Acta Mesoamericana

Acta MesoAmericana
Acta MesoAmericana
Volume 29
Milan Kováč, Harri Kettunen, Guido Krempel (editors)
Maya Cosmology
Terrestrial and Celestial Landscapes
Proceedings of the 19th European Maya Conference,
Bratislava, November 17–22, 2014
VERLAG
ANTON SAURWEIN
2019
Wayeb Advisory Editorial Board:
Alain Breton
Andrés Ciudad Ruiz
Elizabeth Graham
Nikolai Grube
Norman Hammond
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Einheitasaufnahme
Ein Titelsatz dieser Publikation ist bei

Der Deutschen Bibliothek erhältlich
ISBN 3-931419-28-2
Copyright Verlag Anton Saurwein, Munich, Germany, 2019

Alle Rechte vorbehalten / all rights reserved
Layout & Design: Guido Krempel

Cover Images: Pedro Guillén Cuevas (Front Cover image);
Guido Krempel (Back Cover)
Printed in Germany
Contents
Preface: Terrestrial and Celestial Landscapes in Maya Cosmology v–viii
SACRED LANDSCAPES: ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL IMPLICATIONS

OF SPACE AND TIME
Skywatching at Uaxactun: Reconsidering Perspectives on the Astronomical

Significance of Preclassic Architectural Alignments
Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub Špoták, Tibor Lieskovský & Ladislav Husár 3–23
Lunar Orientations in the Maya Architecture

Ivan Šprajc 25–42
Verticality, Commemoration, and Demarcative Practice in the Construction of

Copán’s Historical Landscape
Kathryn Marie Hudson, John S. Henderson & Mallory E. Matsumoto 43–55
A Directional Pattern in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s Stelae at Quiriguá

María Eugenia Gutiérrez González 57–65
El Dios N-Sahbiin y Saturno: el ciclo maya de 63 días

Guillermo Bernal Romero 67–81
MICROCOSMOS: BODY, GESTURES, SOUNDS AND TERRESTRIAL

REFLECTIONS OF THE UPPERWORLD
El Anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno. La cabeza como locus anímico en el cosmos

maya del clásico y sus insignias físicas
Érik Velásquez García & Vera Tiesler 85–98
Gestures of Time, Gestures in Space: Communicating Orientation in the

Classic Maya World
Amy J. Maitland Gardner 99–116
A Blustery Melody: An Analysis of the Classic Maya’s Use of Music as

a Mediatory Art Form
Jared C. Katz 117–130
Maíz y atole son su trono: K’awiil y la Montaña del Sustento

Rogelio Valencia Rivera 131–142
UNDERWORLD: REPRESENTATIONS, ENVIRONMENTS AND INHABITANTS
Watery Underworld or Realm of the Rain Deities: The Aquatic Environment

of the Tonsured Maize God
H. Edwin M. Braakhuis 147–159
Skeletal Supernaturals from the Maya Underworld

Daniel Moreno Zaragoza & Roberto Romero Sandoval 161–169
Xibalba: Is it Really the Underworld?

Ana Somohano Eres 171–180
The Translation of a Maya Cosmogram onto an Uncooperative

Terrestrial Landscape
James E. Brady 181–190
COLONIAL CODE: LATE REFLECTIONS OF ANCIENT MAYA COSMOLOGY
Worlds in Words: Precolumbian Cosmologies in the Context of Early

Colonial Christianisation in Highland Guatemala
Frauke Sachse 193–207
The Center as Cosmos in Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial Period Campeche

Lorraine A. Williams-Beck 209–228
Caves of Life and Caves of Death: Colonial Yucatec Maya Rituals and
Offerings in Caves and Cenotes, 1540–1750
John F. Chuchiak IV 229–240
How the Hell? Thoughts on the Colonial Demonization of the Maya Underworld
Jesper Nielsen 241–249
Preface
A quarter of a century ago David Freidel, Linda Schele and shops and symposium on November 17th. Opening words
Joy Parker published their book Maya Cosmos: Three Thou- were delivered by Jaroslav Šušol, Dean of the Faculty of Arts,
sand Years on the Shaman’s Path (1993) in which they ana- Comenius University; Jana Lenghardtová, Vice-rector of the
lyzed the cosmovision of the ancient Maya from a very new University of Economics in Bratislava; Luis Alfonso de Alba,
perspective, comparing new epigraphic data with concepts of Ambassador of Mexico in Austria, Concurrent to the Slovak
the contemporary Maya. Today we look at this book with a Republic; and Milan Kováč; Head of Department of Compar-
somewhat critical eye, acknowledging, however, at the same ative Religion, Comenius University and the main organizer
time its value in opening up questions and new perspectives of the 19th European Maya Conference in Bratislava.
on Maya concepts of the universe.
The opening words were followed by an introductory lec-
Twenty-five years after the publication of this book, a lot ture by Harri Kettunen (University of Helsinki) and Alfonso
of new data has surfaced and new research has been carried Lacadena (Complutense University, Madrid). Over the fol-
out. This volume adds to the expanding knowledge of the lowing three-and-a-half-days, five separate workshops were
Maya cosmos by addressing various issues about the Maya available for the participants, with varying levels based on
way of ordering the universe, of rituals involved in daily life, participants’ familiarity on the topic of the workshops.
and of cosmological concepts associated with astronomy,
agriculture, architecture, and mythology. The introductory level workshop on Maya hieroglyphs
was co-tutored by Ramzy Barrois (École du Louvre), Eva
This volume is based on the papers given at the 19th Jobbová (University College London), and Jakub Špoták
European Maya Conference that was held in Bratislava, Slo- (Comenius University in Bratislava). The objective of this
vakia, from November 17th to 22nd, 2014. The conference workshop was to provide an intensive introduction to the
was co-organized by the Comenius University in Bratislava, study of Maya hieroglyphs. Participants had a chance to
the Slovak Archaeological and Historical Institute (SAHI), decipher hieroglyphs on their own during the workshop with
the Slovak University of Technology in Bratislava, and the the assistance of the tutors. The focus of the introductory
University of Economics in Bratislava, in cooperation with level workshop was on the Late Classic history of Piedras
the European Association of Mayanists, Wayeb. Negras, Guatemala.
The title of the conference was Maya Cosmology: Ter- The intermediate workshop, open to participants with
restrial and Celestial Landscapes, focusing on Maya per- basic knowledge of Maya writing, was titled Godly Stories
ceptions of space and of the cosmos and their reflections in and Earthly Matters: Hieroglyphic Narratives on Gods and
archaeological and epigraphic sources as well as in colonial Men and co-tutored by Christian Prager and Elisabeth Wag-
and contemporary ethnographic documents, including as- ner (University of Bonn). The workshop was divided into
tronomically oriented objects and structures, terrestrial and two sections, of which the first concentrated on deciphering
celestial realms of the universe and the conceptualization of hieroglyphic narratives from the Dresden, Paris, and Madrid
space by its mythological, ritual and eschatological aspects. codices, with a special focus on God B or Chahk and God C
or K’uh. The second part focused on the relationship between
A three-and-a-half-day workshop (November 17–20) humans and deities as they were recorded on various monu-
preceded a two-day symposium (November 21–22). The ments commissioned during the reign of K’inich Ahkul Mo’
speakers and workshop tutors of the conference were (in Nahb at Palenque.
alphabetical order): Ramzy Barrois, Dmitri Beliaev, Guiller-
mo Bernal Romero, H. Edwin M. Braakhuis, James Brady, The advanced workshop, targeted at participants with
Oswaldo Chinchilla, John F. Chuchiak IV, Albert Davletshin, developed knowledge of Maya writing, was titled Methods in
Tomáš Drápela, James Fitzsimmons, Nikolai Grube, John Maya Hieroglyphic Studies and co-tutored by Harri Kettunen
S. Henderson, Kathryn Marie Hudson, Eva Jobbova, Jan (University of Helsinki) and Alfonso Lacadena (Complutense
Kapusta, Vladimír Karlovský, Jared Katz, Harri Kettunen, University, Madrid). The objective of this workshop was
Milan Kováč, Guido Krempel, Alfonso Lacadena, Tibor Lies- to discuss the methods involved in Maya epigraphy with a
kovský, Jesper Nielsen, Christian Prager, Frauke Sachse, Ja- special focus on examining the graphic and lexical origins of
kub Špoták, Ivan Šprajc, Karl Taube, Rhonda Taube, Fátima Maya hieroglyphs, especially those related to the topic of the
del Rosario Tec Pool, Vera Tiesler, Rogelio Valencia Rivera, conference. Besides the Maya script, the workshop explored
Érik Velásquez García, Elisabeth Wagner, Lorraine A. Wil- writing systems in the greater Mesoamerican cultural sphere,
liams-Beck, and Héctor Xol Choc. The conference was initi- along with studying the topic in the framework of the world’s
ated by a welcome address and an introduction to the work- writing systems in general.
Milan Kováč, Harri Kettunen, Guido Krempel
Besides the three epigraphic workshops, there was a spe- tributions are missing in this volume. On the other hand, the
cial workshop, open to participants on all levels, titled U book was supplemented by four new papers to compensate
Uich Ku: Tracking Maya Deities in the Codices and Ethno- for the missing ones. Presentations that did not find their way
historical Sources. The workshop was co-tutored by John F. to the current volume are: Dmitri Beliaev and Albert Davlet-
Chuchiak IV (Missouri State University) and Guido Krempel shin (Russian State University of Humanities): A Stairway
(University of Bonn). This workshop provided the partici- to Heaven for the King: Royal Palanquins in Classic Maya
pants with a basic introduction to the interdisciplinary study Text and Image; Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos (Yale Uni-
of Maya deities in the pre-Hispanic Maya codices and in the versity): Landscapes of Creation: An Interpretation of Me-
late Post-Classic and Colonial Maya ethnohistorical sources. soamerican E-Groups; Jan Kapusta (Institute of Ethnology,
Furthermore, the workshop explored the nature of colonial Charles University, Prague): Pilgrimage and Living Moun-
“graphic pluralism” or the Maya preservation of traditional tains among the Contemporary Highland Maya; James Fitz-
information through the continued use of Maya hieroglyphic simmons (Middlebury College): Searching for the Classic
writing, along with the concurrent adaptation of Latin letters. Maya “Upperworld”: A View from Epigraphy, Architecture
and Material Culture; Nikolai Grube (University of Bonn):
After the workshops, and prior to the symposium, the Hunting in the Forest of Kings; Karl Taube (University of
participants were invited to the opening of an exhibition California at Riverside): Centering the World: Ancient Maya
titled “Mysterious Maya: Slovak Investigations of the Most Temples and the Creation of Sacred Space; Rhonda Taube
Advanced Civilisation of Ancient America” at the Slovak Na- (Riverside City College): Bounded Place and Segmented
tional Museum, Museum of Archaeology. Welcome addresses Time: The Function and Meaning of Space in Contemporary
were delivered by Antonio Roberto Castellano, Ambassador K’iche’ Maya Rituals; Fátima del Rosario Tec Pool (Univer-
of Guatemala in Austria, Concurrent to the Slovak Repub- sidad Autónoma de Yucatán): Venerar el inframundo: Tráfico
lic; Drahoslav Hulínek, Director of Investigations of Slovak y deposición ritual de cerámica en las cuevas mayas (del
Archaeological and Historical Institute (SAHI); and Milan preclásico al clásico terminal); and Héctor Xol Choc (Uni-
Kováč, Director of the Archaeological Project SAHI–Uaxac- versidad Rafael Landívar de Guatemala): Loq’laj choxaal
tun and Curator of the Exhibition. In the evening of Novem- loq’laj ch’och’ – Cielo sagrado, tierra sagrada.
ber 18th, the conference participants were also invited to the
screening of David Lebrun’s film Dance of the Maize God. The volume consists of 17 articles, divided into four the-
matic parts: (1) SACRED LANDSCAPES: Archaeoastro-
Following the workshops, the conference symposium was nomical Implications of Space and Time. This part of the vol-
held between November 21st and 22nd. Conference opening ume consists of five chapters dealing with time, the calendar,
words were given by Sven Gronemeyer, Vice-President of the and astronomical alignments and orientations, including the
European Association of Mayanists, Wayeb; Alojz Kopáčik, following articles: Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub
Dean of the Faculty of Civil Engineering, Slovak University Špoták, Tibor Lieskovský & Ladislav Husár: Skywatch-
of Technology; Peter Valent, Director of the Slovak Archae- ing at Uaxactun: Reconsidering Perspectives on the Astro-
ological and Historical Institute (SAHI); and Milan Kováč, nomical Significance of Preclassic Architectural Alignments;
Head of the Department of Comparative Religion at the Ivan Šprajc: Lunar Orientations in the Maya Architecture;
Comenius University in Bratislava and the main organizer Kathryn Marie Hudson, John S. Henderson & Mallory E.
of the conference. Matsumoto: Verticality, Commemoration, and Demarcative
Practice in the Construction of Copan’s Historical Land-
During the two-day conference, altogether twenty-two pa- scape; María Eugenia Gutiérrez González: A Directional
pers were presented, along with a poster session introducing Pattern in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s Stelae at Quiriguá;
five projects. The poster session included the following: Car- and Guillermo Bernal Romero: El Dios N-Sahb’iin y Sat-
los Morales-Aguilar (Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne): urno: el ciclo maya de 63 días. (2) The second part, MICRO-
El orden del espacio en la arquitectura preclásica de El Mira- COSMOS: Body, Gestures, Sounds and Terrestrial Reflec-
dor, Petén, Guatemala; Amanda Delgado (Leiden University) tions of Upperworld, consists of four chapters dealing with
and Maurice Pico (ENAH): Motion Expressions and Space in a variety of cosmological models as they are presented by
Yokot’an Ritual Speech; Harald Thomaß (Hamburg Universi- diverse entities, such as the human body, gestures, music, or
ty): Con palabras se camina en el paisaje celestial: Gráficos mythological geographic formations: Érik Velásquez García
para el análisis del lenguaje ritual de los especialistas rit- & Vera Tiesler: El Anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno: La cabe-
uales de Yucatán; Evgeniya Korovina (Institute of Linguis- za como locus anímico en el cosmos maya del clásico y sus
tics, RAS, Moscow): It is Impossible to Point to the Serpent: insignias físicas; Amy J. Maitland Gardner: Gestures of
Rainbow in Mayan Languages and Legends; Valentine Los- Time, Gestures in Space: Communicating Orientation in the
seau (Anthropologie sociale et ethnologie EHESS–Collège Classic Maya World; Jared C. Katz: A Blustery Melody: An
de France [Laboratoire d’Anthropologie sociale], CEMCA, Analysis of the Classic Maya’s Use of Music as a Mediatory
Mexico): Transfigured Forest: Reflexivity in the Contempo- Art Form; and Rogelio Valencia Rivera: Maíz y atole son su
rary Lacandon Mayan Landscapes (Chiapas, Mexico). trono: K’awiil y la Montaña del Sustento. (3) The third part is
titled UNDERWORLD: Representations, Environments and
The contents of this book are based on the papers present- Inhabitants. This part consists of four chapters exploring the
ed at the symposium. Unfortunately, this volume does not realm of the Maya Underworld, including the central mytho-
contain every presentation that was given at the conference. logical story of the Maize God, the wahy creatures, a critical
vi Out of the twenty-two speakers at the conference, nine con- review of our sources regarding the Maya Underworld, and
Preface: Terrestrial and Celestial Landscapes in Maya Cosmology
the presence of caves as a representation of the entrance to posed cosmology and the mythical past with the constructed
the underworld: H. Edwin M. Braakhuis; Watery Under- present.
world or Realm of the Rain Deities: The Aquatic Environment
of the Tonsured Maize God; Daniel Moreno Zaragoza & Moving fifty kilometers north, María Eugenia Gutiér-
Roberto Romero Sandoval; Skeletal Supernaturals from rez González discusses the existence of directional ritual
the Maya Underworld; Ana Somohano Eres: Xibalba: Is it patterns for a number of monuments at Quirigua in her article
Really the Underworld?; James E. Brady: The Translation A Directional Pattern in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s Stelae
of a Maya Cosmogram onto an Uncooperative Terrestrial at Quirigua, pointing out patterns of orientation that directly
Landscape. (4) Finally, the last section, COLONIAL CODE: correspond to the calendar data associated with gods G7 and
Late Reflections of Ancient Maya Cosmology, consists of four G9. Furthermore, the author examines the ritual importance
chapters and focuses on the strategies and interpretations of of the Moon Goddess associated with this directional pattern.
interference between the native Maya cosmological ideas and
the Christian ideology brought by the Spaniards in early Co- In his article El Dios N-Sahb’iin y Saturno: el ciclo maya
lonial times: Frauke Sachse: Worlds in Words: Precolumbian de 63 días, Guillermo Bernal Romero draws attention to the
Cosmologies in the Context of Early Colonial Christianisa- existence of a recently discovered cycle of 63 days in the
tion in Highland Guatemala; Lorraine A. Williams-Beck: Maya calendrical computations. The author points out that
The Center as Cosmos in Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial the “Cycle-63” was a constituent of two other cycles, namely
Period Campeche; John F. Chuchiak IV: Caves of Life and those of 819 days (13 x 63) and 378 days (6 x 63), the syn-
Caves of Death: Colonial Yucatec Maya Rituals and Offer- odic period of Saturn, and observes that the records of the
ings in Caves and Cenotes, 1540–1750; and Jesper Nielsen: cycle of 63 days are associated with fire rituals and especially
How the Hell? Thoughts on the Colonial Demonization of the with “fire drilling” dedicated to a deity called God N-Sahbiin,
Maya Underworld. associated with the planet Saturn.
Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub Špoták, Tibor In their article El Anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno: La
Lieskovský, and Ladislav Husáŕ explore the development cabeza como locus anímico en el cosmos maya del clásico y
of architectonic orientations at Uaxactun in their article Sky- sus insignias físicas, Érik Velásquez García and Vera Tiesler
watching at Uaxactun: Reconsidering Perspectives on the explore ever-changing roles of the entities and forces behind
Astronomical Significance of Preclassic Architectural Align- the concepts k’ihn, sak ik’aal, and the logogram T533, using
ments. The research is based on recent fieldwork conducted the concept of ecumene/anecumene to unravel the emic con-
by the Slovak Archaeological Project at the archaeological ceptions of the human body and its constituents, along with
site of Uaxactun, Peten, Guatemala. The authors compare body modifications.
results of excavations, exact measurement and architectural
orientations in Preclassic Uaxactun, attempting their meth- Amy Maitland Gardner explores gestures in Maya ico-
odological grasp, typology and understanding of the calendar nography in her article Gestures of Time, Gestures in Space:
and astronomical context. These findings are compared with Communicating Orientation in the Classic Maya World. The
our knowledge from later periods, up to the present Maya, in author examines the ways in which both the spatial and the
particular in terms of the mythological and ritual aspects of temporal orientation were communicated using gestures in
observing celestial bodies. Classic Maya imagery, and proposes that there were three
hand gestures in Classic Maya iconography that commu-
Ivan Šprajc examines the less-known architectural orien- nicated perceptions of space and time. The author points
tations in his article Lunar Orientations in the Maya Architec- out that since these hand shapes are present also as graphic
ture. While the rising and setting points of the Sun have been elements in the writing system, there appears to be a physical
recorded all around Mesoamerica, the Moon appears not to and symbolic relationship between their forms and meaning.
have been among the common motivations for architectural
orientations. Based on Šprajc’s research, a considerable num- Moving from signals to sound, Jared Katz explores An-
ber of structures in the Maya lowlands appear to have been cient Maya music in his contribution A Blustery Melody: An
aligned to the rising and setting points of the Moon. Interest- Analysis of the Classic Maya’s Use of Music as a Mediatory
ingly, the author points out that most of these alignments are Art Form. The author examines the possibilities of analyzing
found along the northeastern coast of the Yucatan peninsula, music to interpret the ancient Maya understanding of the
in an area where we have a large amount of data pointing out connections between the underworld, the terrestrial world,
to the importance of the cult of Ixchel during the Postclassic and the celestial realm. He analyzes the connection between
period, with clear associations with the Moon. music and wind, using iconographic, archaeological, and eth-
nographic evidence, and pointing out that the ancient Maya
In their article Verticality, Commemoration, and Demar- believed that music was brought by the wind from another
cative Practice in the Construction of Copan’s Historical world into the terrestrial world, thus possessing otherworldly
Landscape, Kathryn Hudson, John Henderson, and Mallo- qualities.
ry Matsumoto examine how Copan’s built environment re-
flected the historical landscape through the use of verticality In his article Maíz y atole son su trono: K’awiil y la Mon-
and stacked construction. Using Copan’s Temple 16 and the taña del Sustento, Rogelio Valencia Rivera examines the
Hieroglyphic Stairway as a case study, the authors pay special presence of K’awiil representations on capstones from the
attention to how the construction processes at Copan juxta- Northern Lowlands of Yucatan, focusing on Structure A-1 vii
Milan Kováč, Harri Kettunen, Guido Krempel
at Dzibilnocac with various K’awiil portrayals. Besides the Continuing within the transition from the Precolumbian
iconography, the author discusses the associated hieroglyphic to early Colonial eras, Lorraine Williams-Beck discusses
texts that point out to the interpretation of the aforementioned the concept of ‘center’ in her article The Center as Cosmos
building as the Sustenance Mountain, a well-known mythical in Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial Period Campeche. The
place described in various Mesoamerican creation myths. author explores the idea of center as umbilicus, focusing on
pre-Hispanic Canpech and Chanputun provinces, as well as
H. Edwin M. Braakhuis examines the aquatic realm of the early Colonial contexts at Ceiba Cabecera, Campeche. Wil-
dead and the role of the Maize God within that domain in his liams-Beck observes that at Ceiba Cabecera’s Iglesia Mayor,
article Watery Underworld or Realm of the Rain Deities: The the architectural components and mural paintings emphasize
Aquatic Environment of the Tonsured Maize God. The author the function of the building as an umbilicus and place of spir-
suggests that rather than a “Watery Underworld”, this realm itual rebirth, as well as a renewal of ritual religious universe
is akin to the concept of Tlalocan. He also remarks that the for the local Maya during the Colonial era.
Tonsured Maize God functioned as a prototype of the divine
king, exercising power within this watery realm. Moving to the Colonial era in Yucatan, John F. Chuchiak
IV explores the role of caves in the rituals and the changing
In their article Skeletal Supernaturals from the Maya Un- worldview of the Yucatec Maya in his contribution Caves
derworld, Daniel Moreno Zaragoza and Roberto Romero of Life and Caves of Death: Colonial Yucatec Maya Rituals
Sandoval explore the various skeletal beings in Maya ico- and Offerings in Caves and Cenotes, 1540–1750. The author
nography and compare these to the later manifestations in draws attention to the complementary nature of caves and
the worldview of the Maya, all the way until the present cenotes, associated to both life and death in the Maya thought,
day. The authors follow the trail of these beings from Late by pointing out that caves and cenotes were associated both
Classic wahy creatures to Postclassic underworld deities, and with the Rain God Chaak, as well as illness and death.
further to skeletal companion spirits and harmful beings of
the contemporary Maya. Finally, Jesper Nielsen challenges some of the prevailing
perceptions of the Maya underworld in his article How the
In her article Xibalba: Is it Really the Underworld?, Ana Hell? Thoughts on the Colonial Demonization of the Maya
Somohano Eres challenges the prevailing idea that the Maya Underworld. The author observes that European and Chris-
world of the dead is located below the surface of the earth. tian worldviews have influenced our ideas of Maya cosmol-
The author points out that the use of the term ‘underworld’ ogy since the beginning of the European presence in the area.
is influenced by the Christian concept of Hell (see also the According to Nielsen, we seem to have inherited the idea that
article by Jesper Nielsen in this volume), inviting us to reex- evil creatures are mainly to be found below us –something
amine the location of Xibalba by studying the evidence from that was not originally as straightforward in the indigenous
different types of sources. She also remarks that rather than thought (see also the article by Ana Somohano Eres in this
a concrete place, Xibalba is perhaps better considered as a volume). However, the author also points out that this does
state of being. not mean that the Maya, or other Mesoamerican peoples, did
not believe in frightful beings in the dark spaces below the
James E. Brady discusses the interplay between natural earth. Nonetheless, Nielsen reminds us of the indigenous
and artificial sacred landscapes in his article The Translation complementary concept that this dark and moist territory
of a Maya Cosmogram onto an Uncooperative Terrestrial also contained regenerative forces and allowed new life to
Landscape, exploring areas in the Maya world where the be created.
scarcity of large and impressive caves led the ancient Maya
to build their public architecture around small caves and sink- Returning to the subject at the beginning of this foreword,
holes that were consequently formalized as sacred landmarks. to quote David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker in Maya
Furthermore, the author points out that artificial caves have Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the Shaman’s Path (1993:
been created in the non-karstic areas of Mesoamerica where 58): “In truth, there are many paths to an understanding of the
caves do not naturally exist, imposing the ideal landscape reality of the Maya. These paths all follow a similar direction,
onto the physical environment. but so far, no single road has yet appeared.” Although there
may be no single road or even similar directions, the fact re-
Moving from the Precolumbian era to the Colonial period, mains that we will keep looking, exploring, researching, and
Frauke Sachse discusses the encounter of the indigenous and studying. This volume presents one part of that road network.
European religious systems and worldviews in her article
Worlds in Words: Precolumbian Cosmologies in the Context Harri Kettunen, Milan Kováč and Guido Krempel
of Early Colonial Christianisation in Highland Guatemala.
The author examines how the Christian worldview translated
into the Highland Maya cosmology by analyzing the termi-
nology utilized by the missionaries who adopted indigenous
terms that referred to concepts that were meaningful within
the Highland Maya cosmology. Furthermore, Sachse points
out that this practice contributed to the preservation of Pre-
columbian worldviews within the Christian faith.
viii
SACRED LANDSCAPES:
ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL IMPLICATIONS OF SPACE AND TIME
Skywatching at Uaxactun:
Reconsidering Perspectives on the Astronomical
Significance of Preclassic Architectural Alignments
Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub Špoták

Comenius University in Bratislava
Tibor Lieskovský, Ladislav Husár

Slovak University of Technology in Bratislava
Abstract
Uaxactun is one of the oldest known Maya cities with astronomical associations. The functions and hypothe-
ses associated with astronomical alignments of specific buildings have been widely discussed for more than
a century. However, after nine years of intensive archaeological excavations, the Regional Archaeological
Project Uaxactun found a whole new set of data and specified the old ones. Therefore, the view of Uaxactun
and its importance for ancient Maya astronomy should be supplemented. That is what our contribution is
doing. We focus in particular on revealing new contexts and architectonical expressions in the Preclassic
period, the original construction of the E-Group and its solar and lunar associations. Furthermore, this article
deals with testing of calendar contexts, the meaning of Venus and Orion for the orientation of the most im-
portant buildings as well as testing of landscape features in connection with possible architectural alignments.
Resumen
Uaxactún es uno de los más antiguos sitios mayas con connotaciones astronómicas. Las funciones de
edificios específicos e hipótesis asociadas con alineaciones astronómicas han tenido extensas discusiones
durante más de un siglo. Sin embargo, tras nueve años de excavaciones intensas, el Proyecto Arqueológico
Regional Uaxactún ha producido nuevos datos que modifican los resultados presentados antiguamente. Por
esta razón, la mirada a Uaxactún y su importancia para la astronomía maya, debería ser complementada, y
este es el objetivo del presente artículo. En particular nos enfocamos en los nuevos contextos y expresiones
arquitectónicas del período Preclásico, la construcción original del Grupo E, su significado y las asociaciones
solares y lunares. El artículo además trata de examinar las observaciones de Venus y la constelación de Ori-
on, en un contexto de alineaciones de los edificios más importantes del sitio. De la misma manera tratamos
de examinar las relaciones de los edificios importantes con los puntos del horizonte natural, considerando
siempre el contexto calendárico.
Since the discovery of Uaxactun in the early 20th century beginning of the 20th century, in the course of the initial in-
(Morley 1916), this important Maya city has often been inves- vestigations, Frans Blom discovered the existence of a solar
tigated systematically. After the initial excavations conducted astronomical observatory located in Uaxactun Group E, for
by the Carnegie Institution (Ricketson 1928; Ricketson and which he used the term E-Group (Blom 1924); a term which
Ricketson 1937; Smith 1931, 1955; Smith 1950), the last thereafter became a technical term that was considered as a
major research project at Uaxactun in the 20th century was prototype for such architectural arrangements.
carried out by Juan Antonio Valdés in the 1980’s (Valdés
1986, 1999). For the history of research of Maya astronomy, Until 2009, when the first excavations of the Slovak ar-
Uaxactun has ever since played a significant role. At the chaeological project were conducted, only three so-called
Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub Špoták, Tibor Lieskovský & Ladislav Husár
Triadic complexes, one E-Group and two radial structures, data. These include orientations of the walls of main build-
were known. In the course of nine years of field seasons, that ings, platforms or façades, staircases, etc., spanning approx-
were mainly focused on the identification and excavation of imately 60 structures from so far 3,500 registered structures
the Preclassic architectural structures of Uaxactun, we be- that are distributed within the urban site core of Uaxactun, its
came aware of five Triadic complexes, five radial structures, periphery and satellite sites. However, even though we have
and at least two E-Groups (Fig. 1). Because our knowledge been able to confirm an exactness for the majority of build-
about these structures and complexes with probable astro- ings located within the site core, in general, the precision of
nomical importance has dramatically increased, it appears reliable data applies to less than 2% of structures from the
to be time for rethinking the possible significance of various wider region around Uaxactun, and it needs to be mentioned
alignments formed by architecture or having major impact on that this is an area which has been investigated intensely; in
the particularity of the layout of Uaxactun’s urban landscape. fact, for other parts of the Maya lowlands (Peten), the number
Furthermore, the possibilities of the current technological is far worse and disillusioning.
state-of-the-art regarding empirical measurements of archi-
tectural alignments increased dramatically, as, for example, The accuracy of measurements of unexcavated structures
LiDAR data differ conspicuously when compared to previous for archaeoastronomical purposes is related to estimation
attempts. Due to these differences regarding the quantity involved in data production. It means that the orientations are
(of the objects) and quality (of the measurements) of data, essentially proposed after subjective and arbitrarily selected
we would like to describe a view from a slightly different indicators. With the aim of lowering the impact of subjec-
perspective on various astronomical aspects of prototypic tivity as best as possible, we have tried to rely our work on
site-planning patterns in Uaxactun. empirical data of conducted excavations: measurements and
alignments of true walls, staircases, stone blocks, etc. How-
ever, for the study of architectural alignments in the wider
region, it is inevitable to also take some still unexcavated
Data Applicability and
mounds into consideration.
Methods of Measurement
Firstly, we would like to turn the attention to a barely dis- During the last field seasons of topographical investi-
cussed problem that concerns the measurement of possible gations, we established specific ways of re-collecting data,
astronomical alignments: the supposed correctness of data. which allowed us to also study hypothetical alignments
Aiming on precision, it could be a risk to use the majority of that are still discernible from the preserved architecture
existing statistics that are based on site maps. Especially in (for the corresponding applied methodology, see also, e.g.,
the Maya Lowlands a great number of archaeological maps Šprajc 2001: 31–54; 2017: 190–191). As for currently avail-
need to be considered with great caution, given that many able tools and state-of-the-art technologies can either be used
were based on documentations of unexcavated buildings. In the following approaches, or a combination thereof, depend-
the case of the relatively well investigated region of Uaxac- ing on the proper advantages or disadvantages that need to
tun, which counts on more than a century of archaeological be considered in each case:
investigations, we have a wealth of precise archaeological
a b
Figure 1. E-Group assemblage architectural variants defined in Uaxactun. Their particular proportions reflect the ideal azimuth for solstice
and zenith passage; a) Group D, mound D-II; b) Group E, Eastern platform with restored architecture of the building E-I, E-II and E-III
(Graphics by Tibor Lieskovský).
4
Skywatching at Uaxactun: Reconsidering Perspectives on the Astronomical Significance of Preclassic Architectural Alignments
1) Direct observation by total station (theodolite) without altitudes, low resolution, and lesser precision of the data. In this
the necessity of any additional calculations (cartographic case, additional calculations are required, too.
distortion, refraction, projection on celestial sphere, etc.),
but with the obligatory presence of technicians in the field 7) Derivation from precise measurements of architecture and
during an appropriate moment in time, always hoping that archaeological excavation units based on photogrammetry, or
the weather does allow to conduct the intended observa- laser scanning, facilitates the consideration of any possible de-
tions and measurements. tected feature, and opens the possibility of taking measurements
when not being present in the field, terminating in generated
2) Measuring orientations by means of a total station (with virtual reconstructions by means of computer devices. Natu-
the potential of capturing any astronomical alignment), de- rally, this requires additional calculations and post-processing
fined by architectural features. In this case, direct visibility as well.
and assumptions about hypothetically observable phenom-
ena (affected by subjective interpretation of architectural The cardinal issue of any measurement of orientation is the
features, e.g., of the eroded stairway) are essential, and hardly quantifiable precision due to the long-term, lasting and
additional calculations are required. transformative process of the architectural landscape and re-
lated features. To proclaim any measured value valid for sub-
3) Derivation from existing site maps with the issues sequent analysis, the distortion of height and form, according
of a low accuracy, distortion, divergent use of the Mag- to gravity, rain, wind, vegetation and anthropological erosion
netic North, and the absence of data concerned with cor- needs to be taken into consideration. For the majority, these fac-
responding altitudes. In this case, additional calculations tors produce “the mounds” which highly confuse any hypothet-
are required. ical reconstruction, and even the visible ruins of architecture do
not reflect an exact state corresponding to the past reality. Fur-
4) Deriving data from the Digital Elevation Model (DEM) thermore, the derivation of any orientation from visible archi-
is highly precise (for the condition of elaborate realization tecture can be erroneous due to various constructive deflections
of the point field based on absolute coordinates) and offers (e.g., supporting walls can be crooked and corrected by new,
the possibility of measuring any orientation, without the non-surviving stucco applications) or an unknown chronology
necessity to be in situ. Depending on a density of input data of construction stages. Even the archaeological situation in the
and a final resolution of DEM, as well as on a subjective testing samples can be affected by deformations coming out of
definition of the direction. gravity erosion or anthropogenic intervention (be it looting, or
the archaeologist´s misunderstanding regarding chronological
5) Derivation from a precise measurement of the surface and/or constructive stages).
terrain by means of LiDAR. The data obtained by LiDAR
is not necessarily ideal regarding visible architecture, even In order to reduce all the error inducing issues, and to obtain
if being helpful for the detection of little nuances of the more appropriate values of any orientation which can be taken
terrain within a larger area. into account, it is recommendable to adequately use methods
which combine direct topographic measurements and data ob-
6) Derivation from remote sensing data is useful and effec- tained from ground photogrammetry, as well as LiDAR. By
tive for large areas with visible architecture (if not covered doing so, (historic) site maps, the precision of which is often
by vegetation), but is limited by the lack of corresponding too limited for successful measurements of orientation required
a b
Figure 2. Geostatistical identification of the feature orientation by the weighted average; a) restored stairway leading up to the Eastern
Platform, Group H-North; b) Orientation of the mound surface covering the upper platform of Group H-South, Uaxactun (Graphics by
Tibor Lieskovský).
5
Calendrical Background
for archaeoastronomical analysis, need to be excluded. Thus,
the obtained data can be re-measured and reconstructed in the When trying to detect any astronomical significance, in most
context of an automatization of the whole process in a GIS cases we have to deal with calendar systems. All celestial
environment by means of using the method of “visual pro- phenomena are periodic, and therefore they create systems for
gramming”. Within such an approach was built up a database calendrical calculations, because the movements of celestial
of 320 different angles measured within the Preclassic site bodies are regular and predictable (Iwaniszewski 2015: 11).
core of Uaxactun by following certain processes: By means of continuous observations throughout a certain
period of time, an ancient astronomer would have been able
– Data recollection in the field (DEM, archaeological probes, to distinguish these phenomena according to the visibility of
architecture, topographical measurement within the elaborate their appearances, magnitude, or difficulty of cycles of ce-
geodetic control based on absolute coordinates, UTM 16N lestial bodies in connection to the agricultural year. The most
projection, LiDAR), in the ideal case duplicated (e.g., meas- easily observable celestial bodies are the sun and the moon.
urement of stairways by photogrammetry can be validated or The synodical period of the moon is easily observable, but
compared with topographical measurements). the position of the moon differs in two extremes throughout
its periods: major and minor standstills. It is more difficult
– Data processing, with the purpose of generating 3D models to use this celestial body as indicator of the agricultural inter-
and 2D maps. vals. Cycles of planets, visible with naked eye (from Mercury
to Saturn), are too difficult and complex for the purpose of
– Identification of potential archaeoastronomically significant using them for permutations of the annual calendar. Stars, or
orientations manifested and their conversion into 3D vectors. star constellations, are rising and setting on specific, more or
less predictable moments in time throughout the year, which
– Identification of potential archaeoastronomically significant makes them a better option in order to track time. Nonethe-
angles between the architectural objects, and their conversion less, the movement of sun on the eastern horizon is the best
into 2D vectors. recognizable phenomenon. Therefore, two types of possible
astronomical calendars stand out: sidereal (or star) calendars,
– Geo-statistical calculations of the probable orientation of a and solar horizon calendars (Ruggles 2015a: 20). We assume
part of the slope based on the orientations of certain contour that observatories with the function of determining cycles of
lines. specific celestial bodies existed in ancient Uaxactun. With
regard to the sidereal calendar, Group H North could have
– Computational identification of the highest point of the served for this purpose, whereas Group E may have been used
mounds (for the elimination of its subjective determination). for the calculation of the solar horizon calendar. Furthermore,
Ruggles (2015b: 412) states: “There can be many reasons
– Defining the relevant total altitudes for calculating the an- for a house, temple, or tomb to be oriented in a particular
gular altitude. direction, and there are evident dangers in presupposing an
astronomical, or even worse an exclusively astronomical
8) Statistical summarization of the results regarding specific motivation.” However, potential of astronomical observa-
orientations or architectural features based on: tions as a function of E-Group assemblages should be taken
into account.
– The identification and elimination of all extreme values
which can distort the statistical average (could be considered Astronomical alignments in specialized buildings can
as a “dangerous step” due to the possibility of subjective offer us a glimpse into the meaning of architectural space
elimination of “uncomfortable” values that do not correspond and how it was arranged in order to accommodate scheduled
with the assumptions). rituals (Aveni, Dowd and Vining 2003: 159). One of the main
hypothesis regarding the E-Group of Uaxactun concerns the
– Assigning different relevance to the features by means of observation of solstices and equinoxes that are characterized
weighted average e.g., a long line of preserved stairway orien- by three temples: E-I, E-II and E-III, respectively. The posi-
tation is more relevant than few preserved parts; the orientation of the observer is on the radial Structure E-VII on the
tion of a longer part of a contour line representing the general West. Thus, what benefits did we get by observing these solar
orientation of a slope is more relevant than a short one which phenomena? One of the main reasons is to keep the calendar,
possibly manifests local deformation (Fig. 2). or to specify the time for particular rituals. But which calen-
dar has to be controlled? The most reasonable one is the 365-
– Calculation of the middle value of orientation and its stand- day calendar, the so-called Haab. It is clear that this calendar
ard deviation. is based on one solar year of 365 days that are divided into
18 months with 20 days each, with an additional 5-day long
– Validation of the feature relevance by additional, external period called Wayeb. Ruggles (2015: 19) also states: “The
methods. inevitable consequence is that however accurately the cycles
are reckoned [...] the calendar will sooner or later start to
9) Dynamic algorithmic elimination of latitude based car- conflict with actual observations and need adjustment.”
tographic distortion.
6
If the main function of an E-Group was to observe sol- interval from zenith passage to summer solstice (43.6 days)
stices and equinoxes, it has no effect on the Haab calendar. is defined by any 20-day or 13-day multiplications. Such
An imprecision of this calendar in comparison with the true observational calendar in the alignments at Uaxactun can be
(tropical) year led to the loss of one full day every 1.508 consider only in rough approximations.
days (Rice 2007: 42), because the calendar year of 365 days
did not maintain a fixed correlation with the tropical year Nonetheless, a possible pattern based on the count of
of 365.24219 days, nor did the specific date of the tropi- days as intervals between equinoxes and solstices, and be-
cal year had any permanent calendrical name (Šprajc, Mo- tween the equinox and the solar zenithal passages has also
rales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: 91; Aveni, Dowd and Vining been found on the floor of the Classic period palace A-V
2003: 157–158). Maya daykeepers probably did not try to at Uaxactun, named as “pecked cross” (Aveni, Dowd and
correct this solar calendar Haab (e.g., by adding one day Vining 2003: 170–171). It can be considered as calendrical,
every four years), because it would also have had an effect because it represents sequences of tally marks or counts of
on the Tzolk’in calendar and also on the calculation of the days (Iwaniszewski 2015: 737). The intervals corresponding
Long Count. Astronomical cycles do not necessarily need to to the northern half of the outer circle (68 holes) add up to
be involved in the calendrical systems. Among many indige- the interval between zenith passages at Teotihuacan (Aveni
nous peoples, astronomical events were not rated any more and Dowd 2017: 85) while southern half of inner circle (48
reliable as an indication of the progress of the year (Turton holes) as well as northern half of inner circle (51 holes) could
and Ruggles 1978; Nilsson 1920), and, for example, in the approximates the number of days between spring equinox and
case of Ancient Rome, due to the adoption of the Julian cal- the first of two annual solar zenith passages in the Peten (51
endar, there was no need for astronomical observations. It days). After all, the southern half of outer circle (88 holes)
was abandoned in favor of arithmetical reckoning with nu- equals the observed interval between the autumnal equinox
merically defined “months” (Ruggles 2015a: 17). This means and the winter solstice, as well as the interval between the
that after setting and harmonizing the annual calendar (Haab), winter solstice and the spring equinox (Aveni and Dowd
the sacred calendar (Tzolk’in) and Long Count, it was just a 2017: 84).
matter of counting the days within these calendars, with no
direct relation with astronomical observations. In fact, these Specific appearances of such symbols that can be fixed in
calendars have turned into so-called “schematic calendars” the landscape were placed also in different locations: within
(see Ruggles 2015a), where the entire functionality is solely the urban area of Teotihuacan and near or within the cere-
based on arithmetic calculation. However, the calendars can monial districts of dozens of reported sites. They were found
serve for several purposes, even if ignoring the periodicity in spaces that hardly could accommodate more than a few
of the tropical year. It provides a framework for operations people (Iwaniszewski 2015, 738). This kind of cross-circle
like collecting taxes and tributes, and also for ideological motif was probably invented in Teotihuacan (Aveni, Dowd
needs, such as to strengthen local identity by ensuring that and Vining 2003: 170), but the design of pecked crosses is
the whole population celebrates festivals and performs rituals greatly patterned. The number of holes which formes axes re-
simultaneously (Steele 2012, 2015: 95). mains static (20 or 10), while the number of holes in circles is
highly variable (Iwaniszewski 2015: 738). This may suggest
So why did the ancient Maya need to observe solar phe- that the holes in circles served for very particular practices
nomena at the horizon? There is a certain possibility that and then, the number founded on the floor of the palace A-V
a “Maya calendar reform”, so-called by Aveni, Dowd and at Uaxactun may be rather random or dedicated to different
Vining (2003), had been applied at some moment in time. use. There are also different interpretations, or meanings of
The zenith passage is doubtlessly a clearly recognizable phe- this figure, ranging from, e.g., (unlikely) instruments for ori-
nomenon. It happens twice annually, and according to Aveni entation in planning Teotihuacan (Dow 1967; Millon 1968;
and colleagues (2003), as well as Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar Aveni and Hartung 1982) to much more likely - ritual game
and Hansen (2009), it can divide the solar year into specific boards (Aveni, Dowd and Vining 1978; Aveni 1988). In fact,
intervals between the dates recorded by different alignments. this pattern is similar to patolli or “quince” boards, which we
Then, “observational calendars”, based on observations of know from floors and walls through classical graffities (Źrał-
the movements of the sun within the horizon and counting ka and Hermes 2009: 146) and later also from the codices etc.
intervals of days (see Aveni 2001; Aveni, Dowd and Vining (Freidel and Rich 2016: 249–251).
2003; Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009) could have
facilitated an efficient scheduling of agricultural and associ- It is obvious that calendars serve a variety of social pur-
ated ritual activities in the annual cycle, counted by multiple poses. Sometimes it is hard to distinguish between the purpos-
units of 20 or 13 days. However, the corresponding intervals es, for example, as practical benefit (regulating agricultural
between two zenith passages, or between zenith passages and activities), ideological or ritualistic aspects for ensuring the
equinox, and between zenith passages and summer solstice correct timing of ceremonial activities. There is also the pos-
depending on the observer’s latitude. In the case of Uaxactun sibility of not determining the count of days or to specify the
there has not been a verification of the significance of such length of time between actions, but to provide a framework
possible observational counts (using multiples of 20 and 13 for action, in case of, for example, a farmer who tied a string
days) according to the hypothetical (regional) “observational around an ankle and carefully added a knot each day to de-
calendars”, because, as illustrated in Figure 3, neither the termine the number of days between planting and harvest
interval from equinox to zenith passage (49.5 days), nor the (Ruggles 2015a: 18). Therefore, also for Maya farmers, it was
7
Figure 3. Observational intervals of astronomical significance corresponding to the latitude 17.39°N, the location of Uaxactun (Graphics
by Ladislav Husár and Tomáš Drápela).
not strictly necessary to observe the position of the sun at the and meaning (as part of a mythic landscape reflected in ar-
horizon throughout the year with the help of an observatory. chitecture) rather than actual effects on the functionality or
It is likely the reason for the construction of astronomical applicability of calendar counts. Therefore, it is better to use
interpreted alignments could be more complex. horizon-based observatories to mark the position of the sun
during the zenith passage than with the help of zenith tubes,
because after the particular interval of days can be observed
one apparently critical moment at the horizon, which happens
From Zenith Passage to Solstices
when the sun changes the course of its annual movement
Due to the fact that the Maya lowlands are located close to the (from the perspective of a terrestrial observer). At such mo-
tropical latitude, the above-mentioned astronomical event of ment, the solar disk seems to be stopped on the same point
the zenith passage, the sun in highest position of the celestial of the horizon at least 5 days, caused by little changes of its
sphere at noon, can be experienced in the area. The impor- position every day by a smaller distance than is one quarter of
tance of non-shady moments in time-counting has been ex- his diameter (because of the annual “return” of sun movement
amined in an ethnological context. As one of many examples perceived by an observer). The phenomenon of the solstices
of simple solar observatories the Ch’orti’ Maya used to mark can easily acquire a great symbolic significance able to in-
the days of the zenith passage by observing where the sun spire a variety of ritual practices.
rises or sets according to prominent features in the landscape
and these people even perceive the rise-set direction of the In fact, there was no need to observe the positions of
sun on that day as east and west (Girard 1948). There is also the sun throughout the year for the purpose of calendrical
evidence of a solar zenith tradition from the Early Colonial counts and correlating these with the actual tropical year;
era based on a decree from 1577, issued by Philip II of Spain this was only necessary for few specific dates. The ancient
(see Aveni 2003: 42), stating that authorities of every city and astronomer could easily have recognized how distant the sun
town in “the Indies” had to provide exact reports of their lat- appeared to the first zenith passage by counting back and
itude and the day of sun zenith passage. With the knowledge forth, which is, from an agricultural perspective, the time of
about these days, the colonial officials would have been able the beginning of the rainy season. In southern Mesoamerica,
to maintain the control over any indigenous demonstration the first zenith passage generally announces the rain at the
linked to the ancient practice. From Pre-Columbian Mesoa- end of April, thereby alarming farmers to clean the fields for
merica onwards the importance of the zenith is marked by planting, whereas when passing the second zenith passage it
the existence of numerous subterranean galleries with verti- announces the rains and wind on 12–13 of August.
cal shafts that extend from a cave up to the ground surface,
e.g., at Xochicalco or Monte Alban (Aveni 2003: 42). During
those occasions, when the sun passes the overhead point, it
Two Types of E-Group Assemblages
throws a powerful ray of light into the darkened environment.
Given that the vertical alignments mainly derived from ideal- The occurrences of such architectonic complexes located
istic concepts, they probably had a more ritualistic function within the Preclassic core of Uaxactun (in Group E and Group
8
Figure 4. Position of Uaxactun according to the corresponding tropical latitude affecting the values of azimuthal deflections (from the East)
for the summer (winter) solstice and zenith passages (Graphics by Ladislav Husár and Tomáš Drápela).
D, respectively) are characterized by different proportions 83). Orientations around 90 degrees of azimuth lead to the
of each. Based on measurements of the proportions of such acceptation of the assemblage being connected with the an-
complexes registered at Uaxactun and its periphery, we here nual solstice-equinoxial observations maintaining the “ritual
propose that the class of E-Group assemblage can be defined or canonical agricultural cycle” (e.g., Šprajc 2008: 237; 2015:
by means of two architectural types. One type of Group E 723–724; see also Aveni, Dowd and Vining 2003). Also, the
assemblage can be defined as solstitial, due to the factual proportions within their structural pattern create the plaza as
possibility of precise astronomical observations of the sunrise the civic central place of public rituals. The nature of its plan-
on the days of summer/winter solstice, according to which ning is being treated through the various concepts; it seems
the architecture has been oriented in situ, whereas the similar to share a similar inventory of architecture and measurement
assemblage of Group D does not allow such alignment for ob- conventions, governed by solar alignments and planar ge-
servations. The latter type does not allow such observations ometry (Doyle 2013:793), thereby expressing a geometric
because it appears to have a smaller angle between the posi- connection between buildings that goes in accord with the
tion of the observer (when standing in front of, or on the top integral right triangles of the Geometry of Void (Harrison
of the western radial structure) and the corners of the eastern 1999:180). Its abstract notion could have the logical prototype
platform represent the extremities of the ecliptic belt (an an- in the cleared milpa ritually marked by the farmer (Andrews
gle that depends on the length of the eastern platform and its 1975:10) or could symbolically represent the primordial sea
axial distance from the western position). Nevertheless, the of which the Mountain of Creation emerged (Schele and
angle defining this assemblage (±18°) enables observations Mathews 1998:43–46). Thus, the E-Group assemblage, de-
of the sunrise during the days of the appearance of the zenith limiting and co-creating such meaningful open space (es-
passage. However the observation possibilities are influenced pecially during the Classic Period), could easily allow very
also by other factors (angular altitude of the projection on theatrical and impressive observations of astronomical events,
celestial sphere, refraction, etc.), the assemblage evincing an even apart from its function as astronomical observatory, but
angle of a value close to 18.4° can be defined as constructions still representing its spatial proportionality as the prototype
with possibility of zenithal alignment, and therefore can be of a certain cosmic order. In this regard, it is frequently also
considered as a typological variant in a strictly architectural defined as Astronomical Commemorative Complex (e.g.,
meaning, regardless that observations of astronomical phe- Laporte and Fialko 1993).
nomena of zenith passages could have been the source of
inspiration for these particular architectural features. In sum, it cannot be surprising that the architecture of the
E-Group assemblages expressing the astronomical signifi-
For the aim of identifying an astronomical phenomenon cance by maintaining the axial 90° azimuth (±0,5°) is actually
that is possibly reflected in a certain architectural alignment, a rare phenomenon throughout the Maya lowlands. More
the declination corresponding to the observer’s geographic precisely, the data resulting from measured assemblages lead
latitude (Fig. 4), the alignments’ azimuth and the angular alti- us to point out intervals ranging from 7% (Aveni, Dowd and
tude of the observed point above the horizontal plane need to Vining 2003: 164–169) up to 18% (Drápela 2014: 92) that
be calculated (see Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: are associated with “essentially astronomical observatories”
9
Figure 5. Locations of mentioned E-Group assemblages within the Uaxactun region and its northeastern periphery (Map by Tomáš Drápela).
10
Figure 6. Orientations of the architectural features measured on the bared architecture of buildings forming the E-Group Assemblage, Group
E, Uaxactun (Regional Archaeological Project of Uaxactun, data based on photogrammetric measurements, Season 2014) (Graphics by
Tibor Lieskovský).
that are known so far. However, when taking into account distribution within the perimeter of 6 kilometers around the
only the register within the wider region around Uaxactun, city-core of Uaxactun we reach a value of 50%. When paying
the amount is radically higher, reaching a value up to 34% attention to the distribution of the distinct typological variants
(Fig. 5). And going even further by taking into account its of E-Groups, the zenithal arrangement seems to be more char-
Solsticial arrangement Axial azimuth Zenithal arrangement Axial

(+/- 24,5° deflection in proportionality) (+/- 18° deflection in proportionality) azimuth
Uaxactun Group E 90° Uaxactun Group D 90°
Dos Torres Group C 88° Uaxactun Group L 90°
Sakapuk Group A 93° Sakapuk Group C 92°
Vergel (Tz’ibatnah) 97° Zompopal Group A 90°
Petnal Group A 95°
El Manantial Group A 97°
Buena Vista Group A 98°
Jimbal Group A 101°
Table 1. Arrangements of the E-Group assemblages within Uaxactun region.

