of the two boys strongly
However, “significantly, the big guy must still be dressed
suggest that the unnamed boy from 1938 was, in fact, Ernst
by his mother” (Asperger 1938, Appendix 1, p. 3), which is
K. from 1944.5
not typically associated with AS:
By 1938, Asperger understood that “within this well-
“The boy acts out, is extremely mischievous against defined group of children whom we call ‘autistic psycho-
the other children, and is to some people like a red flag paths’ because of their limited relationships with their
to a bull. It almost seems as if he were uneducable. environment and their absorption with themselves (aütos),
Sometimes one thinks he is hard of hearing, but he is there are, of course, marked individual differences, and
only ‘tuned out,’ does not respond to teaching, just as individual children may also be judged quite differently”
he does not notice much of the world. And that is also (Asperger 1938, Online Appendix 1 pp. 4–5). Asperger’s
the essence of his disorder. His connections with the awareness of a range of variation in autistic psychopaths
world are limited, especially those relationships that widened to encompass autism more generally by the time
cannot be grasped intellectually but entail instinctive he wrote his habilitation: “We have mentioned repeatedly
understanding….It is just this instinctive understand- that autism occurs at different levels of ability. The range
ing that is severely disturbed in such children. All of encompasses all levels of ability from the highly original
their abnormal symptoms can be deduced from this genius, through the weird eccentric who lives in a world of
disturbance: the failure to understand a situation and his own and achieves very little, down to the most severe
the disturbed relationships with other people. The lack contact-disturbed, automaton-like6 mentally retarded indi-
of instinctive comprehension accounts for the failure vidual. Our third case, Ernst K., may give an idea of people
to respect authority….One thing about these heavily in the middle group” (Asperger 1944b, p. 74). Thus, long
limited personalities ..., however, is often not only before recognition of an autistic ‘spectrum’ became fash-
undisturbed, but even developed well above average, ionable (Wing et al. 2011), Asperger not only discovered
namely intelligence in the narrower sense, the ability autistic psychopathy (AS) as a well-defined syndrome, he
to think logically, to think well in words (often formu- also grasped that it was part of an autistic spectrum, and
lating especially original or creative neologisms). Very
often they have surprisingly mature special interests,
often very scientific (e.g., naturalistic) or technical 5
  From some of Asperger’s comments in 1944, it is clear that he was
interests, which admitedly are often quite outlandish, writing about Ernst K. in retrospect.
6
  By “automaton-like,” Asperger was probably referring to wooden
affect (tone-of-voice) combined with physical clumsiness.