11
acteristic for the Uaxactun region (see Table 1). At this point, that is oriented to the East (Rosal, Valdés and Laporte 1993:
it needs to be noted that in this case we have been working 73). At this early stage, during a not yet clearly defined Pre-
with a notably small sample of architectural assemblages, classic phase, this building was not a radial structure and
precisely with a total of 12. And only two “class-type”-spec- there is no clear evidence of a related eastern platform neither.
imen are backed up by valid measurements of an excavated However, if a future excavation could eventually confirm the
structure. Also, any astronomical significance of the majority existence of such a platform, the height, orientation and exact
is not confirmed due to unverified levels of the natural east- position of the building would in fact fit perfectly to the ideal
ern horizon behind the eastern platform, or due the fact that observation point (on top of the building) for the purpose
their existence is only visible in settlement patterns that have of watching the solstices and equinoxes while standing in
been covered and modified by later urban development, as position of the later eastern platform (for the observation of
is the case in Group L in Uaxactun, Group A in Buena Vista, the solstices the ancient observer would have used the front
Group A in Jimbal and Group A in El Manantial. Thus, their corners of the platform).
azimuthal orientation and with it any possible astronomical
significance is quite uncertain. The second phase corresponds with the well-known radial
Structure E-VII Sub, which was constructed at the same place
To conclude, we can carefully proclaim the site of Uaxac- as the previous one, during the very end of the Preclassic
tun and its surroundings as a region of the Maya lowlands that period. At the same moment in time, the Eastern Platform
is characterized by the highest concentration of astronomical- was constructed by means of only one construction phase
ly significant E-Group assemblages known up to date. Such (Kováč 2017: 68), with one building (later called E-II) stand-
proclamation can be reinforced by taking the assemblage at ing in the center (Rosal, Valdés and Laporte 1993: 74). The
the sites of El Palmar into account, which, being located 20 existence of a proper building in the center of the eastern
kilometers southwest of Uaxactun, has not been included in platform (Fig. 7) could be an indicator of the original focus
our statistics, but shares the axial 90° azimuth according to on the observation of equinoxes. However, the rear corners
the measurement of the site map made by Doyle (2013: 796). of the Eastern Platform may simultaneously have served for
Furthermore, it has to be pointed out that 75% (3 out of 4) the purpose of observing the solstices, which is a plausible,
of the possible real astronomical observatories in the perim- alternative explanation.
eter of 6 kilometers around Uaxactun evince a typological
proportion of architecture based on the zenithal arrangement.
At the moment, we can make the suggestion that for Uaxac-
tun’s skywatchers or daykeepers, as well as for the builders
of monumental architecture, the phenomenon of the zenith
passages had, for certain reasons, the same significance as
observations of the solstices. Furthermore, according to cer-
tain archaeological evidence, it is likely that the assemblages
characterized by a zenithal arrangement have been construct-
ed earlier in time and the Uaxactun emblematic assemblage
expressing a solstitial arrangement thereafter.
Implications of Revised E-Groups

Even though barely discussed, it is also important to take into
consideration the chronological implications when observ-
ing the E-Groups of Uaxactun. The chronological results of
Chase and Chase (1983: 1240) re-examination of the archaeo-
logical data shows that the materials associated with Structure
E-VII postdate those recovered from structures E-I, E-II and
E-III (Aveni, Dowd and Vining 2003:161). They considered
the possibility of contemporary astronomical function of the
E-VII Sub with the eastern temples (Fig. 6). However, judg-
ing from the results of our investigations, this theory cannot
be confirmed. The re-examination of archaeological records
from the Carnegie Institution (see Ricketson and Ricketson
1937) and further attestations resulting from investigations
conducted during the 1980´s (Rosal, Valdés and Laporte
1993), together with recent excavations in Group E (Kováč
2017: 54–69) generate a different picture:
Figure 7. Late Preclassic original construction of the Group E at
The first phase of E-VII (E-VII Sub-1) shows a building Uaxactun (Based on Rosal, Valdés and Laporte 1993: 74, redrawn
that measures 3,5 m in total height, with only one stairway by Tomáš Drápela).
12
Figure 8. Solar trajectories of the important moments within the ecliptic belt. Appearance of astronomical phenomenon of the sunrise is
affected by the height of horizontal plane, respectively, the ideal-observational azimuth (Si, Zi, Ei) is different than the azimuth of such
appearance at architectural horizon (Sv, Zv, Ev). (Graphics by Tomáš Drápela and Tibor Lieskovský).
During the third phase, constructed in the Early Classic et al. 2015: 1035–1036). Uaxactun´s E-Group observatory
period, the position of the corners of the early eastern plat- perfectly enables observations of all Venus cycles. Five com-
form were set by means of constructing new corners for the plicated trajectories including all sets and rises of Venus are
lateral buildings E-I and E-III, and even though with other well observable within the respective dimensions, as reflected
function, the new platform was conspicuously wider. On the by the altitudes and angles of the eastern platform and its
one hand, this means that its Early Classic conception was buildings E-I, E-II and E-III (Fig. 9b). This might correspond
identical with the previous one, even if two additional build- to Freidel’s (1979: 46, 1981) hypothesis which is based on the
ings and the radial Structure E-VII had been designed much iconography of the upper zoomorphic stucco façades of the
higher. On the other hand, however, the new construction de- radial Structure E-VII Sub, assuming that these reflect a re-
sign made it impossible to define an observation point on top lation between the Sun and Venus. Doubtlessly, Venus had an
of the Structure E-VII (as well as before on top of E-VII Sub), exceptional meaning for the ancient Maya. Several scholars
not the least because in both phases the true horizon appeared have emphasized the importance of the maximum elongation
higher as the observation level as seen at the eastern platform. of Venus (Schele and Freidel 1990: 444–446; Aveni 1980: 85),
the retrograde period of Venus (Lounsbury 1982: 163), or the
Nonetheless, the positions and movements of an observer principal focus on the Evening Star (Šprajc 1993a, 1993b).
would naturally change any point of view with every step Strong evidence for the importance of Venus cycles comes
upwards the eastern stairway (Fig. 9a). Respectively, the also from the Dresden Codex (Milbrath 1999: 163–177).
Eastern Platform is optically closer – and therefore appears
higher and wider – until the plaza level has been reached after At the southern part of the radial Structure E-VII was
the descend from the top of the radial structure downwards. added a small platform, E-XII, which does not seem to form
From this hypothetical point of view, it is possible to see part of the observatory (Fig. 10). However, very similar addi-
the sunrise during the days of the solstices from the plaza tional platforms in other E-Groups are attested, for example
level, when it passes approximately along the lateral walls at El Cenote (Chase 1985) and Yaxnohcah (Šprajc 2008). The
of buildings E-I and E-III (Fig. 8). Despite the fascinating question thus is, which kind of alignment could represent
scenery and its symmetry, it does not seem to function for the small platform E-XII with regard to its relation to the
exact observation purposes, which is the reason why this kind eastern platform? At first, we have analyzed the very rare
of observation mode is better described as an idealistic, rather and incomprehensible deflection of Structure E-III, which has
than a practical one. Another possibility has already been been intentionally oriented differently when compared to E-I
offered for the perspective of Venus observations (Kováč and E-II. As a result, it appears that E-III is very accurately
13
Figure 9a. Some astronomical phenomenon at the E-Group assemblage functioning as an ecliptic observatory, Uaxactun, Group E. An
observer is localized on the top of restored E-VII Sub. Meanwhile the observation from the top doesn´́t evince any direct alignments of
sunrise with the Eastern platform, neither with buildings E-I, E-II nor E-III (caused by a higher position of the contour line marking the
eastern horizon in landscape than of the artificial horizon formed by architecture), the observation from the level of plaza might provide
some relevant alignments (Graphics by Vladimír Karlovský, Tibor Lieskovský and Tomáš Drápela).
Figure 9b. All five different cycles of the Venus perfectly observable on the horizon of Eastern Platform and related buildings of the Group
E, Uaxactun (Graphics by Vladimír Karlovský, Tibor Lieskovský and Tomáš Drápela).
14
Ixkun Yaxnohcah El Cenote Chanchich II
Figure 10. Structure E-XII as an additional E-Group assemblage at Uaxactun and a comparison of its occurrence at various Southern Low-
land sites (Graphic by Tibor Lieskovský and Tomáš Drápela).
oriented, including the orientation of the staircase and walls, and there can also be no doubt about the importance of this
exactly towards the platform E-XII that had been added to cycle for Maya rituals, religion and mythology. Probably, it
Structure E-VII. The analysis of the astronomically relevant was likewise important for the common day-count, as can be
viewpoints from this platform could indicate its orientation deduced from the importance of the Lunar Series in the Long
towards the heliacal rising of the constellation Orion. This Count cycle (Marci and Beattie 1996). By the Classic period,
constellation has been associated with the “three stones of the Lunar Series included information about the current lunar
creation” (Tedlock 1995: 119-120) which have played a piv- phase (Glyphs D and E), the length of the current or previous
otal role in Maya cosmology in context of the creation of the lunar month (Glyph A), and the position of the lunar month
world (see, e.g., Milbrath 1999: 266–268). in the lunar half-year (Glyph C). As Milbrath pointed, the
length of the lunar month was calculated in sets of five and
In addition, lunar alignments can supposedly be observed six months used in eclipse predictions. On the other hand, the
at the same eastern platform, given that there are clearly ancient Maya frequently “reconstructed” it with some errors
recognizable points at its northern and southern extremes or deflections (Milbrath 1999: 110–111), and its function in
during the 18.61-year cycle, when the nodes return to the the frame of the supposed observational calendar still remains
same positions (Fig. 11). elusive. Nevertheless, the attention has recently been turned
to the standstill positions of the moon (Šprajc 2016). We can
In the same space one could observe the interval between assume that a vast number of different lunar counts existed
major standstills, when the moon reaches its maximum north- simultaneously, and the more significant ones could have
ern and southern positions (Aveni 1997: 33). All highly com- been observed in one way or another by means of the eastern
plex lunar cycles could be observed within this assemble platform. It is furthermore remarkable that some lunar obser-
15
Figure 11. Variability of the possibilities of solar and lunar observations at the Group E, Uaxactun (Graphic by Tibor Lieskovský and Tomáš
Drápela).
vations can be traced back to the Preclassic period (Justeson a story of the Sun or relation between the Sun and Venus,
1989: 79, 87). the sun and the Moon, or, in the case of Orion, the creation
story. In this light, we can see the E-Group of Uaxactun as an
Reconsidering the functions of the E-Group in Uaxactun, ecliptic planetarium, where the principal mythological stories
it appears that no single option is clearly dominant. Due to reflecting the movements of celestial bodies were performed.
the historical evolution of the entire construction with corre-
sponding optional observation points, alternative possibilities
should be considered as well. In this context, it might be
Group H North and the Constellation of Orion
worth recalling Aveni´s proclamation concerning the general
conception of E-Groups: “it was more performative than Among the unexcavated groups of Uaxactun, Group H
practice, more theatre than laboratory and more planetari- North has been chosen for more detailed investigations that
um than observatory” (Aveni 2003: 163). Other statement spanned eight years in total. In order to facilitate the answers
declares, they “[...] may have been more important in their to some chronological questions, it is important to note that
design than accurate solar alignment” (Aimers and Rice 2006: the excavation results show that the whole plaza of Group H
87). Focused especially on the E-Group of Uaxactun, Kováč North had been built probably as an E-Group and then rebuilt
et al. (2015: 1036) highlight the roles of Sun and Venus in to the final Triadic form during only one construction phase
the similar way, supposing that the function of observations (spanning from ~40 B.C. to A.D. 10). The process could be
of periodical cycles of the sun were combined with the obser- similar to the architectural transformation registered in Cara-
vations of periodical cycles of Venus. But a real function of col E-Group (Chase and Chase 1995: 98, 2017: 52). Group H
the whole architectural complex was rather based on esoteric North could have functioned originally as a solar observatory.
than astronomic grounds. The relation between the buildings Nonetheless, its final design manifested approximately 6° of
of the E-Group embodied by these celestial phenomena prob- deflection to the South between the radial Structure H-XV
ably represented an institutionalized mystery. This concept and the central building H-I (Fig. 12).
was intentionally incorporated into the architecture to create a
so-called cosmogram, dedicated probably to some ritual acts Given the fact that exactly oriented buildings and stair-
based on imitations of celestial patterns. We can presume that ways with a deflection of 0° (for the North-South and East-
these activities represent a particular myth with very practical West axis) were found in the same complex and phase, we
consequences for agriculture, politics, social hierarchy and interpret the main axis as an intentional deflection, and the
daily life (Kováč et al. 2015: 1036). In the same way, the sym- result of the measurement seems to be clear:
bolic meaning of the architecture could manifest myths about
16
Figure 12. Axial orientations between the structures of El Tiburon (Group F) and Group H North. In smaller scale within the
frame of the Group H North. (The lines between radial structure H-XV and H-I on the one side and H-XV and F-VIII on the
other side, connect the points of heliacal risings and settings of Orion) (Graphics by Tibor Lieskovský and Tomáš Drápela).
The main direction of the architectural complex that was the earliest times of Maya culture, consists of three hearth-
relevant for the final phase of the Late Preclassic period stones in a triangular arrangement. These hearthstones were
points towards the heliacal rising and setting of the three represented by the stars Rigel, Saiph and Alnitak (Freidel
brightest stars of the so-called Maya Triangle of the constel- et al. 1993: 66–67). In the middle of this triangle of stars is
lation Orion (Kováč and Karlovský 2011, 2015). located Nebula M-42, which is visible by naked eye observa-
tion, probably by ancient Maya associated with the primordial
For such orientation we have a plausible explanation that fire of the hearth of creation, or maybe the smoke ascending
is based on a particular Maya cosmological concept. On Stela from it, while the stars were thought to represent the hearth-
C from Quirigua, an inscription was identified that refers to stones. It is this nebula which may be related to the Aztec’s
the Maya creation story, dating it to the 13th of August 3114 constellation of Mamalhuaztli, which has been tentatively
BC. Even more important is its statement that at that time associated with Orion (Milbrath 1999: 267), and which was
‘the three stones were set’ (Freidel et al. 1993: 65-66). The of fundamental importance for the ancient Nahuas, as it prob-
reference to the three stones of the creation also appears in ably represented the center of their universe and the place of
the inscriptions of Palenque (Tedlock 1995: 119–120) and it creation. In the Maya Highlands inhabited by K’iche’ Maya,
seems that the triangle of stars observed in the sky was con- Orion was visible in a true zenith position (Milbrath 1999:
sidered to be the prototype of the Maya hearth, which, from 266). The cosmic hearth of creation is mentioned in the Popol
17
Vuh, too (see Tedlock 1985: 261). The apex of the hearth’s maize disappearing into the darkness of the earth. In this
triangle is formed by the star Alnitak, which is at the same context, the sowing of the principal source of sustenance
time the bottommost of the three stars of Orion’s belt. Thus, associated with the cosmic pattern seems to be a reasonable
the belt connected to the hearth first emerges from behind template. Moreover, besides Uaxactun, a number of temples
the horizon, and in a more vertical position when compared that are oriented towards the setting points of stars within the
to more northward latitudes. The Maya could have imagined constellation Orion have been attested in the capital of the
it as a stick for igniting fire (Thompson 1972: 68). After its K´iche’ Maya of Q´umarkaj/Utatlán (Freidel et al. 1993: 103).
initial appearance when rising from behind the horizon, it
immediately reaches the hearth and the fire in its center.
City-Core Alignments within the Landscape
According to Diego de Landa, one from most important
Maya constellation was ak ek´ (Tozzer 1941: 132–133), lit- The orientation of alignments embodied by the monumen-
erally the turtle star/s, represented probably by Orion. More tal architecture of the Preclassic core of Uaxactun seems to
clearly, a rendering of Orion was represented by a turtle in the follow the common pattern, as becomes clear when taking a
Paris Codex (Milbrath 1999: 267) and recorded on the Murals look at Figure 13. Such regularity in architectural orientations
of Bonampak, too. Furthermore, the present-day Lacandon and urban layout demonstrating that complex rules based on
Maya have identified a mythological episode in which a turtle astronomical and calendrical calculations were already fully
living at the bottom of local lake at Naha is associated with developed in the central Maya Lowlands by the Late Pre-
mam and described as a very old primordial deity (Kováč classic period (Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009:
2013: 162; Kováč and Karlovský 2015: 163). This could con- 78). Such a pattern can be defined by the general west-east
firm the concept corresponding to the idea of the beginning orientation and the south-of-east skew in the urban planning.
of the world represented by “turtle stars”. During the Late The preference for a west-east orientation might be explained
Preclassic period, Orion disappeared from the sky on May by concepts presenting the urban materialization of the ce-
2nd with an accuracy of ± 3 days and remained invisible until lestial order emphasized by the axial ecliptic belt (see, e.g.,
June 20th, when its heliacal rising occurred. We believe that Ashmore and Sabloff 2002), whereas the peculiarity of the
the disappearance of Orion, exactly at the beginning of the south-of-east skew within the same belt – and prevailing
rainy season, would certainly not have gone unnoticed in the throughout Mesoamerica – is being explained by a particular
context of rituals, especially when considering that the central symbolism of directionality (see Šprajc 2003; see also Šprajc,
axis of the whole complex H North was oriented towards Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: 82).
Orion. Observations of the disappearance of this constellation
could have marked the beginning of the main agrarian ritual In the case of Uaxactun, we can also propose that such
that took place on the radial Structure H-XV. The ritual in a skew could be influenced naturally by the morphology of
turn could have been a general indicator of the beginning of the local landscape. The local visibility in general, and par-
the agricultural season. ticularly from the center of the city-core (e.g., seen from the
prominent elevation of the El Tiburon complex), is framed
The heliacal rising of Orion on the 20th of June possibly by a landscape reflecting the dichotomy of the western and
marked the victorious return from the underworld. Young eastern direction: located in the west is a hilly terrain that
maize stalks appeared in the fields, life conquered death, is formed by mountain ridges and valleys, whereas on the
and the fire of creation was ignited again. Considering the east side one can find plains with small emerging eleva-
accuracy of +/- 3 days, it becomes clear that the heliacal tions and dividing line in between both landscapes, thereby
rising of Orion is overlapped by the summer solstice, which forming marks of a certain east-of-north skew. In any case,
in turn would have indicated plenty of ritual opportunities. the understanding of the concepts behind the symbolism of
In Uaxactun also winter solstice might be related with the cardinal directions is one of the key-points of research which
heliacal rising of Orion, especially in the architectural align- have led to the discovery of certain alignments in Maya ar-
ments of the E-Group (from E-VII to E-III, and from E-XII chitecture establishing the east or west oriented groups of
to E-III, as well as from H-XV to H-I, and from H-XV to alignments associated with observational calendars. In the
H-III). Nevertheless, the heliacal setting of Orion may have Preclassic core of Uaxactun one can, approximately, detect a
symbolically represented the sowing – the yellow grains of cluster of 8° in the alignments formed by structures H-I and
H-XV that are oriented towards F-VIII. To the same group of
orientation seem to pertain also, for example, the La Danta
Acropolis of El Mirador, and Structure 59 of Nakbe (Šprajc,
Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: 85–86). It is interesting
that such alignments also work in (or can be related with)
both directions, from the central radial Structure H-XV, as
well as westwards from Structure H-I (Fig. 12). Furthermore,
Structure F-VIII can hypothetically be entangled in another
Fig. 13. Axial orientations of important Preclassic elevated complex-
possible alignment pertaining to the so-called Group of 17°,
es at Uxactun: El Tiburon, Group H-South Platform, Eastern and
Western Platforms of Group H-North, Northern Platform of Group F,
if we associate it with Structure RNO4-I located on the most
E-Groups of the Groups E and D, the ballcourt and buildings H-XVI prominent peak above the western horizon (Fig. 14). The
Sub and E-VII Sub (Drawing by Tomáš Drápela). abovementioned group is widely spread throughout Mesoa-
18
merica and it is particularly relevant in the context of cultural with its north-south and east-west axes intersecting at right
interaction (Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: 79). angles, the builders had to find an appropriate spot where
the two relevant directions were perpendicular to each other.”
The El Tiburon Complex and its highest located structure, (Šprajc, Morales-Aguilar and Hansen 2009: 94–95).
F-VIII, played the prominent role in Preclassic Uaxactun.
The orientation of its architectural pattern (Fig. 15), forming
a double-triadic group, follows the orientation of a line of
Conclusions
demarcation of the landscape division (as mentioned above)
and thereby facing the chain of settlements located on the ge- It is important to emphasize that a correctly defined orien-
omorphological shift between the levels of the north-eastern tation of any alignment needs to be based on the extensive
flatland and terminating with the extended site of Ramonal, topographical background and adequate technologies that
located at a distance of 15 kilometers from Uaxactun. Un- are considered credible for archaeoastronomical usage. The
doubtedly, as a prominent urban peak, the El Tiburon Com- most productive is a combination of methods including 3D-
plex played various spatial roles and maybe one day, after a and 2D-models, as well as DEM obtained by topographical
wider data collection, it should be understood as the dominant measurements, in company with laser scanning and/or pho-
landmark, in a similar way as Structure 1 of Calakmul has togrammetry (in the ideal case based on LiDAR data). For
been described: “[…] is skewed 14°19’ clockwise from car- unexcavated features, it is highly recommended to conduct
dinal directions (pertaining to the Group of 17° mentioned geo-statistical calculations of a probable orientation of slopes,
above), whereas its north-south axis prolonged southward based on the orientations of its contour lines, including the
passes exactly over the colossal Danta pyramid of El Mirador, elimination of all out layers which can possibly distort the
visible from Calakmul as a small bump on the southern hori- statistical average and calculation of the middle value of ori-
zon (located at the distance of 40 kilometers). If there was a entations and its standard deviation. However, any detected
purpose underlying this alignment, it must have influenced alignment within unexcavated architecture should solely be
the location of Structure 1 of Calakmul, which obviously considered as hypothetical due to its unknown original height.
postdates the Preclassic Danta Complex of El Mirador: in
order to incorporate both the astronomically functional east- One group of alignments of buildings in Uaxactun proba-
west orientation and the alignment to the Danta pyramid of bly did not follow any celestial phenomena, but its orientation
El Mirador into a structure with a rectangular ground plan, i.e. could be explained by natural geomorphological variations
Figure 14. El Tiburon Complex (its highest structure F-VIII) and Structure F-XV associated with a prominent peak at the western horizon
and its highest structure RNO4-I (Graphics by Tomáš Drápela).
19
Figure 15. Main Preclassic architectural complex El Tiburon and its orientations (Graphic by Tibor Lieskovský).
of the site on the one hand, and by the possible sacral moun- of the so-called E-Groups. One of these can be defined as
tains and important points at the horizon on the other hand. solstitial, given the real possibility of a precise astronomical
Nevertheless, the astronomical meaning of some of the other observation of the sunrise during the days that correspond to
alignments has been successfully attested. The Maya “com- the summer- and winter-solstice marked by the architectural
posite” calendrical systems did not count with a precise tropi- features. The other one could enable the observations of the
cal year and could not be fixed with the common agricultural sunrise on the days around the zenith passage and we defined
year, or other periodically appearing natural phenomena for it as zenithal. From twelve E-Group assemblages known at
a long time. That is why is appropriate to consider that the Uaxactun and its surroundings so far, eight can be consid-
horizon-based observational calendar functioned in parallel ered as zenithal, and four as solstitial due to the architectural
for main agricultural and ritual events, etc. However, the proportionality that defines them. This division represents
concept of the observations related to calendrical counts of typological variants rather than factual evidence of strictly
20 or 13 days between the zenith and solstice positions for observational priorities. Nevertheless, for the solstitial assem-
Uaxactun is not verifiable. Nonetheless, we found various blages, especially for the famous E-Group at Uaxactun, we
Preclassic architectural alignments which can be divided propose a variety of possibilities for observation. It seems to
into solar horizon observations and sidereal observations. In be clear that E-VII Sub (the radial structure) is related with
this regard, we divide solar horizon observations into two its eastern platform in only one construction period (during
typological groups, both having been based on definitions the Late Preclassic period), and in this period, it may have
20
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23
Ivan Šprajc
Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Ljubljana, Slovenia
Abstract
The results of a recently accomplished archaeoastronomical study in the Maya area reveal the existence of
architectural orientations corresponding to major and minor standstill positions of the Moon on the horizon.
Their intentionality is supported by contextual data, particularly prominent being the fact that most orien-
tations to major standstills are found in the northeastern lowlands, where lunar cult is known to have been
important. This contribution analyzes relevant alignment data and discusses independent evidence, which
sheds light on the use and cultural significance of lunar orientations.
Resumen
Los resultados de un estudio arqueoastronómico recientemente realizado en el área maya revelan la exist-
encia de orientaciones arquitectónicas que corresponden a los extremos mayores y menores de la Luna en
el horizonte. Su intencionalidad es apoyada por datos contextuales, siendo particularmente prominente el
hecho de que las orientaciones hacia los extremos mayores se localizan, en su mayoría, en las tierras bajas
nororientales, donde sabemos que el culto lunar era particularmente importante. En esta contribución se
analizan los datos relevantes sobre los alineamientos y se discuten las evidencias independientes que arrojan
luz sobre el uso y el significado cultural de las orientaciones lunares.
Archaeoastronomical research carried out during the last few Aveni, Dowd and Vining 1975, 2003; Aveni and Hartung
decades in different Mesoamerican regions, including the 1986; Galindo 1994; Tichy 1991; Šprajc 1993a, 1996, 2001),
Maya area, has revealed that the orientations in civic and whereas the relationship of alignments with other celestial
ceremonial architecture exhibit a clearly non-uniform distri- bodies has been much less certain. Aveni and Hartung (1978;
bution, i.e. concentrations around certain azimuthal values.1 1979) mentioned that the main building at Paalmul and the
The presence of such orientation groups at a number of sites east side of the Palace complex at Palenque may be oriented
spread far apart in space and time can only be explained with to standstill positions of the Moon, but only recent research
the use of astronomical objects at the horizon as reference ob- in the Maya area, involving field measurements of 271 orien-
jects (cf. Aveni and Hartung 1986: 7f). The prevailing orientations at 87 archaeological sites, has disclosed a considerable
tation patterns indicate that most buildings were aligned upon number of structures that can be related to these phenomena
sunrises and sunsets on particular dates; some orientations to (Šprajc and Sánchez 2012; Sánchez and Šprajc 2011, 2015).
Venus extremes have also been identified (e.g., Aveni 2001; The present contribution summarizes the analyses that led to
this conclusion, and presents contextual data that elucidate
the significance of lunar alignments.
1 The azimuth is the angle measured in the horizontal
plane clockwise from the North, having values from 0° to 360°.
Ivan Šprajc
Lunar Standstills
values of standstill declinations of the Moon are subject to
If observed on consecutive days at the moment of rising a number of parameters, which vary as a function of time.
or setting, the Moon moves along the horizon between its As already mentioned, the differences between the extreme
northerly and southerly extreme positions, taking one month declinations of the Moon and those reached by the Sun at the
to complete the circuit. However, since the Moon’s orbit is solstices can be up to about ±5.145°; however, due to secular
inclined to that of the Earth (the ecliptic) at an angle of 5.145° variations of the obliquity of the ecliptic (cf. Ruggles 2015:
(i), and because the lunar nodes, or intersections of both orbits 479f), the exact values of lunar standstill declinations also
projected on the celestial sphere, move gradually along the vary in time. Furthermore, the mean value of the inclination
ecliptic, completing the whole circle in 18.6 years, the ex- of lunar orbit (i) to the ecliptic (5.145°) exhibits periodical
treme declinations2 of the Moon differ from those reached by variations of up to ±0.15°, or 9 arc minutes. Also the parallax
the Sun at the solstices by up to ±5.145°, exhibiting variations of the Moon, depending on its changing distance from the
with the same periodicity. Considering an approximate value Earth, manifests periodical variations of a few arc minutes.
of ±23.5° for the obliquity of the ecliptic ε (inclination of Another factor to be considered is that, strictly speaking, a
the Earth’s equator to the ecliptic), the extreme declinations lunar standstill corresponds to the moment in which the nodes
of the Moon in an 18.6-year cycle vary between ±(ε + i) (ca. of the lunar orbit coincide with the equinoctial points on the
±28.5°) and ±(ε - i) (ca. ±18.5°); the corresponding moments ecliptic, but this instant rarely coincides with the extreme
are known as major and minor lunar standstills, respectively, declination reached by the Moon in a month. Moreover, if we
each of the two occurring at 18.6-year intervals. Consequent- assume that the ancient observers paid particular attention to
ly, at a major standstill the rising and setting Moon reaches the Moon’s northernmost and southernmost excursions on the
its greatest extremes, i.e. the farthest northerly and southerly horizon, it is important to consider that the moment when the
points on the horizon, while the smallest (innermost) ex- Moon attains its extreme declination only exceptionally coin-
tremes can be observed after 9.3 years (cf. Thom 1971: 15ff; cides with the time of its rising or setting; due to its relatively
Morrison 1980; Ruggles 1999: 36f, 60f; Aparicio et al. 2000: fast movement with respect to the starry background (ca. 13°
32ff; González-García 2015). per day), its declination at the moment of rising or setting
can differ by a few arc minutes from the maximum/mini-
The apparent motion of the Moon is quite complicated. mum declination reached in that particular month. Likewise,
Due to its relative proximity to the Earth, the positions of the the need to postpone observations because of unfavorable
Moon, as seen from the Earth, are affected by the parallax, weather conditions can additionally contribute to the error
which must be taken into account in calculating geocentric in determining the northernmost or southernmost position
lunar declinations corresponding to alignments (Hawkins of the Moon.
1968: 51f; Thom 1971: 34; Ruggles 1999: 36f).3 The exact
Owing to these and other variables, discussed by Ruggles
(1999: 36f, 60f) and, in greater detail, by Morrison (1980),
2 The declination is the celestial coordinate expressing the extremes of the Moon determined through the observa-
angular distance of a point projected on the imaginary celestial tion of its risings and settings will tend to be smaller than
sphere from the celestial equator, which can be imagined as a pro- those resulting from calculations based on the true standstill
jection of the Earth’s equator on the celestial sphere. Declinations declinations. In other words, it can be expected that the dec-
are measured perpendicularly to the celestial equator to the north linations corresponding to the directions determined this way
and south, having values from 0° to ±90°. Possible astronomical will be larger for southern standstills (negative declinations)
referents of an alignment can only be identified by calculating the and smaller for northern standstills (positive declinations);
declination of the corresponding horizon point (considering its and this is precisely what is observed in our data.
altitude above the horizontal plane corrected for atmospheric re-
fraction, the geographic latitude of the observation point, and the
alignment’s azimuth) and matching it with declination values given Orientations to Major Lunar Standstills
for celestial bodies in astronomical sources (ephemerides, star at-
lases etc.). Figure 1 presents relative frequencies of declinations cor-
responding to the east-west azimuths of architectural orien-
3 The declinations of the Moon given in astronomical eph-
tations in the Maya Lowlands. To illustrate the difference
emerides are geocentric (i.e. valid for an observer in the center of
between lunar declinations, which are, on the average, about
the Earth). For an observer on the Earth’s surface, however, the
0.37° greater than “normal” declination values (calculated
apparent declination of the Moon is slightly different (unless the
without taking into account lunar parallax and employed for
Moon is in zenith, which means that the observer is located exactly
determining other possible celestial referents of alignments),
along the line connecting the Moon and the Earth’s center). The
the distribution of both types of declinations is shown. To
difference between the two values – the parallax – thus depends
facilitate further references, the declinations marked on the
on the position of the observer relative to the Earth’s center and
eastern and western horizon are designated briefly as east
the Moon. For determining the parallax needed in our calculations
and west declinations, respectively. For obtaining the curves,
of geocentric lunar declinations, the mean values of the Earth’s
the method known as kernel density estimation (KDE) was
radius and of its distance from the Moon have been considered, as
employed, taking into consideration the errors assigned to
well as the concrete horizon altitudes along the alignments (the
each value on the basis of the present state of the buildings
parallaxes of the Sun and other celestial bodies are, due to their
observed in field and the estimated uncertainties regarding
distances from the Earth, negligible for our purposes).
26
Figure 1. Relative frequency distribution of declinations corresponding to the east-west azimuths of orientations in the Maya Lowlands.
the originally intended azimuths. For the error assigned to current era and around A.D. 1500 were 23.695° and 23.504°,5
each declination value, a normal distribution centered on the the major standstill declinations (ε + i) at the two epochs were
nominal value and with a standard deviation of the specified 28.84° and 28.65°, respectively, their mean being 28.745°,
uncertainty was assumed, and all normal distributions were very close to the peak among the western lunar declinations
summed up to obtain the data for the curves.4 It can thus be (28.61°), whereas the eastern peak (-27.74°) differs by 1°
expected that the most prominent peaks of the curves closely from the negative value of this mean (Fig. 1). In both cases
correspond to the values targeted by particular orientation the absolute values of declination peaks are smaller than the
groups. “ideal” mean, as was to be expected in view of the observa-
tional complications mentioned above, but a better agreement
Since most of the buildings that have been measured are with the western peak suggests that the orientations of this
skewed clockwise from cardinal directions, which is a preva- group were intended to record the settings of the Moon at its
lent characteristic of Mesoamerican architectural orientations, major northern standstills.
the east/west declinations are predominantly negative/posi-
tive. Most of the prominent declination peaks correspond to Because of the complexities of the apparent motion of the
solar orientation groups, being related with particular sunrise Moon and observational problems referred to above, we can
and sunset dates (Sánchez and Šprajc 2015). In the curves assume that an alignment aiming at a standstill position on
presenting lunar declinations, however, the two peaks corre- the horizon may be in error of up to ±0.5° relative to the exact
sponding to declinations of -27.74° (east) and 28.61° (west) standstill declination. In order to find the buildings that could
can be related to the major lunar standstills. The structures have been oriented to major lunar standstills, the estimated
involved in the two orientation groups date to the Classic and errors of declinations were, therefore, incremented by this
Postclassic periods. The chronological placement of these value. Selecting the lunar declinations that, considering the
buildings is relevant because – as already mentioned – the range of these incremented errors, match the major standstill
maximum/minimum declinations of the Moon vary in time values given above and valid for the periods in which the
as a consequence of secular variations in the obliquity of the structures were built, the orientations listed in Table 1 were
ecliptic ε. Since the values of ε around the beginning of the obtained, where the declinations that, taking into account
these criteria, may refer to major lunar standstills are written
4 The software Curvigram Version 1.01, developed and 5 The values of ε for certain past epochs can be found, for
kindly provided by Andrew G. K. Smith, School of Chemistry and example, in Aveni (2001: 103) and Ruggles (2015: Table 31.3). For
Physics, University of Adelaide, Australia, was employed for these our purposes the formula presented by Meeus (1991: 135) was
calculations. employed.
27
Ivan Šprajc
site, structure period AE lunar δE error δE lunar δW error δW

Buena Vista, Structure C18-1-a LPC 119.500 -27.353 1.5 27.647 1.5
Cobá, Xaibé LC 122.317 -29.898 2.5 30.202 2.5
Iglesia Vieja, Structure B-1 EC 122.800 -30.380 2.5 31.364 2.5
Iglesia Vieja, Structure B-3 EC 121.800 -29.309 2.5 30.364 2.5
Izamal, Chaltunhá EC/EPC 120.350 -28.009 2.0 28.313 2.0
La Expedición, Structures C25-1-a, 1-b 1-c LPC 121.375 -29.025 1.5 29.326 1.5
Lagartero, Mound 2 LC 119.433 -26.867 1.5 28.691 1.5
Nuevo Chetumal, Structure 1 LC 57.970 33.685 3.0 -29.235 2.5
Palenque, Temple of the Cross LC 120.115 -23.561 2.5 28.569 1.5
Sabana Piletas, Columnitas Group, upper building LC 120.175 -27.681 1.5 28.405 1.5
San Gervasio, Group VI (El Ramonal), Acropolis EC 120.038 -27.860 1.0 28.069 1.0
Tancah, Structure 12 EPC 119.533 -27.464 1.5 27.693 1.5
Tulum, Structure 25 LPC 119.809 -27.700 0.8 28.658 0.8
Xcalumkín, North Hill Group, South Building EC/LC 121.400 -28.429 1.0 29.621 1.0
Xelhá Palace, northern part EC/LC 120.452 -28.294 1.0 28.525 1.0
Xelhá, Structure of the Pillars EC/LC 121.983 -29.697 1.5 29.932 1.5
Yaxchilán, Structure 40 LC 55.949 32.793 1.5 -31.052 2.5
Table 1. Orientations corresponding to the major lunar standstills (the declinations and errors matching standstill values are in bold type).
AE: eastward azimuth; δE: declination east; δW: declination west; EC: Early Classic; LC: Late Classic; EPC: Early Postclassic; LPC: Late
Postclassic.
in bold characters. We can see that, in various cases, it is im- concentration of these orientations has been found on the
possible to determine whether an orientation was functional northeastern coast of the Yucatan peninsula, i.e. in the area
to the east or the west, but the correspondences with standstill where the worship of the goddess Ixchel is known to have
declinations are better on the western horizon. been very important during the Postclassic period (Šprajc
2009; Sánchez and Šprajc 2015).
It should be noted that some of the orientations given in
Table 1, considering the estimated errors, might refer to the It is a rather common opinion that Ixchel, associated at
maximum extremes of Venus as evening star (Šprajc 1993a; the time of the Conquest with pregnancy, childbirth, medi-
1996; 2015). The existence of both lunar and Venus orienta- cine, divination and weaving (Thompson 1939: 166; Tozzer
tions in the Maya Lowlands is indicated by two distinct peaks 1941: 9f, 129f, 154; Cruz 2005), was the Maya goddess of
in the distribution of declinations on the western horizon (Fig. the Moon, identical to Goddess I, which in codices appears
1), the lower one (at 26.8°) corresponding to the maximum associated with weaving. Taube (1992: 64ff, 99ff), however,
northerly extremes of Venus as evening star.6 In particular argues that there is little evidence allowing to relate Goddess
cases the intended celestial referent cannot always be reliably I to the Moon and that Ixchel corresponds rather to Goddess
established; for the alignments discussed below, however, O, associated with water, weaving, childbirth, medicine and
contextual data make a lunar interpretation much more likely. divination, but not explicitly with the Moon. Even though
also Thompson (1939: 133, 166; 1975: 296) admits that there
In relation with the South Building of the North Hill are no direct proofs about Ixchel being a Moon goddess,
Group of Xcalumkín, Campeche (Pollock 1980: 434ff; Oje- his extensive comparative study clearly shows that Meso-
da and Benavides 2008: 65ff), it is worth mentioning that a american lunar goddesses were generally associated with
seated anthropomorphic figure sculpted in stone and locally earth, water, weaving, childbirth, procreation, medicine and
known as la vieja (or xnuc, in Yucatec Maya) was found in the diseases; therefore, his conclusion that Ixchel, in view of her
vicinity (Benavides 2010: 31, Fig. 15); if it represents the old functions and attributes, must also have been a lunar deity is
Moon goddess, as one can surmise (cf. Milbrath 1999: 141ff), compelling (Thompson 1939; 1975: 296ff). In her exhaus-
the cult of this deity at the site would have been consistent tive presentation of iconographic, epigraphic, historical and
with the presence of a lunar orientation. ethnographic data about the Maya Moon deities and the con-
cepts related to this celestial body, Milbrath (1999: 27–34,
The idea that one group of orientations in the Maya ar- 105–156) arrives to the same conclusion and suggests that
chitecture marked the major lunar standstills of the Moon the evidently related deities – such as Goddesses I and O in
is most convincingly supported by the fact that the main the codices, which sometimes even appear in hybrid forms
– correspond to different aspects or phases of the Moon, one
of their manifestations being Ixchel. Arguments about the
6 The corresponding peak among the east declinations
identity of Goddesses I and O had been presented already by
(-27.23°) cannot be related to the morning star extremes, due to
Montolíu (1984).
the asymmetry of Venus extremes visible on the eastern and wes-
tern horizon (Šprajc 1993a: 20f; 1996: 23ff; 2015).
28
site, structure period AE δE error δE δW error δW

Bonampak, Acropolis, Structure 21 LC 64.841 25.619 1.0 -23.317 1.0
Buena Vista, Structure C18-1-b LPC 113.417 -22.094 2.0 21.664 2.0
Comalcalco, Acropolis, Structure 3 LC 115.317 -24.187 1.0 23.724 1.0
El Gallinero, Structure C-4 EC/LC 114.500 -23.438 1.0 23.159 1.0
Iglesia Vieja, Group D EC 114.967 -23.060 1.0 24.788 1.0
Janán I, Structure C8-2-a LPC 116.500 -24.947 1.5 24.472 1.5
Labná, Palace, upper buildings LC 115.283 -23.617 1.0 23.480 1.0
Lagartero, Mound 1 LC 116.433 -24.412 1.0 25.456 1.0
Palenque, Temple of the Cross LC 120.115 -23.963 2.0 28.240 1.0
San Gervasio, Group I, Structure C22-5-a (Palace) LPC 115.000 -23.537 1.0 23.099 1.0
San Gervasio, Group VI, Structure C22-38-a LPC 114.600 -23.167 0.7 22.730 0.7
San Gervasio, Group VI, Str. C22-41-a (Ka’na Nah) LPC 114.433 -23.058 1.0 22.545 1.0
San Gervasio, Group VI, Structure C22-48-a LC 114.828 -23.378 0.7 22.941 0.7
Tancah, Structure 6 EPC 114.283 -22.963 1.0 22.510 1.0
Toniná, Temple of the War LC 114.327 -23.084 0.7 23.651 0.7
Tulum, Structure 21 LPC 115.050 NA NA 23.841 1.0
Xelhá, Palace, southern part EC/LC 116.093 -24.638 1.0 24.140 1.0
Yaxnohcah, Group F MP/LP 114.000 -22.977 1.0 23.412 1.0
Table 2. Orientations corresponding to the solstices (the declinations and errors matching solstitial values are in bold type). AE: eastward
azimuth; δE: declination east; δW: declination west; MP: Middle Preclassic; LP: Late Preclassic; EC: Early Classic; LC: Late Classic; EPC:
Early Postclassic; LPC: Late Postclassic; NA: not applicable (view to the horizon is blocked by another structure).
In view of the evident lunar nature of Ixchel, we can Whatever the underlying causes may have been, the area
conclude that the popularity of her cult on Isla Mujeres and in which the cult of the Moon goddess is known to have
Cozumel, where her temples were centers of massive pilgrim- been important agrees with the concentration of orientations
ages (Tozzer 1941; 9f, 109; De la Garza 1983: 187; Sierra matching the major lunar standstills: so far they have been
1994: 18f, 101), as well as representations of Goddess O, identified at Buena Vista, La Expedición and San Gervasio
identified with Ixchel, in mural paintings of Tulum, reflect on the Cozumel Island, as well as at Cobá, Xelhá, Tancah,
the importance of lunar cult along the northeast coast of the Tulum (Table 1) and, according to Aveni and Hartung (1978),
Yucatan peninsula during the Postclassic period (Miller 1974; also at Paalmul on the northeast coast. The buildings materi-
1982: 85f; Freidel 1975; Freidel and Sabloff 1984; Milbrath alizing these alignments were evidently important, including
1999: 147f). It may be added that the maritime environment those on Cozumel, despite their relatively minor size and
could have been perceived as particularly appropriate for monumentality. Structure C18-1-a of Buena Vista is one of
worshipping the goddess related to water and fertility, and the residential and public buildings composing the largest
that, in the specific coastal setting, some lunar phenomena plaza group of this site (Freidel and Sabloff 1984: 167ff).
arouse very special feelings, which could well have inspired, Structures C25-1-a, 1-b and 1-c of La Expedición enclose
at least in part, the attention paid to this celestial body. In his the main and “apparently the only planned plaza group at the
presentation of physical geography of the Cozumel Island, settlement” (ibid.: 132). Since the type of buildings making
Davidson (1975: 58f) comments: up this group was “most importantly used in conjunction with
major periodic ceremonies involving participation of the en-
tire community and representatives from other communities”,
There are, however, additional items of a geographical na- Freidel and Sabloff (1984: 136) argue that La Expedición
ture that might have been of particular significance to early “was the major religious central place on the northeast coast
islanders. For example, I recall that as viewed from the east of Cozumel.” Finally, Group VI (El Ramonal) of San Ger-
coast of Yucatan the rising full moon over Cozumel Island vasio is the largest complex of monumental architecture on
is indeed an impressive sight. Is it possible that such an Cozumel, occupying the highest terrain of the island (Freidel,
occurrence so impressed the astronomically minded Maya and Sabloff 1984; Sierra 1994).7
that they placed shrines to their moon goddess, Ix Chel, on
the offshore island? […] Could there be any relationship
between mainland sites of embarkation and the locations
7 For designating the buildings at San Gervasio and oth-
on the horizon of the moonrises? Are the sites of ceremo-
er archaeological sites on Cozumel, I follow the nomenclature es-
nial structures on Cozumel related to or oriented to moon
tablished by the Harvard-Arizona Project carried out in the 1970s,
movements […]?
considering that it is based on uniform criteria valid for the whole
island and explained by Gregory (1975: 91) and Freidel and Sa-
bloff (1984: 5ff): the site code composed of a letter and number
29
Ivan Šprajc
site, structure period AE lunar δE error δE lunar δW error δW

Acanmul, Palace LC 109.171 -17.814 2.0 18.068 2.0
Calica, Temple of Kisim LPC 70.317 18.519 1.5 -18.241 1.5
Chakanbakán, Xibalbá and ball court EC 109.983 -18.774 1.5 19.638 1.5
Chichén Itzá, Palace of the Phalli EC 110.367 -18.862 1.0 19.144 1.0
Chichén Itzá, Temple of the Initial Series EC 108.398 -17.036 2.5 17.314 2.5
Chichén Itzá, Temple of the Warriors EC/EPC 109.902 -18.437 0.7 18.696 0.7
Dzibanché, Temple of the Cormorans LC 110.108 NA NA 19.281 1.0
Dzibanché, Temple of the Lintels LC 108.709 -17.566 1.1 17.974 1.1
Dzibilchaltún, Structure 36 EC/LC 109.925 -18.420 1.5 18.651 1.5
Edzná, Temple of the Masks EC 110.217 -18.694 1.5 19.217 1.5
Edzná, South Temple (Structure 421) EC/LC 109.717 -18.227 1.5 18.742 1.5
Edzná, Vieja Hechicera LPC 110.342 -18.817 1.5 19.372 1.5
El Cedral, Strcuture C15-1-a EPC 107.983 -16.688 1.5 16.960 1.5
La Blanca, Structure 6J2, south wing LC 70.880 18.467 1.0 -16.664 1.2
Oxtankah, Plaza Abejas, Structure IV EC/LC 111.125 -19.893 1.5 20.099 1.5
Palenque, Temple of the Inscriptions LC 112.821 -18.628 1.5 22.206 0.7
San Claudio, Structure 1 EC 106.287 -15.392 2.5 16.080 2.5
San Gervasio, Structure C22-32-a (Nohoch Nah) LPC 71.288 17.625 0.8 -17.349 0.8
Sayil, South Palace EC/LC 108.067 -16.571 1.5 17.476 1.5
Tipikal, Structure 6 MP/EC 111.692 -20.015 2.0 20.407 2.0
Toniná, Temple I (Structure D5-2) LC 109.163 -17.848 1.0 18.643 1.0
Tulum, Structure 35 (Casa del Cenote) LPC 108.844 -17.545 1.0 18.198 1.0
Tulum, Structure 45 LPC 109.925 -18.558 2.0 18.787 2.0
Uxmal, House of the Turtles EC/LC 109.694 -18.279 1.0 18.556 1.0
Uxmal, Great Pyramid EC/LC 110.183 -18.733 1.0 19.012 1.0
Xlapak, Structure B EC/LC 108.717 -16.637 2.5 18.037 2.5
Xlapak, Palace EC/LC 110.550 -18.403 1.5 19.783 1.5
Yaxchilán, Structure 42 LC 107.199 -16.052 1.5 17.110 1.5
Table 3. Orientations corresponding to the minor lunar standstills (the declinations and errors matching standstill values are in bold type).
AE: eastward azimuth; δE: declination east; δW: declination west; MP: Middle Preclassic; EC: Early Classic; LC: Late Classic; EPC: Early
Postclassic; LPC: Late Postclassic; NA: not applicable (view to the horizon is blocked by another structure).
Another notable fact is that the orientations to major lunar With the exception of Iglesia Vieja, where lunar and solstitial
standstills are very often associated with solstitial alignments. alignments appear in different architectural complexes, the
Taking into account the values of ε in respective periods of buildings with both types of orientations are located in close
construction, as well as the estimated errors of declinations proximity,8 whereas the Temple of the Cross at Palenque,
corresponding to the orientations we have measured in the Chiapas, may have been oriented both to the major northern
Maya area (Sánchez and Šprajc 2011, 2015), we have deter- standstills of the Moon on the western horizon and (due to
mined that the alignments that probably marked the solstices a considerable altitude of the nearby eastern horizon line)
are those listed in Table 2; again, the declinations that, on to the December solstice sunrise. At La Expedición, in the
the basis of these criteria, can be related to the solstices are northeastern part of Cozumel, no structure with a solstitial
written in bold characters. Comparing Tables 1 and 2 we can orientation has been detected in the immediate vicinity of
observe that lunar and solstitial alignments occur together the main group, but it may not be fortuitous that such an
at Buena Vista and San Gervasio on the Cozumel Island, at alignment is embedded in Structure C8-2-a of Janán I, located
Tancah, Tulum and Xelhá on the northeast coast of the Yu- on the northeastern coast of the island, 650 m east of La Ex-
catan peninsula, and at Iglesia Vieja and Lagartero in Chiapas. pedición (Table 2). If the latter case can be included, then all
the orientations to major lunar standstills known so far in the
is followed by the number assigned to a structure. For architec-
tural groups at San Gervasio, Gregory’s (1975) Roman numerals
are used. While other names have been introduced in more recent
publications for some buildings and architectural groups at San 8 It can be added that, if Structure 40 of Yaxchilán was
Gervasio, no consistent and agreed-upon nomenclature has been oriented to major southern lunar standstills on the western hori-
established; therefore, I only use those newer names that have zon (Table 1), Structure 39, notably skewed relative to the adjacent
become rather popular, or I mention alternative labels in paren- Structures 40 and 41, possibly incorporated a poor-precision solsti-
theses, in order to facilitate identifications in cited literature. tial alignment (Sánchez and Šprajc 2015).
30
northeastern part of the Maya Lowlands are associated with

orientations to sunrises or sunsets at the solstices.
In the attempt to explain these occurrences, which can

hardly be attributed to chance, it should be noted that the
major/minor lunar standstills repeat at 18.6-year intervals, but
in these moments the Moon is not always in the same phase.
If particular attention was paid to the risings and settings of
the full Moon near its standstills, we should recall that, due
to celestial mechanics, the full Moon extremes always occur
near the solstices, when also the Sun reaches the extreme
points of its movement along the horizon, but an interesting
contrast can be observed: the full Moon reaches its northerly
extremes always around the December solstice, when the Sun
rises and sets at its farthest southerly point, whereas around
the June solstice, when the Sun attains its extreme northerly
rising and setting points, the full Moon rises and sets at its
farthest southerly points. Since the full Moon always rises
approximately at sunset and sets at sunrise, this means that
the extreme positions of the Sun and the Moon are observed
on diametrically opposite sides of the horizon, and that the
full Moon illuminates the night for the longest time precisely
in the period of the year with the shortest days, and vice versa;
obviously, the time span during which the full Moon is visible
above the horizon is particularly long/short near its major
standstills (cf. Thom 1971: 22f; Ruggles 1999: 149; 2005:
272f). In view of these facts, the aforementioned associations
Figure 2. San Gervasio, Structure C22-41-a (Ka’na Nah), light-and-
of solstitial orientations and those referring to the major lunar
shadow effect on the west face of the medial wall in the upper shrine,
standstills suggest that the latter phenomena were, indeed, before sunset on July 3, 2009. Note that the illuminated strip on the
observed during the full Moon phase. left side of the central opening is considerably wider than on the
right side, because the photo was taken 12 days after the summer
In the context of European prehistory, Sims (2006) argues solstice and, moreover, almost 20 minutes before sunset.
that the associations of lunar and solstitial alignments reflect
the observation of the dark (nearly new) Moon around the of the Moon on the western horizon (the ball court situated
solstices; in this case the Moon is very near the Sun and immediately south of Mound 1 and having its longitudinal
thus the extremes of both celestial bodies are observed on axis in the east-west direction exhibits the same orientation),
the same horizon. Such a scenario cannot be discarded in whereas the orientation of Mound 1 corresponds to the De-
our cases, but the available data favor the idea that lunar cember solstice sunrise (Sánchez and Šprajc 2011).
and solstitial extremes were observed on opposite horizons,
implying the importance of the full Moon. As already men- Nonetheless, in some cases a different observation scheme
tioned, the distribution of declinations in Figure 1 suggests is indicated. The orientation of the southern part of the Palace
that the orientations to major lunar standstills were functional at Xelhá matches more closely the June solstice sunset than
predominantly to the west. On the other hand, if we examine the December solstice sunrise (Table 2). The characteristics
the data on the solstitial orientations associated with those to and spatial relations of buildings at San Gervasio support the
major lunar standstills (Tables 1 and 2), we can observe that eastern directionality of lunar alignments, in combination
the corresponding east declinations exhibit a better agreement with orientations to the summer solstice sunsets, while for
with solar declinations at the December solstice than the Tulum alternative interpretations can be offered. The asso-
west declinations with the declination of the Sun at the June ciations of lunar and solstitial orientations at San Gervasio
solstice, suggesting that these orientations were functional and Tulum are examined in greater detail below, because
mostly to the east. their intentionality is, in both cases, reinforced by interesting
contextual evidence.
Such a scenario is supported, specifically, by the orienta-
tions at Lagartero, Chiapas, considering that the correspond-
ing declinations and their estimated errors indicate eastern San Gervasio
and western directionalities of solstitial and lunar alignments, Various sectors of the urban core of San Gervasio, the largest
respectively (Tables 1 and 2). The main buildings of this site, site on the Cozumel Island, are dominated by the direction
labeled Mound 1, 2, 3 and 4, delimit a plaza on its south, approximately corresponding to the December solstice sun-
east, north and west sides, respectively. The east-west axis of rise and the June solstice sunset. Most structures composing
Mound 2, aligned with Mound 4 on the opposite side of the Groups I, II and III are arranged along this solstitial axis
plaza, points quite precisely to the major northern standstills marked by Sacbé 2, which connects Groups I and III and
31
Ivan Šprajc
Figure 3. San Gervasio, map of Group VI (El Ramonal) (after Azcárate and Ramirez 2000), with alignments discussed in the text.
whose azimuth is approximately 115°/295° (cf. Sabloff and small distance from it, but was later modified by construction
Rathje 1975a: Fig. 15). Running parallel to Sacbé 2 is Sacbé of a medial wall, which extends in the north-south direction,
7, in the compound southwest of Group I (ibid.: map in pock- but does not reach the northern and southern walls, leaving
et), and it may not be fortuitous that Group IV (Murciélagos) narrow lateral accessways to the back part of the room. This
and Structure C22-32-a (Nohoch Nah) are situated along an wall, built over one part of the altar, also has a central opening
approximately parallel line. In Group VI, also known as El or doorway. The azimuth cited in Table 2 represents the mean
Ramonal, the orientations to the solstice positions of the Sun value of azimuths measured along the jambs of outer and
are associated with those marking major lunar standstills. inner doorways, but not necessarily reproduces the original
and intended value with precision, because considerable por-
While many buildings of San Gervasio reproduced the tions of stucco originally covering the jambs are nowadays
solstitial direction only approximately, some orientations are missing. Having both the main stairway and the entrance to
quite precise and could have been astronomically functional the upper shrine on the western side, the building was likely
(Table 2). One of the buildings for which the observational oriented to the June solstice sunsets. Since the entrance to
function is particularly likely is Structure C22-41-a (Ka’na the upper sanctuary is slightly wider than the doorway in
Nah), one of the tallest and most important buildings of San the medial wall, a light-and-shadow effect could have been
Gervasio (Gregory 1975: 105; Freidel and Sabloff 1984: 63ff, observed: the rays of the setting Sun, when aligned with the
Figs. 14 & 15; Sierra 1994: 109, Fig. 38). The upper sanctuary, building at the summer solstice, would have cast shadows
with a doorway facing west, was originally a single-room of jambs of the outer doorway on the medial wall, leaving
structure with an altar either against the back wall or set out a illuminated strips of equal width on both sides of its doorway
32
(Fig. 2). Alternatively, if the rectangular altar protruding from the center of Structure C22-49 (VI-3g), standing on the oppo-
the west base of the doorway in the medial wall9 supported a site side of the Acropolis. On the other hand, Structure C22-
statue of the deity worshipped in the temple (cf. Freidel 1975; 48a (VI-2a), on the plaza immediately south of the Acropolis,
Freidel and Sabloff 1984: 64), the rays of the setting solstitial is oriented solstitially (Table 2), and the same orientation
Sun would have illuminated the idol, creating a solar hieroph- seems to be shared also by Structure C22-47 (VI-2c) to the
any that may have been observed by a wider audience. Freidel west, as well as by Structures C22-49 (VI-3g) and C22-50-a
(1975) and Freidel and Sabloff (1984: 44, 63ff, 152f, 164) (VI-3f) on the eastern flank of the Acropolis (Fig. 3; Azcárate
argue that Structure C22-41-a was a temple of Ixchel with a and Ramírez 2000: Fig. 3; Ramírez and Azcárate 2002: 48).
talking idol, because the characteristics of the upper shrine, It can thus be supposed that the orientation of most buildings
particularly of its late stage with the medial wall and an altar on the Acropolis, dominated by Structure C22-54-a (VI-3c),
in front, manifest a close correspondence with early Spanish referred to the southernmost rising position of the full Moon,
descriptions of an oracle temple dedicated to the same deity while the solstitial orientations marked the northernmost set-
and located on the coast, presumably in the settlement, now ting point of the Sun. Indeed, the western directionality of
destroyed, near the modern town of San Miguel de Cozumel.10 solstitial orientations is supported by the west-facing Struc-
ture C22-41-a (Ka’na Nah), located immediately southeast
Structure C22-41-a is located immediately southeast of of El Ramonal Acropolis and arguably oriented to the June
the Acropolis of Group VI or El Ramonal (Sabloff and Rathje solstice sunsets (see above).
1975a: Fig. 15 and map in pocket; Freidel and Sabloff 1984:
Fig. 22; Robles 1986a: Figs. 5 and 6; 1986b: maps in annex; Even though the latest construction stage of Structure
Azcárate and Ramírez 2000: Fig. 3; Ramírez and Azcárate C22-41-a was shaped in the Late Postclassic, while all the
2002: 48), characterized by a combination of lunar and sol- remaining monumental architecture of El Ramonal dates
stitial alignments. The east-west azimuth of the Acropolis to the Classic (some substructures might be even earlier:
(Table 1) corresponds to lunar declinations of -27.860° on Gregory 1975: 103ff; Freidel and Sabloff 1984: 151ff; Si-
the eastern horizon and 28.069° on the western horizon, both erra 1994: 109; Azcárate and Ramírez 2000: 15; Ramírez
quite close to the major standstill values, but it should be not- and Azcárate 2002: 48), it is reasonable to suppose that the
ed that this azimuth was measured along the southern wall of observational scheme described above was in use in both the
the supporting platform and the access stairway, which are the Classic and Postclassic periods. On the one hand, Structure
only excavated elements of the Acropolis. According to the C22-41-a, interpreted as a temple of Ixchel, has several ear-
map published by Azcárate and Ramírez (2000: Fig. 3) and lier phases (Freidel and Sabloff 1984: 153), which may also
Ramírez and Azcárate (2002: 48), the orientation of this part have been functional to the west. On the other, Freidel and
of the Acropolis agrees with the orientation of most buildings Sabloff (1984: 151ff) argue that the civic and ceremonial
on the platform (Fig. 3), but quite likely does not reproduce it precinct of El Ramonal group (labeled District 2 in their
accurately; the corresponding declinations thus do not allow nomenclature), being the center of the settlement during the
any reliable conclusion regarding the directionality of the Classic, functioned as the original focus of the oracle cult;
orientation. As mentioned above, the alignment data suggest in the Postclassic there was no construction activity in the
that the orientations to the major standstills of the Moon were sacred precinct, but the archaeological evidence (particularly
predominantly functional to the west, recording its northerly the characteristics and contexts of ceramic material found in
extremes. In the case of El Ramonal, however, a different sce- Structure C22-48a: ibid.: 151f; Gregory 1975: 103) indicates
nario seems to be more likely. If we consider that, among the it was used for worship. Consequently, if El Ramonal contin-
buildings on the Acropolis sharing the orientation possibly ued to be the stage for ritual activities, it probably conserved
related to lunar standstills, the tallest one is Structure C22- also its astronomical function; while the ancient ceremonial
54-a (VI-3c), situated on the western side of the Acropolis precinct served for observing both the southernmost rises of
and facing east, it is conceivable that this building served for the Moon and the northernmost settings of the Sun, the latter
observing moonrises on the eastern horizon: when the Moon phenomena could now be sighted also in Structure C22-41-a,
reached its major southern extreme, it appeared not only apparently the only one built (or remodeled) during the Late
along the central east-west axis of this building but also over Postclassic.
The fact that Structure C22-41-a marks solar rather than

9 In the ground plans of this building published by Freidel lunar events does not necessarily weaken its identification
(1975: Fig. 25) and Freidel and Sabloff (1984: Figs. 14 & 15), this with the temple of Ixchel, based on the comparison of its
altar is erroneously shown on the east side of the medial wall. An architectural characteristics with historical descriptions of the
accurate plan of this structure was published by Sierra (1994: Fig. shrine that was probably located in the vicinity of the modern
38). town of San Miguel Cozumel (Freidel 1975; Freidel, and
Sabloff 1984: 44, 152f, 164). In view of Ixchel’s attributes
10 Citing this information, Galindo (2002) maintains that
referred to above, the idea that the Sun was observed in her
Ka’na Nah is oriented, with the azimuth of 300°21’, to major north-
temple is not implausible: in the Mesoamerican world view
ern lunar standstills on the western horizon. However, the results
the Moon was closely related to the night Sun, and both were
of measurements presented in Table 1, as well as photographic re-
associated with water, earth and fertility (Klein 1976: 97;
cords of the light-and-shadow effect on a day near a June solstice
1980; Milbrath 1999: 105ff; Šprajc 1993a: 37f, 1996: 61);
(Fig. 2), demonstrate that the orientation of this building cannot
furthermore, Xbalanqué, one of the twin heroes of the Popol
be related to lunar standstills.
33
Ivan Šprajc
Figure 4. Tulum, Room A of Structure 25, looking northeast. Note the Diving God figure above the central doorway, and the aperture in
the east (right) wall.
Vuh, represents both the night Sun and the full Moon (Bau- and Šprajc 2015), Structures 21 and 25 exhibit different orien-
dez 1985: 33ff; Tedlock 1985: 296ff; Milbrath 1999: 130; cf. tations, which can be related to the solstices and major lunar
Christenson 2007: 94f). Since the transformation from the standstills, respectively.
daytime to the nocturnal Sun occurred at the horizon (Klein
1980: 165ff), it is not unreasonable to imagine that the sol- On the south side of Structure 25, in front of its principal
stitial solar hierophany produced in Structure C22-41-a was entrance, is a stairway leading to Room A, which has two
conceived as a liminal moment in which the setting Sun was openings in its east and west walls (Lothrop 1924: 102ff, Fig.
acquiring the powers it shared with Ixchel and with her other 87), the western one being higher above the floor than the
celestial avatar, observed in her ancient shrine. The relation of eastern one (Fig. 4). The eastern wall divides Room A from a
her sanctuary with sunsets also agrees with the symbolism of smaller Room D, which has two columns on the east side (Fig.
the western side of the universe, associated with water, maize 5). The fact that, observing from the eastern opening, the vi-
and fertility (Šprajc 1993a; 1993b; 1996; 2001: 88ff; 2004). sual line through the western opening passes exactly over the
western segment of the wall enclosing the urban core of the
While the practice of orienting certain buildings to major site (Figs. 5 and 6) suggests the possibility that the two holes
lunar standstills may be included among the cultural traits served for astronomical observations. Therefore, and consid-
that reflect a “homogeneous development” on the northeast ering that the alignment along the two apertures is parallel
coast during the Postclassic (cf. Robles 1986a: 11f), the use to other east-west lines (walls, colonnades) of the building,
of lunar alignments since the Classic period, attested in El its azimuth was measured with precision and assumed to be
Ramonal of San Gervasio, reinforces the idea that the Ixchel representative of the structure’s east-west orientations (Table
temple, instead of becoming important in the Late Postclassic, 1). The lunar declination corresponding to the line from the
“might have been a much older shrine which was initially eastern to the western orifice (28.658°) is equal to the maxi-
responsible for Cozumel’s increasing importance from Flo- mum declination reached by the Moon in the Late Postclassic.
rescent [i.e. Terminal Classic] times onward” (Sabloff and Due to its inclination, the alignment could not have served for
Rathje 1975b: 27). observing southern major standstills on the eastern horizon:
observing through both holes in the opposite direction, one
cannot see the horizon but rather the natural ground some 20
Tulum m east of the structure.
While Structure 1 (El Castillo) of Tulum seems to have dictat-
ed the orientations of many surrounding buildings (Sánchez
34
Figure 5. Tulum, Room D of Structure 25, looking west. Note the aperture in the wall dividing Rooms D and A.
The idea that the alignment

of the two vents in Room A
of Structure 25 had a special
significance is reinforced by
its relationship with other ar-
chitectural elements.11 Imme-
diately west of the building is
Structure 29 (Lothrop 1924:
108), a low platform with a
small stairway whose mid-
point is located exactly along
the direction marked by the
two orifices in Structure 25
(Fig. 7); extended further west,
the same alignment passes
exactly over a small stairway
in the west arm of the defen-
sive wall of the city (Fig. 8).
It seems significant that this
line coincides precisely with
the two openings in the east
11 While another aper-

ture perforates the west wall of
Room C of Structure 25 (Fig. 7),
Figure 6. Tulum, Structure 25, looking west through the aperture in the east wall of Room A. Note the it has no counterpart in the east
height of the orifice in the west wall with respect to the segment of the defensive wall visible in the wall of the room (cf. Lothrop
background to the left.
1924: 104, Fig. 87).
35
Ivan Šprajc
Figure 8. Tulum, small stairway located in the western segment of the

defensive wall along the alignment of apertures in Room A of Struc-
ture 25; view to the northwest.
throp 1924: 104, Fig. 87), there is a stucco figure representing

the Diving God. Although a similar plunging figure appears on
page 58 of the Dresden Codex with a Venus glyph substituting
its head, the fact that this page belongs to the lunar table, or ta-
ble of the eclipses, indicates that this deity was also associated
with the Moon.13 It should be noted, however, that this icono-
graphic element is not necessarily relevant to the interpretation
of the significance of the building’s orientation: the Diving God
decorates various buildings whose orientations correlate with
neither Venus nor the Moon.
The orientation of Structure 21, immediately south of Struc-

ture 25 (Lothrop 1924: 99ff), corresponds to the June solstice
sunsets (Table 2).14 Although it is not impossible that Structure
Figure 7. Tulum, west facade of Structure 25, looking east from the 25 marked southern major lunar standstills on the eastern hori-
stairway of Structure 29. zon, various circumstances mentioned above favor the idea that
it was oriented to the major northern standstills on the western
and west walls of Room A, rather than with the central east- horizon. If the standstill positions were observed during the
west axis of Structure 25.12 full Moon, we would expect Structure 21 to be oriented to
Although the alignment defined by the two apertures in the December solstice sunrises. Table 2 does not include the
Structure 25 corresponds to northern major lunar standstills on east declination for this building, because in this direction the
the western horizon with precision, it is not impossible that the northern annexes of the architectural complex of El Castillo
stairway in the defensive wall marked the point for observing block the view to the horizon, forming an artificial horizon
southern major standstills on the eastern horizon, approxi- line whose altitude depends on the exact observation point and
mately in the direction marked by Structure 25. If so, however, thus cannot be reliably determined. However, if these buildings
the alignment was of poor precision, because the difference are later than Structure 21, or if the Sun’s appearance above
between the corresponding lunar declination and the minimum them was observed, it is quite possible that the orientation of
declination of the Moon is quite large (Table 1). Structure 21 was functional to the east, marking sunrises at the
Above the central doorway communicating Room A with

the central sanctuary of Structure 25 (cf. ground plan in Lo- 13 A fusion of Venus and lunar attributes does not come
as a surprise, considering the relationships observed between the
Dresden Codex Venus table and eclipse cycles (cf. Bricker and Brick-
12 Lothrop’s (1924: Pl. 25) map of Tulum is incorrect in er 2011: 180f, 214f), as well as Closs’s (1989) argument that Venus
showing the stairway of Structure 29 aligned with the central east- was considered to be an eclipse agent. On the other hand, if the
west wall of Structure 25. It seems significant that another small diving deity on Structure 25 of Tulum refers to eclipses, it should
stairway in the west segment of the defensive wall is located exactly be recalled that the periodicity of both lunar standstills and eclipses
along the axis of symmetry of El Castillo; Structure 8, a rectangular depends on the lunar nodal cycle of 18.6 years. In the absence of any
platform in the center of the interior precinct, is placed along the further evidence, however, the question whether the observation of
same axis, evidently stressing its importance (cf. Vargas 1995: 61f). lunar standstills had any relation with eclipse predictions (cf. Thom
Although there are several stairways in the west arm of the defen- 1971: 18ff) will not be pursued here.
sive wall (cf. Lothrop 1924: 72), it is hardly fortuitous that two of 14 On Lothrop’s (1924: Pl. 25) map Structures 21 and 25
them are located exactly along the axes marked also by other archi- are shown as having the same orientation. That this is not so can be
36 tectural elements. seen on Google Earth (https://www.google.com/earth/).
winter solstice. Another possibility is that Structures 21 and suggesting its intentionality, but the fact that the orientation
25 were both functional to the west, marking summer solstice of La Vieja corresponds to minor lunar standstills does call
sunsets and the approximately concomitant northern major attention. Moreover, according to a local legend summarized
standstills of the dark (nearly new) Moon, respectively. In by Benavides (n.d.), the peasants taking a rest at the base of
the light of the above mentioned comparative data, however, La Vieja used to receive little cocoyol bowls of water from
the first alternative seems more likely. an old woman, in exchange for coins they would leave there.
Recalling aquatic attributes of the old Moon goddess in pre-
hispanic times (Milbrath 1999: 141ff), the old lady of the
legend may well be related to this celestial body, as supposed
Orientations to Minor Lunar Standstills
by Benavides (n.d.); if the story, indeed, represents a survival
Since the existence of orientations to major lunar standstills of the prehispanic importance of the Moon at the site, it lends
is, in view of the above arguments, hardly disputable, can we some support to the lunar interpretation of the alignments
suppose that there were also alignments recording the minor mentioned above.
standstills? Between the years 500 B.C. and A.D. 1500, the
mean values of minor standstill declinations of the Moon
varied from ±18.61° to ±18.36°, hence the peaks in Figure
Cultural Significance of Lunar Orientations
1 on the values -18.42° and 17.69° (east declinations) and
-17.33° and 18.71° (west declinations) might be related to As is well known, the Maya were acutely aware of many
these phenomena; the two smaller peaks (17.69° on the east regularities of the apparent motion of the Moon, including
and -17.33° on the west) are produced by the few orientations the eclipse patterns (e.g.: Thompson 1939; Milbrath 1999:
skewed counterclockwise from cardinal directions. In order 105ff; Cruz 2005; Bricker and Bricker 2011). The orienta-
to find the buildings that may have been oriented to minor tions discussed above indicate that they also perceived the
lunar standstill positions, the estimated errors of lunar dec- periodical oscillations of its extreme rising and setting points.
linations were increased, as in the case of major standstills, This sophisticated astronomical knowledge, possessed by as-
by an arbitrary value of 0.5°; selecting those that, taking into tronomer-priests, was lost soon after the Conquest, when its
account these errors, fit the extreme lunar declinations at the bearers, pertaining to the highest layer of the vanquished so-
time of construction of particular buildings, the orientations ciety, were subject to an intensive Christian indoctrination.15
listed in Table 3 were obtained, where the values of decli- However, the attention paid to this celestial body was large-
nations and errors possibly related to minor standstills are ly motivated by the beliefs that were widely shared among
marked in bold type. people and which still persist, although impoverished and
modified, among the present-day communities. The Moon
It should be underscored, however, that the relation of is associated with water, earth and fertility, and its phases
these orientations with the Moon is much less certain than still represent an important factor in scheduling agricultural
of those corresponding to major standstills, because their activities (Thompson 1939; Neuenswander 1981; Montolíu
other astronomical referent could have been the Sun. Indeed, 1984; Báez-Jorge 1988; Köhler 1991; Atran 1993: 678f; Mil-
several of these orientations pertain to one of the solar groups brath 1999: 27ff; Bassie-Sweet 2008: 33ff; Redfield and Villa
that have been identified in the Maya Lowlands (Group 10: Rojas 1962: 205f; Iwaniszewski 1992, 2006; Vogt 1997: 112).
Sánchez and Šprajc 2015: Table 7). Others, however, do
not correspond to any prominent solar group. Among them The aquatic connotations of the Moon and its relations
are, significantly, Structure C15-1-a of El Cedral, Structure with fertility, found not only in Mesoamerica but also in many
C22-32-a (Nohoch Nah) of San Gervasio, the Temple of other cultures (cf. Eliade 1972: 150ff), can be largely ac-
Kisim at Calica, and Structures 35 (Casa del Cenote) and 45 counted for by observational facts. The parallelism between
at Tulum: the fact that these buildings are located along the the synodic month, the tides and women’s menstrual cycle
northeast coast of the Yucatan peninsula, i.e. in the region must have called attention since remote times. Furthermore,
with the greatest concentration of orientations to the major various researchers have noted a correlation between certain
lunar standstills (cf. Table 1), makes their relation with minor phases of the Moon and rainfall, hurricanes, tropical storms,
standstills more likely. temperatures, and germination of certain plants (e.g.: Car-
The association with these phenomena is, in the absence

15 An informant from Chan Kom reported to Redfield
of independent evidence, much less certain for other build-
and Villa Rojas (1962: 206) that “every eighteen years the moon
ings listed in Table 3, but some information regarding the
passes under the sun covering the earth with its shadow”. Al-
pyramid known as La Vieja or Vieja Hechicera at Edzná is
though this seems to be a reference to the eclipse cycle known as
probably worth mentioning. Malmström (1991: 45; 1997:
saros (18.03 años), it should be recalled that the periodicity of the
145, 149f) claims that this building, for an observer on the
eclipses depends on the nodal cycle of 18.6 years, which is also
Five-Storey Pyramid, marked the moonsets at major northern
the cycle of lunar major/minor standstill declinations. Citing this
standstills. Indeed, this alignment, whose azimuth is 300°11’,
piece of information, Nahm (2004: 50) remarks that “a survival of
according to our measurements, corresponds to the lunar
knowledge about such an astronomical period among rural Maya
declination of 28°25’, very close to the maximum declination
is unlikely, but it is hard to think of an obvious alternative”. A possi-
attainable by the Moon. Since the orientation of neither of the
ble alternative is, of course, that the informant was “contaminated”
two buildings matches the alignment, there is no indication
by modern astronomy.
37
Ivan Šprajc
penter et al. 1972; Balling and Cerveny 1995; Cerveny et al. fertility (Klein 1976: 97; 1980; Milbrath 1999: 105ff; Šprajc
2010; González 2001: 171f). Specifically, for North America 1993a: 37f; 1996: 61).
and New Zealand it has been demonstrated that heavy rains
tend to occur more frequently in the first and third weeks
of the synodic month (Bradley et al. 1962; Adderley and
Summary
Bowen 1962; Brier and Bradley 1964). Interestingly, and
in agreement with these findings, Judith Remington (1980: The distribution of data corresponding to architectural orien-
112) was told, during her ethnographic research in Guate- tations in the Maya Lowlands exhibits notable concentrations
mala Highlands, that during the rainy season “llueve más that correlate with standstill positions of the Moon on the
cuando la luna está tierna que cuando está madura”, while horizon. Particularly compelling is the relationship of one
Diego de Landa (1973: 4) reported that “por fines de enero group of orientations with the major standstills, because they
y febrero hay un veranillo de recios soles y no llueve en ese can be related to no other celestial event of comparable im-
tiempo sino a las entradas de las lunas”; if the analyses of portance, and considering that most of them are found along
rainfall data from two widely separated regions resulted in the northeastern coast of the Yucatan peninsula, i.e. precisely
the same conclusion, we can assume that it also applies to in the area where the cult of the Moon goddess is known to
the Mesoamerican latitudes, thus being highly likely that the have been particularly important. While there are a number
above cited ethnographic and Landa’s reports are based on of orientations matching minor lunar standstills, the inten-
observational reality.16 tionality of these correspondences is less certain, because an
alternative celestial referent of these alignments may have
While the significance of lunar orientations can be un- been the Sun. Nonetheless, the Moon does seem to have been
derstood in the light of the above mentioned concepts, it may targeted by some of these orientations, particularly those that
have been related to even more specific observational facts. are concentrated along the northeastern coast and do not per-
According to several recent studies (e.g., Mitra and Dutta tain to any prominent solar group.
1992; Currie 1993, 1995; Currie and Vines 1996; Manzi et
al. 2012; Baart et al. 2012; Agosta 2014), a correlation exists The buildings oriented to major lunar standstills are, in
between tides, rainfall patterns and temperatures, on the one many cases, in immediate vicinity of those aligned to sunrises
hand, and the lunar nodal cycle of 18.6 years, on the other. or sunsets at the solstices. The analyses of the alignment data
These correspondences, in spite of the lack of evidence that suggest that these associations, which are hardly coinciden-
they were actually perceived, offer an attractive basis for tal, reflect the observation of full Moon extremes nearest to
interpreting the meaning of orientations to lunar standstills, the standstills and always occurring around the solstices:
whose periodicity obeys the node cycle. the northernmost positions of the full Moon approximately
coincide with the southernmost positions of the Sun, and
Finally, if the associations of lunar and solstitial orienta- vice versa.
tions reflect the observation of standstill phenomena during
the full Moon phase, they can be explained not only in terms The significance of lunar orientations can be accounted
of the attractiveness of the opposite positions of the Sun and for by the widespread concepts associating the Moon and
the full Moon and the contrasting roles of the two luminaries related deities with water, earth and fertility. There is evi-
during the shortest/longest days/nights of the year, but also dence indicating that these ideas were motivated by observa-
in the light of their closely related symbolism. Since the tional facts. Moreover, in the light of several recent studies
orientations pointing to the Sun on the horizon may refer demonstrating interrelationships between the lunar nodal
to its nocturnal aspect, let us recall that the night Sun was cycle, which determines the periodicity of standstills, and
closely related to the full Moon; both were personified by oscillations in rainfall, temperatures and sea level, it is tempt-
Xbalanqué, one of the twin heroes of the Popol Vuh (Tedlock ing to suggest that the alignments to lunar standstills reflect,
1985: 296ff; Milbrath 1999: 130; cf. Christenson 2007: 94f; specifically, the observation of these correlations.
Baudez 1985: 33ff), and associated with water, earth and
16 Another illustrative piece of information, indicating Postscript

that some concepts about the influence of lunar phases on natural
After this article had been submitted for publication, further
phenomena must derive from empirical knowledge, is the opinion,
research was accomplished on the northeast coast of the Yu-
shared by a number of Mesoamerican indigenous communities,
catan peninsula, resulting in the discovery of additional lunar
that the trees should be felled during the full Moon, to prevent
orientations at several sites (Sánchez et al. 2016).
the wood from insect-induced rotting (Köhler 1991; Atran 1993:
678f; Vogt 1997: 112; López 2001: 296f). As Köhler (1991: 246f)
notes, even if ideas of this kind are often contradictory and some
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42
Verticality, Commemoration, and Demarcative Practice
in the Construction of Copan’s Historical Landscape
Kathryn Marie Hudson

University at Buffalo
John S. Henderson
Cornell University
Mallory E. Matsumoto
University of Bonn
Abstract
Maya historical landscapes were made manifest in architecture reflecting the physical and metaphysical real-
ities of particular polities. Although landscapes are often defined by physical markers, historical landscapes
–spatial and cosmological mappings of history– indicate that markers can reflect preexisting meanings. This
paper explores how Copan’s architecture reflected the historical landscape through verticality. Structures
10L-16 and 10L-26 are the results of vertically oriented building processes reflecting historical landscapes
that juxtaposed cosmology, the mythical past, and the constructed present. This shows that historical land-
scapes existed alongside – and within – Copan’s physical landscapes.
Resumen
La arquitectura de las ciudades mayas creaba paisajes históricos que reflejan las realidades físicas y metafí-
sicas de estados específicos. Aunque con frecuencia los paisajes se definen en términos de indicadores físi-
cos, los paisajes históricos –cartografías espaciales y de la historia– indican que marcadores puedan reflejar
significados preexistentes. Este capítulo investiga la manera en que la arquitectura de Copan reflejaba el
paisaje histórico por medio de la verticalidad. Las Estructuras 10L-16 y 10L-26 resultaban de procesos de
construcción vertical que reflejaban paisajes históricos que oponían la cosmología, el pasado mítico, y el
presente construido. Los paisajes históricos existían a lo largo de –y dentro de– los paisajes físicos de Copan.
Monumental architecture, often elaborately embellished with temples, which served as a common mode of architectur-
modeled and painted imagery, is arguably the central defining al reference to ancestors, and sometimes mortuary temples
feature of lowland Maya city-states. The most obvious func- housing their actual remains, strongly emphasized the vertical
tion of these construction projects, and of the hieroglyphic dimension. Temple buildings had small footprints and stood
texts associated with them, is political. They served the pur- atop tall, steep platforms. Their remodeling almost always
poses of rulers and their factions, legitimizing their claims increased the vertical dimension more than the horizontal.
to power by detailing their genealogies and supernatural The initial effect was to increase the local visibility of the
connections, and by extolling their accomplishments in the commemorative structures. The simultaneous construction of
spheres of political alliance and military activity. these buildings marked locations in the landscape –both par-
ticular points and their surrounding spaces– as special. This
Like all human actions, the construction of monumental often involved differential access to spaces, which entailed
buildings entailed unintended consequences beyond the goals differential knowledge of –and participation in– the activities
foreseen by the individuals who undertook the planning and that took place in them and spawned new perceptions and
organization (see, e.g., Joyce 2004). Buildings whose loca- uses of landscapes.
tion, form and decoration memorialized predecessors and
ancestors in ways that were politically useful to successors The concept of history and historical memory is key to
also permanently altered local landscapes. Commemorative such considerations, since relationships can legitimize con-
Kathryn Marie Hudson, John S. Henderson, Mallory E. Matsumoto
The Copan City-State

The archaeological record in the Copan valley of northwest-
ern Honduras (Fig. 1) is largely one of continuing growth.
From the earliest known village occupations of the late sec-
ond millennium BC through the emergence and florescence
of a prosperous city-state in the seventh and eighth centuries
AD, population size and the number, scale, and complexity of
communities increased steadily. There are indications that the
centralization of political power and concomitant economic
and social changes may have been under way in the early
centuries of the first millennium AD, and there is material
evidence that these processes had resulted in city-state organ-
ization by the fifth century. The construction and remodeling
of civic architecture, in combination with the production of
monumental art, testify to the growing power of the Copan
state that they were designed to support. These developments
generally intensified, though not continuously, through the
eighth century. In the early ninth century the Copan state, like
most of its contemporaries, failed in the context of area-wide
economic and political transformation.
Surviving hieroglyphic texts refer mainly to rulers and

their activities during the later period of florescence of the
city-state. The epigraphic record is less continuous than the
archaeological record of royal art and architecture, especially
in the early period of the city-state, so the textual view of
Figure 1. Map of the Maya world (map by John S. Henderson). Copan’s early kings (Stuart 2004) is partly dependent on
retrospective texts commissioned by later kings and thus
temporary endeavors and secure future prospects. Analyses heavily conditioned by their historical perspectives and po-
of the histories embodied in architecture are particularly con- litical agendas. Seventh and eighth century texts make it clear
cerned with what Van Dyke and Alcock (2003: 3) describe as that the late kings of Copan represented themselves as heirs
“the awareness and construction of the past in the past,” and to the throne in the context of a dynastic sequence beginning
with the kind of selective historical reconstruction –physi- with a founder, Yax K’uk’ Mo’, who came to power early in
cal or otherwise– discussed by Lowenthal (1985: 210). The the 5th century. There are no contemporaneous texts from the
intentionality that underlies such endeavors facilitates their reigns of several early rulers, and not all of the early texts
function as legitimizers of political or social entities, since that do survive explicitly represented the lords they refer to as
“people remember or forget the past according to the needs part of this sequence. It is clear, however, that the succession
of the present” (Van Dyke and Alcock 2003: 3). This propa- celebrated by Copan’s Late Classic rulers was historically
gandistic use of history underlies political actions in many grounded, at least in the sense of referring to lords who had
parts of the world; for the lowland Maya, architecture was an actually lived and who played prominent roles in the building
effective way of mobilizing historical agency to create phys- of the Copan city-state.
ical environments spanning the conceptual space between
past and present. Together, the archaeological and epigraphic records pro-
vide multiple perspectives on the development of the Copan
This conscious generation of historically-based spaces state. Thanks to the painstaking correlation of deep architec-
does not, however, mean that the interpretive dimensions of tural excavations, we can follow the architectural history of
such built environments are easily accessible to contempo- Copan’s royal court and the symbolic messages it conveyed
rary observers. Although many approach issues of collective in considerable detail. A striking dimension of this story is
social memory from a phenomenological perspective, such the degree to which Copan’s kings sought to ground their
subjectivity is easily contaminated by modern historical in- claims to power in the history of the city-state through the
heritances and associated assumptions about the kinds of buildings, art, and texts produced by the architects, sculptors,
history likely to be preserved and presented in particular painters, and scribes who served them. We see the history of
ways. A more productive approach attempts to remove etic Copan’s court largely in terms of the changing ways that suc-
perceptions insofar as possible within a particular analytical cessive kings represented the past and positioned themselves
context and replace them with a contextualized view rooted in relation to it.
in the localized history of a particular site. Such methodol-
ogy requires the identification of the historical landscapes Early in the fifth century, Copan’s leaders began a pro-
superimposed onto the physical world and, consequently, gram of large-scale platform and superstructure construction
the reconceptualization of landscape markers as historical along the west bank of the Río Copan, covering preexisting
indicators of a present justified by its association with the past. cobble-faced platforms that had probably supported earli-
44
Verticality, Commemoration, and Demarcative Practice in the Construction of Copan’s Historical Landscape
Figure 2. Hieroglyphic Stair (Str 10L-26) and Acropolis restoration sketch (drawing by John S. Henderson).
er residential buildings. This is the time when, according served as the focus of architectural elaboration throughout
to hieroglyphic texts, Yax K’uk’ Mo’ –later revered as the the long history of the royal court. The development of these
dynastic founder– arrived at Copan and assumed the throne. buildings and the features associated with them provides
Initially consisting of three adjacent but independent building a fascinating view into the shifting ways in which history
complexes, this emerging royal precinct was soon united by was mobilized in the underwriting of royal power at Copan
common platform enlargement. During the following four through the creation of a historical landscape.
centuries, this ancestral royal precinct was vertically enlarged
into a massive architectural complex –the Acropolis and the
Temple of the Hieroglyphic Stairway on its northern margin–
Structure 10L-16 and its Ancestors
that housed the royal court (Fig. 2). The locations eventually
occupied by Structures 10L-26-1st, the latest version of the During the early centuries of the first millennium AD, the
Temple of the Hieroglyphic Stairway, and 10L-16-1st, the first known public structures at Copan were built atop a broad,
final enlargement of the temple at the core of the Acropolis, low platform beneath the Acropolis (Fig. 3) (Sedat and López
Figure 3. Structure 10L-16, schematic section (after Agurcia and Fash 2005: Fig. 6.1).
45
2004; Traxler 2004; Sharer et al. 2005; Agurcia and Fash or collar with jade and pearl inlays. The tomb was re-entered
2005). The first masonry building beneath the location where at least once for ritual activities, presumably including ven-
Structure 10L-16-1st eventually stood, nicknamed “Hunal,” eration of the deceased as well as the coating of his bones
replaced an earlier earthen structure with a thatched roof. The with cinnabar.
Hunal platform, with its red-painted talud-tablero facing, sup-
ported a three-room building whose final version likely had Many features of the Hunal building and tomb point to
a beam and mortar roof. Fragments of painted plaster show- connections between early Copan and distant places (Sharer
ing footprints ascending a stair and a seated figure gesturing 2004), and the individual in the tomb was clearly connected
toward a standing individual suggest that one of the rooms to one or more of them. The talud-tablero platform, roof con-
was decorated with a mural depicting an inauguration scene. struction, imported pottery, shell pendant, and shell-spangled
headdress (which would have looked very much like the Te-
The tomb chamber underneath the northern room of the otihuacan warriors’ helmets depicted on Stela 31 at Tikal) all
final building contains the skeleton of an adult male who had indicate a connection with Teotihuacan, perhaps mediated by
suffered a series of ball game and/or combat injuries (Bell less distant places –such as Tikal or Kaminaljuyu– that them-
et al. 2004: 132–136; Reents-Budet et al. 2004; Buikstra et selves had Teotihuacan connections. The evidence of bone
al. 2004; Price et al. 2010). Bone chemistry locates his early chemistry makes a close link with the central Peten certain,
life in the central Peten, probably in the zone stretching from and the presence of imported pottery from central Mexico
Tikal in the west to Caracol in the east. Sourcing studies show suggests that the possibility of a direct tie with Teotihuacan
that the pottery interred with him included vessels imported as well cannot be discounted. These features, along with a
from the central Peten, from the highlands or the Pacific coast short text on the shell collar that identifies it as belonging to
to the southeast, and from Teotihuacan in central Mexico. someone designated by the key elements used in later texts
Costume elements found in the tomb included the remains of to refer to the dynastic founder, combine to indicate that the
a headdress covered with shell spangles and a shell pendant remains in the tomb are those of Yax K’uk’ Mo.’
Figure 4. Rosalila structure, full-scale replica (photo by John S. Henderson).

46
Later hieroglyphic texts also indicate that Yax K’uk’ Mo’ a palace. It was arguably built by Ruler 2, the successor of
came to Copan from the central Peten region (Sharer 2003; Yax K’uk’ Mo’, as a memorial to his father. The masks flank-
Stuart 2004). The longest text referring to him, carved on the ing the main stair depict the sun god, recalling the K’inich
top of Altar Q in the eighth century and set in front of the stair title that is commonly attached to the name Yax K’uk’ Mo’.
of Structure 10L-16-1st, says that he arrived at Copan in AD The Teotihuacan relationship, overt in the talud-tablero facing
427 from a place where he received the key emblem of royal of Hunal, was now replaced by an architectural reference to
authority. In subsequent passages, reference to him shifts the central Peten. A tomb chamber was placed beneath the
from the pre-accession Ajaw (‘lord’) K’uk’ Mo’ to K’inich new platform surface, adjacent to the Hunal tomb. If this in-
(‘Sun God’) Yax (‘new’) K’uk’ Mo’. Here and elsewhere, dicates Ruler 2’s intention to be interred next to his father, it
Yax K’uk’ Mo’ bears the title West Kalomte’, which was was apparently not fulfilled, for the tomb remained accessible
also carried by Tikal kings. A text carved on the back of the but empty for some time, though it may have been a venue
Hombre de Tikal sculpture, found in a tomb in Structure 3D- for ritual activity.
43 on the northern edge of central Tikal, refers to actions of a
person named K’uk’ Mo’ in AD 406, two decades before the In the mid fifth century, Yehnal was buried by the Marga-
arrival at Copan (Fahsen 1988; LaPorte 2001; Sharer 2003). rita building, a much larger structure, again painted red and
These factors combine to suggest that Hunal was the palace faced with Peten-style apron moldings. The façade on each
of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ decorated with a mural that may depict his side of Margarita’s western stair was decorated with a paint-
inauguration and that the tomb within the platform was his ed stucco relief representing a pair of birds with their necks
final resting place. intertwined. One is red and has the head of a macaw (mo’);
the other is green with the topknot of a quetzal (k’uk’). Each
Not long after the burial, Hunal was covered by the slight- bird has the glyph for Yax on its head, and a face representing
ly larger Yehnal structure. The Yehnal platform facing was the sun god appears in the beak of each. The composition, at
also painted red, but was embellished with apron moldings once figural and glyphic, represents the name and title K’in-
and stucco masks of the kind used on central Peten platforms, ich Yax K’uk’ Mo,’ the common designation for the founder.
rather than with talud-tablero panels. Like all of its successors Each pair of birds stands on a hieroglyphic “9 Imix” on the
at this location, the Yehnal structure was a temple, rather than south side of the stair and “7 Kan” on the north. These glyphs,
Figure 5. Rosalila structure (replica), sun god face (photo by John S. Henderson).
47
which may refer to supernatural places, also appear beneath ten, and the Guatemalan highlands. A stuccoed tripod vessel
the portraits of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ and Ruler 2 on the capstone of that was probably made in central Mexico was painted with
the Motmot tomb at the base of the 10L-26 sequence. an image of a talud-tablero building and a goggle-eyed face in
definite Teotihuacan style, but seems to show indications that
The body interred in the enlarged platform that buried the painter was familiar with Maya canons as well. Carved
Margarita‘s stair had shell goggles on its face and was accom- slate mirror backs and painted organic objects also reflect
panied by a bundle of atlatl darts (Bell et al. 2004: 142–144; Teotihuacan designs. The upper tomb chamber remained ac-
Buikstra et al. 2004; Price et al. 2010). A new building, on the cessible from the structure that buried the Margarita building
summit, Xukpi, was soon demolished and the Yehnal tomb, for a substantial period during which additional offerings
which had remained accessible but empty, was enlarged with were placed, the lower chamber was re-entered, and the bones
a new chamber built over the access stair. A bench or step were covered with cinnabar.
removed from its original location was re-set in the upper
chamber (Stuart 2004: 244–246). The text on its face refers to The most plausible interpretation is that the woman in-
Yax K’uk’ Mo’, Ruler 2, the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun in AD 435, and terred in the Margarita tomb was the wife of Yax K’uk’ Mo’,
some kind of mortuary structure or ritual, perhaps the tomb and a woman of considerable consequence. Although she was
of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ in Hunal a few meters beneath it. of local origin, her mortuary furniture includes many objects
that suggest foreign connections, especially with Teotihuacan.
The upper chamber was then dedicated to offerings These objects, like the shell goggles and atlatl darts of the Te-
and rituals connected with the burial finally placed in the otihuacan warrior buried in the enlarged platform, were not a
much-remodeled Yehnal tomb chamber below (Bell et al. public representation of connection with the central Mexican
2004: 136–143; Reents-Budet et al. 2004; Buikstra et al. city. What was visible to visitors to the royal precinct were
2004; Price et al. 2010). The skeletal remains indicate that the elegant representations of K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ on
the occupant was a mature woman, and her bone chemistry each side of the stair and the central Peten apron moldings of
indicates that she was of local origin. She was laid to rest with the Margarita platform itself. The glyphs on which the birds
an extraordinarily rich suite of mortuary furniture including stand, directly associated with the founder and his successor
pottery vessels imported from central Mexico, the central Pe- on the Motmot marker, suggests that the imagery was also
Figure 6. Structure 10L-16 (photo by John S. Henderson).

48
Massive platform enlargements in the late fifth century

buried Margarita. The temple that replaced it was completely
destroyed by later construction, but it apparently remained in
use until the erection of a temple nick-named Rosalila (Fig. 4)
near the end of the sixth century (Agurcia 2004; Agurcia and
Fash 2005). Much of this construction was probably commis-
sioned by Ruler 8. The platform on which Rosalila stands was
adorned with red-painted sun god masks very similar to those
on Structure A1 at Kohunlich in central Yucatan. Thanks to its
careful burial prior to subsequent construction, the decoration
on the façade of the Rosalila temple is remarkably well pre-
served. The façade of the building was elaborately decorated
with reliefs repeatedly refurbished with new plaster and paint
during the seventh century. The imagery represents an array
of supernatural and ancestral figures, prominently featuring
the sun god. The lower façade boasted seven panels with the
same composition: a central sun god head framed by reptile
heads, feathers, and bird talons (Fig. 5). Above the sun god’s
head is the head of a composite bird combining features
of the quetzal (k’uk’) and macaw (mo’). The image can be
read as the sun god wearing a bird headdress and framed
with other bird elements or as the full figure of a bird with
“serpent wings.”
Under any interpretation, the 7 panels are the equiva-

lent of the birds flanking the stairs of the earlier Margarita
Figure 7. Structure 10L-16, goggle-eyed face and skulls (photo by structure below, representing the founder’s normal title-name
John S. Henderson).
combination, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’. Rosalila memorialized
Yax K’uk’ Mo’ in just the way that Margarita had.
intended to emphasize the connection between Yax K’uk’ Mo’ Near the end of the seventh century –late in the life of
and his successor (who probably commissioned the building). Ruler 12 or near the beginning of the reign of his successor,
The structure was a memorial to the dynastic founder, now Waxaklajun Ubaah K’awiil– elaborate termination rituals
referred to by name, not indirectly by title, and to his central paved the way for the next construction episode in this loca-
Peten connections, not his links to distant Teotihuacan. tion. Rosalila was covered with a final coat of white plaster,
Figure 8. Structure 10L-26, schematic section (after Fash, Fash and Davis-Salazar 2004: Fig, 4.2).
49
and earth and stone were carefully packed around it before it of central Mexican linkage because of its resemblance to the
was encased in the fill of the larger Structure 10L-16-2nd. The tzompantli platforms that supported skull racks. In combina-
care with which this interment was undertaken ensured the tion with rope imagery, particularly a bound figure found on
preservation of Rosalila’s program of decoration. The temple the main stair, this platform and its skulls can be seen as a
building of Structure 10L-16-2nd stood atop a massive plat- reflection of emphasis on warfare and sacrifice in the decora-
form faced with beautifully dressed blocks, but it was entirely tive program of Structure 10L-16-1st. Reference to ancestors
destroyed by the final construction episode. was probably among the intended meanings of the death
imagery as well. The stair outset recalls structures in central
The final version of Structure 10L-16 (Fig. 6) was built Peten sites, particularly the one on Structure B4 at Altun
late in the 8th century, during the reign of Yax Pasaj, Ruler 16. Ha, which contained the tomb of one of its lords. At Tikal, a
Construction of this building, only a slight enlargement of its similar outset was built into the stair of Temple 2, arguably
predecessor, entailed the first change in the axis of construc- Jasaw Chan K’awiil’s memorial to his deceased wife. Ropes
tion in this location, a shift 13 meters south of that established were widely employed as a metaphor for descent, so the rope
by the Hunal building three and a half centuries earlier. An framing of the panel that held the image with sun god features
outset platform in the lower part of the stairway featured a can be seen as another ancestral reference.
goggle-eyed face surrounded by skulls carved in relief (Fig.
7). A panel just above held a figure with sun god features Altar Q, set at the base of the stair of Structure 10L-16-1st,
framed by a rope, possibly a representation of K’inich Yax focuses explicitly on the founder. The pivot of the composi-
K’uk’ Mo’ as the sun god. A similar image may have sat on tion is the passing of a scepter, emblematic of legitimate rule,
the bench in the summit temple. The fragmentary surviving from the founder to Yax Pasaj, who commissioned the final
decoration of that building emphasized a goggle-eyed being version of the building. Yax K’uk’ Mo’ has goggle eyes and
and the interlocked V and trapezoid motif. carries a shield with the same serpent device that appears on
shields in fragments of sculpture from the temple façade. A
The goggle-eyed faces are a clear reference to central bird combining features of the quetzal and macaw and a yax
Mexican imagery, usually labeled Tlaloc after the Mexica sign in his headdress spell Yax K’uk’ Mo’. The 14 intervening
deity with that facial feature. The V and trapezoid design, rulers, in Yax Pasaj’s version of dynastic history, flank them.
often associated with that being in central Mexico, is also The text covering the top of the monument recounts the in-
used there to mark the names of years. The stair outset with auguration of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ as king and his arrival at Copan.
relief skulls is sometimes interpreted as another indication The remains of (approximately) 15 jaguars deposited in a
chamber buried between Altar Q and the stair represent the
residue of a ritual that may have evoked the same succession
culminating in the accession of Yax Pasaj. The final build-
ing at this location was a very grand memorial to Yax K’uk’
Mo’. Direct reference to the founder is emphatic on Altar Q,
but less obvious in the architectural decoration, which, after
a lapse of some three centuries, again emphasizes central
Mexican connections.
Temple of the Hieroglyphic Stairway

(Structure 10L-26) and its Ancestors
Construction in this location began in the early fifth century,
with a platform that was largely destroyed by later construc-
tion (Fash, Fash and Davis-Salazar 2004; Sharer et al. 2005).
The earliest well-preserved building, nicknamed “Motmot,”
(Fig. 8), had Peten-style apron moldings on the face of its
platform and a mask depicting a supernatural figure, possibly
associated with the sun, at the center of at least one side. Mot-
mot is stratigraphically connected to Margarita by a plastered
floor and may have been a project of Ruler 2. A floor to the
west connects Motmot with the earliest version of Copan’s
main ball court.
Immediately in front of the platform on the west, the

Motmot “marker” was set into the floor, covering a circular
tomb chamber (Fash, Fash and Davis-Salazar 2004: 68–74;
Price et al. 2010). Relief carving on the capstone depicts
Figure 9. Hieroglyphic Stair, figure with central Mexican year sign
Yax K’uk’ Mo’ and Ruler 2 celebrating the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun
(photo by John S. Henderson). ending in AD 435 (Stuart 2004: 240–241). The text suggests
50
that this may have been a building dedication date, perhaps fifth century. Eventually Stela 63 was broken, part of it was
that of Motmot or its predecessor. removed, and the chamber was filled with debris, including
macaw heads from the early ballcourt. The chamber and
The inscription also refers to the arrival of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ Stela 63 remained accessible through the reigns of several of
in 427. He is depicted with Maya, not central Mexican, ac- Ruler 4’s successors, perhaps as late as the end of the seventh
couterments. The glyphs beneath the feet of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ century. Papagayo was a long-lived monument to the founder,
and Ruler 2 –9 Imix and 7 Kan– are the same as those on his son, and the baktun ending they jointly celebrated. The ta-
which the K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ birds stand on the Marga- blero on the substructure (without a talud) may have implied
rita façade. Wear on the capstone suggests that it was exposed a central Mexican connection, but this is not a major theme
for a substantial period. of the building’s public message.
The circular burial chamber itself is very reminiscent of Ruler 12, who was on the throne for most of the seventh
Teotihuacan mortuary practice. The principal occupant was century, commissioned a construction that buried the Mas-
an adult woman whose bone chemistry indicates that she was carones platform and part of the Papagayo building, but the
from a region outside the Copan valley, quite possibly the front of Papagayo was not covered, and access to Stela 63 was
Peten. With her were interred the skulls of three men, two maintained. The new platform, Chorcha, contains Ruler 12’s
of them local and one from the same region as the woman. tomb, which was dedicated in a ritual that involved the break-
The skulls, often interpreted as battle trophies, are at least as age and deposition of 12 incense burners. One of the effigy
likely to be those of important ancestors. At some time after censer lids depicts a goggle-eyed figure that may represent
the burial, the tomb was re-opened; the woman’s body was the founder. Another has the central Mexican year sign in its
removed and involved in a ritual that left smoke residues on headdress, recalling the way Ruler 12 had himself depicted
the bones, then replaced. on Stela 6. If these censer lids were meant to represent Ruler
12 and his 11 dynastic predecessors, the interment of Ruler
Motmot and its tomb capstone emphasize the founder, 12 can be seen as the beginning of an emphasis, not just on
Ruler 2, the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun ending, and Peten connections. Yax K’uk’ Mo’ but on the whole dynasty, that would mark
The tomb implies links with Teotihuacan, but only well-in- the latest buildings in this and the Structure 10L-16 location.
formed members of the court would have likely been aware
of this. Central Mexican connections are not implied by the The Esmeralda structure, which buried Chorcha and fi-
architecture or its decoration that were visible to all. Later in nally closed off access to Stela 63, was built by Waxaklajun
the fifth century, the Papagayo building –whose platform had Ubaah K’awil as a monument to Ruler 12 and to their earlier
a tablero on its face– buried Motmot. The façade of the much dynastic predecessors. The hieroglyphic steps that eventual-
larger Mascarones platform that was soon built behind it to ly became the lower part of the stairway of the succeeding
the east featured large masks representing deities, perhaps Structure 10L-26-1st (Fig. 9), were probably commissioned
the sun god. by Waxaklajun Ubaah K’awil and originally installed on
the east side of Esmeralda (Stuart 2005). The text recounts
Stela 63 was set on a low platform inside Papagayo super- Copan’s dynastic history through the reign of Ruler 12. This
structure directly over the Motmot capstone and tomb (Stuart overt focus on the dynasty itself, rather than on the found-
2004: 230–231, 241–243). The excellent state of preservation er, would be repeated in the Hieroglyphic Stairway of the
of its relief carving and the placement with its uncarved back subsequent Structure 10L-26-1st and in the final version of
against the wall suggest that this was Stela 63’s original lo- Structure 10L-16.
cation. The Initial Series records the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun ending,
and the text explicitly names Ruler 2 as the child of Yax K’uk’ Following the death of Waxaklajun Ubaah K’awil in AD
Mo’. Placement of an altar or step whose text refers to Ruler 638 at the hands of the ruler of Quirigua, building activity
4 marks the re-dedication of the building near the end of the went into a lull for a generation. The final temple in this
Figure 10. Structures 10L-26 and 10L-16, schematic section (after Fash, Fash, and Davis-Salazar 2004: Fig. 4.2, and Agurcia and Fash
2005: Fig. 6.1).
51
location was commissioned by Ruler 15, who removed Wax- of Copan’s kings and the degree to which mortuary practice
aklajun Ubaah K’awil’s hieroglyphic steps from their original reflects foreign links. Well-informed members of the court,
location and re-set them as the lower courses of his new, participants in interment and subsequent rituals involving
much taller stair (Fash 2002; Stuart 2005). This arrangement tomb re-entry, would have been aware of Teotihuacan and
entailed the carving of the text on his new upper steps at a central Peten burial furniture and practices, but the public at
larger scale, presumably to ensure its visibility from below. large would not.
Ruler 15’s text continues the story of Copan’s dynastic his-
tory from Ruler 12 through the dedication of the building in Late buildings in both locations reflect two shifts in royal
the mid-eighth century. Sculptures representing the kings self-presentation: an emphasis on the Yax K’uk’ Mo’ dynasty
of Copan as warriors were set in the stairway, embedded in as a whole rather than on the founder figure and an overt cel-
the text. Their arrangement preserves Waxaklajun Ubaah ebration of central Mexican connections. The incense burners
K’awil’s emphasis on Ruler 12, whose image is at eye level used in the dedication of Ruler 12’s tomb may mark the
for viewers at the base of the stair. beginnings of the former, though not in public imagery. The
last two versions of Structure 10L-26 and the final version of
The Temple of the Hieroglyphic Stairway, like its pre- Structure 10L-16 clearly reflect both new emphases. In each
decessor, was a memorial to the dynasty as a whole, rather case, the focus on the dynasty is reflected much more directly
than a monument emphasizing the founder. With the possible in texts, while central Mexican connections are more obvious
exception of the tablero on the Papagayo platform, Mexican in architectural decoration. In keeping with its more public
year signs in the headdresses of two of the royal warrior fig- location, the decoration of Structure 10L-26-1st, notably the
ures (Fig. 9), along with owls and other elements decorating royal warrior figures, create a much stronger emphasis on the
the building façade, represent the first architectural references dynasty than on foreign links.
to central Mexican connections in this location. The unusual
text on an interior wall of the final summit building also Increasing emphasis on the dynasty would not, of course,
has central Mexican references in the form of a series of have obscured the importance of its founder. Structure 10L-
figures with Mexican elements paired with full-figure Maya 16 in particular, positioned directly above his tomb, in what
glyphs. Mexican connections seem distinctly subordinate to had likely been the focal building of his court, must always
the theme of dynastic celebration. have been recognizable as a memorial to Yax K’uk’ Mo’. The
careful preparation of Rosalila for enclosure within an en-
larged temple, in effect entombing the building itself, strongly
suggests Gell’s (1998: 126–154) notion of containment. The
Discussion
temple may have been an embodiment of the continuing
The early buildings at the heart of the Acropolis and on its presence of Yax K’uk’ Mo’, a skin enclosing part of his es-
northern edge –Hunal-Yehnal-Margarita and Motmot-Papa- sence that continued to exercise agency in the affairs of his
gayo, respectively– commemorate Yax K’uk’ Mo’, Ruler 2, successors.
and the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun ending. The talud-tablero façade of
Hunal, most likely the palace used by Yax K’uk’ Mo’ during It is important to note that, by the time these late buildings
his lifetime, is the only obvious reference to Teotihuacan were commissioned, Teotihuacan itself had not been involved
on an early building in either location. Its successor, Yehnal, in the Maya world for two centuries; its political order and
and Motmot, the first well-preserved building in the 10L- economic system had disintegrated a century earlier. The
26 sequence, have Peten-style apron moldings and sun god architectural references are historical and indicate the earlier
masks referring to the founder’s K’inich title. Yax K’uk’ Mo’ history of Copan’s participation in networks that linked them
presented himself to the contemporary population participat- to the central Mexican city. They also form part of a con-
ing in activities in and around the royal court as a foreigner, structed historical landscape that combined the mythicized
celebrating his connections with Teotihuacan and/or with the past –with all of its accompanying connotations of grandeur
central Peten, his likely origin, which had its own Teotihua- and legitimacy– and the materialized present. This landscape
can links. After his death, his successors continued to cele- also arguably served as indication that architectural devel-
brate him, but shifted the focus to the central Peten aspect of opment was analogous to the passage of time and thus that
his identity. This is the same trajectory followed by Sihyaj the royal authority responsible for translating the passage of
Chan K’awil and later successors of Yax Nuun Ahiin at Tikal time into building phases was equally immutable. Although
(Sharer 2003: 325–326; Martin and Grube 2008). later building phases contained fewer overt references to this
history in form and decoration, their placement on top of con-
As the core of the Acropolis became progressively more structions in which these connections were embodied indicat-
elevated, and consequently more private, the 10L-26 location ed that later instantiations of the Copan political elite were
at the northern edge of the royal precinct became the more inescapably connected to the power and perceived grandeur
public face of the royal court (Fig. 10). The much lesser of their predecessors. The propagandistic implication is that
emphasis on external connections of any kind, even with the challenging royal authority is the same as challenging history
central Peten, in this location may reflect intent on the part of and questioning the place of Copan itself within the broader
Copan’s kings to present different self-representations to the network of historical connections. By enshrining foreign
public at large. There is a sharp contrast between the degree connections within architectural development, Copan’s rulers
to which external connections, particularly with Teotihuacan, were literally building on the past and inserting a legitimizing
52 are embodied in architecture as part of the public personae historical narrative into the very fabric of their city.
It is interesting that in re-setting the hieroglyphic steps and the activities that took place there became increasingly
of Waxaklajun Ubaah K’awil’s original stair, Ruler 15 took restricted.
pains to set it at the base of the new Hieroglyphic Stairway,
even though this entailed carving the new glyphs at a larger The buildings comprising the physical markers of this
scale and resulted in a text that began at the top with the later historical landscape generated secondary spaces in the
history of the dynasty followed by a flashback to its earlier areas between them that were equally significant. Construct-
rulers below. The rationale for this may have been something ed spaces can be defined as locations created through the
like a principle of vertical landscaping: maintaining the verti- establishment of definitions, descriptions and rules speci-
cality reflected in the architectural sequence, with later stages fying how the space should be used (Delle 1998: 38); they
of the court positioned above their predecessors. are thus analogous to the built environment as defined by
Harvey (1982: 233) and represent “use values embedded in
Directional symbolism must have been a key aspect of the the physical environment” (Delle 1998: 38). This embedding
meaning attached to the court and its commemorative archi- of meaning in physical space begins with the significances
tecture. Structure 10L-16, situated directly above the tomb ascribed to the buildings themselves and their historical im-
of the founder, is located at the southern edge of the royal plications, but it also extends to the socially conceptualized
court, the direction associated with the underworld. It is hard space believed to exist as a direct result of the meanings of
to imagine that the kings of Copan would have missed the the physical markers.
opportunity for contrast with the siting of Structure 10L-26’s
celebration of the dynasty in the north, the direction asso- This space, which combines the functions of both social space
ciated with the celestial realm (Ashmore 1991). All of the and cognitive space as they have been defined by Delle (1998:
temples themselves are oriented toward the west, except for 38–39), is rooted in the verticality of its demarcating build-
the Esmeralda phase of Structure 10L-26, which faces east. ings even though it occurred at ground level. Social spaces
The prominence of solar deities in the imagery of several instantiate the complex suite of relationships that can exist be-
versions of Structure 10L-16 suggest that this orientation to tween individuals and between an individual and the material
the axis of the sun’s daily path was a conscious dimension of space (Delle 1998: 38); they are places where the values em-
the commemoration of Yax K’uk’ Mo’, for whom the solar bedded in material space are actualized and negotiated. In the
title K’inich was an important epithet. case of Copan’s royal precinct, social positions and dynamics
were reinforced through the relationships of individuals to the
The hieroglyphic texts on the stairs of Structure 10L-26 built environment. Access to these buildings indicated access
make it clear that these monuments were the focus for the to history and thus to its legitimizing powers, while a lack of
construction of narratives about dynastic succession (Stuart access –or, arguably, a limited form of access– simultane-
2005). The text on the original stair on the Esmeralda build- ously reified the official historical narrative by reinforcing a
ing, grounds the dynasty in the accession of Yax K’uk’ Mo’. system of sociopolitical differentiation in which those with
The account of the accessions and deaths of his successors historical connections held positions of power and indicated
emphasizes the most recent kings, Ruler 12, with his tomb at least tacit acceptance of its political ramifications.
placed beneath the Chorcha temple encased by the Esmeralda
expansion, and Waxaklajun Ubaah K’awil, who commis- Spatial access thus reflected historical access and, by
sioned the building. The final hieroglyphic stair, moved back extension, historical relevance that could be channeled into
to the traditional western façade, adds a new text above the contemporary legitimacy. Such implications are suggestive of
re-set original, carrying the dynastic narrative forward to Delle’s (1998: 38–39) discussion of cognitive spaces, since
the accession of Ruler 15, who oversaw the construction of they indicate that accessing and using the spaces generated by
Structure 10L-26-1. Most of the people who gathered in the the architecture of the royal precinct were intimately connect-
plaza for public events would not have been able to read the ed to norms of behavior. They are also indicative of a knowl-
text themselves. Since its content served to situate the current edge base that reaffirms the royal position by allowing for the
ruler in Copan’s history, specifically in the context of a long successful navigation of both the physical landscape and its
succession of legitimate kings, it would be surprising if its historical counterpart. Royal knowledge of the architectural
content were not alluded to, explained, or even read aloud, as history of these spaces allowed Copan’s kings to make use of
part of political performances. Surely similar narratives were them in the proper ways, and these behaviors situated rulers
constructed and performed –presumably for a more restricted in both space and time. The vertical dimension of the archi-
audience– around successive versions of Structure 10L-16. tecture allowed the city’s elite to exist simultaneously in the
historical landscape and in its current counterpart; this, in turn,
The construction of Yehnal and Motmot permanently rooted political and ritual action in both temporal locales and
changed the landscape of Copan’s court, establishing loci reinforced the perception of historical validation.
of architectural focus for increasingly grandiose commem-
orations of Yax K’uk’ Mo’ and the 9.0.0.0.0 baktun ending.
These center points, and the space between and around them,
Concluding Remarks
were unmistakably demarcated as special. Patterns of con-
nection to the royal court, to its architectural landscape, and The royal precinct of Copan was progressively elevated
to the history that was represented there changed as access to through some four centuries of construction and remodeling
the Structure 10L-16 location and knowledge of the structures of civic buildings. Commemorative temples of each royal
53
court literally rested on the remains of those used by their Canuto and Robert J. Sharer (eds.), Understanding Early Clas-
sic Copan, pp. 65–83. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylva-
predecessors, in which their most illustrious forebears were
nia Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.
entombed. Current courtly activities took place atop –on the
foundation of– the courts and mortal remains of the ances-
Gell, Alfred
tors who were the basis for the legitimacy of the kings who 1998 Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory. Oxford: Claren-
presided over those activities. All visitors to the city center don Press.
would have appreciated these facts, especially when they
were assembled for public events in the Great Plaza, with Harvey, David
the Acropolis towering above them. From their point of view, 1982 The Limits to Capital. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
buildings like Structure 10L-16-1st (Fig. 6), whose floor stood
30 meters above the Río Copan and the tomb of Yax K’uk’ Joyce, Rosemary A.
Mo’ in the early palace on its bank, must have seemed to 2004 Unintended consequences? Monumentality as a novel expe-
approach the celestial realm. rience in Formative Mesoamerica. Journal of Archaeological
Method and Theory 11(4): 5–29.
Laporte, Juan P.
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55
A Directional Pattern in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s
Stelae at Quiriguá
María Eugenia Gutiérrez González

Universidad Autónoma de Chiapas (UNACH),
Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios de las Culturas Mesoamericanas (CEICUM)
Abstract
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat, ruler of Quiriguá, made a constant and accurate record of hotun period endings in the mon-
uments he dedicated during his government (AD 725–785). Through a detailed analysis on the Initial Series and other
dates, this paper suggests the existence of a directional ritual pattern for, at least, six of those monuments (Stelae F, D, E,
C, A, and Zoomorph B) where their orientation directly corresponds to the calendar data linked to gods G9 (to the east)
and G7 (to the west). It also explores the ritual importance of the Moon Goddess associated to this directional pattern.
Resumen
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat, gobernante de Quiriguá, llevó a cabo un registro constante y preciso de finales de periodo
hotun en los monumentos que dedicó durante su gobierno (725–785 d.C.). En un análisis detallado de las Series Iniciales
y otras fechas, este trabajo sugiere la existencia de un patrón ritual direccional en, al menos, seis de esos monumentos
(Estelas F, D, E, C, A y Zoomorfo B), donde su orientación corresponde directamente con información calendárica
relacionada con los dioses G9 (mirando al este) y G7 (mirando al oeste). También se explora la importancia ritual de la
Diosa Lunar asociada a este patrón direccional.
After defeating Copán ruler Waxaklajuun Ubaah K’awiil time (1929), J. Eric Thompson identified nine glyphs in the
in AD 738, K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat of Quirigua started a Initial Series. He observed that they formed a sequence and
constructive program that reached its peak during the second suggested a relation between them and the bolon ti ku deity,
half of the eighth century, the result of which are eleven mon- presiding “over the day on which the day of the I.S. terminal
uments –eight stelae, two altars and one zoomorph– most of date falls” (Morley 1938: 104).
them erected in the Great Plaza and six of them located in
Platform 1A-1 (Looper 2003). This paper explores a direc- Epigraphers call these gods G1, G2, G3, G4, G5, G6, G7,
tional pattern for the hieroglyphic inscriptions carved in an G8 and G9, the “G” standing for “god” (Fig. 1). Due to the
east-to-west style on these six K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s uninterrupted repetition of these nine gods or nine glyphs
monuments: Stelae F, D, E, C, A, and Zoomorph B. All these in the Maya calendar, there is an endless correspondence of
hieroglyphic texts depict a directional pattern where the ori- one of these glyphs with any given date from the Maya Long
entation corresponds with the calendar data linked to Lord Count and Calendar Round (Montgomery 2002: 89, 90). We
of the Night G9 when the inscription looks to the east and to know that the “G”-associated god from the Lords of the Night
Lord of the Night G7 when the inscription looks to the west. Series is an unchangeable element in the Maya calendar dur-
ing a k’atun. This means that every time a k’atun is completed
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, a group of there are different changing elements in a Long Count while
specialists on Maya calendars dedicated their efforts to study the “G”-associated god does not change. He remains the same.
the variable glyphic elements in the Initial Series. During the
first decade of that century, Charles Bowditch suggested a The nine G-gods are frequently found next to a constant
relation between the variable elements of the Initial Series In- calendar glyph called Glyph F, of still unknown meaning.
troductory Glyph (ISIG) and the variable months of the Haab Glyphs G and F can also be found merged in a single com-
or 365-day year (in Morley 1938: 104). Twenty years later, pound (Fig. 2). For those inscriptions where the nine G-gods
in 1931, Hermann Beyer discovered a direct relationship be- are not visually depicted, their correspondence can be accu-
tween those variable glyphs and the months when he pointed rately calculated as long as the date is not ambiguous. Al-
out that the glyphs in the ISIG were the patron gods for the though not so much studies have been made on these G-gods,
Maya twenty-day “months” (Morley 1938: 104). By the same a detailed description of the few studies on the subject can be
Figure 1. Nine G-gods or Nine Lords of the Night. Drawings by John Montgomery (in Kettunen and Helmke 2011: 41).
found in Sven Gronemeyer (2006), his own proposal being In his archaeological studies, Alfred P. Maudslay noticed
that this is a maize-related cycle where G-gods and Glyph that the stelae had been in their original position for centu-
F act as manifestations of the Maize God in a cycle of three ries. On one of his reports on his visits to Quirigua (1886),
stages. This paper does not discuss Gronemeyer’s proposal. It Maudslay states that he saw “five monoliths in position and
concentrates on systematizing some calendrical information one fallen” (Maudslay 1886: 186) making reference to Stela
strictly related to G7 and G9 gods at Quirigua. It also explores E and its then noticeable inclination. Maudslay explains that
the presence of the Moon Goddess as a patron for five of the stelae, to which he refers to as monoliths, were covered
those six monuments analyzed, as well as her importance by a meter of sand from different and constant floods caused
for Quirigua’s ritual life. A comment on the relation between by the Motagua River. As for the zoomorphs from the Great
solar and lunar counts is also made. Plaza (B and G), he reports that “the earth round the monu-
ments had to be cleared away usually to the depth of two or
three feet, as, probably owing to floods from the river, the
level of the ground had considerably altered since they were
Quirigua Monuments Found in situ
originally placed in position” (Maudslay 1886: 569). It can
Quirigua offers advantages to anyone interested in study- be inferred that the floods helped maintain the monuments in
ing directional patterns in Maya inscriptions, for most of its their original arrangement.
monuments have been found in situ, in their original position.
When Quirigua was first visited by Frederick Catherwood in During his excavations in Quirigua in the early twenti-
1840, he described the site to John Lloyd Stephens and report- eth century, Sylvanus G. Morley (1935, 1938) took a series
ed that all monuments located in what we know call the Great of photographs from the monuments and published several
Plaza had been found erected (Stephens 1993: 130–133). A plates that can be of great interest regarding the observation
year later, Catherwood created a series of drawings that depict of the original position of the monuments in the Great Plaza.
the monuments in the exact arrange they can be seen today.
There are not many studies concerning the orientation of
written monuments rom the Classic period. This scarcity may
be due to the fact that there are few cities preserving their
monuments in their original position. Palenque is one of those
cities, its tablets carved on several temple walls. Even though
neither monuments nor stelae were carved in its plazas, most
of Palenque’s abundant hieroglyphic texts were written inside
temples with a precise orientation towards the horizon. This
has contributed to the identification of cult patterns associ-
ated to the Triad gods in some buildings looking northward
(Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993: 140, 433; Looper 2003:
Figure 2. G9 and Glyph F in one glyphic compound. Quirigua, Stela
F, West, C6. Drawing by the author. 161–164). In a recent research, Guillermo Bernal (2011) indi-
58
cates a directional cult for Palenque

where the rulers are associated to the
four world directions in the glyphic
formulae chan tikil ch’ok taak and
chan ch’ok taak, that can be translat-
ed as “the four young men” (Bernal
2011: 566, 567).
In other Maya cities, however,

these kind of studies are difficult
since the original position of writ-
ten monuments has been altered by
time. As to the study of directional
patterns in portable devices portray-
ing inscriptions, it is worth noticing
that their mobile nature seems to
have defined the content of their
texts, most of them lacking an Initial
Series date and, therefore, most of
them lacking an Introductory Glyph.
The same can be observed in Maya
lintels, whose hieroglyphic inscrip-
tions look directly to the ground, not Figure 3. Quirigua Platform 1A-1, showing Stelae E, D, F, C, and A, and Zoomorph B (from
to the horizon or to the sky. Though Martin and Grube 2008: 214, modified by the author).
further research is needed to assume
a ritual Maya pattern here, I suggest that this tendency in both of the Great Plaza grouping Stelae F, D, E, C, A and Zoo-
portable objects and lintels lacking an Initial Series date may morph B, the six monuments studied here. Looper suggests
be due to the fact that they were not meant to look towards a the platform was a dancing space used in ceremonies with a
specific cardinal direction where the sun, the moon and the route for the priests to follow the stelae, starting with Stela
stars’ movement is visible, contrary to stelae, altars, tablets D, continuing with stelae C and A, then with Zoomorph B
and panels. In other words, the study of directional patterns and finally with stelae F and E (Looper 2003: 182–183). He
in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s texts indicates a direct asso- proposes a specific function in the arrangement of stelae
ciation between the orientation of monuments and the cult directly related to ritual practices associated with sacrifice,
of calendrical gods, offering a possible explanation for the rain petition and fertility (Looper 2003: 181). Though I do
notorious absence of Initial Series dates in both portable not discuss Looper’s proposal, for the purposes of this article
objects and lintels. it is very important to notice that ritual directional patterns
may have existed in Quirigua. Further below, I will add some
directional information not previously discussed.
A Pattern in the Orientation of Six
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat ordered the construction of
Quirigua Monuments
five monuments, four of them with hieroglyphic inscriptions
An analysis of monuments F, D, E, C, A and B with their (stelae H, J, S and Altar M) and one without a hieroglyphic
Initial Series indicates a directional pattern where the in- text (Altar N). None of these five monuments are studied here,
scriptions of Quirigua look towards a specific cardinal point since they are not located on Platform 1A-1 nor do they depict
according to the event dates they portray (Fig. 3). Both Long inscriptions in a strict east-to-west order. According to Looper
Count and Calendar Round dates are associated with the god (2003: 88), Stela S, dated in 9.15.15.0.0 9 Ajaw 18 Xul (June
G9 when the text is looking east. Both Long Count and Cal- 4, AD 746), was found far away from the Great Plaza and the
endar Round dates are associated with god G7 when the text main group, but it is not possible to know its original position.
is looking west, except in the case of Stela C and for reasons This is the reason why there is no way to identify the original
I will explain further below. orientation of the glyphic text carved on it. Neither Altar M
nor Altar N were discovered in their original position, and the
As it has already been pointed out by Matthew Looper latter does not even have a hieroglyphic text. Therefore, the
(2003: 179), Quirigua Platform 1A-1 displays a directional three monuments S, M and N are not analyzed here. Stela H,
pattern with a “uniform east-to-west sequence of monument dated 9.16.0.0.0 2 Ajaw 13 Sek (May 9, AD 751) depicts a
dedication and text ordering” that may be evoking “the move- text only to the west, while Stela J, dated 9.16.5.0.0 8 Ajaw 8
ment of the sun during the day” (Looper 2003: 179). Looper Sotz’ (April 12, AD 756), depicts texts to the west, north and
has studied some of the implications for this distribution and south, so that they cannot be analyzed within the east-to-west
orientation of stelae in Quirigua’s Great Plaza, and he con- pattern here explored. It is important, though, to mention that
siders the possibility of Platform 1A-1 being a ritual space both stelae H and J with their texts oriented to the west depict
to perform dances. This platform is a space on the north part an Ajaw date associated with G9.
59
Regarding the directional pattern in K’ahk’

Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s monuments, the data re-
corded in the six monuments, here provided in
chronological order, are as follows.
Stela F
Stela F (Fig. 4) has two Long Count dates, one
looking east and one looking west. The Long
Count date looking east is the dedication date.
Dedicated in 9.16.10.0.0 1 Ajaw 3 Sip (March
17, AD 761)1. The patron god for the Haab is
Sip (C1–D2). Lord of the Night is G9 (C6),
looking east. The stela has another Long Count
date describing K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s en-
thronement in 9.14.13.4.17 12 Kaban 5 K’ayab b
(January 2, AD 725). The Haab patron goddess
is K’ayab (the moon) (A1–B2). No glyph is
depicted for the Lord of the Night but its corre-
sponding G-god is G7, looking west. Another
date recorded on this west side is 9.15.6.14.6
6 Kimi 4 Sek (May 3, AD 738), the day when
Waxaklajuun Ubaah K’awiil from Copán was
decapitated. The patron god for the Haab Sek is
not visible as it is a Calendar Round. No glyph
is depicted for the Lord of the Night but its cor-
responding G-god is G7, looking west.
The east side of Stela F also depicts two a c

(perhaps mythical) dates describing some rit-
uals performed in 1 Ajaw 13 Mol and 1 Ajaw Figure 4. Quirigua Stela F: a) East C1-D8; b) West A1-A6; c) West B11-A13. Draw-
13 Yaxk’in, respectively. Since these two dates ings by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003: 125-126).
are not depicted in a Long Count style it is not
possible to determine the associated G-god.
Long Count date looking east is the dedication date. Dedicated in 9.17.0.0.0
13 Ajaw 18 K’umk’u (January 24, AD 771). The patron god of the Haab is
K’umk’u (C1–D2). Lord of the Night is G9 (D5), looking east. K’ahk’ Tiliw
Stela D Chan Yopaat plants a monument and scatters incense. The west side of the
Stela D (Fig. 5) has two Long Counts dates, stela has another Long Count date describing the enthronement of K’ahk’
one looking east and one looking west. The Tiliw Chan Yopaat. The date is 9.14.13.4.17 12 Kaban 5 K’ayab (January
Long Count date looking east is the dedication 2, AD 725). The Haab patron goddess is K’ayab (the moon) (A1–B2). No
date. Dedicated in 9.16.15.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Pop glyph is recorded for the Lord of the Night but its corresponding G-god is
(February 19, AD 766). The patron god for the G7, looking west. Another date recorded on this west side is 9.15.6.14.6 6
Haab is Pop (C1–D2). Lord of the Night is G9 Kimi 4 Sek (May 3, AD 738), the day when Waxaklajuun Ubaah K’awiil
(C15), looking east. The west side of the stela from Copán was decapitated. The patron god for the Haab Sek is not vis-
has another Long Count date describing some ible because it is a Calendar Round. No glyph is depicted for the Lord of
rituals performed by K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat the Night but its corresponding G-god is G7, looking west.
when he completed his second k’atun in power.
The date is 9.16.13.4.17 8 Kaban 5 Yaxk’in
(June 6, AD 764). The patron god of the Haab
is Yaxk’in (A1–B2). Lord of the Night is G7 Stela C
(A15), looking west. Stela C (Fig. 7) has two Long Count dates, one looking east and the other
looking west. The Long Count date looking east is the creation date for this
Stela E era. The date is 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ajaw 8 K’umk’u (August 13, 3114 BC). Patron
Stela E (Fig. 6) has two Long Count dates, one god of the Haab is K’umk’u (A1–B2). No glyph is depicted for the Lord of
looking east and the other looking west. The the Night but its corresponding G-god is G9, looking east. The west side has
another Long Count date, perhaps a mythical date, describing a ritual where
the ancient ruler Tutum Yohl K’inich plants a stone. The date is 9.1.0.0.0
1 Dates are given in Gregorian calendar,
6 Ajaw 13 Yaxk’in (August 28, AD 455). The Haab patron god is Yaxk’in
according to the GMT correlation.
60
a b
Figure 6. Quirigua Stela E: a) East C1-D9; b) West A1-B7. Drawings

by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003: 150, 153).
an independent text but only forms the first part of a whole

narrative that is either completed on Stela A (Gutiérrez 2014:
161–178) or even on Zoomorph B (Looper 2003: 158), where
the pattern is fulfilled with G9 beng associated with the east.
This stela has no date associated with G7.
The southern and northern base texts of Stela C depict

a short narrative recording two dates: 1 Eb 5 Yax (probably
9.17.4.10.12, corresponding to August 3, AD 775, with asso-
ciated G5), and 9 Ajaw 13 Yax (probably 9.17.4.11.0, August
a b 11, AD 775, with G4 being associated).
Figure 5. Quirigua Stela D: a) East C1-D15; b) West A1-B15. Draw-

ings by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003: 142, 144).
Stela A
(C1–D2). No glyph is depicted for the Lord of the Night but Stela A (Fig. 8) has two dates, one looking east and the oth-
its corresponding G-god is G9, looking west. er looking west. Only one date (east) is depicted as a Long
Count. It is the dedication date 9.17.5.0.0 6 Ajaw 13 K’ayab,
The dedication date for this stela is a third date –not de- (December 29, AD 775). The Haab patron goddess is K’ayab
picted here in a Long Count date, but in a Calendar Round (the moon) (A1–B2). Lord of the Night is G9 (A6), looking
style– looking west. The dedication date is 9.17.5.0.0 6 Ajaw east.
13 K’ayab (December 29, AD 775) (D11–C12). The patron
goddess for the Haab, K’ayab (the moon), is not visible as The other date, looking west and recorded only in the
it is a Calendar Round. No glyph is depicted for the Lord of Calendar Round, is a rare case for Maya calendar notations.
the Night but its corresponding G-god is G9, looking west. A 6 Ajaw is clearly visible in C2, as well as the number 13 for
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat performs some rituals. These two the Haab count in D2, however, the number 13 is followed by
cases seem an exception for the directional pattern studied a siho’m sign of the four color months with no precise data on
here, since the G9 Lord of the Night is looking west, not east. the prefix, leaving four possibilities open for this month: 13
However, it is important to mention that Stela C does not bear ik’siho’m / 13 yaxsiho’m / 13 saksiho’m / 13 chaksiho’m. The
61
date is even more difficult to understand when we observe

that it derives from a still not well-understood calendrical
notation of 19 periods (D1), a notation also present in stelae
F (east, C14) and E (east, D12) associated with an Ajaw day.
Stela A blocks C1–D1 can be read as tzuhtzjiiy bolon lajun
tuun (it was completed the nineteenth tun). Thus, no further
analysis can be done on this date concerning the directional
pattern studied here.
Zoomorph B
Zoomorph B (Fig. 9) consists of eighteen cartouches. The
first six cartouches (0–5) constitute the Introductory Series
Initial Glyph and the Long Count in full figure glyphs, look-
ing east. The date is 9.17.10.0.0 12 Ajaw 8 Pax (December 2,
AD 780). Patron god for the Haab is Pax (0), and the Lord of
the Night is G9 (7), looking east. K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat
dedicates the monument.
Since it is not a stela, it has a very peculiar composition.