13
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584 2581

noted “while I do not believe in a perfect systematic typol- understanding and empathy for the children he worked with
ogy, the concept of type can be useful” (Asperger 1944b, and invented techniques that are still used to help autistic
p. 90). In other words, Asperger grasped that, as with many children.
taxonomies, autism could be viewed as a broad spectrum and
it could also be usefully partitioned into different subtypes
(Falk and Schofield 2018, p. xii). Summary and Conclusions
Rather than ‘thin’ (Sheffer 2018, p.  212), Asperger’s
research on autistic children was profound and prescient. The accusation that Asperger “chose his milieu and col-
Following in the footsteps of his compatriot “father of mod- leagues” (Sheffer 2018, p. 230) is spurious. Asperger did
ern genetics,” Gregor Mendel, and a decade before Watson not choose to be born in Austria in 1906 and raised during
and Crick decoded DNA (Watson and Crick 1953), Asper- an era of National Socialism. By the time Nazis took con-
ger correctly hypothesized that autistic psychopathy had a trol in Austria in March of 1938, he had been a doctor for 7
complex genetic component: “Psychopathic states are… years. Asperger did not live in a bubble. Austrian National
inheritable….However, it is a vain hope to think there may Socialists and, later, Nazis were everywhere, including in
be a clear and simple mode of inheritance. These states are the societies he joined, first as a new doctor, and later, after
undoubtedly polygenetic” (Asperger 1944b, p. 84). Today, the Anschluss. While some of the organizations he joined
this hypothesis is being reaffirmed by new findings about had affiliations with the Nazi party (NSDAP) (Czech 2018),
the extremely complex and variable genetic substrates of, he never became “a member of the NSDAP nor one of its
not only AS, but various kinds of autism (Falk and Schof- divisions” (Brezinka 1997, p. 402, translated by the author),
ield 2018). Asperger also observed that some of his patients which was presumably a deliberate choice. In addition to
improved dramatically by the time they reached puberty, serving in and directing the Curative Education Department
consistent with modern reports that AS may be associated at the Children’s Clinic, Asperger acted as an expert in cura-
with delayed development and that, remarkably, some indi- tive education at the Vienna Youth Court and the Vienna
viduals appear to shed their autistic symptoms by the time Main Health Office and did evaluations for various schools
they reach adulthood (Padawer 2014). Asperger’s com- (Brezinka 1997). Although few details are available about
ment that “the autistic personality is an extreme variant his activities in these arenas, Asperger mentioned being a
of male intelligence” (Asperger 1944b, p. 84) anticipated “lecturer at the youth court” (Asperger 1941b, p. 244, trans-
Baron-Cohen’s “extreme male brain” theory (Baron-Cohen lated by the author). Despite insinuations to the contrary,
2002). In addition to discovering that AS is recognized more there is no evidence that Asperger’s lectures or evaluations
frequently in boys than girls, Asperger hypothesized that in these capacities were inconsistent with those he commu-
this phenomenon may be associated with genetic as well nicated during his tenacious campaign for humane treatment
as environmental factors: “There is certainly a strong hint of disabled children (Online Appendix 2). The same may
as a sex-linked or at least sex-limited mode of inheritance” be said for Asperger’s participation in evaluating the edu-
(Asperger 1944b, p. 84). Although the topic of sex differ- cability of children associated with a psychiatric hospital in
ences in autism is controversial (e.g., researchers differ in the Gugging (Ernst Tatzer and Franz Waldhauser in preparation,
extent to which they think camouflaging impacts apparent personal communication).
prevalence rates in females), contemporary researchers are In this context, it is important to reiterate Czech’s obser-
fruitfully exploring this ‘hint’ (Beacher et al. 2012; Iossifov vation that “neither the Spiegelgrund files nor the case
et al. 2015; Lai et al. 2011). records from Asperger’s own ward contain evidence that he
Asperger’s famous quip that “it seems that for success in ever reported one of his patients…for the purpose of steri-
science or art a dash of autism is essential” (Asperger 1979, lization” (Czech 2018, p. 19).7 Sheffer also acknowledges
p. 49) heralded the discovery that the logical, analytical, that Asperger “was not, himself, on the list of … practi-
sequentially-processing strengths of people with AS (Simon tioners who were prominent in euthanasia” (Sheffer 2018,
Baron-Cohen et al. 2009) are associated with particular neu- pp. 140–141), “was not personally involved in killing” (Shef-
rological circuitry of the left hemisphere of the brain (Falk fer 2018, p. 236), and “was cleared of wrongdoing after the
and Schofield 2018). Another of Asperger’s most significant, war” (Sheffer 2018, p. 227).
if underappreciated, findings was that people with AS devel- As shown, Asperger’s Nazi-era publications referred
oped (left-hemisphere dominant) grammatical language in to, and were cautionary about, the law mandating forced
a timely manner. Asperger also “got it” about deficits in
affective functions that are now known to depend largely
on neurological networks from the right hemispheres of 7
  Czech also observes that, “as far as the written record is concerned,
neurotypical individuals (Gunter et al. 2002). What may be there is no indication that Asperger was guided by personal animosity
most important, however, is that Asperger developed a deep towards Jews” (Czech 2018, p. 12).