A human figure, commonly identified as K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan
Yopaat (Looper 2003), is coming out from the mouth of a
mythical monster looking south, whereas the full figure hi-
eroglyphic text goes all around the zoomorph forming a long
inscription that starts east, and then goes on from the north
and ending to the west. This monument depicts one of the
few existing examples of god G9 in a full figure carving. His
image marks the closure of the east line of the zoomorph and
the beginning of the north line. The face of god G9 looks
towards the eastern horizon, thus fulfilling the pattern.
a b
Figure 7. Quirigua Stela C: a) East A1-B15; b) West C1-D14. Draw-
ings by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003: 159, 166). The Directional
Pattern and the
Moon Goddess
The five stelae studied here (F, D,
E, C and A, respectively) record
K’ayab dates, mostly describing
K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s en-
thronement or dedication dates,
c with the Moon Goddess as a pa-
tron for the Initial Series Introduc-
tory Glyph. Stelae F, D, E and C
depict the goddess associated with
G7 and looking west. The only ex-
ception can be observed in Stela
A, where the Moon Goddess looks
east but, as has been explained al-
ready, Stela A is part of the narra-
tive contained in Stela C. I suggest
that there is a direct relation be-
d
tween the ruler’s enthronement in
a K’ayab month (9.14.13.4.17 12
Kaban 5 K’ayab) and the frequen-
cy of the depiction of this goddess
in the texts of Quirigua. It should
a b also be noted that the ruler’s date
Figure 8. Quirigua Stelae A, F and E: a) Stela A East A1-B11; b) Stela A West C1-D11; c) Stela
F East C14-D14; d) Stela E East D12-D13. Drawings by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003:
62 167-168).
Figure 9. Quirigua Zoomorph B, Initial Series 9.17.10.0.0, 12 Ajaw 8 Pax, G9 ti’ huun (cartouches 1-7 and 11b) and Lunar Series (8-11a)
in full figure glyphs. The Moon Goddess is depicted in cartouches 8, 9 and 11a. Drawing by Matthew Looper (in Looper 2003: 175).
of enthronement happens on a Kaban day, which is also re- a precise record of five year periods or hotun. It is worth
lated to the moon (Thompson 1960). noticing, though, that between AD 731 (9.15.0.0.0) and AD
810 (9.19.0.0.0), the monuments of Quirigua display a precise
The number 17, which is directly associated with the and uninterrupted record of 17 hotun endings. Because these
Moon Goddess (Thompson 1960), may have been of great monuments were not only dedicated by K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan
significance for Quirigua, particularly for K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat but also by his successors, the importance that K’ahk’
Yopaat. From the first inscription in the fifth century to the Tiliw Chan Yopaat had for his successors was maintained
last one in the ninth century, the rulers of Quirigua established long after his death (see also Martin and Grube 2008; Looper
a b
Figure 10. Quirigua, the Moon Goddess depicted in full figure variants, a) Zoomorph B, cartouche 8 (Photo and drawing by the author,
based on Looper 2003: 125); b) Zoomorph P, cuff on feet North West (Photo and drawing by the author).
63
2003; Gutiérrez González 2014). The 9.17.0.0.0 celebration tun periods or k’atun (7,200 days). The relation is evident in
marked the exact half of the 17 hotun commemorated be- the constant variation of days in the Lunar Series, since they
tween 9.15.0.0.0 and 9.19.0.0.0. It was the ninth hotun of descend regularly such as Tzolk’in numerals ascend regularly
the series. within the Long Count advance. As the hotun advances, the
moon count looses 1.4 days in a regular pattern, 5.5 days with
There are some data indicating that this 9.17.0.0.0 period each k’atun. It is known that the ancient Maya did not count
may have had a particular importance for K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan fractions, but I think they may have noticed the regular de-
Yopaat. It was commemorated with the dedication of Stela E, scending movement of the moon. Although this Long Count
the tallest Maya monument known today (10.67 m) (Morley advance has been already described, I want to underline the
1935; Looper 2003). The relation between number 17 and the opposite relation between k’atun days and Lunar Series days
Moon Goddess is notorious again in Stela E. The 17 bak’tun observable in the following 17 Quirigua examples (Table 1):
ending coincided with a total new moon night.
It is hard to imagine K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat Table 1. Examples demonstarting the opposite trelation between k’atun and Lunar
ignoring this coincidence. As already mentioned, Series day records in the inscriptions of Quirigua.
this stela not only records the dedication date
9.15.5.0.0 (1 mon: I) 10 Ajaw 8 Ch’en 9.6 days for the moon
but also K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s enthrone-
9.15.10.0.0 (1 mon: F) 3 Ajaw 3 Mol 8.2 days for the moon
ment, which is also associated with number 17:
9.14.13.4.17 12 Kaban 5 K’ayab. 9.15.15.0.0 (1 mon: S) 9 Ajaw 18 Xul 6.8 days for the moon
9.16.0.0.0 (1 mon: H) 2 Ajaw 13 Sek 5.5 days for the moon
The Calendar Round for that 17th bak’tun 9.16.5.0.0 (1 mon: J) 8 Ajaw 8 Sotz’ 4.1 days for the moon
celebration, 13 Ajaw 18 K’umk’u, may also have 9.16.10.0.0 (1 mon: F) 1 Ajaw 3 Sip 2.7 days for the moon
been important for Quirigua’s ritual life, since it
9.16.15.0.0 (1 mon: D) 7 Ajaw 18 Pop 1.4 days for the moon
connects an interesting series of liminal elements
9.17.0.0.0 (1 mon: E) 13 Ajaw 18 K’umk’u 0.0 days for the moon
in a row: 13 is the top number for the Tzolk’in,
the Ajaw is its top day, 18 is the top number for 9.17.5.0.0 (2 mons: C, A) 6 Ajaw 13 K’ayab 28.2 days for the moon
the Haab, the K’umk’u is its top month but such 9.17.10.0.0 (1 mon: B) 12 Ajaw 8 Pax 26.8 days for the moon
combinations deserve further analysis not to be 9.17.15.0.0 (2 mons: G, O’) 5 Ajaw 3 Muwaan 25.4 days for the moon
done here. What I want to suggest is a possible
9.18.0.0.0 (2 mons: O, O’) 11 Ajaw 18 Mak 24.1 days for the moon
relation between the abundant depiction of the
9.18.5.0.0 (2 mons: P, P’) 4 Ajaw 13 Kej 22.7 days for the moon
Moon Goddess in Quirigua and the coincidence
of important dates related to the number 17 that 9.18.10.0.0 (1 mon: I) 10 Ajaw 8 Sak 21.3 days for the moon
is associated with her. Most calendrical records 9.18.15.0.0 (1 mon: K) 3 Ajaw 3 Yax 20.0 days for the moon
in Quirigua depict a Lunar Series. On Zoomorph 9.19.0.0.0 (1 mon: 1B-1) 9 Ajaw 18 Mol 18.6 days for the moon
B, the Lunar Series records one of the few Clas-
sic period examples of the goddess being depicted in a full This evident opposite relation between the solar and the
figure portrayal within a calendric context. She also can be lunar counts most likely implied a ritual importance for Clas-
seen on Zoomorph P. sic Maya calendar rituals.
Though we cannot offer a convincing explanation for the

relation between the Moon Goddess and the G7 god associ-
Final Comments
ated with the west in Quirigua texts –mainly for an exception
we see in Stela A, where the K’ayab glyph is looking east–it I suggest that such an important presence of the Moon God-
can confidently be stated that the Moon Goddess was of great dess in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s life may have led to the
importance for K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat and ritual life in ritual arrangement of his stelae at the Great Plaza, particularly
Quirigua’s. at Platform 1A-1 in order to direct the inscriptions towards the
line followed by both the sun and the moon, the solar god G9
related to period endings looking east and the god G7 looking
west. K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s successors did not direct
A Comment on a Relation between Solar
stelae texts in an east-to-west orientation. They directed texts
and Lunar Countings at Quirigua
southwards and northwards, except for Zoomorph G texts,
The ritual relation between solar and lunar countings can be that was mainly dedicated to describe K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan
studied at Quirigua through the analysis of the monuments Yopaat’s funerary rites, and for some texts on Structure 1B-1.
recording the seventeen continuous hotun period endings:
Stela S, Stela H, Stela J, Stela F, Stela D, Stela E, Stela C, All dates recorded east on the six monuments studied
Stela A, Zoomorph B, Zoomorph G, Zoomorph O, Altar O’, here (F, D, E, C, A and B) are either dedication dates or dates
Zoomorph P, Altar P’, Stela I, Stela K, and texts from Struc- related to the passing of time, associated with G9 and with
ture 1B-1. In a previous investigation (Gutiérrez González the exact direction where both the sun and the moon appear.
2008: 98–101) I pointed out that Quirigua’s seventeen un- All dates recorded west are related to rituals (some performed
interrupted celebrations show a clear relation between the during mythical times), most of them concerning K’ahk’ Tiliw
passing of days in the Lunar Series and the passing of twenty Chan Yopaat’s enthronement and Waxaklajuun Ubaah K’awiil
64
beheading, associated with G7 and with the exact direction Montgomery, John
where both the sun and the moon disappear. 2002 How to Read Maya Hieroglyphs. New York: Hippocrene
Books.
I mentioned before that Looper (2003) studied a ritual
intention in Quirigua’s constructive program, ruled by the Morley, Sylvanus G.
1935 Guide Book to the Ruins of Quirigua. Washington: Carnegie
ending of periods, and following the solar movement. I agree
Institution of Washington.
with the importance of the solar movement but suggest that 1938 The Inscriptions of Peten, Vol. I. Washington: Carnegie Insti-
the lunar movement was also important for K’ahk’ Tiliw tution of Washington.
Chan Yopaat. The directional pattern here described could
be related to the links Looper has found between the cardi- Stephens, John L.
nal points and the way Quirigua monuments narrate events 1993 Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan.
associated with sacrifice, fertility and rain petition formulae New edition by Karl Ackerman. Washington: Smithsonian
(Looper 2003: 181). In sum, by means of the present investi- Institution Press.
gation I propose that the arrangement of the six monuments
studied here was a ritual practice for the cult of the G7 and Thompson, J. Eric S.
G9 gods, the Moon Goddess, and maybe the Haab patrons. 1960 Maya Hieroglyphic Writing: An Introduction. Norman: Uni-
Further studies of the patron gods depicted in the Introductory versity of Oklahoma Press.
Glyphs are necessary, since epigraphic data also suggest a
relationship between these Haab patrons and the orientation
of stelae at Quirigua.
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65
Guillermo Bernal Romero

Centro de Estudios Mayas, Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM)
Abstract
This article provides evidence for the existence of a newly discovered Mayan cycle of 63 days, calendrical
and astronomical factor in hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Classic period. That cycle was the result of the
multiplication of two previously known cycles of 7 and 9 days. In turn, the “Cycle-63” was the essential
factor which articulated two higher cycles: 819 days (63 x 13) and 378 days (63 x 6), the latter used to cal-
culate the synodic period of the planet Saturn. In 1950, J. Eric S. Thompson argued that the cycle of 819
days was conceived from the multiplication of three “holy numbers”: 7, 9 and 13, alluding to the number
of layers of the earth, the underworld and the sky, respectively. Thompson suggested that this cycle was
generated by serial multiplication of the same: 7 x 9 x 13 = 819. It would be reasonable to require that the
cycle of 819 days was not made serially, but segmented: 9 x 7 = 63 > 63 x 13 = 819. The “Cycle-63” is a
calendrical factor that was needed in order to make sense out of that formula. The hieroglyphic records of
the cycle of 63 days are associated with ritual ceremonies generation of fire and, in particular, rites of “fire
drilling” (joch’ k’ahk’) dedicated to a deity called God N-Sahbiin. This deity was conceived as the herald
or divine personification of the planet Saturn.
Resumen
Este trabajo ofrece evidencias sobre la existencia de un nuevo ciclo maya, de 63 días, factor astronómico
y calendárico documentado en inscripciones jeroglíficas del periodo Clásico. Ese ciclo fue el resultado de
la multiplicación de dos ciclos previamente conocidos, de 7 y 9 días. A su vez, el “Ciclo-63” fue el factor
esencial que articuló dos ciclos superiores: de 819 días (63 x 13) y 378 días (63 x 6), este último empleado
para calcular el periodo sinódico, canónico, del planeta Saturno. En 1951, J. Eric S. Thompson argumentó
que el ciclo de 819 días fue formulado a partir de la multiplicación de tres “números sagrados”: 7, 9 y 13,
alusivos al número de estratos de la tierra, el inframundo y el cielo, respectivamente. Thompson sugirió que
este ciclo fue generado a partir de la multiplicación seriada de los mismos: 7 x 9 x 13 = 819. Hoy resultaría
razonable proponer que el ciclo de 819 días no fue formulado de manera seriada, sino segmentada: 7 x 9 =
63 > 63 x 13 = 819. El “Ciclo-63” es un engrane calendárico que era necesario para que esa fórmula tuviese
sentido. Los registros jeroglíficos del ciclo de 63 días están asociados con ceremonias de generación de
fuego ritual, en particular con ritos de “taladrado del fuego” (joch’ k’ahk’) dedicados a un numen llamado
Dios N-Sahbiin. Esta deidad fue concebida como un heraldo o personificación divina del planeta Saturno.
Durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, los avances sustancia- significado de los textos glíficos asociados con las fechas y
les de la epigrafía maya se dieron en el área de los cómputos cómputos: se especulaba, con cierto pesimismo, que el men-
calendáricos. Fue en esa época cuando varias generaciones saje contenido en la parte no-calendárica o explicativa de los
de brillantes investigadores explicaron la estructura y mecá- textos glíficos era indescifrable.
nica de los componentes del calendario, tales como la Cuenta
Larga, la Rueda Calendárica, la Serie Lunar y diversos ciclos Sin embargo, en esa misma época surgieron las contribu-
astronómicos y rituales. En 1950, John Eric Thompson pu- ciones seminales de Yuri Knorozov, Tatiana Proskouriakoff
blicó su obra Maya Hieroglyphic Writing: An Introduction y Heinrich Berlin, quienes establecieron los principios del
que, como una verdadera summa de los avances de su época, sistema de la escritura maya y su naturaleza histórica, sen-
compendió los conocimientos vigentes sobre los múltiples tando las bases para el desarrollo ulterior del desciframiento,
aspectos y compleja mecánica del calendario y la astronomía mismo que ha registrado un avance notable en los últimos 60
mayas. El propio Thompson había descubierto el ciclo de 9 años. Revitalizada por las nuevas ideas, la epigrafía histórica
días o “de los Señores de la Noche” (glifos G/F) y el de 819 maya comenzó la tarea de reconstruir la historia dinástica de
días, entre otras notables contribuciones (Thompson 1929, numerosas capitales mayas del periodo Clásico. En pleno
1943). Pero a mediados del siglo XX no se sabía cuál era el proceso de maduración, el desarrollo reciente de la epigrafía
T64 T64
T64: SAHBIIN
PAWAAJ?/
XIIW? SAHBIIN
na na
a b c d
SAHBIIN na
Figura 1. Ejemplos del nombre glífico del Dios N-Sahbiin y la comadreja de cola larga: a) Tablero Este del Edificio 1, Grupo XVI de Palen-
que, Chiapas (Foto: Guillermo Bernal Romero); b) Tablero Oeste del Edificio 1, Grupo XVI de Palenque, Chiapas (Foto: Guillermo Bernal
Romero); c) Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán, Chiapas (Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero, basado en un dibujo de Ian Graham); d) Columna 1 de
Ek’ Balam (Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero, a partir de un dibujo de Alfonso Lacadena); e) Comadreja de cola larga, Mustela frenata
(Foto: Rick Derevan).
maya la ha llevado al estudio lingüístico y filológico de los ese nuevo ciclo calendárico, resulta necesario analizar el
textos jeroglíficos. Este innovador desarrollo puede caracteri- misterioso nombre glífico de dicho numen.
zarse como una fase inédita de la disciplina, la de la “epigrafía
lingüística”.
El Dios N-Sahbiin
A pesar de dicho logro, esta nueva época de desarrollo
relegó en cierto grado la discusión sobre la naturaleza de los El nombre de esta entidad está compuesto por tres elementos
cómputos calendáricos y astronómicos mayas. Por alguna glíficos. En uno de los ejemplos, proveniente del Grupo XVI
razón, la “vieja epigrafía calendárica” y la “nueva epigrafía de Palenque (Fig. 1a), el primer glifo muestra un objeto textil,
histórica y lingüística” se distanciaron, aunque sin llegar al una especie de banda tejida de red o malla, doblada y sujeta
divorcio. Notable excepción fue una contribución de los in- por el centro mediante una cuenta circular (hairnet glyph).
vestigadores japoneses Yoshiho Yasugi y Kenji Saito, quienes En el Catálogo de Thompson (1962: 446) este elemento glí-
a principio de los 90’s dieron a conocer su identificación del fico recibe la clave T64. En otro caso (Fig. 1b), el “Glifo de
ciclo de 7 días (Yasugi y Saito 1991). Red-T64” está compactado con el segundo glifo, la cabeza
de una comadreja, del que hablaremos después. En el tercer
Con las ventajas que otorga el desarrollo de la epigrafía ejemplo (Fig. 1c), T64 precede al glifo de la comadreja, tal
histórica y lingüística, este trabajo retorna a la línea de inves- como ocurre en el primer caso, pero aquí asume su forma más
tigación calendárica y astronómica. Ofrece el descubrimiento típica, que es un diseño de malla con un óvalo en su parte cen-
de un nuevo factor, el de 63 días, mismo que engrana con los tral. El cuarto caso (Fig. 1d), muestra tanto la compactación
ciclos de 7, 9 y 819 días, El ciclo de 63 días está registrado como la separación de los dos glifos.
en algunos textos glíficos mayas del periodo Clásico que
refieren ritos de carácter ígneo, particularmente de ciertas Aunque existe consenso sobre el carácter logográfico
ceremonias de taladrado de fuego o joch’ k’ahk’.1 De manera de T64, su lectura sigue siendo debatida. En 1994, a través
adicional, en tres de ellas está involucrado un ciclo de 378 de una carta que dirigió a Linda Schele, David Stuart dio
días, la duración del periodo sinódico (canónico) de Saturno. a conocer el desciframiento del nombre glífico del Dios D,
Esos ritos de taladrado de fuego fueron dedicados a un dios portador del valor logográfico ITZAM, lectura sólidamente
cuyo nombre glífico merece un comentario previo (Fig. 1). sustentada que ha cobrado amplia aceptación entre los espe-
Por ello, antes de abordar las evidencias e implicaciones de cialistas (Stuart 1994). Debido a que suele estar asociado o
integrado con el logograma ITZAM, dicho autor consideró
que T64 forma parte de dicho logograma (Stuart 1994 2007).
1 En 1994, el autor dio a conocer este descubrimiento
En su opinión, el “Glifo de Red-T64” no es independiente
a través de un breve artículo de seis páginas (Bernal Romero
de la “cabeza glífica” del Dios D, ITZAM, sino parte de ella.
2014a). Debido a que fue un trabajo de difusión académica, en él
Esta propuesta resulta cuestionable, ya que T64 suele formar
solamente ofreció los datos y argumentos básicos, simplificados,
parte del nombre glífico de una entidad bien diferenciada
sobre la existencia del ciclo de 63 días. La presente contribución
iconográficamente, el Dios N, mismo que en las fuentes yu-
proporciona, de manera extensa e integral, un estudio actualizado
catecas coloniales aparentemente recibe el nombre de pauah-
y detallado sobre el tema.
68
Tabla 1. Un ND- de 1.11 (31 días) relaciona la fecha de Cuenta Larga 9.12.1.0.5* 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in (reconstruida) con la Rueda
Calendárica (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek. Tablero Este del Edificio 1 del Grupo XVI, Palenque.
*9.12.1.0.5* 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in Suceso no determinado. Posiblemente un evento och k’ahk’,

28 de junio de 673 “entrada del fuego”, relacionado con la inauguración de templos,
CL reconstruida, RC explícita entre otros ritos.
ND- 1.11 Número Distancia negativo de 31 días.
(9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek Joch’ k’ahk’ o taladrado de fuego del dios Pawaaj Sahbiin.
28 de mayo de 673 Día del ciclo de 7 días: 6Y.
CL implícita, RC explícita Día del ciclo de 9 días o de los “Señores de la Noche”: G1
tun (pawahtun).2 Algunos autores, como Stanley Guenter y N: PAWAAJ?/XIIW?-SAHBIIN-na, pawaaj?/xiiw? sahbiin,
Karen Bassie-Sweet (citados por Stuart 2007) piensan que el “Dios N-Comadreja”.
“Glifo de Red-T64” se lee PAW o PAWAH, tal como lo han
sugerido, desde hace algún tiempo y con algunas variaciones,
otros autores.3 El autor de este trabajo considera que T64 pro-
El Tablero Este del Grupo XVI
bablemente es portador del valor logográfico PAWAAJ (?) y
que, efectivamente, es independiente del logograma ITZAM. La primera pista sobre la existencia de un ciclo de 63 días en
No obstante queda como una posibilidad latente que el “Glifo los textos calendáricos mayas surgió a partir de la reconstruc-
de Red-T64” exprese el valor XIIW (?), si atendemos a una ción parcial de un tablero de estuco del Edificio 1 del Grupo
posible sustitución fonética (xi-wa) registrada en los soportes XVI de Palenque (Fig. 2). Esta tarea fue promovida por la
del Trono del Río, en Palenque (Stuart 2007). restauradora Luz de Lourdes Herbert, de la Coordinación
Nacional de Conservación del Patrimonio Cultural (INAH),
Prosiguiendo con el análisis, el segundo glifo es la cabeza apoyada por el arqueólogo Arnoldo González Cruz, director
de un mamífero, que Luís Lopes (2005) ha identificado como del Proyecto Arqueológico Palenque (INAH). Herbert y sus
una comadreja de cola larga, Mustela frenata (Fig. 1e), razón colaboradores reconstruyeron parte del marco y, en la esquina
por lo cual lo lee como SABIN, “comadreja”. En dicho logo- superior izquierda de éste, ubicaron confiablemente el cartu-
grama, un achurado recorre parte de la nariz y el ojo de ese cho del Dios N-Sahbiin (Luz de Lourdes Herbert, comuni-
animal, lo cual señala una mancha oscura, un rasgo caracterís- cación personal, abril de 2014). A partir de la colocación de
tico de la comadreja de cola larga, que por tal razón también este cartucho el autor comenzó a probar arreglos, secuencias
suele ser llamada “comadreja de cuatro ojos”. El tercer glifo y ubicaciones de los demás cartuchos. Como resultado de este
es el fonograma na, que opera como complemento fonético trabajo de conjunto de restauración y epigrafía, el tablero fue
del logograma SABIN, lo cual es una buena indicación de reconstruido en más de un 50%.4
que la lectura de Lopes es esencialmente correcta.
La inscripción del tablero ha perdido los cartuchos del
En su reconstrucción de la lengua proto-maya, Terrence Glifo Introductor de la Serie Inicial (GISI) y de la Cuenta
Kaufman reconstruye el término *saqbiin, “comadreja”, y Larga (CL), pero la conservación de la Rueda Calendárica
en proto-ch’ol, *sahbin (Kaufman 2003: 572). En ch’ortí (RC) 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in y del glifo G5 del ciclo nove-
moderno documenta sajbin y en yucateco, sahbin. La pre- nario de los “Señores de la Noche” permitieron reconstruirla
sencia del complemento na indica que el logograma posee confiablemente como *9.12.1.0.5* 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in,
una vocal larga, en tanto que las cognadas cholanas señalan 28 de junio de 673 (los asteriscos marcan elementos glíficos
la existencia de una consonante interna <h> o <j>, razón por reconstruidos) (Fig. 3). Después de los cómputos de la serie
lo cual preferimos transliterarlo como SAHBIIN. En suma, lunar y del ciclo de 819 días, la inscripción refiere que 31 días
proponemos que el cartucho expresa un advocación del Dios antes de la fecha de Cuenta Larga, en (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix
17 Tzek, 28 de mayo de 673, “había sido taladrado el fuego
del Dios N-Sahbiin”.5 Por las razones que veremos adelante,
2 En documentos de la Santa Inquisición, el autor ha resulta muy importante señalar que tal fecha coincide con 6Y,
documentado cultos agrícolas yucatecos del siglo XVII que o sexto día del ciclo de 7 días, y con G1, el primero del ciclo
atestiguan ciertas pervivencias de ceremonias dedicadas a de 9 días o de “los Señores de la Noche” (Tabla 1).
los pawahtuno’ob de los cuatro rumbos: Chak Pawahtun, K’an
Pawahtun, Ek’ Pawahtun y Sak Pawahtun, entidades que eran
significadas a través de cuentas de piedras semipreciosas (los
“tunes”). El sacerdote llevaba los tunes dentro de una “senadera”
(bolsa de red) que llamaban paboh (pawoj) (Bernal Romero 1994).
Barrera Vásquez (1980) ofrece las entradas paw y pawo’ para
4 El autor agradece a la epigrafista Sara Isabel García
“bolsa o talega de red”.
Juárez su apoyo durante esta actividad.
3 La lectura pauahtun del nombre glífico del Dios N fue
5 Nikolai Grube (2000) fue el primer investigador que
inicialmente propuesta por Michael Coe (1973). La identidad,
reconoció la existencia de registros de ritos relacionados con el
atributos y aspectos iconográficos del Dios N han sido tratados por
fuego, insertos en series iniciales mayas, uno de los cuales es el de
Karl A. Taube (1989).
taladrado de fuego. De manera genérica, Grube les llamó “ritos de
la Secuencia del Fuego”.
69
Figura 2. Reconstrucción parcial del Tablero Este, Edificio 1, del Grupo XVI de Palenque, Chiapas. La sección reconstruida corresponde
a la Serie Inicial del monumento. Foto: Guillermo Bernal Romero.
70
[Glifo Introductor de la Serie Inicial

con el patrón de la veintena Yaxk‘in*]
[9 bak’tunes*] [12 k’atunes*]
[1 tun*] [0 winales*]
buluch chan
[5 k’ines*] 11 Chikchan
9.12.1.0.5*, 28 junio de 673
ho hul ch’ab ti’ hu’n

Ho’ Hul Ch’ab (G5) (está en) la orilla del códice (Glifo F)
k’al naah wuh

[Glifo E/D, perdido] es la presentación de la primera ...
lunación
.. nal ch’ok k’aba’a

Glifo X es el nombre infantil
jun winaak lajun waxak[te’] yaxk’in

de los 30 (días de lunación) (es el día) 8 Yaxk’in
waklajun [hew] chanlajun winikijiiy jun “muluk”

habían pasado 16 (días) y 14 winales desde el día 1 Muluk
wa’lijiiy
wuklajun yax sihom cuando se colocó
17 Yax
9.12.0.3.9, 5 de septiembre de 672
...
chak sip (expresión glífica no decifrada que
(el dios) Sip Rojo alude una advocación del dios K’awiil)
un elk’in
.. k’awiil en el 1-Oriente
buluch [hew] jun winikijiiy jo[h]ch’jiiy

habían pasado 11 (días) y 1 winal (31 días) esde que había sido taladrado
u k’ahk pawaaj sahbiin

el fuego del (el dios) Pawaaj Sahbiin
wak hix uklajun kasew

(en) el día 6 Hix 17 Tsek
(9.12.0.16.14, 28 de mayo de 673)
Figura 3. Lectura de la inscripción glífica del Tablero Este del Grupo XVI. Reconstrucción de la Cuenta Larga *9.12.1.0.5*, correspondiente
con el Glifo G5 y la Rueda Calendárica 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in, (28 de junio de 673). Un Número Distancia negativo de 11 días y 1 winal
(31 días) parte de esta fecha y llega a 9.12.0.16.14 6 Hix 17 Tzek, 28 de mayo de 673, cuando “fue taladrado el fuego” del Dios N-Sahbiin.
Los asteriscos (*) marcan elementos reconstruidos. Foto: Guillermo Bernal Romero.
71
Tabla 2. Un ND- de 6 días relaciona la fecha de Cuenta Larga 9.13.17.12.10 8 Ok 13 Yax con la fecha de CL/RC (implícita) 9.13.17.12.4
2 K’an 7 Yax. Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán.
9.13.17.12.10 8 Ook 13 Yax Nacimiento de Yaxuun Bahlam, Sagrado Gobernante de Yaxchilán.

23 de agosto de 709
CL y RC explícitas.
ND- .6
(9.13.17.12.4) (2 K’an 7 Yax) Taladrado de fuego para el dios Pawaaj Sahbiin.
17 de agosto de 709 CL y RC implícitas. Día del ciclo de 7 días: 6Y.
Día del ciclo de 9 días o de los “Señores de la Noche”: G1
Tabla 3. El intervalo de 1.16.13.10 (13,230 días) que separa las fechas (9.13.17.12.4) 2 K’an 7 Yax y (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek equi-
vale 210 ciclos de 63 días. Ese lapso también es igual a 35 ciclos de 378 días (periodo sinódico de Saturno)
Monumento Cuenta Larga Rueda Calendárica, fecha juliana Ciclo-7 días Ciclo-9 días
Yaxchilán, Dintel (9.13.17.12.4) (2 K’an 7 Yax) 17 /ago./709 6Y G1

29
Palenque, Tablero (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek 28 /may./ 673 6Y G1
Este del Grupo XVI
Lapso/diferencia = 1.16.13.10 = 13,230 días = 1,890 ciclos de 7 días = 1,470 ciclos de 9 días
entre fechas = 210 ciclos de 63 días
= 35 ciclos de 378 días
(378 días = 1 periodo sinódico de Saturno)
El registro de un rito joch’ k’ahk’

días, equivalente a 210 ciclos exactos de 63 días, y, de ma-
en el Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán
nera aún más notable, de 35 ciclos de 378 días, duración del
La Serie Inicial (SI) de este monumento muestra la fecha periodo sinódico (canónico) de Saturno.
9.13.17.12.10 8 Ook (13 Yax), 23 de agosto de 709 (Fig. 4).
Después de los glifos G7/F está registrado el ciclo de 7 días La lectura del texto glífico del Dintel 29 continúa en el
(5Y) y la serie lunar. La inscripción añade que 6 días antes6 Dintel 30, donde está registrada la estación del ciclo de 819
“había sido taladrado el fuego del Dios N-Sahbiin”, en la fecha días y la fecha haab 13 Yax, así como el acontecimiento
implícita 9.13.17.12.4 2 K’an 7 Yax (17 de agosto de 709). principal de la Serie Inicial: el nacimiento del gobernante
Una vez más, la realización de este joch’ k’ahk’ dedicado al Yaxuun Bahlam.
dios comadreja coincidió con 6Y y G1, tal como se observa
en la Tabla 2.
El rito de taladrado de fuego
Las fechas de los ritos joch’ k’ahk’ documentados en los
del Panel 2 de Laxtunich
monumentos de Palenque y Yaxchilán coinciden con 6Y y G1,
lo cual implica que el lapso temporal existente entre ellas es La escena del Panel 2 de Laxtunich (Fig. 5) muestra a Itzam
un múltiplo perfecto de 63 días (9 x 7 = 63). Y en efecto, la Bahlam Chelew Chan K’inich, gobernante de Yaxchilán (hijo
Tabla 3 demuestra que el intervalo entre ambas es de 13,230 y heredero directo de Yaxuun Bahlam), quien taladra el fuego
sobre una especie de palangana. Le acompaña un dignatario
llamado K’uh[ul?] U Kan (o Ik’ K’uh U Kan). El texto glífico
6 Este número distancia negativo está escrito a través
refiere esa acción ritual e identifica a ambos personajes (Fig.
de la expresión 6-WAY-ji-ya, wak wayijiiy, “habían pasado 6 días
6). Itzam Bahlam es aludido mediante su título favorito: [u]
con sus noches”. El logograma WAY “día con su noche” es poco
cha[’]n taj mo’, “El Guardián (o Captor) del señor Taj Mo’.
habitual en las inscripciones, pero, en los casos donde ocurre,
El suceso ocurrió en (9.16.18.0.19) 1 Kawak 2 Woh 18 de
opera confiablemente con ese significado. Por ejemplo, en la
febrero de 769. La fecha de este joch k’ahk’ vuelve a resultar
Estela 12 de Piedras Negras se observa la expresión 13-1-WAY-ji-
muy relevante, ya que coincide con 6Y y G1. Ello predice
ya, uxlaju’n ju’n wayijiiy, “habían pasado 13 y 1 [veintena] de días
que los intervalos entre este acontecimiento y los joch’ k’ahk’
con sus noches”. El valor de este logograma WAY fue propuesto
de Yaxchilán y Palenque necesariamente se deben constituir
por el autor en un artículo publicado en la revista Arqueología
como múltiplos de 63 días. El intervalo entre las fechas joch’
Mexicana (Bernal Romero 2001). El diseño de dicho logograma
k’ahk’ del Panel 2 de Laxtunich y del Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán
es un óvalo con tres círculos pequeños, en arreglo triangular, y
es de 21,735 días, equivalente a 345 ciclos de 63 días y 57.5
dividido en dos partes, una de ellas lisa y la otra, achurada. Esta
de 378.
característica señala dos zonas, una de claridad y otra de oscuridad,
concepto acorde con su significado: “día con su noche”. Este
El intervalo entre las fechas de taladrado de fuego del
logograma no debe ser confundido con otros dos que expresan
Panel 2 de Laxtunich y el Tablero Este del Grupo XVI de
términos semejantes: WAY, “abismo”, “cavidad subterránea”, y
Palenque es de 21,735 días, equivalente a 555 ciclos de 63
WAHY, “nahual”, “coesencia animal”. El diseño de estos últimos es
días y 92.5 ciclos de 378 (Tabla 4).
muy diferente.
72
[Glifo Introductor de la Serie Inicial bolon pik

con el patrón de la veintena Yax] (son) 9 bak’tunes
huxlajun winikhaab wuklajun haab

13 k’atunes 17 tunes
lajcha’ winik lajun k’in

12 winales 10 k’ines
waxak ook wuklajun haab

en el día 8 ook 17 tunes
(9.13.17.12.10 8 Ook 13 Yax,
23 de agosto de 709)
ho bixiiy ...
habían pasado 5 días Glifo Y. Evento del dios K’awiil
(día 5Y del ciclo de 7 días)
holajunijiiy huliiy
habían pasado 15 días desde que había llegado (la luna)
k‘al u ho ... wuh Glifo X

es la presentación de la quinta lunación
k’aba’a jun winaak lajun

es el nombre infantil de los 30 días (de la lunación)
wak wayjijiiy joch’ijiiy

habían pasados 6 dias con sus noches desde que fue taladrado
u k’ahk’il pawaaj sahbiin

el fuego del (dios) Pawaaj Sahbiin
(en 9.13.17.12.4 2 K’an 7 Yax,
17 de agosto de 709)
Figura 4. Inscripción del Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán. La Serie Inicial registra la fecha 9.13.17.12.10 8 Ook (13 Yax), 23 de agosto de 709. Seis
días antes, en la fecha implícita 9.13.17.12.4 2 K’an 7 Yax, 17 de agosto de 709, se realizó un rito de taladrado de fuego en honor del Dios
N-Sahbiin. Dibujo: Ian Graham, modificado por el autor.
73
Figura 5. La escena del Panel 2 de Laxtunich muestra a Itzam Bahlam Chelew Chan K’inich taladrando el fuego dentro de un recipiente.
Le acompaña el señor K’uhul U Kan, “Nahualista Principal” (baah wahyib), quien sostiene un cartucho glífico ch’ab ak’ab, “creación (en
la) oscuridad”, expresión relacionada con la invocación o conjuro de entidades sobrenaturales. Ambos se encuentran sobre un mascarón de
la entidad Sak Baak Naah Chapaat, “Ciempiés de la Casa de los Huesos Blancos”. Dibujo: Peter Mathews.
jun “kawak” cha[te’] ik’at

(en el) 1 Kawak 2 Woh (9.16.18.0.19
18 de febrero de 769)
jo[h]ch’aj k’ahk’
es taladrado el fuego
u kabijiiy ...
así lo mandó
[u] cha’n taj mo’ k’uh[ul] pa’chan ajaw

el captor de Taj(al) Mo’ sagrado gobernante de
Pa’chan (Yaxchilán)
yitaaj k‘uh[ul] u kan

en compañía de (señor) K’uhul U Kan
baah wahyib ch’ok

Nahualista Principal (título) el joven
saja(l) matwi[il]
Sajal Matwiil
Figura 6. El texto glífico del Panel 2 de Laxtunich refiere que el rito de taladrado de fuego fue ordenado por el gobernante de Yaxchilán U
Cha’n Taj Mo’ (Itzam Bahlam Chelew Chan K’inich). Esta ceremonia ocurrió exactamente en una estación del ciclo de 63 días: 9.16.18.0.19
1 Kawak 2 Woh. Dibujo: Peter Mathews, modificado por el autor.
74
Tabla 4. El intervalo de 4.17.2.5 (34,965 días) que separa las fechas (9.16.18.0.19) 1 Kawak 2 Woh y (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek equiv-
ale 555 ciclos de 63 días. Ese lapso también es igual a 92.5 ciclos de 378 días (periodo sinódico de Saturno).
Monumento Cuenta Larga RuedaCalendárica, Ciclo-7 días Ciclo-9 días

fecha juliana
Laxtunich, Panel 2 (9.16.18.0.19) 1 Kawak 2 Woh 18/feb./769 6Y G1
Palenque, Tablero Este del (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek 28 /may./ 673 6Y G1

Grupo XVI
Lapso/diferencia entre = 4.17.2.5 = 34,965 días = 4,995 ciclos de 7 días = 3,885 ciclos de 9 días
fechas = 555 ciclos de 63 días
= 92.5 ciclos de 378 días
Tabla 5. El intervalo de 1.8.3.3 (10143 días) que separa las fechas (9.13.9.1.17) 9 Kaban 0 Woh y (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek equivale
a 161 ciclos de 63 días.
Monumento Cuenta Larga Rueda Calendárica, Ciclo-7 días Ciclo-9 días
fecha juliana
Motul de San José, 9.13.9.1.17 9 Kaban 0 Woh 6Y G1
Estela 1 5/mar./701
Palenque, (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek 6Y G1
Tablero Este del Grupo XVI 28 /may./ 673
Presencia del “Factor-63” en la El “Ciclo-63” en textos de

Estela 1 de Motul de San José la región de Chichén Itzá
El ciclo de 63 días también está relacionado con el rito tihl A finales del periodo Clásico y en el norte de Yucatán, parece
k’ahk’, “prender o encender la lumbre”, otro evento de la Se- haber una variación de 1 día en la celebración de ceremonias
cuencia de Fuego (Fig. 7). El caso se encuentra en la Estela de fuego. Ello con respecto a las estaciones esperadas del “Ci-
1 de Motul de San José, cuya Serie Inicial muestra la fecha clo-63”, en términos de la secuencia establecida en las tierras
9.13.9.1.17 9 Kaban 0 Woh (5 de marzo de 701), con G1 o bajas centrales. Un registro de la Casa Colorada de Chichén
primer “Señor de la Noche” (Fig. 7). El texto asienta que ese Itzá refiere dos ceremonias de taladrado de fuego dedicadas
día ocurrió “el encendido del fuego (tihl k’ahk’) de una dei- a sendas deidades locales (Fig. 8), y de invocación o conjuro
dad llamada Yax Xib Chaahk. La realización de este rito en de otra. Estos ritos ocurrieron en 10.2.0.1.9 6 Muluk 12 Mak
9.13.9.1.17 vuelve a ser relevante pues esta fecha coincide (11 de septiembre 869), un día después de la estación del ci-
con 6Y y G1. Ello indica que entre él y los anteriores regis- clo de 63 días 10.2.0.1.8 5 Lamat 11 Mak (10 de septiembre
tros de taladrado de fuego existen lapsos temporales que son de 869). Por su parte, el Dintel 1 de Yula registra un rito de
múltiplos exactos y solidarios del “factor-63”. La Tabla 5 fuego que ocurrió en 10.2.4.8.4 8 K’an 2 Pohp (3 de enero de
demuestra la existencia del “Ciclo-63” entre las fechas de la 874), un día después de la “estación-63” 10.2.4.8.3 7 Ak’bal 1
Estela 1 de Motul de San José y el Tablero Este de Palenque. Pohp 1 (2 de enero de 874). Aun considerando esa variación,
obviamente ese factor está implícito en el intervalo de tales
Aunque aquí hemos dado eminencia al registro de la Se- fechas (Tabla 6).
cuencia de Fuego de la Estela 1, cabe señalar que el suceso
principal de 9.13.9.1.17 9 Kaban 0 Woh (5 de marzo de 701)
fue la entronización de un soberano llamado Yejte’ K’inich,
El “Ciclo-63” en inscripciones de Ek’ Balam
como Sagrado Gobernante de Ik’ (Motul de San José). La
- El Mural del Cuarto 22 de la Acrópolis
actividad ritual de generar fuego en ese día es importante,
pues revela que, al menos en algunos sitios, se producía como El ciclo de 63 días fue significativo en Ek’ Balam, Yucatán.
parte de las actividades de investidura de los jerarcas. En el Mural del Cuarto 22 de la Acrópolis está registrada una
ceremonia relacionada con el fuego (¿taladrado?) que ocurrió
“en una “casa” (ti otoot) (Fig. 9). Alfonso Lacadena (2003) ha
establecido que sucedió en (9.17.12.16.14) 13 Hix 7 K’ank’in,
Tabla 6. Las ceremonias de fuego asociadas con las fechas 10.2.4.8.4 8 K’an 2 Pohp y 10.2.0.1.9 6 Muluk 12 Mak están separadas por un
intervalo de 4.6.15 (1,575 días), mismo que equivale a 25 ciclos de 63 días.
Monumento Cuenta Larga Rueda Calendárica, fecha juliana
Yula, Dintel 1 10.2.4.8.4 8 K’an 2 Pohp (3 de enero de 874)
Chichén Itzá, Banda Jeroglífica de la Casa Colorada 10.2.0.1.9 6 Muluk 12 Mak (11 de septiembre 869)
Lapso/diferencia entre fechas = 4.6.15 = 1,575 días

= 25 ciclos de 63 días
75
[GISI: deidad patrona

de la veintena Pohp]
9-PIK 13-WINIKHAAB
bolon pik uxlajun winikhaab
9-HAAB 1-WINIK
bolon haab jun winik
17-K’IN CH’AM-ma-9-[K’UH]
wuklajun k’in ch’am bolon [k’uh]
TI’-HU’N-na TIHL-K’AHK’
ti’ hu’n tihl k’ahk’
YAX-XIB CHAAK-ki
yax xib chaa[h]k
9-KAB CHUM-mu-IHK’-AT
bolon kab chum ihk’at
ti-JOY-ja ti-a-AJAW-wa-le2
ti jo[h]yaj ti ajawlel
ye-TE’ K’INICH-ni-chi
ye[j]te’ k’inich
K’UH-AJAW*-wa
k’uh[ul] ajaw*
Figura 7. Estela 1 de Motul de San José (fragmento). Registra “el encendido del fuego” (tihl k’ahk’) del dios Yax Xib Chaahk en 9.13.9.1.17
9 Kaban 0 Woh (5 de marzo de 701), una estación del ciclo-63. Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero.
ch’o k’a u K’ABA’
jo k’a a
bi k’a K’UH
ya u ki u
Figura 8. La Banda Jeroglífica de la Casa Colorada registra ceremonias de taladrado de fuego dedicadas a dos dioses, ocurridas en 10.2.0.1.9
6 Muluk 12 Mak (11 de septiembre de 869). Este detalle muestra el registro del joch’ k’ahk’ consagrado a uno de ellos, cuyo nombre no ha
sido descifrado. Dibujo: Nikolai Grube, modificado por el autor.
76
Tabla 7. La ceremonia ígnea de la fecha (9.17.12.16.14) 13 Hix 7 K’ank’in ocurrió 3.15.4.10 (27,090 días) después del rito de taladrado
de fuego de (9.13.17.12.4) 2 K’an 7 Yax. El lapso equivale a 430 ciclos exactos de 63 días.
Monumento Cuenta Larga Rueda Calendárica, Ciclo-7 días Ciclo-9 días

fecha juliana
Ek’ Balam, (9.17.12.16.14) 13 Hix 7 K’ank’in, 6Y G1
Mural del Cuarto 22 18/oct./ 783
Yaxchilán, Dintel 29 (9.13.17.12.4) (2 K’an 7 Yax) 6Y G1
17 /ago./709
18 de octubre de 783, fecha que al coincidir con 6Y y G1 se No obstante, puede haber una explicación más sencilla y
constituye como otra estación de ese ciclo. El intervalo que natural: Guido Krempel (comunicación personal, febrero de
existe con respecto al registro del Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán 2017) me ha hecho notar que la ceremonia de taladrado de
muestra la presencia del “Factor-63” (Tabla 7). fuego posiblemente se realizó en la noche, justo en la transi-
ción del día 7 Ajaw 18 Sip (el final de bak’tun) al 8 Imix 19
Sip (la estación del “Ciclo-63”), razón por la cual ese desfase
sólo puede ser aparente.
La Columna 1 de Ek’ Balam
Otro caso interesante es el de la Columna 1 de Ek’ Balam
(Fig. 10). Según Lacadena (2003: 22–23), el monumento
La Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam
despliega una SI cuya Cuenta Larga corresponde al final del
bak’tun décimo: 10.0.0.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Sip (11 de marzo de Por su parte, la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam no registra un joch’
830). El suceso principal fue la colocación de la propia co- k’ahk’ dedicado al Dios N-Sahbiin, sino un “sahumerio” rea-
lumna, llamada sak ahk baahil tuun, “la Imagen de piedra del lizado “con el fuego” de esa deidad (Fig. 11). Es posible infe-
galápago” (Lacadena 2003: 23). Después de la Serie Lunar rir que ese “fuego” fue taladrado en una estación del ciclo de
se presenta el registro del rito de taladrado de fuego, forma- 63 días. La Cuenta Larga/Rueda Calendárica de la Estela 1 se
do por la expresión joch’ool k’ahk’, seguido por el nombre puede reconstruir confiablemente como 10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8
del Dios N-Sahbiin. Lacadena propone que la forma verbal Pohp, 18 de enero de 840. De acuerdo con el cómputo lunar,
joch’ool muestra el sufijo –VV₁l (-ool), marca de participio la lunación vigente comenzó 13 días antes, en la fecha implí-
presente, razón por la cual la traduce como “está taladrado”. cita 10.0.9.17.7 6 Manik’ 0 Wayeb, 5 de enero de 840. Fue
Así, tal expresión significa “está taladrado el fuego del Dios una ocasión memorable, ya que el inicio de la lunación coin-
N-Sahbiin”. El suceso ocurrió en la fecha 10.0.0.0.0 7 Ajaw cidió con el de los ritos y penitencias de los cinco días “acia-
18 Sip, pero la estación esperada del “Ciclo-63” ocurrió el gos” del wayeb. El pasaje relativo a la Secuencia del Fuego
día siguiente, en 10.0.0.0.1 8 Imix 19 Sip (12 de marzo de se encuentra después de la Serie Lunar. El primer glifo de la
830). La peculiar expresión “está taladrado el fuego” parece secuencia está muy deteriorado, pero Lacadena (2003) lo ha
advertir que el rito joch’ k’ahk’ se realizó con un día de antela- identificado como el “Glifo de vasija invertida con signo de
ción. Es muy probable que la dinastía de Ek’ Balam decidiese Kib”, del que hay ejemplos bien preservados en otros textos
hacerlo así para magnificar la ceremonia de final de bak’tun, de Ek’ Balam. Tal glifo es un alógrafo o variante caligráfica
periodo de 144,000 días que pocas ciudades mayas del perio- del “Glifo de Cántaro Invertido con bandas cruzadas”, que,
do Clásico tuvieron la oportunidad de celebrar. Una estación de acuerdo con una propuesta previa del autor de este trabajo,
del “Ciclo-63” nunca coincide con un final de bak’tun, pero es portador del valor logográfico PUL, “sahumar”, “incen-
sí es factible que sitúe un día después, aunque ello solamen- sar”. Lacadena ha asumido que el “Glifo de vasija invertida
te puede ocurrir cada 7 bak’tunes (1,008,000 días), es decir, con signo de Kib” tiene dicho valor logográfico. Debajo del
una vez cada 2,759.8 años solares. La dinastía de Ek’ Balam logograma PUL se encuentra el glifo silábico -li. La combi-
reconoció la importancia de tan feliz circunstancia y por ello nación PUL-li forma la expresión pulil, “sahumerio”. Des-
adelantó por un día el taladrado de fuego del Dios N-Sahbiin, pués se presenta la expresión u k’ahk’ y, por último, un glifo
haciéndolo coincidir con la celebración del final de bak’tun. erosionado, que Lacadena reconstruye como el nombre de la
13*-HIIX 7-UNIIW-wa #-ja-K’AHK’ ti-OTOOT-ti AJ/a-1?-#-#-# AJ/a-AJAW?-#
Figura 9. Mural del Cuarto 22 de la Acrópolis, Ek’ Balam; detalle de pasaje glífico. Registra una ceremonia relacionada con fuego que
ocurrió en la estación-63 (9.17.12.16.14) 13 Hix 7 K’ank’in, 18 de octubre de 783. Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero, a partir de un dibujo
de Alfonso Lacadena.
77
Tabla 8. Reconstrucción de efemérides calendáricas y astronómicas de la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam.

10.0.9.17.7 6 Manik’ 0 Wayeb Primer día de lunación. Primera jornada de los “cinco días aciagos” del wayeb.
(5 de enero de 840) Fecha implícita.
10.0.9.17.12* 11 Eb 0 Pohp* Día de año nuevo y estación del ciclo de 63 días. Rito de taladrado de fuego para el dios
(10 de enero de 840). Pawaaj Sahbiin**.
(*) Fecha inferida. Día del ciclo de 7 días: 6Y.
Día del ciclo de 9 días o de los “Señores de la Noche”: G1
(**) Acontecimiento inferido.
10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8 Pohp Fecha explícita.
(18 de enero de 840) Final de laju’ntuun o medio k’atun. Realización de sahumerios “con el fuego del dios
Pawaaj Sahbiin”. Dedicación de la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam.
Tabla 9. Cómputo de la Columna A de la Tabla de los Intervalos, Estructura 10K-2, Xultún. Ciclos rituales y astronómicos involucrados.
Datos seleccionados de Saturno, Stuart, Aveni y Rossi (2012: 716, Tabla 1), con modificaciones por parte del autor.
Columna A de la Tabla de
los Intervalos, Estructura
10K-2, Xultún
Día tzolk’in 1 [Kaban] *
Intervalo 8 [bak’tunes]
6 [k’atunes]
1 [tun]
9 [winales]
0 [k’ines]
Número total de días del intervalo: 8.6.1.9.0 =
1,195,740 días
Ciclos tzolk’in, de 260 días: 4,599
Ciclos haab, de 365 días: 3,276
Ruedas Calendáricas (RC’s), de 18,980 días: 63
Años computados (AC’s), de 364 días: 3,285
Periodos canónicos de Venus (PCV’s) de 584 días: 2,047.5
Ciclos de 5 Periodos canónicos de Venus (5PCV’s) de 2,920 días: 409.5
Ciclos de 2,340 días: 511
Largo de la Tabla de Venus, de 37,960 días: 31+1 RC
Periodos canónicos de Marte (PCM’s), de 780 días: 1,533
Ciclos de 56,940 días: 21
Largo de la Tabla de Eclipses, de 11,960 días: 100–1 tzolk’in
Ciclos de 819 días: 11,960 *
Ciclos de 9 días o “de los Señores de la Noche”: 132,860 **
Ciclos de 7 días: 170,820 **
Ciclos de 63 días 18,980 **
(*) Datos tomados de MacLeod y Kinsman 2012.
(**) Datos tomados de Bernal Romero 2014b.
jo-ch’o-li PAWAAJ?/XIIW?-SAHBIIN-na 9-AJAW 13-CHAK-AT WA’-la-ja u-SAK-AHK-ba-li-TUUN-ni u-ki-si-4-le-ku TAL-lo-AJAW
Figura 10. Columna 1 de Ek’ Balam, detalle de la inscripción. Registra que en el final de bak’tun 10.0.0.0.0 7 Ajaw 18 Sip (11 de marzo
de 830) fue taladrado el fuego de la entidad Dios N-Sahbiin. Ese mismo día el gobernante local Ukit Kan Le’k dispuso la erección de la
columna, llamada u sak ahk baahil tuun, “la imagen de piedra del galápago”. Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero, a partir de un dibujo de
Alfonso Lacadena.
78
se realizó el
habitual ta-
[GISI: deidad patrona 1 Kaban ladrado del
de la veintena Pohp] fuego del
Dios N-Sah-
biin, mismo
8 [bak’tunes] que coinci-
dió con la
costumbre
anual de sa-
10-PIK* MIH-WINIKHAAB* 6 [k’atunes] car “lumbre
nueva” en el
primer día
1 [tun] del año (0
0-HAAB* MIH*-WINIK* Pohp), prác-
tica obliga-
9 [winales] toria que,
tal como
MIH-K’IN*-ni* 6*-AJAW* lo asevera
0 [k’ines] fray Diego
de Landa
Figura 12. Cómputo de la Columna A de la Tabla (1978: 90),
de los Intervalos, Estructura 10K-2 de Xultún, Gua- realizaban
TI’-HU’N-na 13-HUL-li*-ya* temala. El intervalo de 8 bak’tunes, 6 k’atunes, 1 los yucate-
tun, 9 winales y 0 k’ines equivale a 1,195,740 días, cos. Es por
factor de conmensurabilidad entre los ciclos de RC esta razón
y 819 días. Dibujo: David Stuart. que 8 días
K’AL-3-#-WUH* Glifo X después, en
el final de laju’ntuun 10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8 Pohp (18 de enero
de 840), la dinastía de Ek’ Balam celebró ese final de periodo
y la dedicación de la propia Estela 1 con “el sahumerio del
u*-K’ABA’* 1*-WINAAK*-10
fuego del Dios N-Sahbiin”. La Tabla 8 muestra la secuencia
de ceremonias inferida en la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam.
Si es correcta la inferencia del rito de joch’ k’ahk’ para el

Dios N-Sahbiin en la fecha 10.0.9.17.12 11 Eb 0 Pohp*, ésta
PUL*-li u-K’AHK’ no solamente resultaría relevante para establecer un ejemplo
adicional del ciclo de 63 días, sino también del ciclo de 378
días, el periodo sinódico de Saturno. Entre ella y la fecha del
Dintel 29 de Yaxchilán, (9.13.17.12.4) 2 K’an 7 Yax existe
#-#-# 8-#-#
un intervalo de 47,628 días, que equivale exactamente a 756
Dios N-Sahbiin* 8 Pohp
ciclos de 63 días y 126 ciclos de 378 días. Cabe recordar que
entre las fechas de joch’ k’ahk’ registradas en el Dintel 29 y
el Tablero Este de Palenque existe un lapso que se constituye
Figura 11. Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam. Registro de la ceremonia de como un múltiplo de ciclos de 63 y 378 días. De ello se puede
final de periodo 10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8 Pohp, 18 de enero de 840. deducir que el intervalo existente entre la fecha inferida de
Dibujo: Guillermo Bernal Romero, a partir de un dibujo de Alfonso la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam (10.0.9.17.12 11 Eb 0 Pohp) y la
Lacadena. del Tablero Este también debe expresar la presencia de esos
factores. Y en efecto, entre 10.0.9.17.12 11 Eb 0 Pohp* y
entidad que nosotros llamamos Dios N-Sahbiin. Así, el texto (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek media un lapso de 966 “ci-
señala que en 10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8 Pohp ocurrió “el sahu- clos-63” y 161 “ciclos-378”.
merio del fuego del Dios N-Sahbiin” (pulil u k’ahk’ pawaaj?/
xiiw? sahbiin). Sin mayores dudas, señala que los sahume- El ciclo de 63 días también esté atestiguado en los murales
rios implementados en la celebración del final de laju’ntuun de Xultún, Guatemala. William Saturno, David Stuart, An-
10.0.10.0.0 6 Ajaw 8 Pohp se realizaron con “el fuego” del thony Aveni y Franco Rossi (2012) señalan que, en la Tabla
dios comadreja. Sin embargo, cabe preguntarse: ¿cuándo fue de los Intervalos, el lapso de la Columna A, 8 bak’tunes, 6
taladrado ese fuego? En nuestra opinión, ello debió ocurrir k’atunes, 1 tun, 9 winales y 0 k’ines (Fig. 12), equivale a
8 días antes, en la fecha 10.0.9.17.12 11 Eb 0 Pohp (10 de 1,195,740 días, cifra que comprende exactamente 4,599 ciclos
enero de 840), estación del ciclo de 63 días que coincidió con tzolk’in, 3,276 ciclos haab y 1,533 periodos sinódicos de
un día de Año Nuevo. Resulta razonable inferir que ese día Marte, entre otros (Tabla 13); hoy podemos añadir que dicho
79
lapso también abarca exactamente 18,980 ciclos de 63 días.7 pero resulta sugerente que también contenga ciclos exactos
Por su parte, Barbara MacLeod y Hutch Kinsman (2012) han de 378 días (35). Esa misma relación de completamiento de
hecho notar que esa cifra también contiene justamente 1,460 ciclos de 63 y 378 días aplicaría para la fecha-joch’ k’ahk’
ciclos de 819 días8 (Tabla 9). inferida de la Estela 1 de Ek’ Balam en relación con las fechas
de Yaxchilán y Palenque (tablas 11 y 12, respectivamente).
Saturno es el planeta más lejano de nuestro sistema solar

Conclusiones
que puede ser observado a “ojo desnudo” o simple vista. Se
En las inscripciones mayas, no todos los ritos de produc- aprecia mejor cuando se encuentra en su punto más cercano
ción de fuego se ajustan a un patrón calendárico, pero la re- a la Tierra, o en oposición, cuando alcanza una elongación
iteración del “Factor-63” en los casos aquí presentados indica de 180°, por lo que aparece opuesto al Sol. Al margen de la
que una parte de ellos estaba regida o normada por él, parti- supuesta validez de la correlación GMT, es muy posible que
cularmente de aquellos que se dedicaban al Dios N-Sahbiin. las fechas (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17 Tzek y (9.13.17.12.4) 2
Todo parece indicar que la formulación del “Ciclo-63” fue K’an 7 Yax hayan marcado estaciones en las que Saturno se
resultado de la multiplicación de los ciclos inferiores de 7 y 9 hallaba en ese punto de oposición. Esas estaciones mayores
días, conmensurándolos. Sin embargo, su mayor utilidad fue o principales habrían sido fijadas después de 6 rondas del
la de armonizar ciclos superiores, como el saturnino de 378 “Ciclo-63”, marcando así el día de término y reinicio del
días (63 x 6) y el de 819 días (63 x 13). La inserción de los periodo sinódico del planeta.9 En las estaciones 6 Hix 17
ciclos de 7, 9, 63 y 819 días en la Serie Inicial de los dinteles Tzek y 2 K’an 7 Yax, a la medianoche, debió estar situado
29 y 30 de Yaxchilán parece mostrar un interés específico por en el cenit de la bóveda celeste. En coincidencia con esta
establecer la articulación de los mismos, por ser simétricos eminente posición de Saturno en las alturas celestes, en esas
o armónicos. noches debieron realizar las ceremonias de taladrado de fue-
go para El Dios N-Sahbiin, entidad que muy probablemente
Thompson (1950) planteó que el ciclo de 819 días fue representaba a ese astro.10 En Palenque, la ceremonia joch’
concebido a partir de la multiplicación de tres “cifras sagra- k’ahk’ para el Dios N-Sahbiin de (9.12.0.16.14) 6 Hix 17
das”: 7, 9 y 13, alusivas al número de estratos de la tierra, el Tzek posiblemente se realizó en el Edificio 1 del Grupo XVI,
inframundo y el cielo, respectivamente. Postuló que dicho lugar de donde proviene el registro del evento. El rito debió
ciclo se había generado por la multiplicación serial de las ser ejecutado por K’inich Janahb Pakal, el gobernante palen-
mismas: 7 x 9 x 13 = 819. Sería razonable precisar que el cano en turno (cuyo nombre se aprecia en otros cartuchos de
ciclo de 819 días no fue formulado de manera seriada, sino la inscripción), acompañado del ajaw-“nahbat” o sacerdote
segmentada: 9 x 7 = 63 > 63 x 13 = 819. El “Ciclo-63” es un principal del señorío. El Grupo XVI fue un espacio ceremo-
engrane y factor calendárico maestro que hacía falta para que nial y residencial habitado por el grupo sacerdotal-“nahbat”
esa fórmula tuviese sentido. de Palenque y el Edificio 1, su recinto ritual más eminente
(Bernal Romero 2009). En Yaxchilán, el joch’ k’ahk’ para
Un aspecto fascinante del ciclo de 63 días es su utilidad el Dios N-Sahbiin de (9.13.17.12.4) 2 K’an 7 Yax quizá se
para calcular el periodo sinódico de Saturno, cuya duración realizó en la Estructura 10, recinto de donde fue colocado el
canónica fue estimada en 378 días, periodo que se constituyó Dintel 29, monumento que registra el acontecimiento. El rito
como un múltiplo perfecto del primero (63 x 6 = 378). Así, debió ser realizado por Itzam Bahlam, el jerarca que regía en
dado que el “Ciclo-63” divide al “Ciclo-378” en 6 segmentos Yaxchilán durante esa época.
iguales, resulta posible que se empleara para fijar seis posi-
ciones del planeta sobre el manto celeste. Tal como lo hemos Tal como se ha planteado, el Dios N-Sahbiin fue el heral-
visto en la Tabla 3, el intervalo de 13,230 días entre los ritos do o personificación divina del planeta Saturno. Esa deidad
del taladrado de fuego del Tablero Este de Palenque y el Din- fue un aspecto específico del “Dios Genérico-N”, entidad
tel 29 de Yaxchilán contiene ciclos cerrados de 63 días (210), que, aunque tiene múltiples advocaciones, siempre fue repre-
sentado como un anciano. En términos de la inmensidad del
tiempo mítico, él fue una deidad antiquísima cuya existencia
7 Resulta interesante advertir que el intervalo 8.6.1.9.0
(1,195,740) días equivale a 63 ciclos de Rueda Calendárica, cuya
duración es de 18980 días (63 x 18980 = 1,195,740). De modo 9 Tal como se ha señalado, el Ciclo-63 es un factor maestro
inverso, esa cifra equivale a 18,980 ciclos de 63 días. El carácter del ciclo de 819 días, que probablemente fue útil para calcular el
“reversible” de la cifra 1,195,740 y sus múltiples propiedades para movimiento de otros cuerpos celestes. Susan Milbrath (1999) y
armonizar otros ciclos fue el resultado una larga y concienzuda otros autores han propuesto que el ciclo de 819 días fue empleado
formulación. para calcular los ciclos sinódicos de Saturno (378 días) y Júpiter
8 El “intervalo 8.6.1.9.0” es un factor de conmensurabilidad (399 días). Al menos por lo que toca a Saturno, la evidencia actual
entre los ciclos de RC y de 819 días, ya que 1195740 es el lapso sobre el ciclo compuesto de 63/378 días apunta en ese sentido.
que debe transcurrir para que una estación del ciclo-819 se 10 Un caso interesante es el de la fecha-joch’ k’ahk’
repita con la misma combinación de fechas tzolk’in y haab, es del Panel 1 de Laxtunich, misma que no marca una estación o
decir, con la misma RC. Es indudable que el “intervalo 8.6.1.9.0” punto de reinicio del ciclo saturnino de 378 días, sino el punto
está primariamente relacionado con el ciclo de 819 días (Bernal intermedio o conclusión de la primera mitad de ese periodo: 189
Romero 2017). días (equivalentes a 3 ciclos de 63 días).
80
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81
MICROCOSMOS:
BODY, GESTURES, SOUNDS AND TERRESTRIAL REFLECTIONS
OF THE UPPERWORLD
El anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno:
la cabeza como locus anímico en el cosmos maya del
Clásico y sus insignias físicas
Érik Velásquez García

Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
Vera Tiesler
Facultad de Ciencias Antropológicas
Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán
Abstract
The Classic period Maya projected cosmic dominions in the human body and its constituents. Using the
concept of anecumene/ecumene and the head as proxies, we explore the shifting roles of divine entities
and forces, expressed as k’ihn, sak ik’aal, and the logogram T535. Their embodiment in humans explains
native conceptions of head countenance, rendered in the native imagery, some of them enhanced artificially
during the socialization process, such as infant head modeling and in the sculpting of skin and teeth among
youngsters and adults.
Resumen
Los mayas del periodo clásico proyectaban los ámbitos del cosmos en el cuerpo humano y sus constitu-
yentes. Usando como puntos de aproximación el concepto de anecúmeno/ecúmeno y la misma cabeza,
exploramos los roles cambiantes de las entidades y fuerzas anímicas, expresadas como k’ihn, sak ik’aal y
el logograma T535. Su incorporación en los seres humanos explica concepciones nativas del rostro y de
la cabeza, representadas en la imaginería indígena. Fueron, de hecho, adecuados artificialmente algunos
atributos físicos durante la infancia y socialización de los jóvenes: la cabeza fue modelada, la piel labrada
y los dientes mutilados.
Este trabajo se enfila en una serie de estudios mayistas epi- era una amalgama compleja de componentes disímiles que
gráficos, iconográficos, bioarqueológicos, antropológicos y provienen de esas dos mitades del universo, algunas percep-
etnográficos, algunos muy recientes, que conciben el cuerpo tibles a través de los sentidos ordinarios en estado de vigilia,
humano como una combinación de sustancias de naturaleza y otras intangibles o casi intangibles, pero todas de naturaleza
extremadamente diversa (vid. v. gr. Houston et al. 2006; Ve- igualmente material. En el cuerpo, los mayas proyectaban
lásquez García 2009: 459–634; 2011; 2015; s/f; Duncan y las potencias y niveles cósmicos, por lo cual era una réplica
Hofling 2011; Tiesler 2012; 2014; Tiesler et al. 2015). Unas o proyección a escala del universo (Villa Rojas 1995: 188,
proceden del ámbito sagrado del anecúmeno, pero general- 190–196).
mente habitan dentro de los tejidos del ecúmeno o espacio
mundano de las criaturas (vid. López Austin 2015a; 2015b; Como afirman Alfonso Villa Rojas (1995: 188) y Pe-
2016: 79–80). Posicionado en el intersticio entre ambos do- dro Pitarch Ramón (2013: 38), los antiguos evangelizadores,
minios espacio-temporales, el cuerpo humano para los mayas así como los estudiosos modernos de la cultura maya, han
Érik Velásquez García, Vera Tiesler
Planteamiento general
puesto un interés especial en el tema de las almas, entidades
o fuerzas anímicas, así como en sus funciones cognitivas, El cuerpo humano, para los mayas antiguos –y deseamos
espirituales, oníricas o psicológicas, por considerar ingenua- mostrar que este modelo explicativo es útil específicamente
mente que el resto del cuerpo, compuesto de huesos, carne para los del periodo Clásico– era una amalgama de sustancias
y otros tejidos que intervienen en las funciones fisiológicas, heterogéneas de origen y características muy diversas, que
es una “realidad” supuestamente obvia, objetiva, universal en última instancia reflejaban la estructura y organización
y dada por hecho. No obstante, la idea del cuerpo humano del cosmos. Por una parte constaba de huesos, vísceras y
en Mesoamérica difiere radicalmente de nuestra concepción tejidos perceptibles mediante los sentidos ordinarios de la
occidental, de origen judeo-cristiano y greco-latino, al grado vigilia, pues estaban hechos de materia pesada, aunque lábil
que incluso es posible que hayan creído en un cuerpo sin y perecedera, sujeta a degradación, envejecimiento y desgaste,
órganos funcionales, en el sentido que los entendemos, pues perteneciente al ecúmeno, que es la mitad espacio-temporal
sólo a la totalidad del cuerpo perceptible se le atribuye la del universo donde habitan el hombre y las demás criaturas
capacidad de desempeñar funciones, no a las vísceras por (vid. López Austin y López Luján 2009: 43–50, 163–166;
separado (vid. Pitarch Ramón 2013: 50). López Austin 2015a; 2015b; 2016: 79–80). Otra parte del
cuerpo, en cambio, consistía en sustancias etéreas, airosas, es-
Para llevar este esquema a un plano ritual y cotidiano, pirituosas, vaporosas y caleidoscópicas que la mayoría de las
nos centraremos en la “cabeza”, un ancla temática ideal para veces sólo se percibían en estado onírico o de trance. Podían
explorar lo corpóreo entre lo humano y lo divino, sobre todo habitar en el interior de las estructuras anatómicas pesadas o
al considerar que la cosmovisión indígena usaba la testa y en lejos de ellas, podían salir y regresar. Incluso podían permear
particular la cara como sinónimo del “yo” frente a la sociedad, segmentos separados y extensiones fabricadas del cuerpo,
la cual otorgaba identidad y poder (López Austin 1989; Hous- tales como el excremento, las uñas cortadas, los nombres
ton y Stuart 1998; Houston et al. 2006). En las inscripciones personales, la indumentaria, las joyas o las herramientas de
mayas existe un término que resulta clave para entender las trabajo, o residir temporal o permanentemente en los retratos
ideas de esa cultura en torno a la cabeza, b’aahis (Fig. 1a), tallados o esculpidos. Este segundo tipo de sustancias corpo-
un referente social que equivale a ‘frente, cara’ o ‘rostro’, rales han recibido el nombre de entidades y fuerzas anímicas
aunque por extensión también significa ‘cabeza, cuerpo, ima- en la tradición académica de algunos distinguidos estudiosos.
gen, reflejo, retrato’ y posiblemente ‘así mismo’ o ‘apellido’ También se conciben como componentes materiales, pero
(Houston y Stuart 1998: 91–92, 95; Houston et al. 2006). etéreos o ligeros. Procedían del anecúmeno, que es la mitad
espacio-temporal del universo donde habitaban los dioses y
La cara encapsulaba esencias anímicas importantes y sus ancestros, así como diversas fuerzas numinosas o sagradas
órganos sensoriales contenían los vehículos de la vista, del cuyo origen precede a la creación del ámbito mundano del
sonido, del gusto y el olfato, en interacción activa con el ecúmeno, es decir, antes de la Fecha Era (loc. cit.).
mundo extrínseco. De tal forma, la “piel social” de la testa1
se convertía en un poderoso espacio de convergencia y de De acuerdo con Alfredo López Austin (1989, vol. 1: 197–
exhibición, tanto en un plano mundano como en la comu- 198), las entidades anímicas se distinguen por tener persona-
nicación con lo divino. Sus componentes anatómicos eran lidad, volición y “una conciencia distinta e independiente del
el objeto central de numerosas creencias y prácticas muy ser humano al que pertenecen”. La más importante de ellas
arraigadas que en el fondo estaban destinadas a la persona. es el “alma corazón”, “ánima corazón” o “semilla corazón”,
Debían proteger y estabilizar, alinear y dotar de energía vital, identificada en distintos rincones de Mesoamérica con el
embellecer y decorar, en ocasiones castigar o destruir, en espíritu del dios del maíz (López Austin 1994: 119), que en
otras distinguir a la persona. Esta última noción, dotada de el caso de las inscripciones mayas podría corresponder al
exclusividad, podía alcanzar la identificación con lo divino en sustantivo o’hlis o ‘corazón anímico’, cuya raíz morfémica
el caso de la nobleza maya del Clásico. Estas y otras nociones se escribía mediante el logograma T506, de valor polivalente
guiarán nuestras interrogantes sobre cómo la interacción entre OL, ‘corazón, centro’ o ‘ánimo’, o WA:J, ‘tamal’ o ‘tortilla’.
el ecúmeno “orgánico” y el anecúmeno sagrado encaminaba
la representación de la fisionomía cefálica maya y, aún mas En la frenología propia de los mayas del Clásico, el pe-
allá, sus cambios morfológicos artificiales, como decoracio- cho o epigastrio era habitado por seres de carácter terrestre
nes dentales y modificaciones craneales, rasgos culturales o telúrico –las entidades anímicas o’hlis y wahyis–, como se
por los que los mayas clásicos son ampliamente reconocidos. puede desprender de una pléyade de documentos antiguos e
Buscaremos las respuestas al contrastar, reflexionar y gene- informes etnográficos, entre los cuales podemos citar, a ma-
ralizar sobre diferentes fuentes de información, incluyendo nera de ejemplo, la imaginería del nagual K’ahk’ Yo’hl May
los mismos restos craneanos de aquellos que antiguamente Chamiiy, ‘Muerte es el Fuego en el Corazón de la Ofrenda’
constituían la sociedad, que han sido objeto de estudio regio- (Stuart 2005a: 164), quien aparece en el vaso K3924 y que,
nal de muchos años por parte de la segunda autora. como han observado Nikolai Grube y Werner Nahm (1994:
706, fig. 39a), emite de su vientre espirales o flamas rojas de
fuego, lo que sugiere que los mayas del Clásico ubicaban el
sustantivo o’hlis, ‘ánimo, centro, corazón’ o ‘entrada’ en el
1 Ese término fue acunado por Terence Turner, cuya obra
epigrastrio.
seminal de corporeidad introduce la noción activa y multi-facetica
de la interacción del cuerpo con el mundo extrínseco (Turner 2007:
83–107).
86
El anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno. la cabeza como locus anímico en el cosmos maya del Clásico y sus insignias físicas
a b c d e
Figura 1. a) Forma absoluta del sustantivo B’A:H-si, b’aa[i]s, ‘frente, cabeza, cuerpo’ o ‘imagen’, vaso K1440, dibujo de Marc U. Zender
(2004: 201); b) fuerza anímica SAK?-IK’-li, sak ik’[aa]l, ‘hálito de la respiración blanco’, Dintel 27 de Yaxchilán (B2), tomado de Ian
Graham y Eric von Euw (1977: 59); c) fuerza anímica T535 (posiblemente leída saak[?], ‘pepita[?]’) en contexto iconográfico, Estela 33
de Naranjo, tomada de Ian Graham (1978: 87); d) cartucho jeroglíficos K’IN-ni, k’in, ‘Sol’, o k’ihn, ‘calor’ o ‘temperamento’, Estela I de
Quiriguá (A4b), tomado de J. Eric S. Thompson (1960: fig. 26.56); e) logograma MAM, mam, ‘abuelo, ancestro’ o ‘nieto’, Estela 31 de
Tikal (J1), tomado de Christopher Jones y Linton Satterthwaite (1983: fig. 51).
En contraste con las entidades anímicas, las fuerzas aní- (Villa Rojas 1995: 188–190; Bourdin Rivero 2007: 115–117;
micas carecen de personalidad y volición. Fueron definidas 2014: 71, 97; Chávez Guzmán 2013: 88–92), mientras que los
recientemente por Roberto Martínez González (2007: 154) yucatecos modernos lo conciben como un fluido que emana
como elementos no cuantificables ni individualizables, que de las personas, se recibe a través de la fontanela y se puede
dotan de vida a las personas sin estar directamente ligadas a transmitir con las manos (Hirose López 2008: 88, 115–116);
funciones cognitivas o intelectuales, y se vinculan con fuentes la razón de que se reciba a través de la mollera o fontanela
externas que les permiten regenerarse o renovarse, como son obedece a que para los jmeenes esta parte de la cabeza es un
la respiración y el calor. En las inscripciones mayas parecen centro receptor de las fuerzas solar y de las Pléyades, mismas
ser elementos de esta clase el hálito sak ik’aal (Fig. 1b), así que descienden hasta la columna vertebral (ibídem: 158). Por
como el elemento T533 (Fig. 1c) –aún sin descifrar–, que su parte, entre los tzeltales de Yajalón el k’ajk’al es una es-
fueron identificados gracias a las frases de muerte encontra- pecie de calor o luz que impulsa las acciones de las personas
das por Tatiana A. Proskouriakoff (1963: 163), en asociación y se asocia con la violencia y los estados irascibles (Sánchez
con el cartucho jeroglífico T76:575, que ahora –gracias al Carrillo 2008: 49). Mientras que entre los cakchiqueles an-
trabajo de Barbara MacLeod (apud Schele y Looper 1996: tiguos el natub’ era una fuerza derivada del Sol que no sólo
41)– podemos leer como k’a’[aa]y o k’a’[a]yi, verbo de mo- parece haber tenido las facultades de percibir o sentir, sino
vimiento que traducimos como ‘se perdió’ o ‘se acabó’. La que conllevaba cierto grado de conciencia (Hill II y Fischer
propia Proskouriakoff (1963: 163) observó desde el principio 1999: 319–320) por lo cual, a diferencia del k’íinam y del
que este tipo de pasajes jeroglíficos hacían “referencia a la k’ajk’al, presenta rasgos más nítidos de entidad anímica.
partida del espíritu”. En lo que atañe al logograma T533, no
ha sido posible detectar hasta ahora una substitución silábica Finalmente, resulta de ayuda el concepto genérico de
segura que ayude a determinar su valor léxico, aunque nos componente anímico, usado por Martínez González (2011:
parece factible la idea sugerida por David Stuart –aún in- 29) “para designar de manera genérica a los elementos de
édita–, en el sentido de que pudo haberse leído SA:K, saak, cualquiera de estas clases”: entidades o fuerzas.
raíz que se encuentra en el núcleo de las palabras saakil o
sikil, ‘pepita’ o ‘semilla de calabaza’, atestiguada en distintas
lenguas mayances2.
La cabeza como locus anímico
Es probable que el k’ihn o ‘calor’ (Fig. 1d) pudiera com- Ahora bien, la cavidad craneana, el cabello y el nombre per-
portarse en el Clásico como una fuerza anímica, pero no sonal eran propiamente los centros anímicos3 donde se con-
tenemos datos muy claros al respecto, toda vez que no resulta centraba mayormente la fuerza anímica k’ihn, de origen solar
nítido si se pensaba que este elemento desempeñaba funcio- y cualidad caliente (Wichmann 2004: 80–81). Eran portales
nes intelectuales o tenía volición. Como dato comparativo de tránsito, de salida y entrada de componentes anímicos (vid.
podemos mencionar que entre los mayas yucatecos coloniales Velásquez García 2009: 240–242, 244). Es preciso aclarar que
el k’íinam, ‘temperamento’ o ‘fuerza del Sol’, alude a la “cau-
sa recia y fuerte” que impulsa a un individuo a comportarse
3 El concepto de entidad anímica, empero, carece de sen-
de un modo determinado, misma que se manifiesta con fe-
tido si no se le complementa con el de centro anímico, que según
rocidad y bravura, provocando en los demás temor y respeto
la definición clásica de López Austin (1989, vol. 1: 197) puede
enunciarse como “la parte del organismo humano en la que se su-
2 David S. Stuart, comunicación personal a Érik Velásquez pone existe una concentración de fuerzas anímicas, de sustancias
García (24 de julio de 2015). Los argumentos completos de esta vitales, y en la que se generan los impulsos básicos de dirección
propuesta, así como las implicaciones tan productivas que tiene de los procesos que dan vida y movimiento al organismo y per-
para entender la cosmovisión maya, se encuentran explicados con miten la realización de las funciones psíquicas […] estos centros
lujo de detalle en un libro recientemente entregado a publicación […] pueden corresponder o no a un órgano particular, pueden ser
(Velásquez García ). singulares o plurales dentro de cada organismo.”
87
si bien puede decirse que ciertas entidades o fuerzas aními-

cas se concentran en determinadas partes del cuerpo (centros
anímicos), ello no afirma que su presencia se restrinja a esas
áreas anatómicas. En realidad parecen abarcar toda la geogra-
fía humana, distribuyéndose a través del flujo sanguíneo, la
red neuronal y la respiración pulmonar, sin concentrarse en
una sola parte, sino a menudo en más de una4. De este modo,
el k’ihn o ‘calor’ no se acentuaba solamente en la frente o en
alguna de las fontanelas, sino también permeaba el cabello,
y más abajo, las muñecas, manos y uñas (Bourdin Rivero
2007: 116; Hirose López 2008: 87, 115), como también el
pecho (Chávez Guzmán 2013: 116). Inclusive la ropa y hasta
los objetos personales podían cargarse de k’ihn o calor (Hi-
rose López 2008: 87). Eso podría explicar el por qué muchos
grupos mayas se apropiaban de los mechones de cabellos de
cautivos sacrificiales, o podían incurrir en grandes esfuerzos
para enterrar a los difuntos junto con sus pertenencias per-
sonales, incluyendo las uñas y el cabello que habían crecido
durante toda su vida (Houston et al. 2006: 25–26).
En este esquema, los orificios del cráneo como la boca, las

fosas nasales y las fontanelas deben haberse concebido como
cuevas o puertas liminares entre el ecúmeno y el anecúmeno.
Los números del cosmos y del calendario se manifiestan en
el cuerpo humano también mediante la imagen de una mon-
taña sagrada con siete cuevas: “dos cuencas oculares, dos
fosas nasales, la boca, el ano y el ombligo”, a los cuales se
podrían sumar “los meatos auditivos externos, las dos axilas,
el meato urinario y la fontanela o mollera”, para dar lugar a
trece cuevas (López Austin 2004: 34). Una versión diferente,
hallada entre los mayas yucatecos, utiliza el número nueve
como patrón: dos ojos, dos oídos, dos fosas nasales, una boca,
una uretra y un ano, si bien otros jmeenes manejaron la ver-
sión de diez orificios corporales: dos ojos, dos fosas nasales,
una boca, dos orificios auditivos, la mollera, el corazón y el
ombligo (Hirose López 2008: 103, n. 9).
A estas definiciones quizá podríamos agregar un elemen-

to distintivo del periodo Clásico maya, que consiste en que
algunas partes del cuerpo –incluyendo al parecer las entida-
des anímicas– son partes íntimas e inalienables del cuerpo
cuyo estado habitual es estar acompañadas por pronombres
posesivos, añadiendo el sufijo –is en estado absoluto. Dicho
sufijo fue asociado por Marc U. Zender (2004: 200–204)
con el gramema –is de las lenguas pocomameanas, que se
añade a partes inalienables del cuerpo cuando no se hallan
acompañadas por pronombres posesivos, y aún se encuentra
presente en pocomán y pocomchí durante los siglos XVII
(Morán y Zúñiga 1991: 8) y XXI (Mó Isém 2006: 71–73,
293). Romelia Mó Isém añade la importante observación de
que en pocomchí occidental el sufijo –is no sólo se aplica a
ciertas partes del cuerpo, sino a la ropa y a las enfermedades
que no se pueden poseer mediante pronombres, así como a
acciones y sustantivos que se relacionan con las emociones.
Alfonso Lacadena García-Gallo (2010: 4, nota 2) sospecha
que dicho sufijo o su equivalente occidental –al, señala tam-
Figura 2. Signo T535 provisto de volutas bifurcadas de aliento, que
se externa del cuerpo humano por medio de una de las fontanelas;
Monumento 74 de Toniná, tomado de Ian Graham y Peter Mathews 4 Para referencias etnográficas, véase, por ejemplo, Gro-
(1996: 107). ark (2005: 134) y Houston (2009: 336).
88
a b c
Figura 3. Ejemplos de antropónimos mayas que comienzan con el Figura 4. Ejemplo de una típica expresión de la edad o cuenta de los
adjetivo k’ihnich, ‘caliente, airado, bravo, colérico’ o ‘furioso’: a) k’atuunes, en este caso 4-WINIKHA:B’-AJAW, chan winikhaab’
K’ihnich Yahx K’uk’ Mo’; Altar Q de Copán (B5), dibujo de Linda ajaw, ‘señor de cuatro k’atuunes’; Escalón IV de la Escalera Jero-
Schele, tomado de Elizabeth A. Newsome (2001: 44); b) K’ihnich glífica 3 de Yaxchilán (A6b), tomado de Ian Graham (1982: 170).
B’aaknal Chaahk; Panel 1 de Toniná (A3); tomado de David S.
Stuart (2013); c) K’ihnich Kan B’ahlam II, alfarda este del Templo
de la Cruz de Palenque (I1), tomada de Linda Schele y Peter L. Ma-
thews (1979: fig. 272). a las semillas –quizá de calabaza– y contiene hojas tiernas de
maíz, aparece con gran insistencia sobre la cabeza de los seres
plasmados en la imaginería maya (Fig. 2), aparentemente en
bién que se trata de partes del cuerpo que, en estado de salud, eje con alguna de las fontanelas.
se encuentran sujetas a voluntad del ser humano.
En particular para los mayas del Clásico, la evidencia

El k’ihn calor
epigráfica sustenta que los componentes somáticos sak ik’aal,
‘respiración blanca’ (Fig. 1b), saak(?), ‘pepita[?]’ (Fig. 1c) y Similar al concepto toonalli de los nahuas, que era considera-
k’ihn, ‘calor’ o ‘temperamento’ (Fig. 1d) pertenecen a otra do una entidad anímica calorífica de origen solar, responsable
categoría de partes del cuerpo, que no necesitan los sufijos –is del destino, del vigor y de la vitalidad del ser humano (vid.
o –al en estado absoluto y que, plausiblemente5, no estaban López Austin 1989, vol. I: 223–252; McKeever Furst 1995:
sujetas a la voluntad consciente del ser humano. Aunque este 15, 75–81), varios grupos mayas creen en la existencia de una
patrón morfológico sugiere que las entidades anímicas (o’hlis fuerza o cualidad que procede del Sol, a la cual ya nos hemos
y wahyis) eran partes inalienables del cuerpo, mientras que referido antes, cuando expusimos la dificultad de saber si en
sak ik’aal, saak(?) y k’ihn, al no pertenecer a esta categoría, el caso maya podríamos considerarla como una entidad o tan
eran concebidas en consecuencia como simples fuerzas aní- sólo como una fuerza anímica. Aunque todos los humanos
micas, no podemos por ahora afirmar esta correlación entre nacen con ella, se acumula o intensifica con el avance de la
cosmovisión y gramática, puesto que en realidad carecemos edad o la adquisición de cargos públicos. Cada individuo ab-
de evidencia interna en las imágenes o inscripciones del Clá- sorbe durante su vida la cantidad que necesita de esa fuerza,
sico como para asegurar que estas últimas partes del cuerpo que otorga carácter, respeto, autoridad, vigor e incluso salud
fueran impersonales y, por ende, carentes de capacidades (vid. Guiteras Holmes 1965: 248–249; Gossen 1989: 60–67;
intelectuales, agenciales o volitivas, rasgos definitorios de Villa Rojas 1995: 188–190; Álvarez Lomelí 1997: 35–36;
las entidades anímicas. Hill II y Fischer 1999: 319–320; Wichmann 2004: 77–82;
Bourdin Rivero 2007: 115–117; 2014: 71, 97; Hirose López
Por todo lo anterior podría afirmarse que la cabeza hu- 2008: 86–87, 90, 115–116, 147, 158; Sánchez Carrillo 2008:
mana era el asiento físico donde transitaban, entraban, salían 49; Velásquez García 2009: 543–552; 2011: 244; s/f; Chávez
y posiblemente se concentraban los componentes anímicos Guzmán 2013: 88–92; etcétera).
procedentes de la región celeste, luminosa y cálida del ane-
cúmeno, mientras que el pecho, el hígado o el epigastrio eran En este mismo orden de ideas, quizá por ello diversos
centros anímicos susceptibles de albergar potencias ctónicas, gobernantes mayas del periodo Clásico anteponían a sus nom-
nocturnas, húmedas, terrestres o frías originadas en los ám- bres el adjetivo k’ihnich, ‘airado, bravo, caliente, colérico’
bitos telúricos. Aunque es preciso decir que esta afirmación o ‘furioso’ (Fig. 3), vocablo que se compone del sustantivo
no debe entenderse en sentido absoluto, pues es plausible k’ihn, ‘calor, temperamento’ o ‘ira’, más el sufijo –ich, que
–como vimos– que el k’ihn también se pueda concentrar en el lo convierte en adjetivo (Wichmann 2004: 80–81; Velásquez
tórax6, mientras que el componente vegetal T533, que remite García 2009: 543–552; 2011: 244; 2015: 186–187; s/f) 7. Se
trata de una cualidad que en las inscripciones es exclusiva y
5 De tener razón la conjetura de Alfonso Lacadena Gar-

cía-Gallo (2010: 4, nota 2). El desciframento del logograma T832 es obra de Marc U. Zender,
6 Un nagual muy conocido en el arte maya prehispánico Dmitri Beliaev y Albert Davletshin (2016: 47–51). Agradecemos a
es K’ihn Tahnal K’ewel (Grube y Nahm 1994: 687), que nosotros Guido Krempel (19 de febrero de 2017) por haberse dado cuenta
traducimos como ‘Piel de Pecho Caliente’, y que Alejandro Sheseña que debíamos actualizar esta nota, tomando en cuenta la reciente
Hernández (2010: 28) intuitivamente traduce como ‘Jaguar Iracun- publicación de Zender, Beliaev y Davletshin.
do’, dado que k’ihn es ‘calor’ o ‘ira’. Su imagen en el vaso K533 o 7 Alfonso Lacadena García-Gallo, comunicación personal
M.2006.41 de Los Angeles County Museum of Art representa jus- a Érik Velásquez García (4 de julio de 2007); Lacadena García-Gallo
to un felino con el signo K’IN cubriéndole el pecho y el abdomen. (2010: 12).
89
distintiva de los soberanos mayas. Como dicha fuerza se acre-

centaba por medio de la edad biológica y de los cargos que
se iban ocupando, los gobernantes mayas también añadieron
a sus nombres la cuenta de los k’atuunes (Fig. 4) que habían
vivido (Velásquez García loc. cit.). Teniendo en cuenta que el
promedio de vida que alcanzaban los mayas del periodo Clá-
sico ‒aun entre los miembros de la nobleza‒ rara vez entraba
a la segunda mitad del centenar, algunos mandatarios longe-
vos llegaron a distinguirse a sí mismos tanto con el adjetivo
k’ihnich integrado en el antropónimo, como con el calificati-
vo de k’uhul ajawtaak, ‘señores sagrados’ (Wichmann 2004:
80–81; Grube 2005: 164–165; Velásquez García loc. cit.). En
esta coyuntura, resulta obvio que la cuenta de los k’atuunes
acrecentaba el aliento del dios solar, representado en el rostro
o en eje directo con la cima de su testa, como parte inherente
de sus atributos de dignidad y reconocimiento social. Estos
distintivos incluso acompañan a los jerarcas al más allá, como
expresan las imágenes e inscripciones que recuerdan al difun-
to como posible ancestro deificado con atributos solares, justo
porque al haber llegado al Paraíso Florido, celeste y solar (vid.
Taube, 2004), se encontraba más cerca que nunca de la fuente
que alimentaba toda clase de k’ihn o ‘calor’.
El lugar por donde emana y penetra al cuerpo parece ser

Figura 5. La serpiente de nariz torcida en ángulo en 90º, que rela mollera o fontanela (ya “seca” o cerrada) y en general la
presenta el hálito caliente (k’ihn) del dios solar (K’inich), se coloca cima de la cabeza, tal como se representa en los retratos ma-
sobre la cabeza de algunos personajes de la imaginería maya en eje yas del Clásico (Fig. 5). De ahí se comunica hasta el corazón
con una de las fontanelas; Tablero del Templo XIV de Palenque, y el vientre a través de la columna vertebral (Hirose López
tomado de Linda Schele y Mary E. Miller (1986: 272). 2008: 88, 115–116, 158); al llegar al corazón plausiblemente
Figura 6. Diferentes estados de cierre de la fontanela craneana infantil (anterior y posterior), acorde con la edad posparto.
90
Figura 7. Escena mítica que muestra varios personajes (representando al Dios del Maíz) con parches de cabello (con el valor simbólico
propio de las insignias de esta deidad), cubriendo superficies que pensamos se consideraban vulnerables. Concretamente se trata del área
encima de la frente (fontanela anterior “seca”), la cima de la cabeza (fontanela posterior “seca”), y la saliente occipital aplanada. El personaje
masculino sentado sobre una gran piedra, quien porta un yelmo o tocado de animal, contiene sobre la parte superior el signo T535 (saak[?]
o ‘pepita[?]’) con volutas o espirales de aliento en eje aparente con su fontanela “seca” posterior. Es probable que algo semejante es lo que
surja de la fontanela posterior del anciano Itzam Kokaaj? Muut, quien se encuentra sentado sobre un trono, aunque no lo podemos asegurar,
pues contiene diseños diferentes; tal vez se trate de una manifestación simplificada del signo T535, pero en vez de las típicas volutas de
aire o aliento, lo que emana es un alargado logograma YAX, ‘primero’ (yahx), ‘azul’ o ‘verde’ (ya’x), que quizá califica la fuerza anímica
del dios senil como algo de carácter especial; vaso K7727 (fotografía de Justin Kerr), perteneciente al Princeton Art Museum.
permea el resto del cuerpo a través de la sangre bombeada. Ahora bien, como ha demostrado Karl Taube (2003: 428,
Con respecto a la acumulación de este componente anímico 431; vid etiam Stuart 2005b: 22–23; Houston et al. 2006:
tras el paso de la edad, conviene advertir que el logograma 156), el ‘calor’ k’ihn se representa en la iconografía por medio
MAM, ‘abuelo’ o ‘nieto’ (Fig. 1e), representa un anciano que, de una cabeza estilizada de serpiente que surge de las fosas
entre sus rasgos diagnósticos, incluye un mechón de cabello nasales de los mandatarios o de su coronilla (Fig. 5) —en
sobre la frente. A este respecto, es justo recordar que muchos la noción indígena—, la fontanela anterior ya “secada” tras
grupos mesoamericanos, por ejemplo los tzotziles modernos, madurarse (Tiesler 2014: 141–145). Se trata de un ofidio de
piensan que el cabello que crece sobre la cabeza es una parte hocico largo y angulado hacia arriba, que al parecer represen-
del “alma”, muy apegada al espíritu y a la vida (Holland ta el aliento caliente del dios solar. Velásquez García (2009:
1989: 148). Ello sugiere que una parte de los componentes 545–546; s/f) ha observado que se trata de la misma serpiente
anímicos se heredaban de los antepasados (mam) a los nietos que años antes había sido interpretada como sangre (Stuart
(mam) usando algún vehículo que justo podría ser el nombre 1988: 198), y al comparar esta situación con el hecho de
propio, como ocurre en diversos sitios mayas, donde el mis- que la sangre es el líquido responsable de conservar el calor
mo antropónimo real se repite alternadamente a lo largo de corporal y difundir la fuerza, el vigor y la salud a todas las
la línea señorial (vid. Martin y Grube 2008). La convención partes del cuerpo (Wisdom 1961: 352)8, sugiere que tanto la
figurativa de sujetar por el cabello a los cautivos de guerra, vieja interpretación iconográfica sobre este ofidio (sangre),
como se aprecia por ejemplo en el Dintel 1 de Bonampak como la más reciente (aliento caliente del dios solar), no son
y en el 8 de Yaxchilán, podría ser un indicio de que ahí se tan incompatibles como a primera vista parece.
concentraba una fuerza de bravía.
Pensamos que este concepto del calor vital también era
Conceptos parecidos se encuentran en maya yucate- objeto de los cuidados en el recién nacido. Poco sabemos to-
co, tzeltal colonial y jacalteco moderno, en palabras como davía sobre las dinámicas entre las fuerzas y entidades aními-
k’íinam (Barrera Vásquez 1980: 402; Arzápalo Marín 1995: cas en el caso de los bebés, si bien las ideas mesoamericanas,
425), k’in (Ara 1986: 373) o k’inal (Hecht 1998: 222), que incluyendo la maya, coinciden en denotar una volatilidad
significan ‘fuerza, braveza, ferocidad, temor que uno inspira de tal fuerza calorífica, al no haberse anclado ni balanceado
a los demás, respeto, cosa venerable, reciedumbre, vigor, propiamente en el cuerpo inerte. La fuerza vital infantil po-
suerte’ y ‘vida’. Entre los tzeltales de la época virreinal la día huir por las fontanelas aún húmedas (sin osificarse) del
cabeza era considerada el centro anímico donde se concentra-
ba la autoridad, el coraje, el valor y la nobleza, según afirma
8 Los nahuas pensaban que la fuerza calorífica toonalli era
Mario Humberto Ruz Sosa (1992: 161).
portada en la sangre (McKeever Furst 1995: 106).
91
a b c
Figura 8. a) Retrato de Janaab’ Pakal de Palenque en perfil, omitiendo la saliente occipital por completo (más allá de ser posible anatómi-
camente), a la vez que sobrerepresenta rasgos deseables (nariz prominente, cara saliente y hundimiento en la frente); b) muestra los efectos
anatómicos reales de la compresión en la dignataria palencana denominada “Reina Roja”, probablemente consorte del gobernante y madre
de sus sucesores al trono (con modificación cefálica muy similar a la de Janaab’ Pakal); c) sobrepone los trazos reconstruidos sobre el
contorno cefálico de la Reina Roja.
pequeño cráneo por estados intrínsecos o extrínsecos (Fig. 6) (2017), infieren un rol pernicioso a la saliente occipital entre
(Tiesler 2014: 141) 9. En la práctica cotidiana, estas medidas diferentes grupos mesoamericanos, al poder obstaculizar el
podían consistir en la protección dentro del hogar, en envol- tránsito armónico entre las entidades anímicas. Eso se refle-
turas y vendajes. Medidas que podían suplantar la manipu- ja también en las series craneológicas de Mesoamérica, la
lación directa de la testa infantil podían consistir en situar al mayoría de las que muestra señas de aplanamiento poste-
pequeño en la cercanía del fuego, una medida aún practicada rior (Tiesler 2014: 185–203). Tampoco es casualidad que las
entre los lacandones actuales, quienes ponen brasas ardientes convenciones del retrato prehispánico maya parecen omitir
debajo del lecho del recién nacido10. la saliente occipital fisiológica, al parecer una componente
anatómica superflua o no deseada. Mientras tanto, los artistas
Además de las fontanelas, el occipucio ponía en peligro la resaltaban otros rasgos cefálicos, más deseables, como son
salud del pequeño; motivo suficiente para cubrirlo con cabe- la inclinación de la frente, la saliente nasal y bucal. Esos
llo, envolverlo o reducirlo (Fig. 7). Esas últimas medidas for- aparecen desproporcionalmente aumentados de su tamaño,
maban parte de las prácticas de modificación cefálicas muy anatómicamente esperado (Fig. 8a-b).
difundidas hasta la Conquista. Aprovechando su plasticidad,
se comprimía la cabeza de los recién nacidos ya fuera entre En esta dirección va también un testimonio histórico de la
dos planos compresores, vendando la testa con bandas bien frontera mesoamericana del siglo XVI donde se lamenta que
ajustadas o masajeándola repetidamente. Francisco López de los hombres Uacusecha (no-mesoamericanos), con su occipu-
Gómara (1826, tomo I: 161) afirma todavía sobre los mayas cio redondeado, carecían de las insignias de bravura y fuerza
del siglo XVI, que “las parteras hacen que las criaturas no y de valor de los señores de la aristocracia local michoacana
tengan colodrillo, y las madres las tienen echadas en cunas de (Pereira 1999: 167–168). Regresando a los mayas del Clásico,
tal suerte que no les crezca porque se precian sin él”. Viene pensamos por todo lo arriba asentado que la cabeza (b’aahis),
también al caso recordar que los yucatecos coloniales usaban el cabello y la(s) mollera(s) o remolino(s) (suuy), deben haber
el término de up’ k’abtah para denotar el acto de enderezar fungido como sitios liminares, donde penetraba el componen-
la cabeza del bebé para adaptarlo o componerlo (Barrera te anímico k’ihn y donde se acentuaba.
Vásquez 1980: 901). Entre otros autores, Calixta Guiteras
Holmes (1965), y recientemente Mónica Chávez Guzmán
El sak ik’aal o aliento vital
9 Trabajo importante sobre este particular ha sido avanza- A edades infantiles mayores, el papel protector del ca-
do, entre otros, por William Duncan y Charles Hoflin (2011), quie- bello adquiría importancia, pues era uso entre muchos gru-
nes hablan de la necesidad de “techar” a la persona y de sellar la pos dejarse crecer de media cabeza para atrás hasta entrando
cabeza del bebé. la edad adulta, cubriendo así una superficie anatómica vul-
nerable. Esto no sólo recuerda la asociación del cabello con
10 Don José, comunicación personal a Vera Tiesler (Mensa-
un componente calorífico vinculado con la edad (Fig. 1d-e y
bak, 2013).
92
a b
Figura 9. a) Canino superior incrustado con jadeita obscura, enderezado en su porción incisal y pulido; dinasta cuyos restos se recuperaron
de la Estr. II-sub 4a, Calakmul, México; b) compuesta, muestra en vista labial y lingual el incisivo superior central izquierdo de Janaab’
Pakal, Palenque. Muestra una muesca de la esquina lateral (para reproducir el signo de ik’) y brillo.
3), ya mencionado, o la conocida vinculación del hálito ser- alguno de los portales naturales que hay en la cabeza entre el
pentiforme del dios solar con el eje de una de las fontanelas ámbito mundano (ecúmeno) y el de lo sagrado (anecúmeno).
secas (Fig. 5), sino la presencia de otra fuerza anímica a la Y a juzgar por la imagen de un cánido descarnado que se en-
que nos hemos referido antes, identificada mediante el logo- cuentra en una concha sin contexto arqueológico (Houston et
grama T533, ‘semilla de calabaza’ (Fig. 1c)— que al parecer al. 2006: 146, fig. 4.7b), dicha cueva o portal quizá no es otra
podía externarse de manera temporal a través de otra de las que la boca. En la frenología indígena, la cavidad bucal era
fontanelas (Fig. 2) y que fue la misma que se perdía de forma portal de la voz y la palabra, lugar anatómico por excelencia
definitiva tras la muerte, tal como fue identificado por prime- para realizar ajustes permanentes y mostrarlos en público. En
ra vez en las inscripciones por Tatiana Proskouriakoff (1963: este intersticio, los dientes, que el mito quiché del Popol Vuh
163). El deceso físico, concebido no como un hecho concreto, identifica como granos de maíz (Craveri 2013: 37), otorga-
sino como un proceso por medio del cual se separan todos ban fuerza vital a su portador humano y, además del sonido,
los componentes del cuerpo humano, fue también la ocasión canalizaban aromas y el tránsito vital respiratorio ik’ en su
en que se perdía el resuello de la respiración, designado en paso hacia los pulmones (Groark 2005; Houston et al. 2006).
las inscripciones, una vez más, por medio del concepto sak
ik’aal (Fig. 1b). Y en efecto, las dentaduras visibles de la mitad de los adul-
tos mayas del Clásico lucían contornos artificiales, muchos
Tal como Karl Taube (2005: 30–32) ha observado, el en formas clásicas, invertidas o dobles (maxilo-mandibular)
espíritu o aliento vital al que se refieren las inscripciones de ik’, atributo del dios solar (Thompson 1960: 133; Tiesler
fúnebres del Clásico –el sak ik’aal y probablemente el T533– 2000; Tiesler et al. 2017) y símbolo del viento (Thompson
era el huelgo que se esperaba capturar a través de cuentas o 1960: 73, 132–133; Taube 2005). Perforaciones para contener
mosaicos de jadeíta, pues para los mayas ese mineral verdoso las incrustaciones de jadeíta distinguen a una tercera parte
se identificaba con el viento y era capaz de inhalar o exhalar de los individuos con artificios dentales, al lado de piritas
aliento o humedad. La fuerza sak ik’aal (Fig. 1b), símbolo del pulidas como espejo (Figs. 9a y 9b).
aliento sagrado puro, parece encontrarse en forma de signo ik’
en las mismas incrustaciones dentales de hematita, pirita o ja- Todavía en el siglo XVI, Diego de Landa (1994: 132)
deíta. Esta última se identificaba con el viento –según Taube afirma sobre los mayas yucatecos: “tenían por costumbre
(2005)– que a través de un sufijo derivacional -aal se conver- aserrarse los dientes dejándolos como dientes de sierra y esto
tía en el sustantivo ik’aal, ‘espíritu’, o sak ik’aal, ‘respiración tenían por galantería y hacían este oficio unas viejas limán-
blanca’ (Lacadena García-Gallo 2010: 4). A este respecto dolos con ciertas piedras y agua“. Mucho más diversificadas
conviene decir que el vaso de ónix K4692 dice expresamente que durante la era del contacto –aserrados mediante lima-
que ese ‘hálito del rostro’11 se perdió al morir el gobernante dos– se presentan las operaciones dentales durante el Clásico.
de Hiix Witz, lo que podría indicar que fue externado por Es cuando todavía se advierte un abanico muy variado de
enderezado, hendiduras y motivos incisos e incrustados en
11 La inscripción de ese vaso contiene en la posición C5
las poblaciones, algunos conteniendo piedras semipreciosas.
la secuencia silábica u-ti-si, que algunos epigrafistas han interpre-
tado como utis, u-tis, ‘su ventosidad’ o ‘su flatulencia’ (Eberl 2005:
La entrada a la edad adulta era el momento que propiciaba
54; Fitzsimmons 2009: 31). No obstante, aquí seguimos las ideas
la mayoría de las intervenciones dentales, sobre todo en el
de Lacadena García-Gallo (comunicación personal a Érik Velásquez
caso de los jóvenes varones, quienes deseaban realizarse in-
García, 26 de noviembre de 2008), quien lo analiza como utis, ut-is,
crustaciones. Limados primarios o secundarios podían ocurrir
‘cara, ojo’ o ‘rostro’, portando el sufijo –is para partes inalienables
también a edades más avanzadas, al igual que los pulimentos,
del cuerpo.
93
eran, porque “el labrarse era gran

tormento.” Entretanto, Laura Caso
Barrera (2002: 225, 234–237) afir-
ma que los itzáes, consideraban
todavía siglos después del colap-
so maya, que los motivos tatuados
transformaban a las personas en
su alter ego o nagual. No duda-
mos que la noción de valentía y
resistencia al dolor haya jugado
un papel importante en el acto de
inscribir las marcas indelebles de
identidad y, en la perspectiva del
presente estudio, debe haber pro-
movido la comunicación con lo sa-
grado a través de los componentes
anímicos.
Ahora, ¿cómo reconciliar esta

información dentro de la colecti-
Figura 10. Limado de la arcada superior e inferior en un individuo adulto femenino del sitio de
vidad regional? Tras el análisis de
Altar de Sacrificios, Guatemala. Sectores de la dentición frontal quedaron sin oclusión, mostrando
compensación fisiológica subsecuente (Museo Peabody, Universidad de Harvard).
nueve centenares de denticio- nes
frontales de diferentes partes de
enderezados o cualquier medida de mantenimiento odon- las Tierras Bajas Mayas, surgen algunas tendencias interesan-
tológico que hemos documentado en las cuantiosas series tes aunque no sean concluyentes. Al parecer, se trata de una
esqueléticas del Clásico (Tiesler 2000; Tiesler et al. 2015: práctica diversificada con tintes de distinción, al observar que
7–18). Estas medidas suelen percibirse en la revisión antro- existían edades determinadas para las incrustaciones, que se
pológica como una especie de “estética dental”, encaminada efectuaban sobre todo en hombres jóvenes y tendían a ser más
a homogeneizar el aspecto de la dentadura, a eliminar frac- elaboradas entre las élites políticas y económicas de las urbes
turas dentales o a contrarrestar daños estructurales sufridos y centros de comercio que entre los sectores populares. En
durante la intervención original (o durante el uso cotidiano nuestra muestra el abolengo tiende a portar trabajos dentales
de la dentición ulterior a la intervención). Los pulimentos de más elaborados, predominando incrustaciones confecciona-
las superficies labiales hacían brillar aun más las dentaduras. das de hematita, pirita o jadeíta, combinadas o no con limados
Interesa notar que algunas reducciones, más que en un diseño en forma de ik’, atributo del dios solar (Thompson 1960: 133)
particular, generaban la pérdida total o parcial de la oclusión y símbolo del viento, el aliento puro (Thompson 1960: 73,
frontal, resultando en espacios abiertos entre la arcada maxi- 132–133; Taube 2005).
lar y mandibular, aun en estado de cierre (Fig. 10). En la
persona viva, esta medida habrá repercutido seguramente no Tal es el caso de K’ihnich Janaab’ Pakal de Palenque, cu-
solo en la funcionalidad masticatoria como tal, sino también yos incisivos laterales se habían desgastado parejos al igual
en el aspecto de la dentición frontal, en el tránsito del aliento que las esquinas de sus centrales, a fin de resaltar la saliente ik’
y la entonación vocal. en medio (Fig. 9b). En conjunto, las modificaciones delinean
la forma de “T” en la boca del jerarca, cuyo efecto visual se
En otros casos más, resulta evidente que la misma inter- exagera aun más en su máscara de jadeíta. El abolengo de
vención dental adquirió un rol prominente, como acto que Calakmul, Dzibanché y Yaxuná, todos centros urbanos al
podía causar mucho dolor a quien lo soportaría, por ejemplo este de Palenque, estilaba igualmente formas dentales en ik’
al abrir la cámara pulpal (Tiesler et al. 2015: 10). Tal es el y además incrustaciones de piedras minúsculas confecciona-
caso de unos jóvenes de las ciudades de Copán y Dzibanché, das de jadeíta y pirita pulidas (Fig. 9a). Esta modalidad no
cuyos lijados frescos resultaron en el momento en la expo- solamente demandaba una considerable cantidad y pericia en
sición pulpar colectiva y, como suponemos, de los paquetes las maniobras de perforación e incrustación, sino tenía que
vasculares y nervios. Nos preguntamos si las maniobras po- seguir una rutina de mantenimiento de la dentición en los
drían haber adquirido una forma de “autosacrificio”. Como años y décadas siguientes.
parte de ritos iniciáticos que quizá fueron, invitan a especula-
ciones sobre el rol del dolor en la trascendencia profana para Como sea, aprendimos que las intervenciones sobre la
establecer visiones clarividentes del anecúmeno, tal como lo arcada dental deben haber tenido no sólo relevancia respecto
concibe Martha Ilia Nájera Coronado (1987) para este tipo al mismo acto y su resultado visible en los órganos dentales
de ritos liminares, para los cuales se preveían dolorosas es- que implicaban, sino, más allá, para el tránsito bucal del sak
carificaciones o tatuajes de la piel, o perforaban las mucosas ik’aal por un espacio liminar (Fig. 1b). Así se impregnaba y
para insertar narigueras, bezotes u orejeras. Ya fray Diego promovía el flujo del hálito e incluso —en un nivel lingüís-
de Landa (1994: 116) asentó sobre los mayas yucatecos, que tico— de los fonemas, identificados ambos con el viento
se tenían por “más valientes y bravos” cuanto más labrados (véase también la interpretación de Houston et al. 2006).
94
Reflexiones finales
lentes de aproximación, propicia muchos nuevos enlaces y
Hemos revisado en este trabajo algunas de las antiguas con- puntos de partida para explorar el intersticio del cuerpo y el
cepciones mayas sobre el cuerpo humano, en particular las in- universo nativo, sobre todo en una esfera cultural como la
teracciones entre las materias pesadas y frágiles del ecúmeno maya, donde el cuerpo parece un espejo a escala de todas las
y las ligeras pero resistentes del anecúmeno. Ese fue el punto regiones del cosmos.
de partida para examinar las formas de representación de las
fuerzas y entidades anímicas y sus roles en la adecuación de
la fisionomía maya y en particular de la testa, siendo objeto Reconocimientos
central de las creencias y prácticas destinadas a la persona. Este trabajo es el producto de una colaboración que ha sido
posible gracias al apoyo académico, financiero y logístico
Combinando información bioarqueológica con la dis- de muchas instituciones y colegas. Agradecemos las amenas
cursiva, luego hemos puntualizado sobre la manipulación conversaciones y comentarios que en todo momento hemos
de fuerzas y entidades anímicas en la reproducción y en los recibido de parte de Stephen D. Houston, Karl Taube, Alfon-
mismos efectos visibles de ciertas prácticas culturales que so Lacadena García-Gallo, Alfredo López Austin y David S.
tenían como objeto la cabeza. Concluimos que además de Stuart. Alfredo siempre mostró su generosidad inacabable
la vitalidad y clarividencia alcanzada durante el rito, estas compartiendo todo tipo de materiales, lo mismo que Pedro
prácticas eran referentes sociales, aludidos con el término Pitarch Ramón, quien tuvo la deferencia de obserquierle a
b’aahis, que equivale a ‘frente, cara’ o ‘rostro’ del periodo Érik un ejemplar de su libro La cara oculta del pliegue, en
Clásico (Houston y Stuart 1998). En esta función otorgaban el mismo instante en que salió de la imprenta. Las mues-
identidad y personalidad al portador, que era mediada por el tras ejemplificadas en este trabajo fueron recuperadas o se
rostro frente a la sociedad, destinado a ser vista y a interac- encuentran en resguardo en el Peabody Museum (Harvard
tuar12. Esta interfase de los portales del tránsito, su movimien- University), la Dirección de Antropología Física (INAH)
to propio y sus ajustes artificiales, conferían al individuo un y el Proyecto Arqueológico Sur de Quintana Roo (INAH).
lugar y a la vez un papel dinámico frente a la sociedad y al Recibimos financiamiento por el Conacyt Project 152105,
cosmos indígena. Wenner Gren International Collaborative Research Project,
UC MEXUS Sabbatical Stipend, UC MEXUS Collaborative
Esta misma noción confiere poder a la “piel social” como Grant, así como por la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores
espacio de convergencia y de exhibición personal. Las ade- de México, quien financió el viaje para que el primer autor
cuaciones de los tegumentos debían prevenir o proteger, es- pudiera presentar una versión preliminar de este trabajo en la
tabilizar o proveer las energías vitales, en ocasiones castigar ciudad de Bratislava. Agradecemos y reconocemos también
o destruir, en otras enaltecer a personas destacables. Esta a la Dirección General de Asuntos del Personal Académico
última noción, dotada de exclusividad, servía para enaltecer (DGAPA) de la UNAM por el apoyo brindado a Érik, en el
a la nobleza maya del Clásico para identificarse con lo divino, marco de su proyecto colectivo PAPIIT intitulado “Las es-
tal como otras medidas menos invasivas de identificación crituras jeroglíficas maya y náhuatl: desciframiento, análisis
social (Houston et al. 2006)13. y problemas actuales” (clave IN402213), pues la elaboración
de esta ponencia y de su versión in extenso tuvieron lugar
Por último, conviene destacar, una vez más, que las he- durante las vigencia de ese proyecto. Finalmente deseamos
rramientas teóricas proporcionadas por conceptos vinculados expresar nuestra gratitud a Milan Kováč y a todo el equipo
con el anecúmeno, centro anímico, componente anímico, que lo asistió en la organización de la 19th European Maya
cuerpo-presencia, ecúmeno, entidad anímica y fuerza aními- Conference, no sólo por permitirnos presentar este trabajo,
ca, nos han permitido engranar los datos bioarqueológicos sino por su infinita paciencia en esperar la versión in extenso
con los elementos de la cosmovisión maya proporcionados que el lector tiene en sus manos.
por la epigrafía, la iconografía y la lexicografía, aunque en-
riquecidos por datos tardíos procedentes de la etnografía.
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98
Gestures of Time, Gestures in Space:
Communicating Orientation in the Classic Maya World
Amy J. Maitland Gardner