13

2582 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

sterilization for individuals with hereditary diseases, but “national” …things, but not with inhumanities” (Asperger
there is nothing in them about euthanasia. The only entry in Felder 2008, pp. 104–105, translated by the author).
Table 1 attributed to Asperger is for Herta Schreiber and, as This doesn’t mean that Asperger openly resisted Nazi
shown, the timing and circumstances strongly suggest that inhumanities; nor does his failure to have done so make
Asperger did not know that children were being murdered at him a villain. If he intended to continue practicing medi-
Am Spiegelgrund at the time he made that referral. Nor is it cine and complete his habilitation (required for a license
likely he knew anything more 4 months later when he wrote to teach pediatrics), it would have been counterproductive
a vague reference to that institution on Elisabeth Schreiber’s (to say the least) to speak out explicitly against the Nazi
medical chart. Despite the fact that Asperger followed the law of forced sterilization. Instead, as detailed in Online
then (as now) accepted medical practice of recommending Appendix 2, Asperger tried to influence the Nazi-dominated
institutionalization for children who were so seriously disa- medical establishment by engaging in a campaign of per-
bled that they could not be properly cared for elsewhere, suasion that promoted humane treatment of disturbed and
it seems inconceivable that he would have described Am disabled children—“You know what measures are being
Spiegelgrund as an institution that did “justice” for such taken”! Asperger was understandably concerned about how
children in a publication of April 17, 1942 (Asperger 1942, to navigate the Nazi presence in his audiences as suggested,
p. 355, translated by the author) if he had had the slightest for example, in an undated letter from his trusted colleague
notion at that time that children were being killed there. from the Curative Education Department, pediatrician Josef
Contrary to the suggestion that Asperger bent the truth for Feldner, which critiqued a draft of a lecture Asperger was
his own ends (Czech 2018; Sheffer 2018), his publications preparing: “The introduction is good (maybe it is a bit too
suggest that he expressed honest opinions, sometimes to the Nazi for your reputation). I would leave out the thanks to
point of seeming guileless, for example when describing the Fuhrer, for example. … I write what I imagine, forcing
conduct problems of children. Nor is there evidence to sup- myself to blow Hitler’s horn a little. Maybe you can make
port the allegation that Asperger lied about Hamburger’s something of it….Your emotionalism will bring what is nec-
intervention on his behalf with the Gestapo on two particu- essary into the words and assure you a triumphal success”
lar occasions—interventions that seem believable partly (Asperger Felder 2008, p. 104, translated by the author).
because Asperger was under investigation by the Nazi party Despite Asperger’s precarious position vis-à-vis the
for nearly 3 years (Online Appendix 2). Asperger’s repeated Nazis, his lectures became increasingly bold, so that by
statements that doctors had a duty to discourage the trans- 1942 he was openly questioning how certain fields diag-
mission of serious heritable conditions appear to have been nosed disabled children, particularly psychiatry (Asperger
sincere and consistent with his adherence to the eugenic 1942) (Online Appendix 2), which is notable because “psy-
positions of the Catholic Church and the St. Luke’s Guild, chiatrists much more than any other professional group were
both of which shunned forced sterilization and euthanasia involved in Nazi genocide” (Neugebauer 1998, p. 8).9 At the
(Online Appendix 2). Before retroactively judging these same time Asperger voiced reservations about psychiatry, he
statements, it is worth reflecting that, even today, whether urged other physicians and special teachers to “take prec-
and how society discourages births of children with serious edence in practical eugenic work, especially in the problems
diseases is a complex issue8 and destined to become more- related to the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Dis-
so thanks to the revolutionary emergence of new tools for eased Offspring” (Asperger 1942, p. 353 translated by the
genome editing. Although Asperger never lost the socialist author). However, Asperger and his colleagues’ ‘practical’
ideals he grew up with in his days in the “Traveling Schol- work went against the Nazi grain because it circumvented
ars” [love of community, placing the greater good before the law for sterilization (Online Appendix 2). Asperger, for
the individual, etc. (Online Appendix 2)]—views that were instance, argued that brain damage due to birth injury or
eventually appropriated and distorted by the Nazis—adher- encephalitis in early childhood was not hereditary (Asper-
ing to these ideals did not automatically make him a Nazi ger 1944b, p. 50) and, therefore, not covered by the steri-
sympathizer. As Asperger put it in his 1974 radio inter- lization law, for example in the case of Theresa B. (Czech
view, “the National Socialist era came, whereby it was clear 2018, p. 19). (From this perspective, it is noteworthy that
from my previous life that one could go along with many his assessments of both Herta Schreiber (Czech 2018, p. 20)
and Elisabeth Schreiber (Czech 2018, p. 22) mentioned the
likelihood of “post-encephalitic” etiologies.) Asperger also
attributed many of his patients’ disturbances to poor home
8
  For instance, would-be parents who are potential carriers of genes
for Huntington’s disease or Down syndrome may, or may not, choose
9
to undergo genetic testing in order to inform choices about conceiv-   As noted in the introduction, Sheffer identified Asperger as a child
ing or continuing pregnancies. psychiatrist, which he was not.

13
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584 2583

environments rather than hereditary factors, as detailed in his the poignant interviews with twelve adult survivors from
paper about the Curative Education Department’s day-care that facility. It is especially important to remember those
center (Asperger 1944c). Fortunately for posterity, Asper- dark times now because of the current widespread resur-
ger’s efforts were facilitated by his mentor, Hamburger, who gence of authoritarian governments and xenophobia in the
not only intervened on his behalf with the Nazis, but also United States, Europe, and elsewhere. It is unfair, however,
shared Asperger’s intense interest in pediatrics—whatever to retroactively indict Asperger because of unsubstantiated
their political differences. The bottom line is that, by work- insinuations that boil down to little more than “guilt by asso-
ing to change the Nazi-dominated healthcare system from ciation”—insinuations that are negated when one examines
within, Asperger effectively improved, and likely saved, the the facts as they actually transpired.
lives of untold numbers of children (Brezinka 1997). The aspersions that have been cast on Hans Asperger’s
Czech raises the question of whether Asperger’s noncoop- reputation are selective, biased, and often inaccurate. This
eration with the sterilization program “by omission should is unfair to his legacy, insensitive to his living relatives, and
be considered a form of resistance” (Czech 2018, p. 19). potentially devastating for the many people who take pride
He also refers to documents concerning a 14-year-old boy, in calling themselves ‘Aspies’ (Falk and Schofield 2018).
Aurel I., whom Asperger may have shielded from persecu-
tion in 1939 (Czech 2018, p. 19), and points out that, like Acknowledgments  This paper was inspired by a conversation with
Michael Brown, President of the School for Advanced Research (SAR)
others in the Curative Education Department, Asperger did in Santa Fe, New Mexico. Laura Holt, SAR’s librarian, helped obtain
not report to the Nazis that his friend and colleague, Josef sources from the German literature. I thank Elga Wulfert of the Univer-
Feldner (1887–1973), was hiding a Jewish boy (Hansi Busz- sity at Albany, State University of New York, for expert advice about
tin) (Czech 2018, p. 9; Goldenberg 2015). Although Asper- the translation of Asperger’s 1938 paper, and Uta Frith, University
College London, and science writer Steve Silberman for providing
ger chose to work within the Nazi-dominated health care useful feedback on an earlier version of this paper. Franz Waldhauser,
system rather than join an open resistance movement, these University of Vienna, is acknowledged for providing information and
single acts, Asperger’s noncooperation with the steriliza- helpful discussions. I am grateful to three anonymous reviewers for
tion program, and his repeated validation of disabled chil- their suggestions. The opinions expressed are solely those of the author.
dren as worthy human beings (Online Appendix 2) conform
Author Contributions  DF conceived of the study, translated articles
with experts’ definitions of “individual resistance” (Martin from the German literature, interpreted data, drafted the manuscript,
2013; Konrad 2008). The mass arrests of Catholic protes- and prepared the translation of Asperger’s 1938 article that appears in
tors and the executions of 15 priests in 1938 (Konrad 2008) Electronic Supplementary Material Appendix 1.
(Online Appendix 2) would likely have given pause to any
thoughts Asperger might have had about engaging in more Compliance with Ethical Standards 
open resistance.
When Austria was annexed by Germany in 1938, Asper- Conflict of interest  The author declares that she has no conflict of in-
terest.
ger did not have a crystal ball, despite whatever premoni-
tions he may have had about things to come (Asperger 1971). Ethical Approval  This article does not contain any studies with human
Before retrospectively judging Asperger’s professional con- participants or animals performed by any of the authors.
duct, one should consider several questions. Should he have
abandoned medicine after the Anschluss because, to do
otherwise, meant he would have professional contacts with References
National Socialists and Nazis? Once he decided to remain
a doctor, should he have diminished his chances of finish- Asperger, H. (1937). Das psychisch abnorme Kind. Wiener Klinische
ing his education and, potentially, risked his life by openly Wochenschrift, 50, 1460–1461.
bucking his mentor and the Nazi sterilization law? And what Asperger, H. (1938). Das psychisch abnorme Kind. Wiener Klinische
Wochenschrift, 51, 1314–1317.
would have become of Austria’s population of disabled chil- Asperger, H. (1939). Padagogische Therapie bei abnormen Kindern.
dren if Asperger’s job had been filled by a Nazi (or Nazi Medizinische Klinik, 35, 943–946.
sympathizer) because he resigned his position or had been Asperger, H. (1941a). Tagungsbericht: Erziehungsfragen im Rahmen
killed in the resistance? Would more or fewer children have der Kinderkundlichen Woche (Wien 1. bis 7. September 1940).
Monatsschrift fur alle Gebiete Nervenarztlicher Tatigkeit mit
suffered and died? besonderer berucksichtigung der Psychomatischen Beziehungen,
It goes without saying that Nazi policies of forced 14, 28–31.
sterilization and euthanasia that were enforced in Austria Asperger, H. (1941b). Zur Erziehungstherapie in der Jugendfürsorge.
and elsewhere in the name of “racial hygiene” were mon- Monatsschr Kinderheilkd, 87, 238–247.
Asperger, H. (1942). Jugendpsychiatrie’und ‘Heilpädagogik’. Munch
strous. The portraits representing the 789 children who died Med Wochenschr, 89, 352–356.
between 1940 and 1945 at the Viennese clinic Am Spiegel- Asperger, H. (1944a). Die “Autistischen Psychopathen” im Kindesalter.
grund (WStLA 2002; Häupl 2006) are heartrending, as are Archiv fur Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten, 117(1), 76–136.