Institute of Archaeology, University College London
Abstract
The way the Maya perceived space is reflected in many archaeological and epigraphic sources. Yet the ‘body’,
the fleshly medium through which space is perceived and from which conceptions of space are projected into
the material world, has received limited attention in studies of ancient Maya cosmology. This chapter seeks
to address this concern by exploring the ways in which spatial and temporal orientation were communicated
through gesture within the framework of Classic Maya iconography. Drawing inspiration from cross-cultural
studies of gesture families (Morris et al. 1979; Kendon 2004), recent research in psycholinguistics (Haviland
2000; Le Guen 2012) and contemporary Maya gestural practices (Neuenswander 1981; Fox Tree 2009), I
propose that three gestures represented in Classic Maya art encode important information about perceptions
of space and time: (1) hands with index finger extended; (2) ring-shape hands (formed by bringing the tips
of the index finger and thumb together); (3) pincer hands (formed by extending the forefinger and thumb
with a space in between the extended digits). These hand shapes also feature as graphic elements in glyphs
that express spatial and temporal information, suggesting that there is a physical and symbolic relationship
between their forms and meaning. This chapter will attempt to highlight the significance of hands in the
communication of spatial and temporal orientation, and to demonstrate that iconographic gestures are a
valuable source for comprehending such perceptions in the ancient Maya world.
Resumen
La manera en que los mayas percibían el espacio se refleja en muchas fuentes arqueológicas y epigráficas.
Sin embargo, el «cuerpo», el medio carnal mediante el cual se percibe el espacio y desde el cual se proyectan
las concepciones del espacio en el mundo material, ha recibido una atención limitada en los estudios de la
antigua cosmología maya. Este trabajo intenta considerar estas limitaciones, explorando las formas en que
la orientación espacial y temporal se comunicó a través del gesto dentro del marco de la iconografía maya
clásica. Dentro de mi trabajo, y basado en estudios interculturales de diferentes familias de gestos (Morris
et al., 1979; Kendon 2004), investigaciones recientes en psicolingüística (Haviland 2000; Le Guen 2012),
y las prácticas gestuales de los mayas contemporáneas (Neuenswander 1981; Fox Tree 2009), propongo
que hay tres gestos representados en el arte maya clásico que codifican información importante sobre las
percepciones del espacio y del tiempo: (1) las manos con el dedo índice extendido; (2) manos en forma de
anillo (formadas por acercar las puntas del dedo índice y el pulgar); (3) manos de pinza (formadas extendi-
endo el dedo índice y el pulgar con un espacio entre los dígitos extendidos). Estas formas de mano también
se presentan como elementos gráficos en glifos que expresan información espacial y temporal, sugiriendo
que hay una relación física y simbólica entre sus formas y su significado. Este trabajo intentará iluminar
la implicación de manos para la comunicación de la orientación espacial y temporal, y además propone
demostrar que los gestos iconográficos son una fuente importante para comprender tales percepciones en
el antiguo mundo maya.
The cosmos –the complex, ordered system of the universe, prehended, recorded, and mapped through bodily thoughts
including both terrestrial and celestial lands and spaces– is and actions. Traces of the materialization of cosmological
encountered through the physicality of human bodily exist- order in ancient Maya culture can be found in astronomical
ence. All spaces, immediate and distant, are perceived, com- orientation or in the design and layout of the built environ-
Amy Maitland Gardner
ment. People’s actions in the construction of such spaces cosmos, and indeed how we map, talk about, and present
and their participation in observing, tracing, and recording features in our worlds, requires close consideration.
the movements of celestial matters illustrate the dynamic
interplay of bodies, the cosmos, and the built environment.
Maya Bodies and the Cosmos
The body, however, has received limited analytical atten-
tion in studies of Maya cosmology. Here, I place the body Steven Houston (2012) has recently explored the relationship
and its representation at the centre of analysis. My discussion and interplay between terrestrial and heavenly bodies. Hou-
focuses on three gestures –index finger extended hands, ring- ston points out ‘that a correspondence might exist between a
shape hands, and pincer shape hands– which are represented celestial body and terrestrial events is hardly strange. Every
in three main sources: (1) Classic Maya figural art, (2) Maya tide shows this to be so.’ Furthermore, the Maya express in-
hieroglyphic writing, and (3) contemporary Maya gestural teractions between terrestrial and celestial realms in terms of
practices. I argue that in the Classic period, these gestures bodies and body movements. Indeed, Houston argues that in
encoded important information about space and time in Maya the Classic period, Maya scribes transferred the expression
culture and played a critical role in the communication of for celestial motion, hul, to the arrival of kings and queens.
spatial and temporal information. Early examples of this glyph, Glyph D (the compound of
which consists of a number followed by a hand with an ex-
tended index finger), and which expresses the ‘arrival’ or
sighting of the new moon as crescent, include Balakbal Stela
Embodied Encounters
5 and Tikal Stela 40 (Ruppert and Denison 1943: pl. 56a; and
The body plays a central role in the perception, conception photograph by D. Chauche, in Houston 2012). The transfer-
and projection/expression of space and the cosmos as the ence of the lunar ‘arrivals’ to the ‘arrivals’ of royal persons
medium through which the outside world is encountered can be found in the text on Naranjo Stela 24, which describes
(Merleau-Ponty 1962). Metaphorical mapping of the body the arrival of a princess from Dos Pilas to the city of Naranjo
onto celestial objects –including assigning gender to, or per- (see CMHI, in Houston 2012). Houston points out that the
sonifying, both local and distant phenomena– illustrates the merger of such celestial and royal movement establishes an
important role of the body in assigning meaning to the exter- intriguing simile, one that suggests the actions of celestial
nal world, with the body’s familiarity allowing one to make bodies and human bodies mirror one another (Houston 2012).
parallels or map similarities in distant phenomena. Indeed, In English, the words ‘rotation, orbit, procession’ are applied
Graham (2009: 21) points out that ‘knowing or understanding to planetary bodies and royal movements (Elizabeth Graham,
Maya worldviews entails grappling with the implications of pers. comm. 2017).
metaphorical understanding’. Through metaphors, people
reference the external world through their individual and The body’s centrality to the comprehension of the external
collective experiences. Distant spaces are mapped onto local world may also be evident in the Maya calendars. Mole-
ones and explained through the familiarities of immediate sky-Poz (2006) has suggested that the Tzolk’in, the 260-day
surroundings. These encounters, by their very nature, can lunar cycle, is likely embedded in the human body: the twenty
only happen through the flesh and blood of the human body: toes and fingers parallel the twenty days of each month and
being in the world is the only way we can comprehend it. Re- the thirteen major joints of the human body (ankles, knees,
sults in the body become the reference point through which hips, shoulders, elbows, wrists, and neck) mark the thirteen
we try to make sense of what we see, hear, and feel around numbers. The 260-day Tzolk’in calendar also approximates
us; indeed, even seeing, hearing, and feeling entails the body. the length of human gestation, which has been recorded as
between 255 and 266 days (Earle and Snow 1985; Aveni
The attribution of experience and character, movement, 1992 in Milbrath 2000: 2). Among the modern K’iche’, it
age, feeling, and temperament to celestial ‘bodies’ and the is believed that a newborn baby has already lived for one
creation of stories, legends, and myths to tell the origins of the Tzolk’in (Miller and Taube 1993: 48, in Normark 2000: 9).
cosmos, including terrestrial and celestial deities, expresses The correlation between the lunar cycle and length of gesta-
the interplay between what is human (or indeed what is ‘liv- tion has led some scholars to suggest a connection between
ing’) and what is ‘other’. The phenomenon of humanizing the the moon and pregnancy. Stephen Houston (2012) argues
‘other’ is not only present in Maya culture, as I discuss below, that the impersonation of the Moon Goddess by royal Maya
but features in many other cultures as well. For example, females, records of their bloodletting and giving birth to heirs,
amongst English speakers, constellations are anthropomor- in addition to texts which describe their ‘arrival’ to cities in
phised (such as Orion the Hunter) and the planets of the solar the same terms as the movements of the moon, ‘savors of an
system all possess Roman names. Yet, despite the common- overall arc of lunation and cycles of fecundity in females’.
ality in bodily experiences among humans and parallels in Furthermore, Houston notes that hula means menstruo o
metaphorical mapping or ‘structuring’ of the external world regla de la mujer in Colonial Yucatec, and that a connection
(Lakoff and Johnson 1980), people also perceive and conflate between hul in Classic period writing and hula in Colonial
distant spaces with immediate ones, and conceptualise time Yucatec is unlikely to be coincidental, given the connection
through bodily expressions and bodily spaces in different between the arrival of the moon and the woman’s cycle.
ways. Thus our bodies’ centrality in our encounters with the
100
Gestures of Time, Gestures in Space: Communicating Orientation in the Classic Maya World
Evidence to suggest the importance of the moon in Maya men) forms the cosmic sap of the world tree (Normark 2000:
affairs can be found in the work of Helen Neuenswander 9–12). Furthermore, as the locus for experience, encounters,
(1981). Working in a local hospital with pregnant Cubulco and metaphorical extensions, the body becomes the centre
Achi women, Neuenswander found that the women were point for communicating precise spatial and temporal infor-
able to give precise accounts of the progress of their gesta- mation through speech, writing, and gestures.
tion through gestures by reference to the moon, which they
call ‘our grandmother’ (Neuenswander 1981, cited in Rice
2007: 39).
The Body’s Centrality to Communicating
Orientation in Space and Time
“What was our grandmother doing when you last saw your
month?” Communication –the exchange of information by speaking,
“Oh, she was but a child.” writing, or using the body– plays a central role in human
“Our grandmother?” discourse (Kendon 2004). Gestures, defined as significant
“Yes, the moon. She was over there (motioning with palm up bodily actions that communicate meaning (Kendon 2004),
and fingers pointed in the direction of the western horizon). are important for expressing temporal and spatial informa-
She was just coming out, just showing herself. Now, our tion (see for example De Jorio [1832] 2000; Cooperrider and
grandmother is old (hand sweeps across the sky from west Núñez 2009). People use time and space-related gestures to
to east, with the palm-up position rotating to a palm-down express where they are situated in both space and time. The
position and with the back of the hand exposed and the situation of one’s body can be called ‘orientation’. Orienta-
fingertips pointing toward the western horizon). After this tion is most often expressed by using people and features in
moon is finished, after our grandmother is buried, and when the environment as external referents. Referents can be phys-
she is new again –just three days old– then I will complete ical places, objects in local spaces, or even celestial bodies,
five months.” (Neuenswander 1981: 129). including the sun, moon, stars, and planets. Such referents
are used to pinpoint the orientation of one’s own body within
In Maya cosmology, the moon’s ‘journey’ in the night sky, the world and gestures are used to communicate spatial and
appearing on the western horizon and disappearing again at temporal information to other persons. Time- and space-re-
the end of the lunar cycle, is conceptualized in terms of four lated gestures can be performed in interpersonal exchanges to
periods of seven days; each phase corresponds to a phase of indicate location in immediate spaces with respect to others
a living being from birth, to maturation, withering, and then and to indicate location in space and time through reference
death. Interestingly, the Achi also conceptualise the moon as to distant phenomena. Gestures of time and gestures in space
‘walking’ (binik) (Neuenswander 1981: 135), similar to the are produced as part of –and reflect culturally shared concep-
English word ‘planet’, which comes from the Greek plan- tions of– space and time. Spatial and temporal gestures can be
etes, which means ‘wandering (star)’. The interpretation of used in conjunction with speech or performed as independent
the moon’s journey as a life-cycle and the personification of meaning-conveyers. In many cultures, spatial and temporal
the moon as a grandmother suggests a type of cosmological orientation is communicated predominantly through index
anthropomorphism; i.e. cosmic matters are described and un- finger extended gestures, but other hand shapes can also be
derstood through human attributes and features, and in turn used to communicate spatial and temporal information.
play an important role in the actions and fate of terrestrial
events. Indeed, among many Maya groups today, including In the following sections, I discuss the form and signif-
Tzotzil, K’iche’, and Itzaj, the young Moon Goddess with her icance of pointing gestures in the communication of spa-
rabbit companion is patron of fertility, pregnancy, and child- tial and temporal information in Maya communities today. I
birth, and the Old Lunar Goddesses including Goddess O, a present the formal variations of pointing gestures in Classic
variant of Goddess I, and both Xmucane (in K’iche’) and Ix Maya figural representations and discuss their placements (in
Chel (in Yucatec and Lacandon) are associated with the moon, relation to the body) and the context in which they feature.
divination, childbirth, and medicine (Tedlock 1985: 40, 369; I lend particular focus to the way in which Maya cognitive
Tozzer 1941: 129; and Taube 1992: 68–69, in Milbrath 2000: and cultural perceptions and expressions of space and time,
141). Because the moon determines the rainy and dry seasons as observed in Maya communities today, likely structured the
(Neuenswander 1981: 130), the Tzolk’in calendar also forms production and representation of Maya gestures in the past. In
the basis for the agricultural cycle in Maya culture (including particular, I argue that index finger extended gestures express
planting and harvesting) and is central to ritual divination and orientation in time and space and that ring-shape gestures ex-
prognostications (Milbrath 2000: 32). press concepts of completion and renewal in the Maya world.
I conclude by reflecting critically on the paradigmatic context
Such connections between the cycles of celestial bodies in which ancient Maya gestures are interpreted, arguing for a
and temporality in human affairs including subsistence and broader approach to the subject and wider understanding of
procreation, illustrate the interplay between, or synchronisa- gestures beyond elites.
tion of, the terrestrial and celestial realms of experience. For
the Maya, this synchronisation centres on the body; with its
two arms and two legs, the body embodies the four cardinal
directions, its breath embodies the wind, and its fluids (or itz
in Yucatec, which includes blood, sweat, tears, milk, and se-
101
The Significance of Pointing Gestures

Yet pointing does not yield to simple interpretation. ‘[Y]ou
‘Pointing’ occurs when a vector is produced from the origo stick your finger out in the appropriate direction, perhaps
(the reference point for deictic relationships, i.e. the gesturer) saying some accompanying words, and your interlocutors
through an anchor point (an extended part of the body which follow the trajectory of your arrow-like digit to the intended
signals the orientation of the vector), to a ‘target’ (the point referent . . . Nothing could be simpler –and nothing could be
of referent) (Le Guen 2011: 272–3). Pointing gestures are farther from the truth’ (Haviland 2000: 14). Indeed, studies in
generally executed with the hands and fingers, but pointing biology, psychology, and semiotics demonstrate that pointing
can also be performed with the head, eyes, elbow, or foot is not a trivial phenomenon, but is rich evidence of spatial
(Kendon 2004: 199). What unifies pointing gestures is that knowledge (Haviland 1993). In order to understand the rich-
the body part carrying out the pointing is (1) extended and (2) ness of pointing gestures, it is first essential to examine the
moves in a well-defined path (Kendon 2004: 199). spaces in which these gestures are produced.
Pointing gestures executed with the hand do not exclu-

sively feature the index finger extended. Adam Kendon (2004:
Space and Spatial Perception
205) observes seven different handshape and handshape/
forearm orientation configurations that can be classified as Space is the continuous area or expanse within which all
pointing gestures used in Northamptonshire, England and things exist and move. Yet, ‘space, no matter how immediate
Campania, Italy. Kendon (2004: 223) notes that speakers use or unproblematically accessible it may seem, is always itself
particular hand shapes according to how they are treating the a construction, conceptually projected from not only where
object referred to in his/her discourse. For example, among we are but who we are and what we know’ (Haviland 2000:
the pointing gestures discussed, those that feature the index 38). Spaces can be conflated, constructed, shifted, tempo-
finger extended are most likely to be used when a person ral, permanent, local, and distant. They can be imbued with
is singling out an individual object (Kendon 2004: 205). In knowledge, or charged with social norms and boundaries,
contrast to pointing with the index finger extended, when the with taboos often set in spatial terms. Furthermore, people
Open Hand is used in pointing, think about, talk about, and gesture with respect to immediate
locations of things as well as with respect to points in distant
‘. . . the object being indicated is not itself the primary focus and celestial spaces in different ways. This is because people
or topic of the discourse but is something that is linked to use different spatial ‘Frames of Reference’. Spatial Frames
the topic, either as an exemplar of a class, as the location of Reference (FoR) are coordinate systems used to localise
of some activity under discussion, because it is related to a figure with respect to a ground (Le Guen 2011: 273). They
something that happened, or it is something that should be structure how people situate themselves and other people,
inspected or regarded in a certain way because this leads to things and places in a particular setting, and thus central to
the main topic.’ (Kendon 2004: 208) communicating spatial and temporal orientation. There are
three distinct types of FoR: (1) intrinsic – locations are de-
My discussion of pointing gestures in this chapter primarily scribed in relation to an object’s intrinsic properties, e.g. front,
focuses on studies of pointing executed with index finger ex- back, sides; (2) egocentric or relational – relations between
tended hands but it is not proposed that pointing as a gestural objects are specified from an individual’s point of view; and
action is exclusively executed with index finger hand shapes. (3) geocentric or absolute – positions are described in terms
For example, a fist hand shape depicted in the image on vessel of fixed angles extrinsic to the objects, which, in many so-
K2873 may function as a pointing gesture. The figure’s fist- cieties corresponds to the cardinal directions north, south,
shape hand is extended in front of his body at chest-level; he east or west (Le Guen 2009: 1). It is extremely important
holds an object in his left hand; and his head is bent forwards to differentiate among uses because each FoR constitutes a
and his gaze is directed downwards. The position of his right fundamentally different strategy of spatial conception (Brown
hand above the object held in his left hand, the form of the and Levison 1993).
fist (fingers partially extended and curved into the palm), and
his posture (head tilt) and gaze direction suggests that the fist
in this context may be a pointing action referring in a ‘loose’
Frames of Reference and Gesture
way to the object. Furthermore, the gestures described by
Helen Neuenswander (1981) are pointing actions executed The close connection between the development of language
with flat hands (all fingers are extended and together produce and the development of gestures (Kendon 1975; McNeill
a pointing gesture in combination with arm movement). The 1992, 2005) has prompted researchers to investigate the ex-
flat hand pointing gesture may be used instead of an index tent to which different FoR, as they occur in spoken language,
finger extended hand because the speaker is discussing some- can be used to structure spatial gesture production. Studies in
thing that happened. Interestingly, there is an example of a language, culture, and cognition led by Stephen Levinson at
flat hand employed in the logogram TZUTZ, ‘to complete the international Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics
(a period of time)’, as I discuss below. based in Nijmegen, suggest that there are substantial and
significant differences in how gestures can be performed to
Pointing gestures that feature the extended index finger express spatial locations according to the gesturer’s cognitive
are significant because pointing is one of the very first com- frame of reference (Levinson 2003). For example, gestural
municative skills that infants acquire (Butterworth 2003: 11). deixis in direction-giving, in which pointing hands are the
102
primary gestures of communication, is not the same in all tree and the house. However, in both conversations, the inter-
cultures, and in order to understand directions correctly, the viewees’ gestures situate the tree ‘to the north of’ the house,
viewer needs to interpret the pointing gestures within the which suggests the gestures performed by both interviewees
same frame of reference in which the gestures were produced are structured by a geocentric frame of reference. Le Guen
and transmitted (Le Guen 2009). tested whether such geocentric structuring was coincidental,
because the interviewees were facing west during their con-
versation. However, he found that ‘free oriented’ gestures,
asked for in direction-giving, did indeed show a reliance on
Frames of Reference and Gesture in
a geocentric frame of reference (Le Guen 2009: 9).
Contemporary Maya Communities
Initial research on spatial frames of reference in Mesoamer-
ican languages suggests that spatial language differs within
Pointing Gestures in Maya
and among Mayan languages and that gestures are a rich
Communities Today
source of information regarding conceptualisation and ex-
pression of space (Brown and Levinson 1993; Haviland 2000; As in other cultures, Tzotzil and Yucatec Maya infants point
Le Guen and Pool Balam 2012). Such research in psycho- from an early age (Haviland 2003). During infancy, spatial
linguistics suggests that the egocentric spatial system is not knowledge is still fairly limited to the house compound, but
the ‘natural’ frame of reference in all societies (Brown and infants are able to indicate general directions through pointing
Levison 1993: 47) and that people do not always situate gestures. Pointing gestures can be performed independently
themselves and things in time and space in relative terms from speech, or in accompaniment to speech, particularly
(O’Meara and Pérez Báez 2011: 839). In Tzeltal, for exam- with the deictic verb, ‘taj’, which in Tzotzil means ‘there’
ple, spatial language relies on a geocentric frame of reference (Haviland 2003). Throughout childhood, Zinacantecan and
using the slope of the land with an ‘uphill/downhill’ axis Yucatecan spatial awareness is developed. Pointing can still
(Brown and Levinson 1993). Rather than explicitly oriented be performed in a non-transferred context (i.e. pointing in the
to the cardinal directions, the geocentric FoR is based on current location), but through learning and language acqui-
certain ecological and socio-geographical phenomena that sition, pointing is performed in a transferred context (when
defines the Tzeltal-speaking territory (Brown and Levinson pointing is directed to a distant figure or object) (Le Guen
1993: 49). 2011). Additionally, pointing becomes more complex owing
to the different ways in which the gesturer learns to conflate
Studies of the gestures produced by Zinacantecans and spaces around his or her body and transposes himself/herself
Yucatecans have also shown that orientation (and the referents to other spaces (Haviland 1993). As I discuss above, the space
used therein) plays an important role in gesture production that the gesturer permeates is multifaceted: it can be the pres-
(Haviland 2000, 2003; Le Guen 2012). Tzotzil speakers pro- ent space, a narrated ‘space recalled’ through story-telling, or
duce gestures in ‘directionally anchored’ local space (Havi- a ‘space projected’ through direction-giving (Haviland 1993).
land 2000: 27). An example of such spatial expression can Another example of conflation of spaces and use of pointing
be found in an interview that John Haviland conducted with gestures can be found in an interview Haviland conducted
a Tzotzil-speaking farmer. Haviland asks Maryan how to get
from Nabenchauk to Cancún. Haviland observes that Maryan
begins his direction-giving by shifting his sitting position so a b
that his line of shoulders runs exactly east-west. Maryan’s
gestures are cardinally oriented. Distant places in remote
space are superimposed onto features in the local terrain; and
the consistency of the cardinal directions allows for the con-
flation of two different spaces: one immediate, one narrated
(Haviland 2000: 38).
Yucatec Maya gestures are also a primary medium for ex-

pressing spatial information (Le Guen and Pool Balam 2012).
Like Tzotzil-speakers, Yucatec-speakers use manner deictics
(e.g. ‘like this’) in accompaniment to gestures to express
directions and spatial location (Le Guen 2011: 291). Further-
more, even when Yucatec-speakers use different linguistic
FoR in speaking, in gesturing, they tend to align themselves
within a geocentric FoR (Le Guen 2009: 1). To summarise
Le Guen’s interview with a Yucatec Maya couple, Le Guen
asks ‘where is the Nance tree in relation to the house?’ The Figure 1. Index finger extended hands in Maya representations:
two interviewees (‘I.’ and ‘S.’) reply in different ways: ‘I.’ a) Index finger extended upwards, 45 degrees up from horizontal,
uses deictic terms (‘like this’ and ‘like that’) while pointing horizontal, 45 degrees down from horizontal, and downwards; b)
and ‘S.’ uses an intrinsic FoR to say that the tree is ‘in front Differences between wrist flex and direction of the index finger.
of the house’ while using iconic gestures to symbolize the Illustrations by the author.
103
a b
PALM BACK SIDE
b
c d
THUMB NOT VISIBLE THUMB VISIBLE THUMB VISIBLE

AND EXTENDED TOUCHING FINGER
Figure 2. Features of index finger extended hands in Maya rep- e

resentations: a) hand rotations; b) visibility and position of the thumb.
Illustrations by the author. Figure 3. Index finger extended gestures in representation on ceram-
ic vessels: a) index finger extended over shoulder (detail of gesture
on vessel K593); b) hand with index finger extended under arm
(detail of gesture on vessel K625); c) hand extended away from the
with an elderly Tzotzil Maya man, called Petul. The owner body (detail of gesture on vessel K8791); d) hand placed in front of
of the plot of land, M., complains about the destruction of his chest (detail of gesture on vessel K5545); e) hand resting on thigh
young trees and points with an extended index finger in the (detail of gesture on vessel K625). Illustrations by the author.
direction of his land, south by south-east of where the men are
standing. Petul responds by saying that it may have happened
The Formal Characteristics of Index Finger
because the gate fence around the plot was left open. When
Extended Gestures in Maya Representations
Petul provides this possible explanation, he points north by
north-east because he has transposed himself to where the Index fingers are extended upwards or downwards, hori-
trees were cut down and thus the gate would be north by zontally, or at 45 degrees up from horizontal, or 45 degrees
north-east from where he was now standing in the transposed down from horizontal (see Fig. 1a). Several hands display a
context (Haviland 2003). This transposition is also similar to difference between the flex of the hand and the direction of
what Olivier Le Guen observes when interviewing Yucatec the index finger (see Fig. 1b). For many hands, the index fin-
Maya persons about spatial relationships (Le Guen 2009). ger follows the same direction of the hand, i.e. if the hand is
flexed vertically downwards, then the finger tends to follow
this trajectory. However, there are also examples of hands
that exhibit a difference between the flex of the hand and the
Index Finger Extended Gestures in
direction of the extended finger: hands can have a horizontal
Maya Representations
flex with the index finger extended vertically downwards,
Gestures made with an extended finger are represented in and hands can have a horizontal flex with the index finger
Maya iconography from Early Classic art –for example the extended vertically upwards.
San Bartolo murals (Urquizú and Hurst 2003) and Kaminal-
juyu Monument 65 (Kaplan 2000)– to Classic Maya figural In addition to flexes, rotations of index finger extended
imagery on ceramics and stelae, and in Postclassic codices. hands differ (see Fig. 2a): the palm of the hand (when in a
However, despite the prominence of index finger extended horizontal position) can be upward- or downward-turning;
hands in Maya representations, they are often overlooked in or, a hand (when in a vertical position) can face towards or
analyses of ancient Maya gesture (see for example Miller away from the performer’s body. The majority of horizon-
1981; Ancona-Ha et al. 2000). Index finger extended ges- tally flexed hands in Maya representations are rotated with
tures in Maya representations can be sub-classified accord- the palm turned downwards as opposed to upwards. Another
ing to the degree of flex, the orientation of the hand (such as observation is that the majority of hands flexed upwards (45
whether the palm is visible or not), and where the thumb is degrees above horizontal and vertically up) are rotated with
positioned in relation to the index finger (e.g. extended away the palm towards the performer compared to the few types
from the index finger, flush against the index finger, or mak- which are rotated with the palm facing outwards from the
ing contact with another digit; see Maitland Gardner 2017 for performer. Downward-flexed, index finger extended gestures
discussion of handshape classification in Maya art). feature hands which are either rotated towards the body or
away from the body.
104
There are also differences among index finger extended Copan Altar Q, and Machaquila Stela 4). Index finger ex-
hands based on the visibility and/or position of the thumb (see tended gestures on stone monuments are typically placed by
Fig. 2b). Index finger extended hands with the ‘thumb visible the side of the body (e.g. Yaxchilan Lintel 12 and Machaquila
and extended’ tends to be depicted when hands are angled in Stela 4), in front of the body (e.g. Seibal Stela 3 and Seibal
the lower flexes. Hands that feature the thumb extended such Stela 17) or extended away from the body (e.g. Kaminaljuyu
that a space is created between the tips of the thumb and index Monument 65). The occurrence of index finger extended ges-
finger are classified as pincer gestures (see Maitland Gardner tures in both stone and on ceramic vessels, which likely had
2017). Pincer gestures may denote measurements, or used in different iconographic purposes and audiences, is an inter-
the action of picking something up, or as emblem gestures, esting observation, as it suggests that the gestural repertoire
such as representing the moon crescent and used in reference bridged representational media in Classic Maya society (see
to the amount of water that the moon ‘holds’ at certain times Maitland Gardner 2017).
of the year. I will discuss this latter hypothesis in relation to
contemporary Maya lunar gestures below.
What’s the Point?
I argue that the variations in flex, orientation, and positioning
The Positioning of Index Finger Extended
of index finger extended gestures in Maya imagery reflect
Gestures in Maya Representations
the diversity of pointing gestures present in human discourse.
Index finger extended gestures in representation on ceramic The time depth of the index finger extended gesture and its
vessels are positioned in different places in relation to the representation in Maya iconography over time suggest that
body (see Fig. 3). Several index finger extended hands are it was an important part of Maya gestural repertoire. Recent
placed close to the body with the arm positioned across the interpretation of index finger extended gestures in Maya ico-
body and the extended finger directed under the arm (e.g. nography include to ‘mark conversation’ or mark ‘emphatic
K625), over the shoulder (e.g. K512), resting over the chest declaration’ (see Houston 2012) and for ‘issuing command’
(e.g. K5545), by the side of the body (e.g. K1196), over the (see Kaplan 2000). Yet the co-occurrence of index finger
opposite upper arm (e.g. K5609), over the opposite elbow extended gestures by central and peripheral figures in scenes
(e.g. K8889), or with the hand only just visible (e.g. K8820). on ceramic vessels suggests that marking conversation/decla-
Several index finger extended hands are also placed by the ration or issuing command cannot be their only function. For
side of the body, with the hand either resting by the side of example, in the scene on vessel K625 two figures are depicted
the hip (e.g. K868) or positioned on the thigh (e.g. K1669). with index finger extended gestures. However, the extended
Several index finger extended hands are represented with the index fingers are directed away from the focus of action, and
hand extended away from the body (e.g. K1225 and K5371). in the opposite direction to the speech scrolls. Speech scrolls
Index finger extended gestures are also represented in stone in Maya art mark statements or conversation, and gestures
(see for example Tak’alik Abaj Stela 1, Aguateca Stela 19, can be used to enforce such vocal actions in representations.
a b
Figure 4. a) Yucatec Maya ‘rolling gesture’ (in Le Guen 2012: 224, Fig. 1); b) Ring-shape gesture.
105
Most index finger extended hands in Maya representa-

tion are not aimed at people or things in the visible space
of the image. Rather the fingers point up, down, or across
the body with no visible target. What are the functions and
meanings of these gestures? An important feature observed
cross-culturally is that pointing gestures are not only used to
indicate the location of things in immediate spaces but also
to communicate orientation with respect to distant terrestrial
and celestial spaces (Haviland 2000; Kita 2009). Given fur-
ther findings by Jokinen (2010) who examined the function
of index finger extended gestures used in free conversation
at the ATR Research Labs in Japan, three hypotheses are
possible: (1) that index finger extended gestures in Maya
iconography are represented to indicate something physical
outside of the confines of the image; (2) that index finger
extended hands are represented as indicators of orientation
with respect to larger time- and space-scapes; and (3) that
index finger extended gestures serve to emphasize particular
ideas, to acknowledge and create shared understanding, and/
or to indicate common ground. Index finger extended hands
are likely used for a wide range of things in Maya art. Given
that index finger extended hands are selected to function in a
particular semantic context in Maya glyphs –the expression
of orientation in time and space– I explore whether certain
index finger extended hands function as temporal and spatial
indicators within the iconography.
The Relationship between Time and Space

Figure 5. Stela B from Copan displaying two ring-shape hands.
Illustration of hands by the author. ‘All human beings experience time; we are born, we live and
we die.’ (Normark 2000: 30). Indeed, ‘[t]he diffuse, endlessly
The positioning of index finger extended gestures horizontal- multiplying studies of sociocultural time reflect time’s perva-
ly behind the body, however, or to the ground, or away from siveness as an inescapable dimension of all aspects of social
an interacting figure is not in keeping with the use of pointing experience and practice’ (Munn 1992: 93). Yet time is not
gestures in other cultures to illustrate commands or to express entirely an abstract concept (Normark 2000: 30). The ways in
emphatic speech (see for example Brilliant 1963; Gombrich which people experience, conceptualise, and map time differs
1966). Returning to the scene on vessel K625, one of the two among cultures. In many cultures, time is mapped onto space,
figures that is depicted with speech scrolls does not show a and time is usually expressed spatially (Le Guen and Pool
hand with an extended index finger (the figure depicted on Balam 2012). Metaphors for mapping time into space can
the bench); the figure on the far left of the scene is depicted be linear, such as the horizontal and vertical spatialisation of
with his right index finger extended; but similar to the figure time in English and in Mandarin. For English speakers, ‘fu-
on the far right of the image, he is not depicted with speech ture time’ is in front of the body and ‘past time’ is behind the
scrolls. Thus, it is important to consider alternative hypothe- body. English speakers employ the terms ‘front’ or ‘forwards’
ses for the use and meaning of index finger extended gestures and ‘back’ or ‘behind’ to talk about time. Examples in English
in Maya culture. would be ‘moving meetings forwards’ and ‘leaving hardships
behind us’ (Boroditsky 2001: 4). Vertical spatial terms can
also be used by English-speakers to talk about time (Borodit-
sky 2001: 5). Examples would be ‘to hand down knowledge
Pointing with No Visible Target
from generation to generation’ and ‘the meeting was coming
Although there are a few index finger extended gestures di- up’ (Boroditsky 2001: 5). However, vertical spatial terms are
rected towards objects, these instances are rare in Maya art. not as common in English as horizontal spatial terms. The
An example would be the gestures depicted on ceramic vessel preference given to horizontal spatial terms in spoken Eng-
K1225; the index fingers of the right hands of both figures ex- lish is reflected in the way in which English speakers gesture
tend downwards to the codices that are held in their left hands. about time. English speakers gesture in the space in front of
In this image, the figures’ extended index fingers function as their bodies to indicate future events, and gesture over the
deictic pointing gestures, serving to indicate something in the shoulder/to behind the body to indicate events in the past.
codices that are held in their left hands. The torso angle, head
position, and gaze of each figure are organised in relation to Mandarin-speakers use both horizontal and vertical spa-
the hand-arm action that is depicted. tial terms to talk about time (see Scott 1989; Boroditsky
106
Gestures of Time and Space among

2001: 5). However, the most common spatial terms in Man-
Yucatec Maya Speakers
darin are vertical spatial terms. Mandarin-speakers use the
terms shàng (‘up’) and xià (‘down’) to talk about the order Yucatec Maya speakers use pointing gestures to indicate spa-
of events, weeks and months (Scott 1989; Boroditsky 2001: tial orientation, but they also use them to express situation in
5). The term shàng (‘up’) refers to events closer to the past; time; pointing is used to indicate the position of the sun and
the term xià (‘down’) refers to events closer to the future the moon in the sky as a means to record and signal the time
(Boroditsky 2001: 5). This preference for the vertical axis is of day. For example, midday can be expressed by pointing
speech is also expressed in gestural production: ‘last week’ directly up, whereas 10am can be expressed by pointing 45
is expressed with the arm extended upwards and the hand degrees up from horizontal (Le Guen and Pool Balam 2012).
positioned near the head; ‘next week’ is expressed by gestur- Because the moon cycle is irregular, the Yucatec Maya con-
ing around the lower body (see Fig. 3 in Gu et al. 2014: 550). sistently monitor its cycle in order to adjust this type of point-
ing accordingly (Le Guen and Pool Balam 2012). Yucatec
Expressions of time passage in Maya communities today Maya speakers also make a distinction between ‘current time’,
may help shed further light on the form and meaning of ges- which is mapped on ‘here’ space, and ‘remote time’ –both
tures performed and represented earlier in Maya history. Stud- past and future– which is mapped onto ‘distant’ space (Le
ies of contemporary Maya gestures have predominantly been Guen and Pool Balam 2012). This conception of space-time
conducted among Yucatec Maya communities. Of particular is also mapped onto the space around the gesturer’s body:
importance are two key points, that (1) in Yucatec Mayan, Yucatec Maya speakers gesture 1) in the space above the
event succession is expressed linguistically in terms of com- body when they refer to distant Time-Space (both past and
pletion by using completive markers. An example would be future), 2) in the space around the body to make spatial in-
the statement ‘wash your hands before and after eating’ which dications (not time), and 3) towards the space at their feet to
in Yucatec Mayan is expressed, p’o’ a-k’ab ken ts’o’ok-ok-e’ communicate precise Time-Space (in the here-and-now) (Le
k-a-hanal ken ts’o’oh-k a-hanal-e’ p’o’ a-k’ab ka’en: ‘wash Guen and Pool Balam 2012). An example is the ‘here-now’
your hands, when it’s done, you eat, when you’re done eat- gesture (way-e’), which accompanies such time references as
ing, wash your hands again’ (Le Guen 2012: 218). Second, be’oora, which means ‘now’, and te’ semana he’ela’, which
there is no metaphorical time line; instead, time passage is means ‘this week’. This ‘here-now’ gesture is expressed with
expressed in cyclical terms (Le Guen 2012; Le Guen and an index finger extended, usually directed towards the feet of
Pool Balam 2012). I discuss Yucatec Maya gestures of time the speaker (Le Guen 2012: 222). It is also important to note
and in space in more detail in the following section before that both Yucatec Maya speakers and Yucatec Maya signers
turning to consider ring-shape gestures in ancient Maya art, perform these gestures. In Yucatec Maya communities, deaf
arguing that such gestures likely communicated the cyclical individuals are fully integrated into the community, and ges-
comprehension of time and event succession in ancient Maya tures are central in daily engagements and interactions be-
culture similar to the expression of event succession among tween hearing and deaf individuals (Le Guen 2012).
Yucatec Maya communities today.
a b
Figure 6. Ring-shape gestures in Classic Maya art a) Sketch of Stela 3 from Piedras Negras; b) Sketch of the Oval Tablet from Palenque.
Illustrations by the author.
107
Cyclical Compre-
hension of Time
As the Yucatec Maya time-
space mapping shows, time a b c d
is not always expressed in a
Figure 7. Variations of TZUTZ, ‘to complete (a period of time)’: a) hand with index finger extended
directional manner that has
and ring-shape element; b) hand with index finger extended; c) hand holding thin rod; d) flat hand shape.
a start point and an end point Illustrations by the author based on drawings by Harri Kettunen, Matthew Looper, and John Montgomery.
along a line, with the body
as a frame through which to locate the future (in front of round-shaped object and can be used as a notion of wholeness
the body) and the past (behind the body). Indeed, in Yucatec (see De Jorio [1832] 2000; Morris et al. 1979; Kendon 2004).
Maya, there is no metaphorical time ‘line’ expressing rela-
tions between events (Le Guen and Pool Balam 2012). Rath- Such observation, that the physical form of ring-shape
er, time is conceived as cyclical and consisting of numerous gestures is the likely source for the meanings communicated
cycles which revolve around a central point, with time going by the gestures, opens up a different way to think about the
away from the body and coming back to ‘stick’ to the back production of gestures in past and present communities (see
of the previous cycle. The cyclical concept of time features Maitland Gardner in press). In the sections that follow, I
in Olivier Le Guen’s interview with a Yucatec Maya couple discuss the contexts of ring-shape gestures in modern Maya
who talked about the age of their daughter. The mother states representations and argue that these gestures communicated
‘She is three years old, now she goes to her fourth, her fourth cyclical time and completion (and renewal) of events in Pre-
year comes to her back, it sticks to her (in) June’. The girl’s columbian Maya culture.
father then adds, ‘It revolves like a turn/circle like this [full
circle tracing]. When it’s closed it’s one year like that (and)
it begins for the second year, (and it’s) two years [full circle
Ring-Shape Gestures in
tracing].’ In Yucatec Maya, the first part of time goes away
Maya Representations
and the second part comes back to meet it before going away
again. Thus, sequential time is not conceived as unfolding Ring-shape gestures in Maya representations are depicted by
from past to future, but rather as a succession of events in a figures on stone monuments and also represented in scenes on
circle. This concept of time also features in their gestural lan- ceramic vessels. On many stelae, hands are often described
guage: Yucatec Maya speakers use a ‘rolling gesture’ to refer as ‘holding’ the ceremonial bar. Yet the hands are not holding
to the repetition of events or time unfolding. This gesture can the bar in many representations: the bar rests in the crook of
be performed with one hand or one finger, but it is always a the elbows and the hands make particular gestures. Whereas
rolling action that traces a circle in the air, with the hand most certain figures are depicted with flat-hand gestures, the ma-
often positioned at chest-level (Le Guen 2012: 224; Fig. 4a). jority of figures ‘holding’ ceremonial bars make ring-shape
gestures with either one hand (in earlier iconography) or both
hands (in later iconography). Figures with both hands show-
ing the ring-shape gesture are found in the art from seven
Ring-Shape Hands in an Anthropological
sites: Bonampak, Copan, Kuná-Lacanhá, Dos Pilas, Quiri-
and Cross-Cultural Perspective
gua, Tonina and Uaxactun. Copan has the highest number of
In addition to index finger extended gestures, another group representations with figures showing two ring-shape gestures
of gestures likely communicated information about time with a count of 13 monuments. The Copan stelae, which fea-
among the Maya. This second group, or ‘family’ of gestures, ture figures with both hands showing the ring-shape gesture,
includes ring-shape hands. Ring-shape gestures are formed mark k’atun and tun period endings. Based on the pattern of
by bringing the tips of the forefinger (or middle finger) and association, I hypothesise that the ring-shape gestures de-
thumb together to make a circle (see Fig. 4b). Precision grips picted on stelae are related to the completion of time-cycles:
are similar to ring-shape gestures in that the forefinger and ring-shape hand gestures may allude to the event that marked
thumb meet, but the shape formed is not necessarily circular the completion of the time period. Examples of monuments
because the action of putting the digits together is slightly that feature ring-shape hands include Stela B from Copan,
different to the action of putting the digits together in ring- Dos Pilas Panel 10 (which celebrates the period ending of
shape gestures. Studies in anthropology and the behavioural (9.16.0.0.0), Kuná-Lacanhá Lintel 1, and Bonampak Lintel
sciences suggest that the semantics of ring-shape gestures and 4 (see Fig. 5). This ring-shape gesture would be a shape de-
precision grip gestures are related to the physical form of the piction: what is depicted is a ‘cycle’, which is conceived of
gesture. Meaning derives either from (1) the pinching action as going in a circle.
of bringing these digits together, known as a precision grip
and which is defined as ‘the use of the index finger to pick The representation of ring-shape gestures can also be
up and hold onto something small’; or (2) the round shape found in Early Classic art, although in a slightly different
formed by the finger and thumb position (Kendon 2004: 240). form: the hand is more akin to a fist shape, but retains the
Precision grip gestures can mean precise, exactness, togeth- curve of the hand and features a connection between thumb
erness, making something precise or making prominent some and fingers. An example is the figure on the Dumbarton Oaks
specific fact or idea; ring-shape gestures derive meaning from pectoral, which probably dates to A.D. 120 (see Urquizú and
something that is round in shape, such as bodily orifice or a Hurst 2011: 11). The gesture is made by the left hand over
108
the chest. Another example is the depiction of a figure on a life’. Andrew Scherer shares this view, and suggests that Late
jade from Tikal (see Fig. 3.8 in Looper 2009: 88). The fig- Classic Maya sarcophagi ‘were imbued with metaphors of re-
ure shows the arms positioned in front of the body with the birth and renewal’ (Scherer 2012: 243). In the representation
hands, depicting ring-shape gestures, placed in the centre of on the lid, Pakal is shown ascending from the underworld
the chest. The absence of ceremonial bars in these depictions (Martin 2006; Stuart and Stuart 2008; Scherer 2012), and
is noteworthy. The fact that the ring-shape gesture could be thus the sarcophagus lid ‘works as a powerful statement of
represented independently from holding (an object) suggests rebirth, vitality, and continuity.’ Furthermore ‘beyond these
that the gesture was both related to, yet independent from, the standard Maya tropes of death and the afterlife, the lid is,
object held in the arms. more specifically, an essential statement of dynastic vitality
and continuity that was necessary following the death of an
Further examples of ring-shape gestures in Maya iconog- exceptionally long-lived king.’ (Scherer 2012: 248).
raphy include the figures on Piedras Negras Stelae 1, 3, and
10 (see Clancy 2009); the figural scene on the Copan peccary What has been omitted in these iconographic studies is a
skull (see Helmke and Nielsen 2009); K’inich Janaab Pakal’s discussion of Pakal’s gestures. Pakal’s hands are at the very
sarcophagus lid (see Scherer 2012), and the Palenque Oval centre of the iconography (his hands are equidistant to the
Tablet (see Schele 1979). Each context for these ring-shape top and bottom edges of the lid, and equidistant to the left
gestures suggests that the meaning of the ring-shape gesture and right edges). The whole rendering of the cosmos, with
in Maya culture is related to the physical form of the hand the world tree, Milky Way, stars, and planets, is represented
shape and that ring-shape gesture communicates cyclical around, and centre on Pakal’s hands. Pakal’s representation
completion (and renewal) of events, dynastic sequence, and in a moment of rebirth and renewal is an interesting context
life/death cycles of birth and rebirth. for this gesture: its appearance at centre of the image suggests
the form of the ring-shape gesture, in which the forefinger
The representations from Piedras Negras, Stelae 1, 3 and and thumb touch to make a circle, expresses the cyclicality
10 coincide with the completion of significant periods of of time and renewal, both for life and death and lineage in
time and events. Stela 1, for example, records and celebrates the Maya world. The rarity of the sarcophagus representation
the completion of the 1st year of Ixwinikhaab’s husband’s –Pakal’s is unique in that both the sarcophagus and lid are
reign. In the carving, Ixwinikhaab Ajaw is depicted with a inscribed with text and imagery (Scherer 2012: 246)– means
ring-shape gesture over her chest. Given the form-mean- that there is no direct image with which to compare it. How-
ing relationship of the rolling gesture among Yucatec Maya ever, another image at Palenque, the Relief Panel in Temple
speakers (the circle-tracing action expresses the cyclicity of XIV, expressing the death of the ruler K’inich Kan Bahlam II,
time), I suggest that the Classic Maya formal variant of this also represents a ring-shape hand. The deceased king (Pakal’s
gesture (in the art) is the ring-shape, which expresses the son) K’inich Kan Bahlam II stands on watery iconography
same notion and conception of time as cyclical. The ring- (the surface of the underworld) (Looper 2009: 66–67); he
shape gesture, represented with the same royal lady on Stela 3, gestures with his right hand across his body, making a ring-
is mirrored by her daughter, who sits next to her on the bench shape with a pointing index finger. The trajectory of his index
and touches her mother’s knee with her elbow. The moth- finger directs towards glyphs, which Looper notes expresses
er’s and daughter’s gestures feature ring-shape elements, but his entrance into a ‘black lake? Place cave’ (a metaphor for
whereas the mother’s gestures are rotated with palm upwards, death in Maya culture). However, this index finger extended/
the daughter’s gesture is turned with palm down (see Fig. 6a). ring-shape gesture combination appears to signal the comple-
The centrality of the ring-shape gesture to lineage representation (and rebirth) of K’inich Kan Bahlam II’s life; with his
tions can also be found in the scene on the Oval Palace Tablet extended index finger functioning in two ways: (1) to indicate
at Palenque. Both figures, K’inich Janaab Pakal (sitting on the viewer’s gaze between iconography and text, and (2) to
the bench) and his mother (Ix Sak K’uk’), who kneels beside express the direction of his journey between the terrestrial
the bench, are represented with ring-shape gestures (see Fig. and otherworld realms.
6b). Interestingly, the ring-shape the gesture of Ix Sak K’uk’
is turned palm upwards, whereas Pakal’s gesture is turned Another image supports this hypothesis; the image is the
with palm down. It is not entirely clear what this pattern in scene on the Copan peccary skull (see Helmke and Nielsen
the ring-shape gesture combination could signify. However, 2009). Two figures are represented in a quatrefoil, with a
the pattern between upward rotation for the elder and the possible stela and altar combination represented between
downward rotation for the younger may express the order of them. The figure on the left is depicted with a combination of
rulership, between mother and daughter at Piedras Negras a ring-shape and pointing gesture. Helmke and Nielsen argue
and between mother and son at Palenque. that this is an underworld scene, populated by wahy entities
which surrounds the two figures, who are themselves con-
The ring-shape gesture features in two more images from tained in the quatrefoil (the portal to the earthly realm). They
Palenque: K’inich Janaab Pakal’s sarcophagus lid and the argue that the figures, labelled glyphically as the mako’m (lit.
Relief Tablet inside Temple XIV. Kaplan (2000: 194) argues ‘tapaderos’), are ‘the ones who keep the portal shut’ (Helmke
that the mythological narrative featured on Pakal’s sarcoph- and Nielsen 2009: 57). I argue that the ring-shape gesture,
agus lid metamorphises the journey of the dead ruler through and its prominence at the centre of this scene, expresses the
the underworld and back via resurrection as the Maize God, connection between realms. The peccary skull on which this
thus ‘living on’ with a ‘magical, world-creating fertility and image was carved was found in Tomb 1 at Copan. Its mor-
109
Hands and the Expression of Space

tuary context, similar to Pakal’s sarcophagus lid, is evidence
and Time in Maya Glyphs
to suggest that the meaning of this gesture is linked to cycles
of time, birth, death and renewal. Furthermore, the extended Hands are an important graphic element in Maya hieroglyphic
index finger, which is similar to the gesture represented on the writing (Boot 2003) and show a variety of forms and shapes.
relief panel in Temple XIV, is represented with the figure on What is interesting is that hand shapes seem to have been se-
the left in the quatrefoil on the Copan peccary skull and points lected to function in particular logograms and syllables: hand
towards the glyph blocks above his head. The glyphs record shapes are related to the meanings that the signs denote. Index
the ritual stone binding on 1 Ajaw 8 Ch’en on 8.17.0.0.0 finger extended hands and ring-shape hands share semantic
(Stuart 1996: 156). The completion of this significant period bases in spatial and temporal expressions. Ring-shape hands
of time in combination with the iconographic representation also feature in contexts in which what is expressed is round
of the portal between realms (and centred by the ring-shape in shape. An example would be chi, which means ‘mouth’
hand) suggests the centrality of the body in Maya cosmology and by metaphorical extension ‘edge’ or ‘border’ in modern
as a locus for expressing temporal and spatial information. Mayan languages (Bricker et al. 1998; see Fig. 6 in Levin-
son 1994: 810) and which is depicted as a ring-shape hand in
Classic Maya writing.
Ring-Shape Gestures and Maya
Index finger extended hands feature in composite signs
Expressions of ‘Completion’
representing large calendrical periods of time known as k’in-
The scene on the Vase of the Seven Gods (see Kerr Maya Vase ichiltuun (see Boot 2003: 14–15); they also figure in the
database, K2796) also features a ring-shape gesture. The text verb, TZUTZ, which means ‘to end’ or ‘to complete’ a pe-
on the vessel states that on the date of creation, the gods were riod of time (Montgomery 2006: 245; Fig. 7), and which is
‘ordered’. The groups of gods are represented by the figures employed in the context of period-endings. Some renderings
on the left. The figure sitting on the jaguar bench and smok- show TZUTZ as a flat hand (Fig. 7d), but always with the
ing a cigar is God L, who performs a ring-shape gesture. The same glyphic element attached. The glyphic element attached
action of ordering is indicated by the verb tz’ak, which means to the hand in the TZUTZ logogram has been called a ‘bau-
to order or to count. The tz’ak glyph is interesting because ble’ or ‘jewel’ and ‘stick’ (see Montgomery 2006; Macri and
there are many graphic variants of this logogram, but the tz’ak Looper 2003: 124). I propose that this ‘bauble’ or ‘jewel’ is
glyphs always consist of two parts, with representations of a celestial element that is also represented in the space-scape
sun/moon, female/male, food/water, day/night, and sky/earth on Pakal’s sarcophagus lid. The combination of the index
(Stuart 2003). Stuart argues that these paired signs that stand finger extended hand or flat hand and the celestial element
for TZ’AK illustrate concepts of wholeness and complete- may graphically represent the completion of a celestial body’s
ness: one part cannot exist without the other, and together cycle, with the pointing finger indicating the position of the
they represent a whole. The ring-shape hand type that God L celestial body in the night sky when it has ‘completed’ its
performs may again be related to the concept of time flow as cycle. The inclusion of a long thin object held in the hand in
cyclical succession, or as ordering and signify the complete some variants of the TZUTZ glyph (see Fig. 7c) may repre-
or wholeness that tz’ak seems to convey. sent an instrument used to measure and record the movements
of heavenly bodies (see Taube 2014). Such representation of
object in hand may also suggest the centrality of hands in the
action of time-keeping.
Rounding to a Close?
It appears, based on the evidence I have presented above, Other renderings of the TZUTZ glyph feature a hand
that the action of putting the forefinger and thumb together with an index finger extended and a ring-shape element (Fig.
as a ring-shape gesture in ancient Maya art is symbolic of 7a). Another ring-shape variant of a verb can be found in
Maya cultural and cognitive conceptions of time as cyclical, renderings of HUL, which means ‘to arrive (to a place)’ (see
with one part going away and the other coming back to meet Montgomery 2006: 123; Kettunen and Helmke 2011: 72; Fig.
the first part, signified by the joining of the digits. Also per- 8c). The logograph HUL comprises a hand and the moon sign,
formed in scenes of tribute ‘counting’ or transactions, pro- ja. The glyph HUL is often rendered as a pincer hand. An
cessions and presentations of captives (see Maitland Gardner early form of HUL is known in the Late Preclassic in which
2017), ring-shape gestures may signal the completion of an the hand is oriented with the back visible and with the index
obligation, activity, or lifespan. Thus, while the context is finger and thumb extended horizontally and downwards (Fig.
varied, the meanings communicated by these gestures share
the same semantic basis. A consideration of the contexts of
index finger extended and ring-shape gestures as graphic ele-
ments in Maya writing may help to understand the origins of
hand forms as gestures in the communication of spatial and
temporal knowledge and meaning in Maya culture, and also a b c
provide dynamic comparisons between languages in bodily
Figure 8. Variations of HUL, ‘to arrive (at a place)’: a) downward
and written forms. turned pincer-shape hand; b) upward turned pincer-shape hand; c)
ring-shape hand (illustrations by author based on drawings by Harri
Kettunen and Nikolai Grube).
110
8a). In the Late Classic, the hand graphic component of HUL orientation in localised and distant space is likely to predate
is illustrated with the palm visible and the index finger and writing, and as such it is important to consider the depth of
thumb extended 45 degrees above horizontal (Fig. 8b). What gestural practices and their contribution to gestures expressed
is interesting in the HUL sign is the combination of the pincer in iconography and contemporary communities.
hand-shape and the moon sign (ja), which features droplets
of water. I suggest that hand gestures in the renderings of
HUL are related to the moon’s journey in the night sky and
The Arrival of the Moon and Lunar Gestures
seasonality, similar to the use of hand gestures in modern
Maya communities (as observed by Neuenswander 1981). The cycle of the moon is extremely important in both ancient
and contemporary Maya culture. Maize, the staple crop in
An examination of hand shapes in glyphs shows that index Central America, was to be sowed and harvested at certain
finger extended hands, ring-shape hands, and certain pincer points in the lunar cycle (Milbrath 2000: 30). Thus observ-
hands are used to express calendrical information, temporal ing, watching, and recording lunar phases was crucial to
phrases, and verbs that express orientation in space and time, agricultural production, particularly with regard to the rainy
such as ‘to arrive’ (at a place) and ‘to finish/to complete’ (a and dry seasons. The importance of time keeping for the an-
period of time). A connection between these hand shapes and cient Maya is found in agricultural planting and harvesting
expressions of orientation in space does not seem coinciden- of maize and other crops and Karl Taube has argued that the
tal. Rather, hands seem to have been carefully selected in the Classic association of the moon with maize suggests that
graphic origins of the script. Even hands borrowed from the planting cycles based on the moon are pre-Hispanic in ori-
Isthmian script (Kettunen and Lacadena 2014) find place gin (Taube 1992: 69). Several Maya groups today (including
in relevant semantic contexts. Perhaps it should not be sur- Achi, Tzotzil, and Tzutujil Maya speakers) use hand gestures
prising that the ancient Maya gestural repertoire contributed as part of the terminology for lunar phases (Milbrath 2000).
to the formation of the graphics in the Maya hieroglyphic Such gestures are produced in relation to how much water the
script. Knowledge of celestial movements and precision in moon ‘holds’ at certain times of the year. As Neuenswander
observes:
‘When it is dry, it is because the moon is tikilik “up-

right”, with the tips of the crescent turned up in such a
way that the water is unable to get out. When it is rainy,
it is a sign that the moon is xotolik “lying on its side”
with the crescent turned sideways so that the water can
get out. To demonstrate the dry season position of the
a moon, the arm is bent at the elbow, with the forearm
Achi hand position Achi hand position vertical and at a 90° angle with the upper arm; the
for dry season for rainy season hand, representing the crescent of the moon is tilted
(sa’ih); moon in (alah); moon on back with the thumb extended so that the concave line
upright position her side (xotolik) thus exposed between the thumb and index finger is
to retain water to allow water to
(tikilik). escape. capable of retaining water. To demonstrate the rainy
season, the arm is lower to a horizontal position so
that the water held in the crescent may now run out.’
(Neuenswander 1981: 146–7; Fig. 9a).
Studies of gesture among modern Maya communities (Du