13

2584 Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders (2020) 50:2573–2584

Asperger, H. (1944b). ‘Autistic psychopathy’ in childhood. Translated Hepburn, M. A. (2014). Lives worthy of life and remembrance:
and annotated by U. Frith (Ed.) in Autism and Asperger syndrome Memorialization of the National Socialist Aktion T4 Euthanasia
(1991) (pp. 37–92). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Programme.
Asperger, H. (1944c). Der “Heilpädagogische Hort. Wiener Klinische Iossifov, I., Levy, D., Allen, J., Ye, K., Ronemus, M., Lee, Y., et al.
Wochenschrift, 57, 392–393. (2015). Low load for disruptive mutations in autism genes and
Asperger, H. (1952). Heilpädagogik. Wien: Springer. their biased transmission. Proceedings of the National Academy
Asperger, H. (1957). Probleme der modernen Pädiatrie. Wiener Klinis- of Sciences, 112(41), E5600–E5607.
che Wochenschrift, 69(31), 549–553. Konrad, H. (2008). Righteous and courageous in the face of Nazism:
Asperger, H. (1962). “Ecce infans”, Zur Ganzheitsproblematik in der Austrian resistance against the Nazis, Myths and realities.
modernen Pädiatrie. Wien klin Wochenschr (Wiener Antrittsvor- Accessed September 9, 2018.
lesung), 74, 936–941. Lai, M. C., Lombardo, M. V., Pasco, G., Ruigrok, A. N., Wheelwright,
Asperger, H. (1969). Frühe seelische Vollendung bei todgeweihten S. J., Sadek, S. A., et al. (2011). A behavioral comparison of male
Kindern. Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift, 81, 365–366. and female adults with high functioning autism spectrum con-
Asperger, H. (1971). Kurze Geschichte der Internationalen Gesellschaft ditions. PLoS ONE, 6(6), e20835. https​://doi.org/10.1371/journ​
für Heilpädagogik. Heilpädagogik: Fachzeitschrift der Heilpäda- al.pone.00208​35.
gogischen Gesellschaft Österreich, 14, 50–52. Martin, B. (2013). Euthanasia tactics: Patterns of injustice and outrage.
Asperger, H. (1974). Autobiographical radio interview with Hans SpringerPlus, 2(1), 256.
Asperger. History and stories: Austrian Media Library: ORF. Neugebauer, W. (1998). Racial Hygiene in Vienna 1938. Wien Klin
Asperger, H. (1979). Problems of infantile autism. Communication: Wochenschr, Sonderheft, March.
The Journal of the National Autistic Society (lecture given in Fri- O’nions, E., & Noens, I. (2018). Commentary: Conceptualising
bourg, Switzerland on March, 13, 1977), 13, 45–52. demand avoidance in an ASD context: A response to Osman
Asperger Felder, M. (2008). Zum Sehen geboren, zum Schauen bestellt. Malik & Gillian Baird (2018). Child and Adolescent Mental
Hans Asperger (1906–1980): Leben und Werk. In: Castell R, edi- Health, 23(4), 389–390.
tor. Hundert Jahre Kinder-und Jugendpsychiatrie. Biografien und Padawer, R. The recovered. (2014). The New York Times magazine.
Autobiografien. V&R unipress GmbH (pp. 99–117). pp. 20–27; 46–47.
Baron-Cohen, S. (2002). The extreme male brain theory of autism. Rigele, B. (2006). Kindereuthanasie in Wien 1940–1945: Krankenge-
Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 6(6), 248–254. schichten als Zeugen. In W. Haupl (Ed.), Die ermordeten Kinder
Baron-Cohen, S., Ashwin, E., Ashwin, C., Tavassoli, T., & Chakrabarti, vom Spiegelgrund (pp. 25–43). Vienna: Bohlau Verlag.