Bois 1978; Neuenswander 1981; Hanks 1990; Haviland 2003;
Fox Tree 2009; Hoenes del Pinal 2011; Le Guen 2009, 2011,
2012; Le Guen and Pool Balam 2008, 2012) suggest the im-
portance and richness of gestures for understanding commu-
nication within and among Maya communities. However, few
studies compare the ethnography of modern Maya gestures
with Classic Maya art and vice versa. One exception is Erich
Fox Tree’s (2009) study of sign languages in Mesoamerica.
Fox Tree notes that ‘signs for time expressions related to the
moon in Meemul Tziij of Nahualá in Guatemala [observed
by Neuenswander 1981] correspond uncannily to gestures in
Classic Maya artwork, such as the Maya Moon Goddess car-
b
rying her rabbit-shaped infant, a symbol of fertility’ depicted
Figure 9. a) Achi hand gestures for the dry season and for the rainy on ceramic vessel K2776 (Fox Tree 2009: 353; see Plate 120
season (hands redrawn by author after Neuenswander 1981: 162); b) in Schele and Miller 1986). Fox Tree (2009: 353–4) argues
Detail of Heather Hurst’s rendering of the San Bartolo North Wall that the Moon Goddess’ right hand (which is depicted as a
Mural (in Urquizú and Hurst 2011: 10, Fig. 2). left hand attached to a right arm) bears resemblance to the
111
gesture that expresses ‘rising wet season moon’ used in the make reference to lunar phases and the rainy/dry seasons that
Achi-Maya community of Cubulco in Guatemala. Gestures determine plant growth.
that express seasonal rainfall in Nahualá and Cubulco are
found across southern Mesoamerica, including the Yucatán Another scene in the West Wall mural at San Bartolo
(Fox Tree 2009: 353). Based on my own observations, evi- supports Fox Tree’s hypothesis that certain pincer gestures
dence to support Fox Tree’s hypothesis are gestures on figu- may express seasonal rainfall in Classic Maya art. The scene
rines and gestures in renderings on the North and West Wall represents three figures in a quatrefoil. The central figure is
murals at San Bartolo, as I discuss below. identified as the Maize God, who is flanked by two seated in-
dividuals (see Fig. 1 in Braakhuis 2014: 1). The figure on the
In the North Wall mural at San Bartolo, two female fig- viewer’s left displays his left hand as a pincer gesture. This
ures in the right of the image are depicted with hand gestures gesture bears similarity to the achi hand position for the rainy
similar to the achi hand position for ‘dry season’ described season, with the crescent on its side that allows the water to
above: the index finger is extended and a crescent-shape is run out. The figure on the viewer’s right is depicted with a
formed between the extended forefinger and thumb; the palm pincer gesture with thumb extended and hand flexed upwards
faces upward (Fig. 9b). On the other side of the standing on his right hand, and a fist/ring-shape gesture on his left. The
male figure (who turns his head over his shoulder to look at right-side figure’s pincer gesture bears similarity to the achi
the females behind him), there is a kneeling male figure who hand position for the dry season, with the moon in upright
holds an object above his head from which emerges a type position so that the water cannot get out. What is interesting
of plant (Urquizú and Hurst 2003: 9). The watery iconogra- is that these gestures are represented around the Maize God.
phy, including the shell and foliage around the standing and Braakhuis argues that this scene can be viewed in two ways:
kneeling male figures, combined with the water jug and the one naturalistic and the other conceptual. He argues,
gestures performed by the female figures in this scene, could
a c
Figure 10. Classic Maya figurines: a) Figurine with a pincer gesture that bears resemblance to the achi hand shape for the rainy season
(figurine in Mayas: Révélation d’un temps san fin Exhibition, Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, 2015); b) Female figurine from Lubaantun,
Belize which features a ring-shape, index finger extended handshape (sketch by the author based on drawing by Mr. Waterhouse in Joyce
1933: Plate IV); c) Female figurine from Lubaantun, Belize holding a water jar (sketch by the author based on drawing by Mr. Waterhouse
in Joyce 1933: Plate IV).
112
‘According to the naturalistic interpretation, the Tonsured erence that structure contemporary Maya gestures are good
Maize God is little more than a personification of the plant. indications of –or at least a good starting point for understand-
His infant form represents the seed, his feather adornments ing– the production of gestures in the past. Pointing gestures
are maize leaves, his dance movements express growth, and may have been represented in the art as notational references
the emptying of a jar into the cleft from which he emerges to the physical and temporal situation of the engagement
signifies watering the maize. More generally, the relevant or the significance of the activity represented, which took
scenes are seen as expressing the developmental and seasonal place within the larger calendrical cycles and were recorded
stages of the crop. According to the conceptual interpretation, in accompanying hieroglyphic texts, particularly on stone
aspects and scenes of the Tonsured Maize God are explained monuments. Thus in addition to the written texts, gestures
symbolically, with a marked emphasis on broad concepts provided a visual language that can communicate when
such as ancestry, kingship, world creation, and the world events take place.
centre. Thus, the maize deity’s canoe voyage is thought to
symbolize the destiny of dead kings; the lightning torch in his
forehead, royal ancestry; and his acrobatic stance, the world
‘Elite’, ‘Non-Elite’ and the Longevity
tree at centre.’ (Braakhuis 2014: 1–2).
of Maya Practices
I suggest that the gestures represented in this scene func- More recent studies in Maya archaeology have considered
tion to communicate the lifecycles of the maize plant and the how we think about what is ‘elite’ and ‘non-elite’ in the Maya
Maize God in both the naturalistic and conceptual views. In world and in particular in what ways we can understand the
support of Fox Tree’s hypothesis, the gestures represented in practices and beliefs of all levels in Maya society. Astrono-
the two scenes on the North Wall and West Wall murals at my in Maya culture was not an abstract science, but was an
San Bartolo express the seasonality of rainfall according to integral part of daily life (Milbrath 2000: 1). Models of cos-
the lunar cycle. The crescent-shape hand gestures, for both mic order can be found in the configuration of monumental
the rainy and dry seasons, express the importance of knowing architecture to the arrangements of caches, altars, and milpas
and understanding seasonality for Maya maize production. (Mathews and Garber 2004: 49). Ritual acts from everyday
Such iconography also illuminates the importance of hands practices to courtly ones did not separate people in Maya so-
in the communication of meaning in Maya culture, and shows ciety. Rather what bound them together was a shared cosmos
that the Maya place the body at centre of celestial and ter- (Mathews and Garber 2004: 56).
restrial activities.
The longevity of Maya practices is testimony to the en-
durance and significance of concepts of space and time in
Maya culture. Concepts of space and time survived periods
The Body in the World:
of extreme social change (Mathews and Garber 2004: 56).
Conceptualising the Maya Cosmos
Gestures, produced as part of this worldview, may also have
‘Space’ and how people perceive and construct space is part continued through these social and political changes. In re-
of cultural knowledge. Gestures do not make use of ‘raw’ search detailed elsewhere (Maitland Gardner 2017), I argue
space; rather they are performed within the conceptual en- that viewers and audiences inside and outside of Late Classic
tities that are projected onto the world (Haviland 2000: 38). Maya courts could read the visual language of gestures and
This projection includes broader notions of time as well as that their physical gestural repertoire allowed them to make
immediate interactional space and bodily boundaries. The sense of what was represented. What may be lunar phase-re-
Maya devised ways of marking the passage of time and map- lated gestures also occur on Classic Maya female figurines.
ping their perception of the universe in the physical world These figurines have been regarded as non-elite objects, such
in which they lived. Several scholars note that the Maya as the figurines from Lubaantun in Belize (Joyce 1933). Ex-
perception of world order includes a horizontal division of amples include women that are depicted with a pincer gesture
the world into four quarters with an axis (ceiba tree). This (Fig. 10a), a ring-shape/index finger extended gesture combi-
quadripartite division of the universe is associated with con- nation (Fig. 10b), and pincer hand shape holding a water jar
cepts of creation, cosmic structure, cyclical completion, and (Fig. 10c). In the latter example, the middle, ring, and little
cardinal directions (Mathews and Garber 2004: 51). Indeed, fingers of the left hand are adducted; the index finger is set
completion is a key concept in Maya beliefs about time pas- apart from the adducted fingers and the thumb is extended.
sage (Rice 2007: 62). This hand shape may function to hold the pot, but it could
have meaning associated with the action of pouring water:
Orientation in local spaces can be extended from im- when the water jar is held upright there is a crescent shape
mediate surroundings in social encounters to temporal and formed between the extended forefinger and thumb; as the jar
spatial situation in the cosmos. Telling the time by reference would be rotated to let water out, the crescent shape between
to the movement of celestial elements occurs in space-to- forefinger and thumb would be rotated downwards. Indeed,
body and body-to-body dialogues. Whereas pointing gestures the Moon Goddess is widely connected with water, and wa-
performed in Maya communities today are used as time ref- ter storage jars are traditionally carried by Maya women
erents, and are fleeting productions accompanying speech, (Milbrath 2000: 33). These gestures occur in media other
representations of pointing gestures in Maya art act to express than in stone or in painting, suggesting that their production
the timing of the events depicted. The spatial frames of ref-
113
and meanings were found both inside and outside the courtly Acknowledgements
sphere. I thank Elizabeth Graham for reading an earlier version of this
chapter and for her kind comments and insightful suggestions,
David Stuart (1996) has pointed out that, as a result of which were helpful in revisions. I also thank Claudia Zehrt
our involvement in the historical paradigm that emerged in for translating my abstract into Spanish and thank Panos Kra-
the 1960s and which overturned previous notions that the in- timenos for reading this chapter and providing helpful feed-
scriptions treated the passage of time and nothing else –some back. Further thanks are due to Olivier Le Guen and Heather
essential truths of earlier scholarship may have been over- Hurst for their kind permission to include their images in this
looked. Time and space are central to existence and indeed chapter. Any shortcomings, however, are my own.
the Maya placed time and renewal at the centre of their ritual
life. The centrality of time keeping in Maya culture is attest-
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Thesis. University of Texas, Austin. 2008 Palenque: Eternal City of the Maya. London: Thames and
Hudson.
Miller, Mary E. and Karl Taube
1993 The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya. London: Taube, Karl
Thames and Hudson. 1992 The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan. Studies in Pre-Columbian
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2006 Contemporary Maya Spirituality: The Ancient Ways are Not Lost.
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Slovakia 21–22 November 2014.
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nessy Tozzer, Alfred M.
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Munn, Nancy
1992 The Cultural Anthropology of Time: A Critical Essay. Annual Urquizú, Mónica and Heather Hurst
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Neuenswander, Helen
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Normark, Johan
2000 Genderized Time and Space in Late Classic Maya Calendars.
116
A Blustery Melody: An Analysis of the Classic Maya’s
Use of Music as a Mediatory Art Form
Jared C. Katz
University of California, Riverside
Abstract
The music of the ancient Maya can be used to reexamine and further elaborate our interpretation of how the
Maya understood the connection of the terrestrial realm to the underworld and the celestial world. This paper
analyzes the integral connection that the Maya drew between music and wind. The paper is divided into three
sections. The first describes general connections between music and wind. The second section addresses how
music could control the rain bringing winds. A large number of musical instruments were discovered in caves,
places where the Maya would often hold ceremonies to summon the rains. The final section focuses on the
interpretation of the iconography on a Classic Maya tripod vessel housed at the Miho museum, Japan. This
vessel depicts the Maya mythological origin story of music. The Maya believed that wind brought music
into the terrestrial realm from another world, most likely the Flower Mountain, the paradisiacal realm of
ancestors, demonstrating that music came from another world and held an otherworldly quality.
Resumen
La música de los antiguos mayas puede ser usada para reexaminar y complementar nuestra interpretación
de cómo entendieron la conexión del reino terrestre con el inframundo y el mundo celestial. Este artículo
analiza la conexión integral que los mayas trazaron entre la música y el viento. El ensayo está dividido en
tres secciones. La primera describe las conexiones generales entre la música y el viento. La segunda sección
trata de cómo la música podía controlar la lluvia, atrayendo los vientos. Un gran número de instrumentos
musicales fueron descubiertos en cuevas, lugares donde los mayas a menudo habrían llevado ceremonias
para pedir lluvias. La sección final se enfoca en la interpretación de la iconografía y la mitología de una
vasija trípode en el Museo Miho, Japón. Esta vasija presenta la historia mitológica del origen de la música.
Los mayas creían que el viento trajo la música al reino terrestre desde el otro mundo, muy probablemente
de la Montaña Florida, el reino paradisíaco de los ancestros, demostrando que la música vino del otro
mundo, y que tuvo una calidad “espiritual”.
Based on the frequency with which music is depicted in art- depicted at many ritual events, such as the ball game, ritual
work, the number of musical artifacts that have been found sacrifice, political proceedings, and religious ceremonies.
in archaeological excavations, and the strong link that existed Music also held a significant position in the mythology of the
between instruments and particular deities, this article puts ancient Maya. This article discusses the integral connection
forth the argument that music was a central aspect of the daily that existed between music and wind in order to further ex-
and ceremonial activities of the ancient Maya. Musicians are plain the role of music in mythology. The connection between
Jared C. Katz
music and wind is evident in the cosmological beliefs of the Many conch shell trumpets found in the archaeological
ancient Maya and it is found within their depictions of the record are decorated with incised images. These depictions
paradisiacal realm of ancestors known as the Flower World often show an ancestor or a deity on the side, and occasionally,
(Taube 2004a: 69). There is a strong link between wind and the inscriptions suggest that the tone produced by the conch
music in the ancient Maya world. Music not only had the shell is actually the voice and breath of the ancestor (Carter
ability to control wind, as has been argued previously by 2010: 126; Taube 2010b: 125). One such conch shell depicts
several scholars (Ishihara 2008: 178), but the Maya believed an ancestor with a ‘breath-serpent’ in front of his face. A
that wind brought music into the terrestrial world. hole drilled at the mouth of the serpent would have allowed
the musician to alter the tone of the conch trumpet, thus
connecting the physicality of the trumpet with the depiction
of the ancestor’s speech scroll. Covering the serpent’s mouth
The Connection between Music and Wind
altered the tone of the instrument, thus indicating that the
Music and wind are connected in a variety of ways. To be- sound of the trumpet is meant to be the voice of the ances-
gin, many musical instruments are associated with wind; the tor (Carter 2010: 126). A shell plaque, described by Zender
clearest example of this link being the conch shell. The swirl- (2010), shows a priest talking to a large conch shell, and out
ing form of the conch shell resembles depictions of wind and of the conch emerges “a serpentine head representing either
water, and conch shell trumpets often evoked wind and the the denizen of the shell or, perhaps, the embodied voice and
roaring sea as noted by Houston and Taube (2011: 15). The spirit of the conch itself” (Zender 2010: 84). Such examples
cross sectioned conch appeared as a symbol of breath and show that the conch shell is often associated with breath, and
wind in the Maya area as early as the 5th century BC on Stela thus the wind of ancestral spirits and deities.
9 of Kaminaljuyu, as also noted by Houston and Taube (2011:
16). The conch shell is used in many instances as a symbolic The conch shell is often depicted alongside deities or
representation of breath and wind. For example, in the murals spiritual creatures that are associated with wind. There is a
of San Bartolo, the breath of the Maize God is represented as strong connection between the plumed serpent, a creature of
a spiraling conch shell (Fig. 1a; Saturno et al. 2005: 7–8, 12). wind, and the conch shell, because the shell evokes the coiled
c d e
Figure 1.a) Maize God with conch shaped breath scroll as depicted in San Bartolo murals. Drawing by Jared Katz (after drawing by Heather
Hurst, in Saturno et al. 2005: 12, fig. 8a); b) Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl as depicted on page 36 of the Borgia Codex. Image Courtesy of Akade-
mische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz (ADEVA), used with kind permission; c) Rattle with IK’ sign. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Taube
2004a: 73, fig. 3f); d) Drum with an IK’ sign. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Stone and Zender 2011: 89); e) Drum with sound being depicted
as flowers representing wind or breath, from the Santa Rita murals. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Hammond 1972: 126).
118
A Blustery Melody: An Analysis of the Classic Maya’s Use of Music as a Mediatory Art Form
Figure 2. a) Classic period vessel depicting music and incense, dancer dressed as Maya Wind God. Rollout © Justin Kerr, The Maya Vase
Database file no. K3247. Used with kind permission; b) Music and incense in the Dresden Codex being depicted in a similar way to reach
the upper world. Drawing by Jared Katz after Dresden Codex, Page 34.
form of snakes and whirlwinds, and because the conch con- (Fig. 1c; Taube 2004a: 73; Looper 2009: 159; Stone and Ze-
verts air, thus breath or wind, into sound (Taube 2001). Many nder 2011: 89). As argued by Karl Taube, this could be due to
depictions show Quetzalcoatl, the plumed serpent, wearing the fact that wind was associated with a creative source that
a conch shell, reaffirming this connection (Miller and Taube carries music (Taube 2004a: 72, 74).
1993; Taube 2001). During a later time period, in Central
Mexico, the Wind God Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl often wears a Flutes had a strong connection with wind. An excellent
cut conch shell, making the conch shell a key part of his garb example is an Early Classic deer bone flute found in Oaxaca,
(Fig. 1b; see also Miller and Taube 1993). dating to between 100–250 C.E (Barber et al. 2009). The
flute bears an incised iconographic depiction along its shaft
Not only conch shells are associated with wind. Fre- that shows a partially skeletal male figure facing toward the
quently, the wind sign, IK’, appears on musical instruments bell of the instrument (Fig. 3c). The skull is incised around
119
Jared C. Katz
b
Figure 3. a) Maya Wind God. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Stone and Zender 2011: 174); b) Maya Wind God playing the drum from Ma-
drid Codex. Courtesy of Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz (ADEVA), used with kind permission; c) Iconography on Oaxacan
flute. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Barber et al. 2009: 100, Fig 4).
one of the finger holes of the flute, thus connecting the figure The significance between music and ancestor worship
directly to the actual physicality of the instrument, similar to also serves to reaffirm the important relationship with wind.
the conch trumpet discussed earlier (Barber et al. 2009: 100). The Maya believed that their ancestors could not eat solid
A long breath scroll representing the sound of the skeletal fig- food because they were “not of the substance of which this
ure stretches from the skull towards the bell of the instrument, world is made”, they are beings that are connected to wind
which is where sound emerges, thus demonstrating that the (Ishihara 2008: 181; Taube 2001, 2004). Therefore, the an-
voice of the ancestor is also the voice of the flute. This again cestors could only consume offerings that were carried by
directly links music to breath, wind, and ancestors. Out of the the wind, such as the aroma of incense, flowers, and music
breath scroll emerges a human face that wears the mask of the (Ishihara 2008; Taube 2001, 2004a). Jane Hill (1992: 117)
duck-billed Wind God (Fig. 3c; Barber et al. 2009: 99–100). was the first scholar to describe the flowery sun filled abode
where the ancestors and gods resided known as the Flower
Percussive instruments are also often associated with World. The Flower World is also a place of music, wind, and
wind. The glyph for drum commonly contains an IK’ sign the breath soul (Taube 2004a, 2006). Again, the breath soul
(Fig. 1d; Stone and Zender 2011: 89). There is also an image is often closely related to both music and the sweet aroma of
from the Santa Rita murals that shows a figure playing a flowers, because all three are ethereal and are carried by the
drum (Hammond 1977: 127), and from the mouth of the drum wind (Taube 2004a: 72). Because of the close connection
stretches a chain of flowers, another symbol that is often between ancestors and wind, music and incense were used
used to represent wind or breath, thus relating the sound of in ceremonies to contact ancestors and deities in the Flower
the drum to wind and breath (Fig. 1e; see also Taube 2010a: World, as depicted on a Classic Maya vessel and more clearly
156–158). shown in a scene in the Dresden Codex, in which music and
the smoke of incense are depicted in a similar way (Figs. 2a
Karl Taube has also noted the connection between rattles and 2b; see also Taube 2004a: 78).
and wind, and he discusses many instances of the Wind God
playing rattles, some of which are marked with the IK’ sign In addition to ancestors, there is a strong connection be-
(Fig. 1c; Taube 2004a: 74). Often times, rattles are shown tween various gods, wind, and music. As described by several
with flowers or strips of paper on the top (Houston et al. scholars, including Andrea Stone, Marc Zender, and Karl
2006: 266). These flowers are used to draw a connection Taube, the Maya Wind God is often shown as a young man
between wind and the rattles, because, as mentioned previ- wearing an IK’-shaped earspool, and a prominent flower on
ously, flowers are often used to represent wind (Houston et his brow or on his headband (Fig. 3a; Ishihara 2008: 178;
al. 2006: 266). Stone and Zender 2011: 175; Taube 2001: 109). The Wind
God is also generally identified as the god of music, and he is
120
Figure 4. Scene from the West Wall, San Bartolo. Drawing by Heather Hurst, San Bartolo Regional Archaeological Project (after Taube
et al. 2010: 105, Fig. 66); used with kind permission.
often shown with rattles and other musical instruments (Ishi- Not only the Wind God was linked to both wind and
hara 2008: 178; Looper 2012; Taube 2001: 114–115; 2004a: music. The Maize God also serves as an excellent example of
73–74). Classic Maya texts provide clear evidence that the the connection between the two. The association between the
Wind God was indeed the god of music, and at sites including Classic Maya Maize God and dance has been noted by many
Copan, Palenque, and Tikal, as well as in later Maya codices, scholars, namely Karl Taube (Houston et al. 2006: 267; Loop-
there are either depictions of the Wind God playing musical er 2009; Miller 1992; Taube 1985; 2009). Mary Miller argues
instruments, or an epigraphic association between the Wind that this connection is due to the fact that maize plants often
God and musical instruments (Fig. 3b; Taube 2004a: 73–74). sway in the wind, thus making it seem as if maize crops are
In a conference presentation in 1995, Andrea Stone drew a dancing in the breeze (Miller 1992; Taube, pers. comm. 2014).
comparison between the Maya Wind God and Xochipilli,
the later Central Mexican god of music (see Houston et al. Taking a phenomenological approach, it can be argued
2006: 152). The numerous depictions showing the Wind God that if wind is present, the Maize God not only dances, but
performing music reaffirm the importance of the connection also produces music. If wind blows through a mature corn-
between wind and music. field, the plants not only sway back and forth, but they also
rustle against one another, creating a sound that is reminiscent
The Classic Maya had another form of the Wind God. of a shaking rattle. It is most likely for this reason that the
This duck-billed Wind God, first identified by David Stuart ancient Maya often showed the mature Maize God with rat-
(Stuart et al. 1999), is most likely related to the later Central tles when in the act of dancing (Fig. 8d). Michael Coe (pers.
Mexican Wind God Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Taube 2004b: 173, comm. 2014), argued that when the Maize God is depicted
2009: 43). This wind god is also shown in scenes of music in the contortionist pose, it probably represents mature corn.
and dance (Taube 2009: 43). In the mural paintings of Bon- When maize is mature, the Maya break the maize stalk and
ampak, a figure wearing a duck-billed mask stands amongst bend it over so that rain and moisture cannot enter into the ear
the musical group in Room 1 (Miller 2015). In Chichen Itza, of maize, just as the contortionist Maize God is shown with
there is a depiction of the duck-billed Wind God surrounded his feet and legs bent (Coe, pers. comm. 2014). The contor-
by music, which has lead Karl Taube (pers. comm. 2015) tionist Maize God, therefore, represents a mature maize plant
to argue that the duck-billed Wind God may also be a god that would create a rustling sound when blowing in the wind.
of music. Later, in Central Mexico, there continued to be a The Maize God thus demonstrates that when wind is present,
connection between Ehecatl and music. The Aztec priests he both dances and plays music.
would strike a large drum at ceremonies held at wind temples
in order to represent the voice of the Wind God (Durán 1971; This section demonstrates that there are many clear con-
Taube 2001: 114). In many Postclassic codices, duck-billed nections between wind and music in the ancient Maya world.
figures representing the Wind God are often shown playing Many musical instruments are directly connected to wind
rattles, drums, and other instruments (Looper 2009: 59–60; in iconography, in part by having an IK’ glyph on the in-
Taube et al. 2010). struments. The discussion of the ancestors emphasizes that
music is carried on wind, and thus nourishes as well as has
the ability to contact the ancestors. Finally, the discussion of
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Jared C. Katz
b c d
Figure 5. a) Ceremonial warfare between Chaak and the wind god. Rollout © Justin Kerr, The Maya Vase Database, file no. K1365. Used
with kind permission; b) Depiction of dancer with dance fan. Rollout © Justin Kerr, The Maya Vase Database, file no. K8947. Used with
kind permission; c) Depiction of dancer with dance fan. Rollout © Justin Kerr, The Maya Vase Database, file no. K1439. Used with kind
permission; d) Copan Sculpture 131 showing four musicians playing music in a quatrefoil cave. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Houston et
al. 2006: 265, fig. 8.16).
the intersection between various gods and wind serves to em- has been noted that the turtle carapace is strongly connected
phasize that the Maya were making intentional connections with thunder, and therefore with rain and rain-making (Taube
between music and wind in their pantheon. 2009: 48; Taube et al. 2010: 76). Edward Seler (1990: 281)
noted that “the turtle shell is a natural drum […] The crashing
of the storm, the thunder, is the celestial drum” thus reaffirm-
ing the connection between the turtle shell drum and rain.
How Music Can Control Wind
This scene probably depicts a rain dance, as has been argued
The Maya believed that music could actually be used to sum- previously, but in order to demonstrate how this connects to
mon wind. A scene in the San Bartolo murals depicts just wind, we must first turn to other iconographic material.
that, the use of music to summon wind (Fig. 4). The scene
depicts the earth turtle with its carapace in the form of a There is a series of at least twenty Late Classic Codex
quatrefoil cave (Taube et al. 2010: 72). Within the quatrefoil Style vessels that depict a mythic episode of the capture of
cave are Chaak, the god of terrestrial water, and the Maize the Wind God (Taube 2004a: 74–76). The scenes tend to
God (Taube 2009: 48; Taube et al. 2010: 75). The two water follow a similar pattern. There are warriors, one represent-
gods are shown seated on either side, and in the center of the ing an anthropomorphized version of the Rain God, the rest
cave, the Maize God dances while striking a turtle carapace representing his retinue, and the warriors are capturing an
and shaking a rattle (Taube 2009; Taube et al. 2010: 72). It unarmed young noble representing the Wind God (Fig. 5a;
122
Figure 6a. Origin story of music found in the Borgia Codex, Page 35. Image Courtesy of Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz
(ADEVA), used with kind permission.
Taube 2004a: 74–76). In this example Chaak can be iden- There is ethnographic as well as archaeological evidence
tified by his knotted necklace (Taube 2004a: 74–76). There that demonstrates the connection between rain and wind, and
are several key elements within this depiction demonstrating shows how music could be used to summon the wind. In the
that it is not supposed to represent an actual mythic battle, but ethnographic record, wind and wind gods are inseparable
rather a symbolic capture of the Wind God (Taube 2004a). from rain, because, as stated by Reiko Ishihara (2008: 178),
Chaak and one of his retinue are each carrying what appears “wind and wind gods are the carriers of the rain deities to bring
to be a shield, but could be a dance fan instead. This same rain of the fields”. Indeed, wind was viewed as the bringer of
style of fans is depicted on many vessels with scenes of music rain and clouds (Schaafsma and Taube 2006: 270). Ishihara
and ceremonial dances (Figs. 5b and 5c). The person behind (2008: 178) also states that in order to summon rain bringing
Chaak’s retinue has his mouth wide open, but, as noted by winds, “contemporary Maya farmers whistle a tune”, thus
Taube (2004a: 74), rather than representing a war cry, this demonstrating that music is still used to summon wind today.
most likely represents the individual in the act of singing.
Finally, all figures stand in terrestrial water (Taube 2004a: Archaeologically, many musical instruments have been
74). This scene, therefore, appears to be a ritual capture of the found within caves. A specific example is that many instru-
Wind God conducted by the Rain God, because rain needs ments have been found within the main chasm on Chill Hill,
wind in order to be blown over the fields. located at the site of Aguateca. An important attribute of
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Jared C. Katz
Figure 6b. Origin story of music found in the Codex Borgia, Page 36. Image Courtesy of Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz
(ADEVA), used with kind permission.
Chill Hill is a natural phenomenon that occurs every half 50). It, therefore, makes sense that in order to summon wind,
hour, in which thick clouds rise up from the Chasm (Ishihara ceremonies would have been held where the Maya believed
2008: 176). The Maya associated this natural phenomenon wind originated.
with the breath of the mountain as well as with concepts
of wind. Due to occurrences such as this, caves were per- Many musical instruments have been found within the
ceived as the source of wind, mist, clouds, and rain (Ishihara chasm at Chill Hill as well as cave features. Such instru-
2008: 177–178; Houston et al. 2006: 149–150; Schaafsma ments include drums, flutes, whistles, bone rasps, and turtle
and Taube 2006: 236–237). Ethnographic work with the carapaces (Ishihara 2008: 179–181). It is clear that the Maya
Tzotzil and Tzeltal Maya demonstrates that they still believe conducted pilgrimages to and ritual events in caves (Ishihara
that clouds and wind originate in caves (Vogt and Stuart 2008: 179–181; McKillop 2004: 154; Vogt and Stuart 2005:
2005: 164, 166, 171; Schaafsma and Taube 2006: 237). The 160). It is probable that the Maya played music in caves in
Tzeltal Maya believe that hail, wind, and storms come from order to summon the wind gods and the rain bringing wind,
caves, but they see these as destructive forces (Vogt and which is necessary for it to rain (Ishihara 2008). The scenes
Stuart 2005: 270–271). Pugh notes that caves in general are described above in which Chaak is shown ritually capturing
often connected with wind and breath, and that “winds move the Wind God are, therefore, showing that in order to make
water from subterranean passages into the sky” (Pugh 2005: rain, Chaak needs the rain bringing winds.
124
The depiction from the site of San Bartolo, a Late Pre-

classic mural dating to ca. the first century B.C. represents
such a scene. Chaak and the god of standing water are
shown (Fig. 4; see also Fig. 5a). The Maize God is shown
dancing, singing, and playing music in a quatrefoil cave,
similar to many later iconographic examples that show
musicians playing music in quatrefoil caves in order to
summon the Wind God and the rain-bringing wind (Fig.
5d). In the image from San Bartolo, everything present
indicates that this scene is a rain dance, as has been pre-
viously argued (Taube 2009: 48–49; Taube et al. 2010:
76–77). Due to the strong symbolism of both music and
wind in this depiction, I argue that this scene is showing
the Maize God playing music in order to summon the
Wind God, or wind, who would then carry Chaak over
the fields in order to make it rain.
The scene from the San Bartolo murals demonstrates

that as early as the first century B.C., the Maya believed
that music had the ability to summon rain-bringing winds.
This is not the only example in the San Bartolo murals of
linking music with wind. This belief continues up to con-
temporary times, as demonstrated by the fact that Maya
farmers whistle for the explicit purpose of summoning
winds. Many other iconographic scenes demonstrate that
this belief was widespread in the Maya area, reaffirm-
ing the strong belief that music could indeed control the
winds.
How Wind Brought Music into Our World

Now, entering into the final section of this discussion, the
author argues that the Classic Maya believed that wind
brought music into the terrestrial world. This argument
is based on a classic Maya tripod vessel that depicts the
Maya’s mythic origin story of music. To begin this dis-
cussion, we must first turn to a later Central Mexican
Codex, the Borgia Codex, in order to detail a story de-
picted within the manuscript. Karl Taube (2001) was the
b first scholar to have argued that a series of images in the
Borgia Codex depict the origins of music. On page 35
Figure 7. Continuation of the origin story of music from Borgia Codex. a) and 36 of the Borgia Codex, there is a depiction of two
Page 37; b) Page 38. Drawings by Jared Katz. gods, Tezcatlipoca and Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, who take
a burning bundle from the night sun and bring it to the
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Jared C. Katz
watery underworld. Once the bundle is placed in the underworld, it emits a

spiraling wind that contains flutes, rattles, drums and other instruments in
addition to flowers, birds and butterflies (see Figs. 6 and 7; see also Taube
2001: 114–115). The scene ends with the Stripe Eye form of Quetzalcoatl
emerging from the mouth of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Boone 2007: 192; Taube
2001: 114). This scene depicts the birth of music into the earthly realm. Mu-
sic is born from the wind emerging from the burning bundle and is carried
into our world by Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, the god of wind, thus showing that
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl is the bringer of music (Taube 2001: 115).
This scene demonstrates that in the Borgia Codex, wind and the Wind God
are responsible for the birth of music into our world.
Taking a closer look at some of the specific scenes within this story can
help to reveal further connections between wind and music. Taube (2004a:
88) has argued that the transformative agency of fire can reanimate mortuary
a bundles, often turning them into butterfly souls. When the burning bundle in
the Borgia reaches the underworld, it becomes animate and is depicted with
the same flute that Xochipilli, the god of music, is shown playing on the fol-
lowing page (Fig. 7; Taube 2001: 115). The wind emanating from the flute
on the bundle is actually the breath of Xochipilli’s flute. Furthermore, the
bundle is shown draped with the same fabric that Ehecatl is shown wearing
earlier in the Borgia Codex, thus supporting the link between the Wind God,
this bundle, and the birth of music (Fig. 8a,b).
The final part of this story shows the birth of music, as it emerges from
the mouth of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Boone 2007; 190, Taube pers. comm.,
2014). On the bottom of the same page, a baptismal scene is taking place. The
baptismal scene shows a string of flowers representing music, which connects
to the upper world where Tlaloc dances and Xochipilli plays his whistle in
his house of flowers (Fig. 7; Taube 2001: 115). This shows that music being
b played in the earthly realm reaches the upper world. The string of flowers is
akin to the flowers shown emerging from the mouth of the drum on the Santa
Rita murals (Fig. 1e). The entire story then shows how music can reach every
realm: the underworld, the terrestrial realm, and the upper world.
The birth of music as depicted in the Borgia Codex is strikingly similar to

a scene depicted on a Classic Maya tripod vessel located in the Miho Museum,
Japan. Stone and Zender (2011: 89; see also Fig. 8d) describe this scene by
stating that “[...] soothing sounds represented by iconic blossoms and buds
Figure 8. a) Bundle from which music emerges in the Borgia Codex. Image Courtesy
of Akademische Druck- und Verlagsannstalt Graz (ADEVA), used with kind permis-
sion; b) Depiction of Ehecatl whose garb is the same fabric that wraps the bundle.
Drawing by Jared Katz, based on Borgia Codex, Page 19; c) Strpie Eye emerging out
c of the mouth of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl carrying music into the terrestrial world. Draw-
ing by Jared Katz based on Borgia Codex, Page 38; d) The Maize god bringing music
into terrestrial world. Drawing by Jared Katz (after Zender 2004: 87); e) Flower road
depicted on the North Wall, San Bartolo. Drawing by Heather Hurst, San Bartolo
Regional Archaeological Project (after Saturno et al. 2005: 16, Fig. 12); used with
kind permission.
d e
126
emerge from an IK’ marked drum and rattles played with hieroglyphic inscription on the serpent states that the serpent
extraordinary dexterity by an acrobatic musician. Bearing the is the wak ik’ chan ch’een or the “celestial spring of the six
distinctive tapered forehead and tonsure of the young Maize winds” (Zender 2004: 193–194).
God, he partakes in a scene of verdant paradise, surrounded
by flowers, birds, acrobats and musicians”. This scene depicts This vessel, therefore, shows that not only is music
the Maize God, playing rattles and a drum, emerging from the brought into this world surrounded by symbolism of breath
mouth of a serpent that is surrounded by flowers. and wind, but also that music emerges from the mouth of
the serpent named the “celestial spring of the six winds”.
The scene depicted on the classic Maya tripod vessel is The flowers surrounding the scene on the Maya vessel are
similar to the depiction in the Borgia Codex (Figs. 8c and 8d). indicative of breath, wind, and Flowery Paradise. Finally, the
In the Borgia Codex, music is born out of wind, surrounded Maize God, in his contortionist dance pose, plays musical in-
by flowers and bird elements, emerging from another world, struments. As noted above, when wind blows, maize not only
and carried into the earthly realm through the mouth of Ehe- dances, but makes music. Therefore, the Maize God dancing
catl-Quetzalcoatl. On the Maya vessel, the Maize God is and playing rattles is evoking the image of mature maize
shown emerging from the mouth of a serpent. The serpent is a blowing and rustling in the wind. The Classic period vessel
creature that is directly connected to the concept of breath and then shows music emerging from another world, carried and
wind in the Maya world (Houston and Taube 2011: 21–22; surrounded by wind, and played by a god that has a strong
Taube 2003: 422–423; Taube 2001: 108; 2010a: 172). Ser- connection to wind. Due to the similarities between this scene
pents are also directly connected to the celestial paradise, and the scene in the Borgia Codex in which music is born,
Flower World (Hill 1992; Taube 2001; 2003; 2004a; 2010a). the author argues that this Classic Maya tripod vessel in the
Serpents often times form the flower roads, or the paths that Miho Museum depicts the Maya’s mythic origin story of
lead away from Flower Mountain, as depicted on the murals music, and does indeed show that in Maya mythology, music
of San Bartolo (Fig. 8e; Saturno et al. 2005: 25, Taube 2006: was born from wind and delivered into our world by means
156) and as shown on the frieze recently found at the site of of the wind. This also indicates that the Classic Maya shared
Holmul (Francisco Estrada-Belli, pers. comm. 2014). a very similar origin story in regard to music as depicted in
the Borgia Codex, highlighting the significance of this myth.
Throughout the scene depicted on this Classic Maya ves-
sel there are flowers. In the upper left hand corner a glyphic The Aztec origin story for music is also very similar. As
representation of a flower is shown with breath scrolls em- noted by several scholars including Both and Taube, the Az-
anating from it (Fig. 8d). Flowers, as previously discussed, tecs believed that drums were actually former court singers
are also strongly connected to music, wind, the life force who resided at the house of the sun, but were stolen by Tezcat-
contained in breath, the soul, and of course to the concept lipoca and delivered to earth in their present form (Both 2007;
of Flower World (Hill 1992: 117; Taube 2001: 103; 2004a: Taube 2001). In another version, according to the “Histoyre
69; 2010a: 156). It seems that the Maya vessel depicts Flow- Du Mechique,” (quoted in Bierhorst) music was taken from
er World and a flower road. The Maize God is, therefore, the sun by Ehecatl, the Wind God: “…Having arrived, the
emerging from another world, probably the flowery paradise, wind god called to them [one of four musicians staying with
carrying music, just as the Stripe Eye form of Quetzalcoatl is the sun] with a song, and one of them immediately answered
shown emerging from another realm into the terrestrial realm it and went off with him, carrying the music that they perform
carrying music. to this day in their dances in honor of their gods.” (Bierhorst
1985: 21). All three of these origin stories involve gods, all
The remainder of the iconography found on the Classic of whom have a direct connection with wind, venturing into
period tripod vessel helps to strengthen this argument. Marc other worlds in order to retrieve music. In both the Borgia
Zender (2004: 194) argues that the stepped undulating body Codex and in the Aztec case music is retrieved from the
of the celestial serpent found in the center of the scene is in Sun God, in the Maya case music is retrieved from Flower
fact the façade of the Flower Mountain, strengthening the Mountain; a celestial solar paradise of ancestors, wind, and
argument that the mouth of the serpent, from which the Maize flowers. All stories highlight the connection between music,
God emerges, could be intended to represent the flower road wind, deities, and ancestors.
that leads to or from the Flower Mountain (Fig. 9). He also
points out that to the left of the scene the young Wind God, Returning to the Classic Maya, there is other evidence
who is also the god of music, sits on the celestial serpent that helps to demonstrate that the origin story of music may
while playing two rattles (Zender 2004: 193). Throughout have been a widely recognized myth. On a Classic Maya
the entire scene are iconographic depictions of beauty, music, vessel (K8947) a group of musicians emerges from a large
and growth (Zender 2004: 193). On the opposite end of the stylized Witz monster (Fig. 10). The latter is covered with
scene is the depiction discussed previously, the Maize God stone markings that are generally used to designate moun-
emerging from a wind serpent. The serpent from which the tains (Stone and Zender 2011: 139; Montgomery 2002: 270).
Maize god emerges stretches through the entire scene and is The maw also has a number of flowers surrounding it, thus
the same serpent on which the Wind God is sitting (Zender likely indicating representations of Flower Mountain. The
2004: 193). Zender notes that the serpent represents the wind musicians, being guided by Chaak, are walking out of the
and breath soul of the cosmos, and states that “this serpent is mouth of Flower Mountain while playing a drum, rattles, and
at once the conduit and the inspiration for the music played a turtle carapace. This could possibly be a ceremony recre-
by all these important deities” (Zender 2004: 193). Finally, a ating the birth of music into our world as it has many strong 127
Jared C. Katz
Figure 9. Classic period Maya vessel depicting the origin story of music, housed in the Miho Museum, Japan. Drawing by Jared Katz (after
Zender 2004: 87).
connections to the scene shown on the Classic period vessel, cussion instruments, were actually marked with the IK’ sign
and to the scene in the Borgia Codex. in order to indicate that they were musical instruments. Also,
several deities associated with wind, including the Wind God
In sum, based on the variety of images found in the Maya and the contortionist Maize God, are often shown playing
world, it seems that in Maya mythology, music was born into music.
the terrestrial realm from another world, namely the flower
paradise. Wind is often shown surrounding music as it is It has further been demonstrated that the Maya believed
brought into our world, thus reinforcing that the Maya, just that music could be used to control wind. Ceremonies were
like later central Mexican cultures, believed that wind both often held in caves in order to summon rain-bringing winds.
created music and brought it into the terrestrial realm. Music was a key component in these ceremonies and several
instances in the ethnographic, archaeological, and icono-
graphic record demonstrate the belief that music could sum-
mon rain-bringing winds. This article focused on the depic-
Conclusions
tion from the San Bartolo murals in order to provide a slightly
In conclusion, this essay has brought together the work of different interpretation of this scene. It has long been argued
numerous scholars in order to help emphasize the connection that this scene demonstrates an early form of the rain dance,
between music and wind in the Maya area. The first section but more specifically, the dance was meant to summon the
demonstrated that many instruments were connected with winds, thus demonstrating that the Maya believed music
wind, and some instruments, such as drums and other per- could call the wind as early as the first century B.C.
Figure 10. Depiction of a ceremony recreating the birth of music on a Classic period Maya vessel. Rollout © Justin Kerr, The Maya Vase
Database, file no. K8947. Used with kind permission.
128
Figure 9 (continued)
Finally, this study demonstrated that the scene from the Hammond, Norman
Classic Maya tripod vessel in the Miho Museum depicts a 1972 Classic Maya Music. Cambridge: Centre of Latin American
similar creation story of the origin of music as found in the Studies, University of Cambridge.
Borgia Codex. The vessel shows how wind brought music Hill, Jane
1992 The Flower World of Old Uto-Aztecan. Journal of Anthropo-
into the earthly realm from the celestial realm of ancestors.
logical Research 48: 117–144.
This essay, therefore, has demonstrated that not only are

Houston, Stephen, David Stuart and Karl A. Taube
music and wind connected to one another, but the Maya be- 2006 The Memory of Bones: Body, Being, and Experience among
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– and continues to be – widespread throughout Mesoamerica 2011 The Fiery Pool: Water and Sea among the Classic Maya. In:
as many cultures seem to have had similar beliefs. Christian Isendahl and Bodil Liljefors Persson (ed.), Ecology,
Power, and Religion in Maya Landscapes. Markt Schwaben:
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130
Rogelio Valencia Rivera

Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Abstract
K’awiil, one of the major gods among the Prehispanic Maya, appears represented on capstones, especially in
the Northern Lowlands of Yucatan. These images represent abundance of food, as they are often quoted with
the epithets ox wi’il, ‘a lot of food’, or waaj ha’, ‘bread and water’, meaning feast. In the vast majority of
these images K’awiil appears carrying bags filled with seeds, especially maize or cacao. In some occasions,
these images appear together in a single building, conferring it with some special meaning. This chapter
tries to explain the presence of these capstones in a building provided with some specific characteristics.
In particular, the study focuses on the information coming from Structure A-1 in Dzibilnocac, where many
capstones representing K’awiil were found along with a pair of cornerstones which depict K’awiil and pro-
vide epigraphic information that validates the interpretation of this building as the Sustenance Mountain, a
place described in many Maya and Mesoamerican creation myths.
Resumen
K’awiil, uno de los principales dioses entre los mayas prehispánicos, aparece representado con frecuencia
en tapas de bóveda, sobre todo en la región norte de la península de Yucatán. Estas imágenes representan la
abundancia de alimento pues regularmente aparecen con epítetos que representan dicha abundancia, tales
como ox wi’il, “mucha comida”, waaj ha’, “comida y bebida” y otros. En la mayor parte de dichas repre-
sentaciones aparece junto a bultos llenos de semillas que regularmente son de maíz, o de cacao. En algunas
ocasiones, varias de estas tapas aparecen en el mismo edificio, dotándolo de una cierta significación. El
presente artículo pretende dar una explicación a la presencia de este conjunto de representaciones en con-
junto con otras características del edificio donde están localizadas. En particular la Estructura A-1 del sitio
de Dzibilnocac, en el cual aparecieron, junto a varias tapas de bóveda, representaciones de K’awiil en los
esquineros del edificio, los cuales aportan información adicional que sustenta la tesis de este trabajo, la cual
consiste en definir al edificio como la montaña de la que proviene el sustento, lugar que aparece descrito en
varios mitos de la creación en el área maya.
El mito de la Montaña del Sustento

tapa de bóveda de la Estructura 6 Ajaw (Fig. 2a) (Carrasco et
Uno de los soportes artísticos en los que más aparece repre- al. 1999) o algunas tapas de bóveda procedentes de Caracol,
sentado el dios K’awiil es en las tapas de bóveda, elemento Belice (Chase y Chase 1987: 15, 43; Chase y Chase 1998:
que sirve de cierre para los techos de las estructuras mayas 313), las cuales fueron encontradas en cuartos empleados
abovedadas (Fig. 1). como tumbas.
Dentro de la cultura maya existió la tradición de decorar Una de las principales funciones de las tapas de bóveda
las piedras con las que se cerraba la bóveda de los cuartos era el registrar la fecha en la que se realizaba el cierre o
de los edificios. La decoración de dichas piedras se realizaba terminación de la estructura en la que se colocaban. Tal es el
principalmente mediante la pintura, aunque existen algu- caso de las tapas de bóveda de Caracol (Fig. 2b), las cuales
nos otros ejemplos, como los de Kiuic, Calakmul, Xculoc registran con el verbo mahkaj, ‘se cerró’, la fecha de finaliza-
o Mopila, en que las piedras eran labradas. Aunque esta es ción del cuarto empleado como tumba (Chase y Chase 1987:
una tradición especialmente empleada en las Tierras Bajas 43, 1998: 313). Éste es, a su vez, un uso bastante extendido
del norte de la península de Yucatán, no es exclusiva de esa en las Tierras Bajas del norte de la península, tal y como se
región, tal y como lo permiten comprobar algunos escasos puede verificar en las tapas de bóveda procedentes de Ek
ejemplos provenientes de Calakmul, como es el caso de la Balam, como las tapas 1 y 2 que indican la fecha del cierre
Figura 1. Localización de una tapa de bóveda (en color naranja) dentro de un cuarto abovedado (Dibujo de Alejandro Villalobos).
de la habitación o cuarto perteneciente a un tal Tz’ihb’am (Fig. 2a), la cual posee la inscripción: 6 ajaw naah, ‘la casa
Tuun, con la expresión: mahkaj u way, ‘se cerró su cuarto’ 6 Ajaw’ (Carrasco et al. 1999).
(Lacadena 2003: 24–28).
Pero quizás la función más importante de este elemento
Otra función de las tapas de bóveda, no tan usual como la decorativo fue la de emplear dichas tapas como indicadores
anterior, es la de dar nombre a la estructura que las contiene. o favorecedores de abundancia alimenticia (García Campillo
Tal es el caso de la tapa de bóveda proveniente de Calakmul 1998) pues, además de estar ilustradas, los textos que las
acompañan son muy simila-
res a los augurios positivos
que aparecen en los códices
mayas (Fig. 3).
Tal y como muestra la

Tapa de bóveda 3 de Dzi-
bilnocac (Fig. 3), el conjunto
de augurios más empleados
en las tapas consiste de las
siguientes expresiones:
Ox wi’il, ‘abundante alimen-

to’.
a b
Figura 2. Tapas de bóveda procedentes del Petén maya. a) Tapa de Bóveda de la Estructura 6 Ajaw, pro- [Ti’] waaj [ti’] ha’. Difrasis-
cedente de Calakmul (Fotografía de Rogelio Valencia Rivera); b) Tapa de bóveda procedente de la Tumba mo que literalmente significa
de Estructura L3, Caracol, Belice, fechada para 9.9.0.16.17 2 Kaban 15 Wo (Chase y Chase 1987: 43). ‘alimento y bebida’, pero que
132
en su conjunto posiblemente signifique ‘banquete’ (Christo-

phe Helmke, comunicación personal 2011) o “festín” (Albert
Davletshin, comunicación personal 2011). Haciendo un aná-
lisis más detallado de la expresión, Érik Velásquez (comuni-
cación personal 2011) piensa que TI’-WAJ TI’-HA’ puede
tener una interpretación más compleja y que se trata en re-
alidad de un difrasismo WE’-UK’ o WE’-UCH’, “comer-be-
ber”, cuyo significado finalmente es abundancia de víveres.
A veces, aparece esta expresión simplificada como waaj ha’.
[u] T24-ajaw-T24. Este es un augurio positivo que, en el Có-

dice de Dresde, casi siempre va asociado a Itzamnaaj y cuya
lectura no es aún fiable.
Ox b’olon waaj, ‘innumerables tamales’.
Ib’, ‘Semillas’ (Tokovinine 2014).
Kakaw, ‘Semillas de cacao’.
#-k’an-yax.
También suele ser representado un símbolo compuesto por un

número y las palabras k’an ‘amarillo’ y yax ‘verde’. Estas dos
palabras crean un difrasismo que tiene el valor de abundancia
(Hull 2012: 100–103). Fray Thomás de Coto (1983) tiene
varias entradas en su diccionario que definen este término,
Figura 3. Tapa de Bóveda 3 de Dzibilnocac (Dibujo de Christian tales como: “Para significar prosperidad usan de este nombre
Prager).
a b
Figura 4. a) Tapa de Bóveda del Museo de Filadelfia (Dibujo de Simon Martin); b) Vasija K3801 (Fotografía de Justin Kerr).
133
q’anal y raxal’ (1983: 29), ‘Ah q’an ah rax, estos nombres García Campillo realizo un análisis detallado de las expre-
significan abundancia de bienes y riquezas, y que no falte siones empleadas en las tapas de bóveda y se aproxima a una
cosa alguna, con abundancia de gusto y contento’ (ibid. 67), conclusión a la que también se llega en el presente análisis,
‘q’anal raxal, bienes de fortuna” (ibid. 68). Como bien indica la de que son textos propiciatorios, o más bien, rogatorios,
Stuart (2005: 100) en relación a la combinación yax-k’an que que pretenden solicitar o favorecer una gran abundancia de
aparece formando parte del logograma TZ’AK, tiene que ver alimentos y no solo son pronósticos asociados a las fechas
con el ciclo total de crecimiento de las plantas, al plantear la de las tapas (García Campillo 1998: 310-319). Además de
dicotomía maduro-inmaduro. Un aspecto intrigante acerca de indicar dichos textos, estas tapas fueron regularmente ilus-
este difrasismo es que en ocasiones aparece como ik’-k’an, o tradas con imágenes de dioses entre los que se encuentra el
k’an-ik’, como en la Tapa de Bóveda del Museo de la Univer- Dios del Maíz, pero sobre todo, se ilustran con la imagen del
sidad de Filadelfia (Fig. 4a). En esta tapa de bóveda, un enano dios K’awiil (Carrasco y Hull 2002: 26–27; García Campillo
que acompaña a K’awiil lleva el símbolo en sus manos. Esto 1998: 302; Mayer 1983, 2014, 2015). K’awiil suele represen-
podría apuntar a un error del escriba, pero no es el único caso. tarse sentado en un trono cubierto con piel de jaguar y frente a
En un cajete tipo balanza del Clásico Temprano (Fig. 4b) se canastas o bultos rellenos de semillas, lo cual sabemos porque
puede apreciar que K’awiil lleva en sus manos de nuevo este a veces dichos bultos aparecen con secciones transparentes
símbolo compuesto por el número siete y los signos k’an e ik’. para dejar ver su contenido.
Es muy probable que esto se refiera a la maduración, y por
consiguiente, con la abundancia de cacao, planta con la que En ocasiones, K’awiil sostiene los bultos abiertos y de
K’awiil tiene una estrecha relación. También en Coto (1983: ellos sale gran cantidad de semillas, como si los estuviera va-
368) se dice lo siguiente en relación al color negro, q’ek: ‘po- ciando. En otras representaciones sostiene lo que parecen ser
nerse alguna cosa negra dicen. Y esto es el cacao cuando lo canastas o platos repletos de semillas. A veces dichos platos
asolean, o los plátanos que ponen a secar al sol, las vainillas, contienen el signo de tamal, o waaj, y en otras ocasiones estos
etc.’ Y en relación al color amarillo q’an: ‘Usan también (esta tamales aparecen en sus manos o a su alrededor (ver Fig. 3).
palabra), por ponerse amarillas las frutas duraznos, peras, y Los bultos que se ilustran en las tapas de bóveda se asemejan
de toda fruta que madura y sazona, aunque no tenga el co- a los que llevan los mercaderes para transportar mercancías.
lor amarillo’. De cualquier manera, el difrasismo tiene una Dichos bultos suelen además llevar una marca con la cantidad
connotación de riqueza, abundancia y prosperidad, y como de semillas que contienen, casi siempre con múltiplos de
lo demuestra el cajete, estos conceptos se asocian a K’awiil
desde épocas muy tempranas de la historia de la cultura maya.
Figura 5. K’awiil con alas y acompañado de un enano, Tapa de

Bóveda 1 de Sacnicte (Acuarela por Walter Lehmann, 1926, tomado Figura 6. K’awiil con alas, Tapa de Bóveda del Templo de la Lechuza
de Mayer 1986: 32, Abb. 7). (Dibujo de Simon Martin).
134
8000 (pik) y en ocasiones marcas como

ox-bolon-waaj, ‘tres-nueve-tamal’, in-
dicando grandes cantidades de alimento.
Otras veces, K’awiil aparece de pie con to-
dos los elementos antes mencionados a su
alrededor, siendo representado ya sea con
su usual pie de serpiente o con ambos pies
antropomorfos sin modificación alguna.
En algunas representaciones aparece

acompañado por un enano (Mayer 1986).
Suele aparecer a la izquierda de K’awiil
en actitud de hablar con él o de ayudarle
en la tarea que está realizando (ver Figs.
4a y 5).
El ave K’awiil
Pero quizás lo más intrigante de las re-
presentaciones de K’awiil en el corpus de
las tapas de bóveda sea que éste aparece
adornado con grandes tocados de plumas
y específicamente con plumas por todo
Figura 7. Tapa de Bóveda 6 de Dzibilnocac, donde se muestra el logograma WAJ, waaj, el cuerpo, especialmente en los brazos a
‘tamal’, como el trono sobre el que se encuentra sentado el dios K’awiil, que además posee modo de alas (ver Figs. 5, 6 y 7).
plumas en los brazos y un pico de ave (Fotografía de Rogelio Valencia Rivera).
c d e
Figura 8. K’awiil con forma de ave, a) Plataforma del Osario (Schmidt 2007); b) Variante del logograma K’AWIL con plumas en la cabeza,
Chichén Itzá, Estela del Caracol (Dibujo de Alexander Voss); c) Estela Merriam (Fotografía cortesía del Museo De Young); d) Dintel Cen-
tral de la Estructura 4B1 de Sayil (Pollock 1980: 123, fig. 255c); e) Mural 1, Estructura 5, pared interior, lado este de Tulum (Miller 1982:
Plate 28); f) Tapa de bóveda de Uxmal (Dibujo de Martine Fettweis).
135
a b
c d
Figura 9. K’awiil transformándose en ave. a) Tapa de Bóveda 4 de Ek Balam (Lacadena 2003); b) Tapa de Bóveda 19 de Ek Balam (Laca-
dena 2003); c) Tapa de Bóveda 7 de Ek Balam (Lacadena 2003); d) Tapa de Bóveda de Uxmal, Museo Nacional de Antropología México
(Fotografía de Rogelio Valencia Rivera).
136
c
Figura 10. Menciones a una advocación aviaria de K’awiil en textos del Clásico. a) Copán, Detalle Banqueta Templo 9M-158 (Fotografía
de Dmitri Beliaev); b) Panel del Templo de la Cruz Foliada, detalle (Dibujo de Linda Schele); c) Elemento 2/93, Balunté 770 – 850 d. C.
(Fotografía de Ángel Sánchez Gamboa, cortesía del proyecto de Catalogación de Incensarios de Palenque, INAH).
En la Tapa de Bóveda 6 de Dzibilnocac (Fig. 7) K’awiil rece en el extremo de una banda celeste, lugar generalmente
tiene unas enormes alas y tiene el pico de un ave en la cara, ocupado por un ave y donde se le muestra con alas y con ga-
pero manteniendo la mandíbula inferior, es decir se encuentra rras semejantes a las de un ave predadora (Fig. 8e). También
en un proceso de transformación. aparece ya transformado en pájaro (Fig. 8a) en la Terraza su-
perior de la Plataforma del Osario de Chichén Itzá (Schmidt
Ya en otras representaciones tardías K’awiil aparece como 2007) y con alas en los dinteles de la Estructura 4B1 de Sayil
un ser alado, tales como en las pinturas de Tulum donde apa- (Fig. 8d), una tapa de bóveda de Uxmal (Fig. 8f) y con alas y
a b
Figura 11. Tapa de Bóveda 2 de Dzibilnocac. a) Dibujo de Teobert Maler; b) Dibujo de Christian Prager.
137
acompañado de pájaros en la Estela Merriam, en el Museo De Pero es muy posible que el estado final de la transforma-
Young en San Francisco, procedente de Hecelchakan (Fig. 8c). ción sea Yax Kokaaj? Mut, la advocación aviaria de Itzamnaaj
La forma de ave de K’awiil es tan importante en Chichen Itzá, (Fig. 9d), que en textos del Clásico aparece como Kokaaj
que posee una advocación llamada Yax uk’uk’um K’awiil K’awiil y que durante la Colonia es denominado Itzamnaaj
(Boot 2005; Grube, Lacadena y Martin 2003: 40–42; Stuart K’awiil (Valencia Rivera 2011).
1997), ‘K’awiil de las plumas verdes’ y quizás debido a la
influencia de esta advocación, el logograma con el nombre Asimismo, la advocación aviaria de K’awiil no sólo apa-
del dios presenta plumas y pico (Fig. 8b). rece en las Tierras Bajas de la Península de Yucatán, sino que
también tenemos evidencias de su presencia más al sur, ya
Pero es en el corpus de las tapas de bóveda donde que también se le menciona en otros textos (Fig. 10), tales
podemos apreciar una gran cantidad de representaciones de como el de la Banqueta Templo 9M-158 de Copán donde se
K’awiil con plumas y alas, y donde apreciamos que en la menciona el nombre del gobernante copaneco K’ahk’ Yipyaj
narrativa mítica asociada a K’awiil éste acaba transformado K’awiil Mut CPN ajaw o el texto del Panel del Templo de la
en un ave. Esta transformación se puede apreciar muy bien Cruz Foliada, donde se puede leer: ...yax muut k’awii[l] wi-
en las tapas de bóveda de Ek Balam, en las que primero se nik uux ahaal k’uh ch’ok unen k’awiil, ‘el ave verde K’awiil
presenta a K’awiil con alas y después con cuerpo de ave, pero Winik, el dios tres veces aparecido, el joven bebé K’awiil’, así
aún con la cara de la deidad, en la que se aprecia el elemento como en imágenes procedentes de Palenque, como en la parte
flamígero saliendo de su frente (Fig. 9). superior del incensario de la Fig. 10c, donde se puede apreciar
a K’awiil transformándose en un pájaro, al haber perdido par-
te de las piernas y los brazos y
surgir un ala de su espalda. Esta
ave jugará un papel muy impor-
tante en las subsecuentes fases
de la narrativa mitológica conte-
nida en las tapas de bóveda, pero
para poder analizar este aspecto,
debemos determinar dónde se
encuentra K’awiil y hacia dónde
se dirige.
Donde habita K’awiil

El lugar donde se encuentra
K’awiil dentro de las represen-
taciones de las tapas de bóveda,
ya sea de pie o en su trono, es
identificable por algunos esca-
sos ejemplos de tapas que mues-
tran algún detalle relacionado
con la localización de la escena,
como en la Tapa de Bóveda 2 de
Dzibilnocac (Fig. 11). En ésta
aparece K’awiil rodeado por
rostros, que Zender (2008) ha
identificado como la representa-
ción de una montaña. O como en
la Tapa de Bóveda del Templo
de la Lechuza en Chichén Itzá
(Fig. 6), donde se le muestra con
un signo de aguada a sus pies, si-
milar al de la Tapa de Bóveda de
San Francisco (Carrasco y Hull
2002), donde aparece el Dios del
Maíz sentado dentro de otro sig-
no de aguada. Esto nos permite
inferir que la escena donde se
representa a K’awiil está loca-
lizada dentro de una montaña y
Figura 12. Esquinero de Bóveda 1 de Dzibilnocac (Fotografía de Rogelio Valencia Rivera; dibujo
de Guido Krempel). que el recinto donde se encuen-
138
Como parte de los trabajos de recuperación del sitio de Dzi-

bilnocac después del paso del Huracán Isidore por la Península
de Yucatán (Carrasco y Boucher 1985: 60–62; Carrasco 2002;
Sánchez López y Anaya 2006), fueron localizados un par de es-
quineros de bóveda (Figs. 12 y 14) en la primera subestructura
de la Estructura AI de este sitio (véase también Mayer 2015).
Ambos monumentos presentan a K’awiil de nuevo sentado
frente a un trono, con un plato con tamales en la mano y frente a
él un bulto con el numeral 12 pik. La inscripción que acompaña
a K’awiil en uno de los casos es muy importante porque nos
permite comprender porqué K’awiil se encuentra ahí (Fig. 12).
La inscripción dice lo siguiente1:

a-AL?-ya 1-OK-CHAN-na K’AWIL K’UH u-tz’a-ma
PIK-TE’ WAJ
alay jun ook chan k’awiil k’uh, u tz’am pikte’ waaj
‘Aquí está el dios K’awiil de un pie de serpiente, su trono son
8000 tamales’.
1 Los esquineros de bóveda de Dzibilnocac fueron

presentados por primera vez, junto con su lectura, en el XIX
Congreso Europeo de Maysitas (19. EMC) de Bratislava en 2014 por
el autor del presente artículo. De manera independiente, Guido
Krempel también publicó su lectura en dos ocasiones (Mayer 2015:
144; véase también Mayer 2014: 100) y ambas lecturas coinciden en
su mayor parte.
Figura 13. Tapa de bóveda en la bodega del INAH en Campe-

che procedente de Dzibilnocac (Fotografía de Rogelio
Valencia Rivera).
tra debe ser una cueva, o una aguada

dentro de la misma.
Otro elemento que nos permite

contextualizar el espacio donde se
desarrollan los eventos descritos en
las tapas de bóveda es el enano que
acompaña a K’awiil (ver Figs. 4a y 5).
De acuerdo con varios investigadores
(Houston 1992; Prager 2002; Stornio-
lo 2009), los enanos son seres que re-
presentan el interior de la tierra, donde
suelen habitar y en ocasiones llevan
marcas de kaban, ‘tierra’ en sus ropas.
Con el fin de determinar porqué