B. (2009). Talent in autism: Hyper-systemizing, hyper-attention to Ronen, G. M., Meaney, B., Dan, B., Zimprich, F., Stögmann, W., &
detail and sensory hypersensitivity. Philosophical Transactions of Neugebauer, W. (2009). From Eugenic Euthanasia to habilitation
the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 364(1522), 1377–1383. of disabled children: Andreas Rett’s contribution. Journal of Child
Beacher, F. D., Minati, L., Baron-Cohen, S., Lombardo, M. V., Lai, M. Neurology, 24(1), 115–127.
C., Gray, M. A., et al. (2012). Autism attenuates sex differences in Sheffer, E. (2018). Asperger’s Children: The origins of autism in Nazi
brain structure: A combined voxel-based morphometry and diffu- Vienna, New York: WW Norton & Company.
sion tensor imaging study. AJNR American Journal of Neuroradi- Silberman, S. (2015). Neurotribes: The legacy of autism and the future
ology, 33(1), 83–89. https​://doi.org/10.3174/ajnr.A2880​. of neurodiversity. New York: Penguin.
Brezinka, W. (1997). Heilpädagogik an der Medizinischen Fakultät Survivors, S. Spiegelgrund Survivors Speak Out. http://www.geden​
der Universität Wien. Ihre Geschichte von 1911–1985: Ortho- kstae​ttest​einho​f.at/en/inter​view. Accessed September 2, 2018.
pedagogy at the faculty of medicine at the university of Vienna-its Thomas, F. P., Beres, A., & Shevell, M. I. (2006). “A Cold Wind Com-
history from 1911 to 1985: Beltz. ing”: Heinrich Gross and Child Euthanasia in Vienna. Journal of
Czech, H. (2018). Hans Asperger, National Socialism, and “race Child Neurology, 21(4), 342–348.
hygiene” in Nazi-era Vienna. Molecular Autism, 9(1), 29. Turda, M. (2010). Focus on Austria and Germany (review of three
Falk, D., & Schofield, E. P. (2018). Geeks, Genes, and the Evolution of books). Social History of Medicine, 23(2), 408–412.
Asperger Syndrome: University of New Mexico Press. Watson, J. D., & Crick, F. H. (1953). Genetical implications of the
Feinstein, A. (2010). A history of autism: Conversations with the pio- structure of deoxyribonucleic acid. Nature, 171(4361), 964–967.
neers: Wiley, New York. Wing, L., Gould, J., & Gillberg, C. (2011). Autism spectrum disorders
Frith, U. (1991). Asperger and his syndrome. In U. Frith (Ed.), Autism in the DSM-V: Better or worse than the DSM-IV? Research in
and asperger syndrome (pp. 1–36). Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- Developmental Disabilities, 32(2), 768–773.
versity Press. WStLA. (2002). Book of the dead. http://www.geden​kstae​ttest​einho​
Goldenberg, A. (2015). Das Tagebuch des Hansi Busztin. Falter, 17, f.at/en/Booko​ftheD​ead/book-dead. Accessed November 19, 2018
18–21.
Gunter, H. L., Ghaziuddin, M., & Ellis, H. D. (2002). Asperger syn- Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to
drome: Tests of right hemisphere functioning and interhemi- jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
spheric communication. Journal of Autism and Developmental
Disorders, 32(4), 263–281.
Häupl, W. (2006). Die ermordeten Kinder vom Spiegelgrund: Geden-
kdokumentation für die Opfer der NS-Kindereuthanasie in Wien.

13
Journal of Autism & Developmental Disorders is a copyright of Springer, 2020. All Rights
Reserved.

You might also like