K’awiil, un dios que muchos investi-
gadores consideran como una entidad
celeste, dados los epítetos con los que
se le suele nombrar en las claúsulas
nominales de los gobernantes mayas,
aparece dentro de una montaña y más
específicamente dentro de una cue-
va, vamos a emplear un conjunto de
inscripciones que nos pueden aportar
Figura 14. Esquinero de Bóveda 2 de Dzibilnocac (Fotografía de Rogelio Valencia Rivera;
información más detallada al respecto. dibujo de Guido Krempel).
139
En el texto, es muy probable que el numeral ‘8000’ im-

plique una gran cantidad de comida, no exactamente esa
cantidad de tamales. A pesar del nombre que porta K’awiil
en estas representaciones, en ninguno de los dos esquineros
aparece con un pie de serpiente, lo cual es muy interesante,
ya que parece ser que K’awiil podría tener advocaciones de
las que el pie de serpiente no forma parte.
Aunque la palabra ook parece nombrar no sólo al pie sino

también a la pierna: tzotzil: ok, ‘pie, pierna’ (Weathers y Wea-
thers 1949: 21), en algunos diccionarios parece aludir sólo
al pie: tzotzil: ta yolon yok, ‘debajo de los pies’; ta lajuneb
kok, ‘con los diez dedos de mis pies’ (Laughlin 2007: 227),
en tzotzil colonial: ok, ‘pie, cabo’ (García de León 1971: 63).
Un posible ejemplo en el periodo Clásico de esta referencia
al pie proviene de un plato hallado en Dos Pilas que hace
referencia a un gobernante de Motul de San José (Demarest
et al. 1992). El plato es llamado en la inscripción como k’ahn Figura 15. Fachada del Edificio A1 de Dizibilnocac donde se
ookwante’, que significaría ‘plato tetrápodo’ (Lacadena en muestra donde fueron encontrados los esquineros de bóveda
Velásquez 2009a: 56). En las imágenes de K’awiil, la ser- (Carrasco y Boucher 1985).
piente sustituye solamente al pie, pero debido a que ambas
piernas poseen escamas semejantes a las de los reptiles, se 7), donde se puede ver al dios K’awiil sentado en su trono,
ha asumido que es toda la pierna la que representa al ofidio, el cual esta formado por el logograma WAJ, waaj, ‘tamal’.
pero en la misma Fig. 12 podemos apreciar que los brazos de
K’awiil también poseen dichas escamas. El factor importante Lo que este conjunto de inscripciones nos indican es que
a tomar en consideración es entonces la presencia o ausencia estos son los dominios del dios K’awiil, esta es su corte y
del pie, el cual es el que es sustituido por la serpiente y de ahí todo lo que se representa a su alrededor son sus posesiones.
que le de preferencia a esta traducción y no a la de ‘pierna de Su trono está conformado por todos los bienes de que dispone
serpiente’ en este texto. y sobre todo de alimento.
La identificación correcta de la frase nominal para K’awi- Aunado a esto, el enano que lo acompaña además de re-
il se pudo realizar gracias a otra tapa de bóveda proveniente presentar el interior de la tierra, actúa como cortesano de
de Dzibilnocac (Fig. 13), recientemente publicada por Karl K’awiil, de forma similar a como lo haría en el exterior de la
Herbert Mayer (2014: 100) y leída por Guido Krempel, donde montaña, acompañando a los gobernantes en los eventos que
aparece el mismo nombre para K’awiil2. Esta tapa de bóveda ocurren en la corte (Houston 1990). Algo que también tiene
fue fotografiada junto con los esquineros y en ella aparece especial relevancia en esta narrativa, ya que nos encontramos
K’awiil con un pie de serpiente y esparciendo semillas. en realidad en una corte de la cual K’awiil es el máximo res-
ponsable y que se localiza dentro de la montaña.
Concuerdo en la mayor parte de la lectura propuesta por
Guido Krempel para este monumento:
La Montaña del Sustento
1-OK-ki CHAN-na K’AWIL?-la? K’UH
jun ook chan k’awiil k’uh, Ya Carrasco y Hull, en su trabajo de 2002, habían determi-
‘El dios K’awiil de un pie de serpiente’. nado que el cuarto abovedado hace las veces de la aguada
representada en la tapa de bóveda que lo cubre y lo equipa-
El segundo esquinero (Fig. 14), aunque con algunas lagu- raban con la tortuga de la que sale el Dios del Maíz al renacer,
nas, ahonda en la misma idea que el anterior, pues su texto situando a K’awiil como un cooperante en dichas labores de
menciona que cacao, atole y tamales son el trono de K’awiil: renacimiento. Resulta interesante notar que el término para
escribir aguada en el maya Clásico es idéntico al usado para
ka-wa u-? yu-la ?-tu-? u-WAJ lu u-tz’a-ma nombrar a un cuarto o recinto: way. Parece que más allá de
kakaw u… yuul?… u waaj [u]l u tz’am una coincidencia, hay una clara relación cultural entre ambos
‘... kakaw … su atole, su tamal, su trono…’ elementos.
Una muestra gráfica de la naturaleza del trono de K’awiil lo Coincido con estos autores en que la habitación actúa
podemos apreciar en la Tapa de Bóveda 6 de Dzibilnocac (Fig. como una cueva o una aguada dentro de la montaña, pero no
para representar a una tortuga, sino para conformar un espa-
cio mitológico y arquitectónico específico, el de la Montaña
2 Este mismo apelativo para el dios K’awiil aparece en el
del Sustento, lugar que representa o sintetiza la idea detrás
Dintel 1 de H’wasil (Pallán y Benavides 2012: 149), agradezco a
del origen mitológico de los alimentos en varios mitos me-
uno de los revisores anónimos de este capítulo la mención a esta
soamericanos.
inscripción.
140
En su trabajo acerca de las tapas de bóveda, García Cam- como la deidad que se lleva las semillas al cielo, identifica
pillo (1998: 320) se dio cuenta de que éstas suelen aparecer a Oxlajun Ti K’u como el Dios L, deidad con la que K’awiil
en grandes cantidades en determinados edificios, tales como está muy relacionado.
el de Las Monjas en Chichén, con 20 ejemplos, y el Palacio
de Santa Rosa Xtampak, con 11 ejemplos. Dicho investiga- El Dios L, deidad relacionada con el comercio y muy
dor indicaba que dichos edificios pudieran tener una función particularmente con el cacao (Martin 2006), es un ser ubi-
específica debido a la marcada presencia de dichas tapas. Tal cado en el inframundo, es decir, dentro de la montaña. Es
es el caso de la Estructura A1 de Dzibilnocac (Carrasco 2002; quizás debido a que tanto K’awiil como el Dios L son los
Carrasco y Boucher 1985; Nelson 1973: 15) con más de 203 poseedores de los bienes localizados en su interior, que apa-
ejemplos de tapas de bóveda y esquineros (Fig. 15). recen representados juntos con asiduidad. Ambos son muy
parecidos a los Kanhel (Landa 1986: 64; Barrera Vásquez
Estos edificios tienen en común, junto a la Estructura A1 1980: 296) que podemos encontrar en las descripciones de los
de Dzibilnocac, la presencia de una fachada zoomorfa que mitos asociados a las montañas narrados por los habitantes
representa las fauces de la tierra (Carrasco 2002: 29), es decir, de las Tierras Altas de Chiapas. Pitarch (1996: 100) describe
la entrada a la montaña . Si cada cuarto representa una cueva a estos personajes como los dueños de todos los bienes que
o una aguada, el edificio en su conjunto representa a la mon- se localizan en el interior de las montañas. Algunos de estos
taña donde se encuentran los alimentos, la mítica montaña seres son rayos, pero los hay de diversas formas, destacando
de los mantenimientos, el Paaxil de las narraciones que aún uno por ir siempre con sombrero y pidiendo cigarros, siendo
perviven entre los mayas. éstos atributos del Dios L (Ruz 1983: 434).
De acuerdo con varios autores (Navarrete 2002; López Los kanhel son seres que en los libros del Chilam Balam
Austin y López Luján 2004), existen gran cantidad de mitos, tienen que ver con el aire y que ayudan a Chaahk a traer las
incluidas narraciones contenidas en el Popol Vuh y diferentes lluvias. Landa menciona en su relación a estos seres como los
Títulos de las Tierras Altas de Guatemala, que hacen referen- que portan los sacerdotes en las ceremonias de Fin de Año,
cia al lugar mitológico donde fue hallado el maíz, una mon- uno de los cuales es Bolon Dzacab. Seler (1904: 26–35) deter-
taña llamada Paaxil para los mayas, o Tonacaltepetl entre los mina que Bolon Dzacab es K’awiil pues al comparar las pági-
nahuas, que contenía gran cantidad de semillas, especialmen- nas del Año Nuevo del Códice de Dresde con la descripción
te de diversas variedades de maíz. En el relato, los hombres de Landa, se da cuenta que K’awiil sustituye a ésta deidad.
no conocen su localización y le piden ayuda a una gran varie-
dad de animales para localizarla. Cada mito cuenta con uno o Por otra parte, el investigador Braakhuis en un trabajo
varios animales que se ofrecen a realizar la búsqueda, entre reciente (2019), presenta una asociación de la mitología del
los cuales se encuentran el cuervo, el pájaro carpintero, las Dios del Maíz del área maya, con la tradición mitológica de
hormigas, el zorro, el gato montés el mono o la ardilla y otros la Costa del Golfo, en donde al Dios del Maíz se le llama
más que dependen de la versión del mito. Una vez hallada la Homshuk. Dentro del mito del Homshuk, hay una parte en
montaña y, al no poder abrir la cueva donde se encuentra el la que viaja a buscar a su padre al país de los truenos, lugar
maíz por hallarse cerrada por una piedra, los hombres llaman donde habitan los seres que son poseedores de la riqueza ali-
al rayo para que la destruya. Éste accede a hacerlo, con lo cual mentaria, pues son los dueños del maíz. Los truenos llegan a
los hombres pueden acceder a los alimentos. un acuerdo con Homshuk para que use el maíz para alimentar
a los hombres y se comprometen a traer la lluvia a tiempo
Si bien estos mitos describen el lugar donde se hallan los para que crezca.
alimentos, no nos indican nada acerca de quién es el posee-
dor o poseedores de los alimentos contenidos en la montaña. Si tomamos estas ideas en su conjunto y las aplicamos a
Simon Martin (2006) y Marta Ilia Nájera Coronado (2011), lo que nos muestran las diversas tapas de bóveda que repre-
de manera independiente en sus investigaciones acerca del sentan a K’awiil, podríamos crear una narrativa que sería la
origen mitológico del cacao, nos hablan de un pasaje en el siguiente: K’awiil es el trueno que custodia las semillas y es
Chilam Balam de Chumayel que hace referencia a una deidad quien tiene que negociar con los dioses de las lluvias para
llamada Bolon Dzacab. Aunque Eduard Seler (1904: 26–35) que puedan ser empleadas por los hombres. Es el custodio de
identificó a esta deidad con K’awiil, identificación que ha los bienes en la montaña, donde se encuentra su trono. Estas
sido ampliamente apoyada por varios investigadores (Va- deidades tendrían su equivalente dentro de la cosmovisión
lencia Rivera 2011, 2016). En una parte de esta narración se maya en los Kanhel, de los cuales K’awiil forma parte. Estas
hace referencia a un evento mitológico en el que se describe deidades viven en las montañas y son las poseedoras de los
la confrontación entre Oxlajun Ti K’u y Bolon Dzakab, en alimentos.
la cual Oxlajun Ti K’u es humillado y Bolon Dzakab toma
semillas de varios tipos, las envuelve y se las lleva al decimo- Debido a una disputa con otro Kanhel, el Dios L, K’awiil
tercer estrato del cielo. Martin además de identificar a K’awiil decide sacar las semillas de donde se localizan y las lleva al
cielo transformado en ave. Es muy probable que dicha ave
sea una deidad cuyo nombre fue empleado por gobernantes
3 No se tiene cuenta exacta de la cantidad de tapas de
mayas desde el periodo Clásico y que aparece aún en textos
bóveda que proceden de Dzibilnocac, pero hay una en la bodega
coloniales como Itzamnaaj K’awiil. Es bien conocido que una
del INAH de Campeche con el número consecutivo 26, por lo que
de las principales advocaciones del dios Itzamnaaj es un ave y
se prefiere emplear el término impreciso de ‘más de 20’.
141
ésta aparece también representada en tapas de bóveda, sobre asociado a la abundancia y a la transformación, pero sobre
una banda celeste, siendo posiblemente el último paso en la todo, lo vuelve asociar a los kanhel, algo que sobre lo que ya
transformación de K’awiil para llevar las semillas al cielo había llamado la atención otros investigadores (De la Garza
(Fig. 9d). Una vez ahí, los alimentos quedan a la disposición 1986; Velásquez 2009b), al indicar que existe una amplia
de los seres humanos, motivo por el que acuden a K’awiil tradición historiográfica que asocia a K’awiil con estos seres.
para que favorezca su abundancia. Sería así, a través de la
mediación de un dios transformado en animal, que los seres
humanos adquieren los alimentos, tal y como lo reflejan una
Referencias
gran cantidad de mitos aún en la actualidad (Navarrete 2002).
Barrera Vásquez, Alfredo
1980 Diccionario Maya Cordemex. Maya-Español, Español-Maya.
Mérida: Ediciones Cordemex.
Conclusiones
Boot, Erik
Hemos podido apreciar como ciertas estructuras dentro de las 2005 Continuity and Change in Text and Image at Chichén Itzá,
ciudades mayas tenían como objetivo la rememoración de los Yucatán, Mexico. A Study of the Inscriptions, Iconography and
eventos a través de los cuales los hombres habían obtenido los Architecture at Late Classic to Early Postclassic Maya Site.
alimentos por parte de los dioses. Dentro de estas estructuras, Leiden: CNWS Publications.
los cuartos representan cuevas o aguadas donde se localiza-
Braakhuis, H. Edwin M.
ba el alimento. Dentro de los cuartos se colocaban tapas de
2019 Watery World or Realm of the Rain Deities? The Aquatic
bóveda pintadas o labradas en las que se representaban los Environment of the Tonsured Maize God. In: Milan Kováč,
diversos eventos que conformaban el mito de la salida de las Harri Kettunen and Guido Krempel (eds.), Maya Cosmology.
semillas desde el inframundo hasta los cielos, manteniendo Terrestrial and Celestial Landscapes, pp. 147–159. Acta Me-
de esta forma viva la memoria de dichos eventos mitológi- soamericana 29. München: Verlag Anton Saurwein.
cos e intentando favorecer la renovación de la abundancia de
alimento al principio de la creación de los mismos mediante Carrasco, Michael David y Kerry Hull
la intermediación del dios responsable de llevarlos a los cie- 2002 The Cosmogonic Symbolism of the Corbeled Vault in Maya
los, K’awiil. Architecture. Mexicon 24: 26–32.
Este tipo de rememoración sería muy similar a la recrea- Carrasco Vargas, Ramón
2002 Proyecto Arqueológico Dzibilnocac. Informe Técnico. Manu-
ción de espacios de carácter mitológico en otras culturas, tal scrito. Consejo de Arqueología INAH, México.
y como dentro de la cultura nahua se construía el Templo
Mayor con el fin de rememorar el mito fundacional del na- Carrasco Vargas, Ramón, Agustín Anaya Cancino y Adriana I.
cimiento de Huitzilopochtli en el Coatepetl (López Austin y Sánchez López
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UNDERWORLD:
REPRESENTATIONS, ENVIRONMENTS AND INHABITANTS
Watery Underworld or Realm of the Rain Deities?
The Aquatic Environment of the Tonsured Maize God
H. Edwin M. Braakhuis
Utrecht University
Abstract
After a critical look at the prevalent concept of a ‘Watery Underworld’, with its implied focus on Hun-Hunah-
pu, the case is made for the concept of a Mayan ‘Tlalocan’ inhabited by the dead and intimately connected
to the maize god as a culture hero. The aquatic dead are likely to have included the king as well as the
officials and priests involved in the water management of the kingdom. Ethnographic sources reveal the
presence of the dead, and particularly of dead rainmakers, in the terrestrial waters. Aquatic iconography is
shown to be more in keeping with the idea of a Mayan ‘Tlalocan’ inhabited by the dead than with that of a
‘Watery Underworld’. The Tonsured Maize God functioned as a prototype of the king in exercising power
within this aquatic realm.
Resumen
Tras de una mirada crítica al concepto prevaleciente de un “Inframundo Acuático”, con su enfoque implícito
en Hun-Hunahpu, se plantea el concepto de un “Tlalocan” maya habitado por los muertos e íntimamente
conectado con el dios del maíz como héroe cultural. Es probable que los muertos acuáticos hayan incluido
al rey, así como a los oficiales y sacerdotes involucrados en la gestión del agua. Las fuentes etnográficas
señalan la presencia de los muertos dentro de las aguas terrestres, entre ellos los hacedores de lluvia muertos.
Se muestra que la iconografía acuática está más en consonancia con la idea de un “Tlalocan” maya habitado
por los muertos que con la de un “Inframundo Acuático”. El dios del maíz tonsurado funcionó como un
prototipo del rey en el ejercicio de poder dentro de este reino acuático.
¿Por qué me desenterraste del mar? as for scenes on friezes. This ‘Watery Underworld’ refers not
– Rafael Alberti merely to pools and rivers in the limestone underground, but
more precisely to pools and rivers in a dark and grim aquatic
underworld inhabited by the souls of the dead, akin to Xi-
The abundance of aquatic motifs on Maya ceramics encoun- balba. It is the relevance of this Popol Vuh-derived concept
tered in burials, caches or out of archaeological context is that is at issue.1
often explained in terms of a ‘Watery Underworld’, an ex-
pression that has become an archaeological catchword for all
1 In the Popol Vuh, Xibalba is conceived as a subterranean
kinds of aquatic fauna and paintings found in tombs, as well
realm inhabited by deities that cause sickness and death. It is not,
‘Watery Underworld’ versus Tlalocan

as referring to the deity’s death and entry into the ‘Watery
as a Realm of the Dead
Underworld’ (e.g., Helmke 2012: 111).
In the standard work on aquatic iconography, Nicholas M.
Hellmuth (1987: 2, 356–357) used the non-interpretive term I believe a generalized view of the waters as akin to an
“surface of the underwaterworld” to refer to an environment underworldly reign of Xibalba to be much too restrictive. As
inhabited by all kinds of aquatic creatures, as well as by I have shown elsewhere (Braakhuis 1990, 2009), equating
certain heroes and deities. However, in Michael D. Coe’s the Tonsured Maize God with Hun-Hunahpu is questionable,
foreword to the same book (p. 345), the term was construed and consequently so too is the associated concept of a ‘Wa-
as “the watery underpinnings of Xibalba.” More or less simul- tery Underworld’. Moreover, there are cogent reasons to as-
taneously, Schele and Miller (1986: 267–300) formulated a sume that the ancient Maya myth of the Tonsured Maize God
‘Watery Underworld’ view focused on a single representative should be considered as another, and more extensive, version
of the dead, namely the king (or rather his soul), transport- of contemporary Gulf Coast maize hero tales (Braakhuis
ed by a canoe and sinking into the waters of Xibalba. In a 2009, 2014; Chinchilla Mazariegos 2011). Together, the Gulf
reformulation (Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993: 112, 267ff), Coast tales constitute the only Mesoamerican mythological
the king was recognized to be the Tonsured Maize God, the complex to feature a specifically male maize deity and to
presumptive equivalent of Hun-Hunahpu. Since this Classic incorporate conspicuous turtle symbolism. The great im-
‘Hun-Hunahpu’ was assumed not only to have died in the un- portance it assigns to the rain deities’ realm (lakes, rivers,
derworld, but also to have been resuscitated from it, aquatic lagoons, and the sea ruled by thunders and lightnings) is
scenes from the maize deity’s iconography were reinterpreted echoed in the iconography of the Tonsured Maize God and his
accordingly. Such scenes include his voyage in a canoe, as Late-Preclassic predecessor. I therefore suggest that, with the
well as his encounter with naked women standing in the water Tonsured Maize God for a starting point, we take a wider view
and his emergence from a turtle carapace (ibid.: 92–93). The of Mayan aquatic imagery and the role played in it by the
theory of a descent into a ‘Watery Underworld’, based on dead. This approach allows a fuller account of the ideological
the parallel between the destiny of Hun-Hunahpu (viewed as importance that the sea once had for the Maya (Finamore and
the maize deity) and that of the king, also figures in a recent Houston 2010). Instead of ‘Watery Underworld’, I will use
overview of Classic Maya funerary customs (Fitzsimmons the explanatory concept of a Mayan ‘Tlalocan’, the realm of
2009: 22, 35–36, 50, 68–71). the rain deities4 and of the aquatic dead. This realm subsumes
but is not limited to subterranean waters.
Although widely accepted, the evidence for the ‘Watery
Underworld’ theory is less than conclusive. The assumption
that the canoe with the maize deity is disappearing below the
The Concept of ‘Tlalocan’
water rests largely on a debatable interpretation of a handful
of bone and flint artifacts. The two critical bone engravings The concept of ‘Tlalocan’ does not hold a prominent place
from Tikal’s burial 116 (Schele and Miller 1986: 270, Fig. in recent Maya scholarship. This is all the more surprising
VII.1) are exceptional among the canoe scenes of the Ton- given that iconographically, representations of the rain and
sured Maize God, and the possibility that the engraver was led lightning deities abound and that aquatic head markers with a
by the restrictions imposed upon him by the irregular shape of snout similar to that of the rain deity feature in many scenes.
the material at hand does not appear to have been considered.2 An exception is Taube (2010b: 215) who, in arguing his case
As it stands, these scenes might just as well depict a paddler of a Mayan celestial solar paradise, noted that among Huastec
“guiding a canoe through rough water which hides the bow” and Sierra Nahuat, there is a “merger of the eastern sea with
(Trik 1963: 12, Fig. 4). Another piece of evidence (Schele and the dawning sun and paradise,”5 the eastern sea being con-
Miller 1986: 271; 286, Plate 114), an eccentric flint, shows ceived as a paradisiacal afterlife region not unlike the Aztec
only a vague resemblance to a canoe; instead of one maize Tlalocan. It may be noted that according to one informant,
deity passenger, it has anthropomorphic lightnings on all the maize hero’s home is precisely there, “on the other side
sides, and no paddlers.3 The scenes with the women are, in of the pond (where the sea falls), where the sun goes up, the
several cases, glossed in general terms as ‘entering the water’
or ‘entering the road’, but tend to be narrowly interpreted
4 The term ‘rain deities’ (or ‘pluvial deities’) is here used
in the general sense of deities responsible for the aquatic cycle.
however, explicitly described as an abode of the dead. They thus include the deities of the terrestrial waters and the sea,
2 It is noteworthy that in the four Tikal canoe scenes il- the lightnings, and the clouds, as well as their ophidian transfor-
lustrated by Kelley (1976: 234–235) –including the ones discussed mations.
here– a row of water symbols invariably follows the lower contour 5 As a matter of fact, in many representations the sun de-
of the bone’s engraved surface. In the two specific cases at hand, ity is assimilated to the lower aquatic, rather than to the upper
the divergent depiction of the canoe together with the row of wa- celestial realm (e.g., Hellmuth 1987: 176, Fig. 359 and 283–286;
ter symbols makes it appear that some of the animals are going Houston 2010: 74, Fig. 14; K114; K1485; Schele and Miller 1987:
down, an impression belied by their unaltered arrangement and 206–207, Plate 73). In addition, the floral border that, following
manner of gesticulation. Taube, should denote the celestial road of the Sun, also adorns
3 The surmised canoe is further assumed to have been per- the well-known Río Hondo bowl with its exclusively aquatic ico-
sonified as a ‘Celestial Monster’. nography.
148
Watery Underworld or Realm of the Rain Deities? The Aquatic Environment of the Tonsured Maize God
wearing the attributes of the aquatic powers

(e.g., the Waterlily Pad Serpent; Coltman
2015) and sitting in state in their abodes.
Indeed, already at the end of the Preclassic
period, ceremonial centers like that of Iza-
pa were designed as stages where the king
and his officials could ritually enact their
roles within the aquatic domain (Guern-
sey 2010b: 207–221). As will presently be
noted, there are indications that by having
represented the rain and water deities, the
king and his functionaries were thought to
continue their water-giving activities in the
afterlife.
Particularly when shown enthroned

within a quadrifoil turtle or crocodile
(Guernsey 2010a: 82; Taube et al. 2010:
72–75), in the heart of the waters, the king
may function as an ancestral ruler who,
together with his retinue of dead human
beings, governs the sea (Fig. 1). This con-
cept is exemplified by the role still played
in contemporary Central Mexican ethno-
meteorology by the ancient king of Texco-
Figure 1. A King of the Sea. Altar 1, El Peru (Drawing by Linda Schele; FAMSI Schele co, Nezahualcoyotl (Lorente y Fernández
drawing 7623). 2011: 91–92, 121–123, 188–191; 2012:
73–76, 84). The dead Nezahualcoyotl not
dead rise” (Chevalier and Bain 2003: 204). The Tlalocan of only fulfills the role of an otherworldly ‘King of the Sea’, but
contemporary Nahua speakers along the Gulf Coast includes also installs a new levy of invisible human ‘water masters’
lagoons and subterranean lakes or ‘seas’, “heavily populated (ahuaque) each year. In such a way, these ‘water masters’,
with the souls of the dead” (Knab 2004: 111). Such local man- partly recruited through drowning, reproduce in the afterlife
ifestations of an all-encompassing ‘Tlalocan’ can, both along the former social class of the royal water managers. 7 Similar-
the Gulf Coast and among the Mayas, be conceived as par- ly, the Huastec assume the four earth carriers to be drowned
adises full of fruit trees.6 Moreover, the subterranean world humans who are replaced each year from the ranks of the
is often believed to be in communication with the sea, much newly drowned – drowning being but a stereotypical form
as the subterranean and lagoon paradises are mirrored by an of recruitment into a pluvial function – while the former in-
eastern sea paradise (Braakhuis 1990: 132–134; 2014: 16). cumbents retire to the eastern sea paradise of the aged thunder
deity, Muxi’ (Alcorn 1984: 57). As another ‘King of the Sea’,
To the Aztecs, of course, Tlalocan is the watery, partly this deity may also have recruited and installed them. The four
subterranean realm communicating with the sea and includ- human earth carriers appear to play the roles of the rain-bring-
ing a paradise where the rain deity assembled the dead he had ing deities known to the Yucatec Mayas as the Bacabs (cf.
claimed by way of drownings, strokes of lightning, and so on. Taube 1992: 97), who had likewise been installed in their
Yet, the conception of the aquatic dead as it has come down positions (Landa, in Tozzer 1941: 135). Within a quadripartite
to us may be too narrow, for it seems reasonable to suppose organization, such men may, in the pre-Spanish past, have oc-
that persons were also assigned to the realm of the rain deity cupied important positions in the water management and the
by virtue of having represented or otherwise served him. In rain cult. Maya iconography actually shows young officials
the upper echelons, this would include such persons as the cast in the roles of the Bacabs (Jackson 2013: 126–129), as
water managers responsible for irrigation (cf. Fash 2010), well as of other rain deities and rainmakers.8
the rainmakers and aquatic nahuales (cf. Braakhuis and Hull
2014), as well as the priests directing the rain deities’ cult.
First among these aquatic and pluvial functionaries is the
king himself who, among the Maya, is commonly shown 7 The term ahuaque ‘water master’ is elsewhere paral-
lelled by apianih ‘caretaker of the water’ (Reyes García et al. 1976:
6 Examples are the great lagoon of Tamiahua, repository of 127), terms that appear to designate water management functions
all seeds (Reyes García 1976: 127); the cave where the Koy river ris- and to refer without distinction to human beings and to deities.
es, deep inside of which there is, according to a Huastec tradition, 8 Young Bacab (God N) impersonator: Palenque throne
a paradisiacal garden full of fruit trees (Gutiérrez de Sánchez 1993: supports, Pomona Panel 1 (Stuart 2005: Fig. 4), Laxtunich Lintel
169); and a cave in the Tojolabal area, reached by way of a sub- 4 (Jackson 2013: Fig. 34). Young rain deity (God B) impersonator:
terranean stream, where an otherworld full of fruit trees awaits K521, K1250. Young rainmaker with lightning deity (God K) leg (cf.
(MacLeod and Puleston 1979: 73). Braakhuis and Hull 2014: 451–452): K3367, K9205.
149
Figure 2. Twenty ancestors flanked by aquatic skulls. Copan Str. 11 bench panels (Drawing by Linda Schele; FAMSI Schele drawing 1105).
The Dead in the Aquatic Cycle

of in such a way that, on ‘rising’ from their burial place, they
The notion of the dead living in aquatic bodies, rivers, and can head for the sea without having to return to the village”
the sea and often playing the role of the rain and lightning (Oseguera ibid.). This generalized idea could also explain
deities and their assistants has been reported from several why, for the southern Zapotec, the deity of the ocean was
Mesoamerican groups. These include the Lacandon Maya, also the god of the souls of the dead (Weitlaner 1964: 561).
who believed that the dead entered a cliff at the shore of
Lake Mensabäk to join and serve the rain deity after which it In accord with the Chontal model, the Tepehua living in
is named (Boremanse 1986: 73–77). Inside the lake’s cliffs, the middle reaches of the Gulf Coast believe that the dead
particularly in the Mensabäk cliff shrine itself, human skeletal visiting their descendants arrive from the eastern ocean. As
remains have in fact been found, together with offerings of described by Williams García (1963: 225–227), on the Day
marine shell (Palka 2014: 229, 285–289; cf. 21). of the Dead the ancestors are ushered in by a couple of Old
Ones carrying lightning staffs and accompanied by a musi-
As regards the Huastec Maya, Stresser-Péan (2008: 76– cian striking a turtle carapace. The male Old One (perhaps
79) tells of beliefs concerning the transport of ancestors to the the aged thunder deity) declares that he brings the dead. At
sea. Struck by lightning, these ancestors had been converted the same time, the Old Ones behave as if they bring in many
into the assistants of the supreme lightning deity living in shrimps, “to allude to their eastern origin,” the shrimps appar-
the eastern ocean, “where the sun rises.” In order to bring ently representing the dead. Finally, all attributes (including
the rains, these transformed ancestors travel through the sky the carapace drum) are put on an improvised raft in a stream
from the sea to the mountains of the interior. Finally, however, and sent back to where they came from. Consistent with this
“having passed their life’s summit [...] the lightning deities are picture, a Tepehua shaman would put a paper cutting of a
forced to return all the way down. They follow the waters skeleton under a stone in the river in order to prevent the spirit
that are still in their charge, rise to the surface through the of a recently deceased from returning (Gessain 1952: 201).
limestone springs welling forth at the foot of the mountains,
and slowly return to the eastern sea.” The rivers and the sea
are thus inhabited by the dead, a notion we already came
upon in the case of the drowned Huastec men assuming the
The Classic Mayan Tlalocan
role of earth carriers.9 In the same vein, the Totonac perceive
as an Ancestral Abode
certain noises coming from a swollen river as signals that
the drowned are at work for the supreme sea deity, Aktsini’ In the case of the Classic Maya, the marine fauna remains
(Ichon 1973: 130). included in burials testify to what has been called a “strategy
to equate mortuary space with the sea” (Stone and Zender
The cyclical transformation of the dead set out by Stress- 2011: 141). Iconographically, the aquatic realm of the dead
er-Péan partly coincides with beliefs reported from the Chon- is commonly designated by rain deity-like heads topped by
tal of Oaxaca. These specifically concern nahuales, or men what may be sea sponges, sea anemones, or, perhaps, corals.
who, among the Chontal and Zapotec of Oaxaca (Carrasco In these as in many other cases, the ‘Watery Underworld’ is
1988: 657–658), are considered capable of transforming into actually marked as the upper zone of a marine world. In what
water serpents and lightnings in order to bring the rains. Ac- I take as references to the presence of the dead, rain deity-like
cording to Oseguera (2003: 233), the Chontal believe that, head markers often display a skeletal lower jaw, while the
“the naguales only live in the mountains, particularly those aquatic flowers issuing from their heads can show human
that have marshes or wells. Their life cycle reaches its peak faces (Cancuen Panel 3, see Finamore and Houston 2010:
when they grow old, a phase signaled by their emergence 86; K1218; see Coe 1982: 26–27). These partly skeletalized
from the ‘enchanted place’ where they used to live. When rain deity head markers are sometimes replaced by human
they start to leave the marshes, the naguales cause the moun- skulls resting at the bottom of the water and covered by sea
tains to spill the water contained by them and to flood the riv- sponges or similar creatures and waterlilies, as if belonging to
er shores, so as to glide into their streams and reach the depths an aquatic cemetery.10 The row of twenty ancestors depicted
of the sea.” The destiny of the dying nahuales is, however, on Copan’s Temple 11 bench panels (Fig. 2), for example, is
connected more generally to the way the Chontal conceive framed by such aquatic skulls, covered by funereal ‘centipede
death: “Every Chontal is literally ‘looking’ to the sea upon serpent’ jaws in addition to waterlilies.
dying. The burials in the cemeteries of the mountain and
coastal communities confirm that the deceased are disposed It is a distinct possibility that the dead in the sea, or rather
their souls, are further represented by the jade heads, figu-
9 This is further illustrated by a Huastec tradition (Alcorn et
al. 2006: 604) concerning ancestors building a house in the middle 10 For a discussion of actually existing ancient Maya aquat-
of the sea for the supreme thunder deity, Muxi’. ic cemeteries, see Tiesler (2005: 342–344, 355–357).
150
on his garment and an aquatic flower tied to the head, like one
of the four young Bacab impersonators of Pomona Panel 1
(Stuart 2005: 3, Fig. 4); in the water below is a skull. Assisted
by a noblewoman, the young man emerges from a snail or
conch shell.14 The composition of the scene is reminiscent
of Yaxchilan’s lintel 25, with its emerging ancestral Tlaloc
impersonator looking down on an attendant queen holding a
skull adornment. The young man on the vessel may represent
a ‘water master’ who had been living among the servants of
the rain deities.15
The band of performers of Bonampak’s Structure 1, Room

1 (Miller and Brittenham 2013: 118–121) can be given a simi-
lar interpretation by assuming that creatures from the rain dei-
ties’ realm (perhaps the Usumacinta) escort a royal ancestress
leaving her aquatic abode to attend festivities at court. Like
the king’s mother on Bonampak stela 2, the woman wears a
Waterlily Pad Serpent headdress, while her pose and dress
recall those of two women depicted on vases who, seated on
the ground and flanked by a centipede serpent jaw, are likely
Figure 3. Snail shell with royal ancestress. Alabaster vase from El to be ancestral (see next section). Amongst the performers
Peru Burial 61 (Photo courtesy El Perú Waka Regional Archaeo- are a man with a head shaped like an aquatic skull (ibid.: Fig.
logical Project). 229), signaling the Tlalocan of the dead, a giant crayfish,16 as
well as a crocodile that, seated like the ancestress, may have
rines (sometimes showing kings) and beads placed inside transported her through the waters.
spiny oysters, as parts of caches (e.g., Finamore and Houston
2010: 267, No. 89; Freidel et al. 2002: Figs. 3.15, 3.17 and The snail and conch shells inhabited by what would ap-
3.19). The symbolism of such caches appears to relate to that pear to be ancestors belong to a wider group of possible fu-
of burials, in which spiny oysters, sometimes covering the nereal images reminiscent of the stuccoed ancestral busts set
head or body (Fitszimmons 2009: 90–92), are common.11 In within cartouches of the Palenque Palace (House A). These
one instance (K7185), the Tonsured Maize God surfaces from cartouches are adorned with centipede serpent jaws symbol-
the water holding such a spiny oyster – a scene that may show izing death and showing split fish tails.17 Within the wider
the institution of rites of incorporation into the aquatic realm. group of images, one finds the heads and shoulders of young
noblemen and kings (and in one case a noblewoman)18 that
The theme of the aquatic life of the dead also comes to are topped by aquatic flowers (K762); framed by a num-
the fore in the iconography of snail and conch shells. The ber of aquatic symbols such as waves, fins, and serpentine
snail is a creature belonging to the imagery of the rain deity’s
realm, as shown by the snail shell lodging a rain deity on the
Palenque Foliated Cross tablet and by another serving as a 14 The flanking male seems to be drilling a hole in the
home to a Bacab (e.g., K1285; Hellmuth 1987: 308, Abb. conch, perhaps to make the mollusc release the ancestor (Hous-
706–709).12 The snail shell can also, however, be inhabit- ton 2010: 77–78; compare also K8817 and Boston MFA, Accession
ed by a human with the features of a particular person, as Number 2004.2203) –an action that might therefore be analogous
shown by the alabaster jar from the grave of an El Peru queen to a ritual for freeing a soul captured by the water deities.
(Fig. 3).13 Conches, too, can encase humans (e.g., Hellmuth 15 See K3036 for a comparable scene, including another
1987: 306, Abb. 691–692; Finamore and Houston 2010: 119, woman lending a hand. A young man emerging from a conch, but
No. 37; K4958). A related scene on an alabaster vessel from now held by a dancing warrior, occurs on the southern door jamb
Bonampak (Fig. 4) shows a young man with aquatic motifs of Cacaxtla’s Structure A (Lozoff Brittenham and Uriarte 2015: Figs.
280, 291).
16 The Huastec Maya believe a giant crayfish to live in a hill
11 With respect to the jade beads, precious stones were and protect its water supplies (Alcorn 1984: 79) while Gulf Coast
believed to absorb the breath of the dying Pokom lords (Las Casas, Nahua tales stage a ‘Big Prawn’ (Hueyi Chakali) as an alter ego
in Taube 2005: 31) and the lords of Tlaxcala were said to change to the water goddess and intermediary to mankind (Hooft 2007:
into precious stones upon dying (in addition to birds, clouds and 236ff).
mist; Mendieta 1971: 97). 17 The text surrounding one of the House A cartouches
12 The snail shell on the Foliated Cross tablet is inscribed (Medallion 3; Robertson 1985: Fig. 119a) specifically mentions
with the mythical place name Matwiil preceded by “precious shell a ‘heron star’ that –like the solar shell-wing bird– belongs to the
waters” (Tokovinine 2013: 72–73, Fig. 43a). aquatic realm (e.g., K6181), or, the eastern horizon where the stars
13 Another example is a greenstone snail shell jewel with seem to rise from the sea.
a youthful human head peeping out (K7068, Precolumbian Port- 18 The seated woman (on K8685) holds a small mammal
folio). resembling a possum.
151
Figure 4. Young man released from a snail shell or conch. Alabaster vessel from Bonampak, Building 10 (Drawing by Norberto García
Benítez, Proyecto Arqueológico Bonampak-INAH).
Figure 5. Bust framed by the conch of a Bacab. Relief vase, Caracol (after Chase and Chase 2009: Fig. 85a, rearranged; copyright Caracol
Archaeological Project, used with permission).
curls (e.g., K4463); framed by a Waterlily Pad Serpent and tached to the back of the Bacab conch mentioned above (Fig.
a conch (K8685); or inserted within the body of an aquatic 5). Rather than an imprisonment in a grim ‘Watery Under-
serpent (K2292, K8257), a dragon fish (Houston 2012: 456, world’, these vignettes convey the suggestion of absorption
Fig. 268),19 or the conch of a Bacab (Fig. 5). Especially in of the dead into the realm of the rain deities.
these last cases, the busts seem to provide variations on the
ancient motif of a king seated within a quadrifoil turtle or a The presence of phantasmagorical wading birds transmits
crocodile.20 a similar message. Such creatures would be at home on the
beaches of one of the rain deities’ heartlands, whether this be
While suggestive of the identification of the nobility with a lagoon or the eastern sea paradise still recognized by Gulf
the powers governing the aquatic cycle, these aquatic busts Coast peoples. Mayan iconography (e.g., Hellmuth 1984: 176,
can equally give expression to the idea of ‘entering the water’ Fig. 359; 284–286) places the aquatic sun deity, in the form
as a metonym for the destiny of the dead. Their interpretation of another wading bird, in such a sea paradise as the index for
as funereal images is strengthened by the presence of the the eastern location. Such wading birds are intimately con-
same aquatic flowers on skulls (K5961). Similarly, the same nected to the aquatic dead. The Berlin funereal pot (Schele
wave symbols frame the posthumous representation of the Drawing 5503), for example, has a series of alternating shell-
16th Copanec king (Fash 2001: 176, Fig. 108) as well as the wing birds (or ‘shell wing dragons’)21 and conch serpents
child-like Tonsured Maize God lying for dead under a canoe positioned in the water that leads from the king’s dead body
(K3033; Chinchilla Mazariegos 2011: 76–77, Fig. 24). A final to what would appear to be his entombed and ‘submerged’
image supporting this view is the centipede serpent head at- skeleton22 lying beneath an ancestral fruit grove. This grove
21 I will use the term ‘shell-wing bird’ also in those cases

19 W. Fash (in Schmidt and Garza 1998: 590, No. 288) where the creature’s body consists of an anthropomorphous head
equally identifies the bust inside the fish dragon (which he views and where its neck and head are snake-like.
as a crocodile) as an ancestor. 22 The tomb on the vase, set within the water band, is
20 One may recall that ‘Crocodile’ is a royal name and epi- comparable to Río Azul tomb 1 with its aquatic symbolism and to
thet (and is also used for the Tonsured Maize God). the many burials containing marine fauna remains.
152
shell-wing bird ancestor, there is another ancestral figure who,

looking down from a sky dragon and holding an axe, might
well be a lightning maker.27 A sculpted drain, too, showing
both an aquatic skull and a solar shell-wing bird (Houston
2010: 74, Fig. 14), seems to signal the ancestors’ beneficial
action of sending the waters.
The continuity between the worlds of the living and the

dead can at times cause ambiguity. A case in point is the sun
temple shown in Fig. 8. This temple has a royal impersonator
of the Waterlily Pad Serpent enthroned inside and Bacabs
and human attendants congregating around the throne. The
human attendants impersonate a shell-wing bird, a cormorant
or spoonbill, and a serpent with the Tonsured Maize God’s
head inside its maw. On the one hand, this scene could be
viewed as a human court reproducing the divine pluvial ap-
paratus and imagined, therefore, to be within the water itself.
The bird impersonators specifically recall the priests who, in
the Aztec feast of the Tlaloque, immersed themselves in the
waters of a ‘house of mist’ (ayauhcalli) while imitating all
kinds of aquatic fowl (Sahagún 1979: 115, Bk 2 Ch. 25). On
the other hand, the shell-wing bird hints at an otherworldly
realm, with the sun temple more particularly suggesting the
Figure 6. Vase showing enthroned shell-wing bird ancestor (Photo eastern ocean, known to be a region of the dead. The imper-
courtesy Kunsthaus Lempertz). sonators could thus also be viewed as ancestors.
is in turn reminiscent of the local ‘Tlalocan’ paradises with Consider once more the label ‘Watery Underworld’. The
fruit trees mentioned above. In another case (Fig. 6), a male centipede serpent jaws sometimes found in aquatic environ-
human, with shell wings attached,23 is seated on a throne ments have been taken by Taube (2003) as designating an
marked by the heads of the centipede serpent. This seated underworld akin to Xibalba, or rather its entrance. In the
shell-wing character therefore appears to be an ancestor that present framework, however, such jaws could signal the entry
has become part of the rain deities’ realm.24 The occurrence of the dead into the rain deities’ realm or, in certain cases,
of the shell-wing bird in posthumous portrayals appears to into some subterranean part of it.28 In several instances, the
convey the same message. In the accession scene of the Tablet jaws are used as mere attributes (e.g., Figs. 5, 6) lending a
of the Slaves, for example, there is a shell-wing bird on top liminal aspect to the human figures concerned (Stone and
of the head of the king’s deceased father (cf. Stuart 2005: 26, Zender 2011: 135),29 perhaps by signaling that the flesh is
152), while on Tonina’s Monument 171, a shell-wing bird to be devoured by death before the soul can enter the rain
adorns the palma with which a deceased king is playing the deities’ realm.
ball (cf. Stuart 2013).
Both these otherworldly birds and the aquatic ancestors

assimilated to them are, by virtue of their shell wings, like- system nearby (Doyle and Houston 2012).
ly to be involved in raising the sea water into the sky and 27 The paradigm of the downward looking ancestor
thus in the production of rain. Moreover, shell-wing birds is provided by Tikal stela 31. The sky dragon may be related to
occasionally show undulating necks with fins suggestive of the rain-producing sky crocodile of the Ch’orti’ priests (Girard, in
flying fishes (Fig. 7)25 and thus of upward movement of wa- Braakhuis and Hull 2014: 456). The adorned axe has a counterpart
ter, in contrast to a bird with fleshless vertebrae that merely in the rain deity’s axe on K1250 and K2068.
spills out the precious liquid (Hellmuth 1987: 195, Fig. 409). 28 Examples of centipede serpent heads with aquatic ref-
Doyle and Houston (2012) have noted that on a frieze from erents are the base of Quirigua’s stela J, with its rain deity-like head
El Mirador, phantasmagorical birds alternate with cloud sym- marker and wide-opened ‘centipede serpent’ maw (see Looper
bols.26 In addition to this, hovering above the aforementioned 2003: 85, Fig. 3.11 and 107, Fig. 3.35); the relief at the base of
Copan’s Hieroglyphic Stairway, with the turtle abode of the rain
deities framed by the same maw; and the right-hand player on the
23 Compare these particular shell wings with the ones in central Copan ball court A-IIb marker, wearing a rain dwarf heron
Hellmuth (1987: 177, Fig. 358c). as a front piece of the girdle and a ‘centipede serpent’ head for a
24 Some of the shell-wing birds of K6167, with wings at- headdress.
tached to human heads, may equally be transformed ancestors. 29 Chinchilla Mazariegos (pers. comm., 2014) considers
25 See also the finned water snakes and shell-wing bird on this liminality to be related to the pollution accompanying birth,
the stylistically similar K4958. which in the present context would imply rebirth into the aquatic
26 This frieze may be related to an ancient water collection realm.
153
Figure 7. Vase showing shell-wing bird with serpentine extension, winged conch serpent, and dragon fish with Tonsured Maize God; a)
Photo courtesy Galerie Mermoz; b) Drawing by Phoebe Maas.
Figure 8. Vase depicting Sun temple with aquatic impersonators; K114 (Photo courtesy Justin Kerr).
The Tonsured Maize God

in state and attended by a child-like rain dwarf (Fig. 9).31 In
as a Lord of Tlalocan
such cases he may be situated in the heart of the rain deities’
The Tonsured Maize God is strongly identified with the aqua- realm, entirely surrounded by rain deity-like head markers
tic environment discussed above. In one case (K3640; Ro- and spoonbills (K6679; Kelemen 1969 I: Pl. 129b) or else
bicsek and Hales 1981: 156, Fig. 60; Braakhuis 2009: 10, Fig. occupying a ‘water throne’ (K6679) and wearing the nose
3; Finamore and Houston 2010: 264, No. 88) an aquatic skull piece of an aquatic deity or serpent (K6679, K703, K633).
seems to raise a dancing king assimilated to the Tonsured
Maize God above the water, with a courtier watching the Thus, when, in a recurring scene, the Tonsured Maize
spectacle in awe.30 Being a prototype of the human king, the God stands in the water to receive the ornaments of his
maize deity is often characterized as a person wielding power aquatic costume from the hands of naked women, this cer-
in Tlalocan. This is particularly evident when he is shown in emony appears to be preparatory to his investiture as a lord
his netted, aquatic costume, ceremonially dancing or sitting of the rain deities’ realm. Surrounded by waterlilies, wa-
ter birds, and pond plants (e.g., K626), the hero may spe-
30 On this plate, the Tonsured Maize God ruler, a croco-
dile dancer, and a figure seated in a conch all wear an unusual nose 31 Like the rain deity, the rain dwarf can show a heron head
piece with rain drop jewels that seems to follow the contour of the extension (K4989, K8533). In the same way, on Machaquila Stela 2
snout of an aquatic crocodilian dragon (‘Cosmic Monster’) viewed (Graham 1967: 63), a king wearing the mask of an aquatic serpent
frontally (e.g., Temple of the Cross friezes; Quirigua, Altar P). is attended by an aged rain hunchback with such an extension.
154
Figure 9. Vase showing enthroned Tonsured Maize God kings with rain dwarf attendants. K8533 (Photo courtesy Justin Kerr).
cifically –as suggested previously by Bassie-Sweet (2008: be a prerequisite for his role as a lord of the life-giving waters,
292–294)– be visiting a ritual bathing place,32 whether his rather than referring to his death in a ‘Watery Underworld’. 38
own or that of the women, in order to purify himself.33 Like
certain maternal aquatic deities (Braakhuis 2009: 18), one Contemporary maize hero mythology connects the hero
female attendant wears a turtle shell on the hip (K3033). At to the realm of the pluvial powers in numerous ways (see
the same time, however, the female attendants are often, and Braakhuis 1990, 2009), such as: his birth and rebirth among
unlike the maize deity, marked as belonging to darkness and the fishes; his prolonged stay in a river or the sea follow-
death.34 Another woman, dressed, is seated and flanked by ing upon his death and rebirth; his interaction with aquatic
a centipede serpent jaw (K1004). Given the accompanying creatures; his invention of lightning and rainmaking; and his
emblem glyph35 and the parallel with the female figure on the final retreat into a river, the depth of the sea, or the realm of
Dumbarton Oaks travertine bowl (Tokovinine 2012: 127), she the lightnings. Moreover, the hero undertakes a maritime
appears to be a historical or semi-historical ancestress. The expedition to the heartland of the pluvial deities, takes power
Tonsured Maize God is thus assisted by women who seem over their realm, and institutes the rainy season. This episode
to belong to the dead living in the realm of the rain deities, offers an explanation for the San Bartolo west wall scene of
even if for the most part they are not shown to be intimately a maize god dancing and making music in front of water and
associated with aquatic creatures.36 The god’s ‘entry into the rain deities enthroned in their turtle abode (Braakhuis 2014)
water’ (mentioned in two of the dressing scenes)37 appears to –with no appeal (in contrast to Taube et al. 2010: 78) to an
emergence from a ‘Watery Underworld’.39 Indeed, one narra-
tor (in Rodríguez López 2003: 251) has explicitly identified
the maize hero as “the Lord of Tlalocan”.40
Lordship over Tlalocan implies the power to bring the

32 Examples of divine bathing places are Chalchiuhapan
rain. It seems to be as a consequence of this power that
(‘In the jade river’), visited by the culture hero, Quetzalcoatl (Sa-
the Tonsured Maize God is sometimes assimilated to the
hagún 1979: 596, Bk 10 Ch. 29); the bathing place of Tohil (Popol
lightning deity, wearing the latter’s lightning blade or torch
Vuh); the bathing place of the Q’eqchi’ moon goddess (Braakhuis
in his forehead (Braakhuis 2009: 13–15).41 On a par with
2010: 292); and the seven bathing places of the Zinacantec ances-
kings wearing headdresses and masks of aquatic serpents (cf.
tor deities (Vogt 1969: 387).
Coltman 2015), the Tonsured Maize God can also appear in
33 One of the naked women is extending a conspicuous
knife for self-sacrifice (K626); a similar woman standing in the wa-
ter is carrying such a knife in a bowl (Robicsek and Hales 1981: 38 The predominantly ritual perspective taken here should
Vessel 80). probably be embedded in a more narrative one, such as that of-
34 The women wear attributes such as a disembodied eye, fered by Chinchilla Mazariegos (2011: 129–133, 137–138, 225) on
a fleshless lower jaw, a ‘percentage sign’, or the black stripe over the basis of the Tonsured Maize God’s lunar role.
the eye also found with death god A’. As it happens, several of 39 Significantly, the San Bartolo scene is set within the
these death symbols also occur in variants of T598/599, commonly same turtle quadrifoil that can also be occupied by kings (see sec-
read as ch’een (cf. Stone and Zender 2011: 133). tion 2).
35 For a discussion of this emblem glyph, see Helmke 40 In this designation, ‘Tlalocan’ is an encompassing con-
(2012: 107–116). cept referring to the powers of water, rain and fertility often situat-
36 These women may relate to the dangerous ancestral ed below the earth’s surface.
spirits (yoalejkamej ‘nocturnal winds’) on the other side of the sea 41 The anthropomorphic lightnings of certain eccentric
to whom the maize hero reveals himself as the principle of immor- flints resemble the Tonsured Maize God; in addition, a series of
tality (CM 183; CM 198–199). five maize gods in the Madrid Codex (73–74) may show lightning
37 An ‘entry into the water’ is mentioned on K1004 and blades in the forehead. The role of the lightning deity is still played
K6979, an ‘entry onto the road’ on K1202, two phrases that, taken by the present-day Gulf Coast maize hero (Braakhuis 2009: 13–15;
together, would constitute a diphrastic kenning. 2014: 6).
155
Figure 10. Floating maize children with feathered serpents. Río Hondo bowl (drawing by Linda Schele; FAMSI Schele drawing 5511).
the guise of a feathered serpent (Fig. 10; cf. Taube 2010a: dedicated to the pluvial deities.45 Analogous scenes occur in
272, No. 92),42 a winged serpent (K3065), or a fish dragon contemporary maize hero tales (Braakhuis 1990: 127–128;
(Fig. 7).43 Whereas the fish dragon may be comparable to the 2009: 6–7). The maize embryo is discovered floating in the
sea-dwelling lightning fish of Q’eqchi’ ethnometeorology water like an egg; maize kernels or flour made from the maize
(Braakhuis 2009: 8n18), the feathered serpent is thought –as baby are cast into a river, carried away by the current, and
for example in the Mayan and Mixtec highlands (Christenson changed into a maize field (e.g., CM 151, CM 162; Alcorn et
2003: 68n54; Monaghan 1989)– to cause rain storms and to al. 2006: 602). Casting the remains of the maize baby into the
live in wells, rivers, and the sea. By playing a vital role in water invites comparison with the inauguration rituals of king
the pluvial and agricultural cycle, it promotes the growth of Ahuitzotl’s great aqueduct (Durán II 1967: 376–377) when
the crop.44 As with the lightning serpent counterpart of the maize flour was cast onto the water and four children were
legendary Mixe king, Kondoy (cf. Braakhuis and Hull 2014: sacrificed. Consistent with this overall picture, the Río Hondo
457–458), these aquatic creatures could be interpreted as the bowl shows the floating maize children escorted by feath-
transformative shapes of the maize hero as a rain bringer. ered serpent nahuales. Growth of the maize seems implied,
with the human faces inside the serpents’ jaws representing
The Tonsured Maize God’s role as a lord of Tlalocan maize deities, and possibly also ancestors. Rather than a ‘Wa-
inevitably involves the dead absorbed by its waters. In its tery Underworld’ (Taube 2010a: 271, No. 92; cf. Schele and
strongest form, this connection is directly exemplified in the Miller 1986: 280, Plate 106), this scene, too, seems more
deity’s own body. The drowned Tonsured Maize God of the likely to depict the ‘surface of the underwaterworld’ –that is,
Museo Popol Vuh vase, for example, lying on his back at the sea as part of the rain deities’ realm.
the bottom of the water with his feet in the maw of a serpent,
could be viewed as a prototype of the dead –more particularly
dead children– entering the aquatic realm and the service of
Conclusion
its lords (Braakhuis 2009: 7). Similarly, the child-like maize
gods floating on their backs, as shown on Calakmul vases and The importance of the realm of the pluvial deities for the king
the Río Hondo bowl (Fig. 10), may represent dead children and his officials in their quality of providers and distributors
of the water is reflected in the aquatic inventory of burials
and its attendant iconography. The concept of a ‘Watery Un-
derworld’ should accordingly be subsumed under that of a
42 For the type of maize deity on the bowl concerned, see Mayan Tlalocan, with the focus shifting from Hun-Hunahpu
for example K3065 and K8736. to the rain-bringing maize hero of contemporary Gulf Coast
43 In the case of Fig. 7, the dragon fish is accompanied by mythology.
a serpentine conch creature and also –in apparent reference to
the eastern ocean realm of the rain deities– by a shell-wing bird.
44 On Cacaxtla’s Red Temple mural, a maize and cacao
field is growing atop a blue feathered serpent. According to vari- 45 On one Calakmul vase (K2723), a caption has been read
ous Yucatec tales (Burns 1983: 244–257; Jong 1999: 156–157) the as, “he who is born from liquid” (Houston et al. 2006: 167). On this
feathered serpent rises into the sky from a cave or sinkhole and vase, the water is marked by a symmetrical vegetal design with
then heads for the sea to put an end to the dog days. During these an aquatic deity head marker at its center. The head itself has a
dog days, it is assisted by maize goddesses in producing the maize ‘split Ajaw’ forehead infix resembling (but not identical with) the
kernels that will subsequently fill the ears (Morris, in Bassie-Sweet T536 glyph. This iconographical classifier might refer to the water’s
2008: 148). birth-giving quality.
156
Christenson, Allen J.
Acknowledgments 2003 Popol Vuh, Vol. 1. Winchester / New York: O-books.
I am much indebted to Michael J. Watkins and Addie Johnson
for revising the text. I am also grateful to Julia Guernsey and Coe, Michael D.
Erik Boot for their valuable comments. 1982 Old Gods and Young Heroes. The Pearlman Collection of
Maya Ceramics. Jerusalem: The Israel Museum.
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159

Daniel Moreno Zaragoza
Posgrado en Estudios Mesoamericanos, UNAM
Roberto Romero Sandoval

Centro de Estudios Mayas, Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas, UNAM
Abstract
In this chapter we analyze the development of the diverse skeletal beings in Maya iconography as repre-
sented in the Late Classic ceramic corpus and follow the trail of these beliefs throughout time up to the
conceptions of modern day Maya people. In the Classic Period, a certain type of skeletal entities, known
as wahy were depicted. During the transition into the Postclassic period the supernatural identity of these
beings changed until they were clearly defined as gods. We propose an analysis to find out the changes and
survivals of these supernatural entities until modern days, where a deep belief in them has survived in the
form of figures of skeletal companion spirits and Underworld gods.
Resumen
En este artículo se analizará el desarrollo de las diversas entidades esqueléticas o parcialmente descarnadas
que aparecen en la iconografía del Clásico Tardío en el corpus cerámico maya. Seguiremos la trayectoria
de estas creencias en el tiempo hasta la actualidad entre distintos grupos mayas contemporáneos. Durante
el periodo Clásico dichas entidades esqueléticas eran conocidas como wahy, un tipo de espíritus del infra-
mundo que los antiguos gobernantes mayas podían controlar a voluntad o transformarse en su figura para
atacar a sus enemigos por medio de los sueños. En la transición hacia el Posclásico la identidad sobrehumana
de estas entidades cambió hasta ser plenamente identificadas como dioses, k’uh. Proponemos un análisis
de amplia escala en el tiempo con el fin de encontrar los cambios, las rupturas y supervivencias sobre es-
tos seres y así delinear el desarrollo general que han tenido las entidades esqueléticas hasta nuestros días,
donde prevalece una profunda creencia en varios grupos mayas contemporáneos en espíritus compañeros
esqueléticos y dioses del inframundo.
The ancient Maya had a profound religious worldview abun- From our modern point of view, it is easy to associate
dant in supernatural entities that symbolized the sacred ener- these skeletal images with the concept of death, as they have
gies of the cosmos. They thoroughly represented these enti- traditionally been associated in Western imagery. Howev-
ties in plastic depictions, among which we can find diverse er, in the Maya case we cannot aprioristically assume these
skeletal beings, which must have symbolized the energy of entities as representing death gods, but we rather make a
death, an aspect as sacred as life itself. profound evaluation departing from their iconography and
their epigraphic references. Not less important to understand
The graphic expressions of skeletal entities among the the meanings of skeletal beings in Maya symbolism are the
Maya were diverse but they all shared a common trait, they historical documents and ethnographical sources.
were depicted with their eyes open and never closed as in the
representations of the dead. As Sotelo (2002: 73) notes, this This chapter analyzes the skeletal supernatural entities
indicates that these entities were not conceived as dead, but as among the Maya in three different steps. First we will ex-
abstractions of sacred beings symbolizing the Underworld en- amine the images from the Classic period. Thereafter, those
ergy, diseases and death. These fleshless entities –portrayed will be compared to the Postclassic codices, and finally they
as erect skeletons carrying out different activities– should are confronted with the mentions in colonial indigenous texts
have had, in the Maya worldview, a conscious existence as and contemporary ethnography in order to detect possible
well as their own will and agency. continuities or differences in Maya religious worldview
throughout time.
161
Daniel Moreno Zaragoza, Roberto Romero Sandoval
Skeletal Figures on Maya Ceramics

Throughout the Late Classic period, in different areas of Cen-
tral Peten, ceramic vessels were produced in a wide diversity
of styles. Several of these vases were fully decorated with pic-
torial depictions of fantastic scenes representing zoomorphic,
anthropomorphic, hybrid, and most significant for our case
study, skeletal entities. As many authors have pointed out
(Grube and Nahm 1994: 683–715; Houston and Stuart 1989:
1–16; De la Garza 2012: 11–28; Moreno 2011: 6–12; Stuart
2005; Velásquez 2009, 2011; Zender 2004: 195–209), the
accompanying texts refer to these beings as wahy.1 We share
the idea with Velásquez (2009, 2011) that these are a kind of
terrifying spirits which the ancient Maya rulers could control
at will or even transform into them, and with that appearance
attack their enemies in the dream realm (see Moreno 2013b).2
In this context, we can clearly distinguish individual wahy Figure 1. Skeletal supernatural defined as a wahy in a “Baby Jaguar
by their own proper name, a reason for which, at least during sacrifice” scene. Vase K115; digital rendering after photograph at
the Late Classic, we cannot state that there was a single death www.metmuseum.org).
god, but various skeletal supernatural entities as representa-
tives of diseases and death that populated Maya thought. The as spears and other long weapons with three sharp obsidian
depictions of these entities in the vases imitate the human blades which they used to slit the head of their victims.
body decomposition between three days or three weeks after
death, where the flesh begins to acquire a green-blueish color, Among the sacrificial scenes, there is an outstanding
it releases a strong rotten flesh odor and starts to swell and mythic passage, the so called “Baby Jaguar sacrifice” (see
grow grotesquely until the face becomes unrecognizable. At Robicsek and Hales 1981: 21–26) as we can observe in ves-
the last stage the flesh is ultimately decomposed and the sole sels such as K521, K1003, K1152, K1199, K1370, K1644,
bones remain. K1815, K2207, K2208, K2213, K3201, K4011, K4013,
K4056, and K4486. It is important to note that all these ex-
Among the iconographic attributes found on ceramics, amples are Codex-style vessels from the Mirador basin, in-
these beings use to carry decorations with death eyes as part dicating this myth was important for the artists in that region.
of their apparel, a chest necklace with the sign T509 (the so In one of the vases, K1152 (Fig. 1), the skeletal supernatural
called “percentage sign”) in reference to the wahy and the is explicitly referred to as a wahy and a baahtun, reason for
Underworld, and they appear with exposed ribs and vertebrae. which we can dismiss the idea of a death god, the term k’uh
Occasionally, they were depicted with long hair tied through to identify a god is missing.
a braid as well as a bone bundle tied to their waist.
In Codex style ceramics there was another theme repeat-
A way to characterize these entities is through their rep- edly depicted: the reunion of diverse wahy sharing the corrupt
resented activities. As we can see in the examples of K718, body of their victims, as their nourishment consisted in blood
K1256, K1490, K1653, K3924, K4384, K8803, and K8936 and human remains such as eyes, hands and bones in what
these spirits participated in blood sacrifices in the act of de- we could consider a “macabre feast” (see K1380, K1389,
capitating. To achieve it they used diverse cutting instruments and K2802).
Zender and Guenter (2003: 91–126) recognized that the

1 The are two different criteria to spell the generic name skeletal entities were accompanied by the glyphs T15, T108
of these entities. Some scholars favor the spelling wahy, since this and T135, all of which represent death eyes with a syllabic
is how it is attested in the texts next to the depictions of these value of cha, a term that in Yukatekan languages has mean-
creatures. On the other hand, based on the works of Zender (2004) ings for “darkness” and “blindness”. This syllabogram pre-
about intimate possession, there is an alternate spelling as wahyis, fixes another glyph in the form of a human head with its eye
stating these beings are actual parts of a person, a kind of soul. We closed indicating a dead person. For such logogram the au-
will utilize the first spelling as it is easier for the reader. thors (Zender and Guenter, 2003: 91–126) proposed a reading
of CHAM, a term that in the Mayan languages means death
2 The wahy are part of a larger belief system called
and disease (Kaufman and Justeson 2003: 1347–1348). With
nagualism. The term is a clear “nahuatlism” that is currently used
this we can affirm that the Maya represented plastic abstrac-
as a category for this pan-Mesoamerican phenomenon. It is a
tions of the concept of death that symbolized specific ways of
convenient form to designate the relation between a human and
dying. These figures could acquire a zoomorphic appearance
its spiritual coessences either zoomorphic or anthropomorphic.
(such as birds or jaguars), or anthropomorphic, either as a
We use the term nagualism provisionally, as a better one is lacking,
complete human, or as a fleshless skeletal one.
to define all those relations with animal entities that form part of
the Human Being and that in the Maya languages are cognates of
the morphemic root way.
162
Figure 3. Chan Ut?, “Serpent Face?”. Vase K3395 (digital drawing

after Grube and Nahm 1994: 706).
fleshless hand he carries a trilobular blade and a spear which

Figure 2. Jun Chamiiy, “One Death”. Vase K1197 (digital drawing probably served to deflesh the bones of sacrificial victims.4
after a photograph at www.metmuseum.org).
Chan Ut?, “Serpent Face?” appears on K3395 (Fig. 3). It
Among the figures that represented specific ways of death is a partially skeletal wahy that shows his hands and feet still
we can frequently find depictions of a wahy named U Kuhul with its flesh and skin. He is depicted in a position holding his
Chij Chamiiy, “Sacred Deer Death” (Grube and Nahm 1994; long hair and wears a red piece of clothing resembling a scarf
see K771, K2023, K3061, K3924, and K4922). As its name with some unidentified object at his back, probably a throne.
states, it is a skeletal entity with deer attributes such as the He has some hanging textiles or paper decorations stained
antlers on top of its skull. This spirit is a traveler, as it uses with blood, a common symbol associated with sacrifice.
a staff to help his walking and carries a walking stick and a
mecapal with bulk including the head of a deer. He wears a ...ki Xinil Chamiiy, the “Stinking Death” (see K1211,
hat usually associated with the hunting of this mammal and K927, K5635; Benson and Forest 1983: pl. 20; Grube and
is sometimes depicted carrying a trumpet shell which he is Nahm 1994) is a skeletal wahy in a seated position with
ready to blow.3 a death eyes necklace. In front of him he has a wide plate
containing bones on fire as attested on K927 (Fig. 4a). There
K’ahk’ Ohl Chamiiy, the “Fire Hearted Death” is another are smoke scrolls on K1211 probably indicating the odor
skeletal wahy from the site of Río Azul (see K1197, K1380, produced by the decomposition.
K1653, K1646, K1652, K1389, K1256, K718, K2595, K3831,
K3924, K4946, K5017; Clarkson 1978, Fig 11). He has black As Sheseña (2010: 2) has pointed out, some of the wahy
stains in its face and has a long braid. Its most distinctive clearly refer to diseases caused by naguals (entities associ-
traits are the fire scrolls springing from his igneous abdomen. ated to a human to a degree where they share the same fate,
At times he is represented carrying the head of a sacrificial see Martínez González 2011), such as the “Red Bile Death”
victim in his hands. and the “Gluttony Death”. Helmke and Nielsen (2009) have
argued that the wahy were incarnations or personifications of
Jun ...? Chamiiy, “One ...? Death”, is a skeletal wahy of diseases coming from the Underworld, which could be con-
which only two examples are attested (K1197; Schele 1985, trolled and projected onto others. In this sense, what appears
60, fig. 2). He has the typical long hair braid and black stains to us as animal figures on the painted vessels would actually
in his skull and wears the rigid necklace with death eye dec- serve as metaphors for diverse kinds of diseases, the birds
orations. On K1197 he has an object pending with the T509 would be related to asthma, centipedes to ulcers, while deer
symbol representing crossed bones or death (Fig. 2). In his and monkeys would represent cramps.
3 Even though the skeletal wahy we mention subsequently

belong to the supernatural realm they remain humans as they
are coessences, meaning they are the spiritual counterparts of a 4 The trilobular blade seems to have been used to remove
person in the terrestrial space. For such reason we refer to them the remaining flesh in the bones of the dead. It was a common
with the adverb “he” instead of “it” as they represented the practice to exhume the osseous remains of the ancestors and to
counterparts of actual k’uhul ajawtak (holy lords). place cinnabar on them on a rite called Butz’ Chan (Romero 2014).
163
Figure 4. a) Xinil Chamiiy, “Stinking Death” burning bones. Vase K0927 (digital drawing after Grube and Nahm 1994: 707); b) Death God
burning bones. Madrid Codex page 102b (digital drawing after photograph at www.famsi.org).
In this instance, Chak Ch’aj Chamiiy, the “Red Bile harmful supernatural entities with a close relation to death.
Death” (see K771, K5084, Quirarte 1979: figs. 8–1, 8–7; They could be invoked through rituals to make the bearer a
Schele 1985: 60, fig. 2) is an animated skeleton with a swol- person with extraordinary abilities as he became intensely
len belly with an infixed sign ju (Fig. 5). The meaning of ju in violent and irritable with the capability of spreading death
Tzotzil is “massage” or “massage for people with abdominal and destruction and to cause terrible diseases.
pain” (Sheseña 2010: 26). For which we can interpret that
the skeletal image belongs to a producer of strong stomach
aches, a sickness produced by the bile. Nowadays we know
The Postclassic God A
that biliary calculi are a cause for nausea, vomit and stomach
ache due to the biliary conducts obstruction by substances For reasons still under discussion (see Demarest, Rice and
that harden the gallbladder. The so-called “biliary stones” are Rice 2005), there were drastic changes in the geopolitical
common among senior adults, women and overweight people, configuration in the Maya Lowlands throughout the Termi-
and studies have shown the indigenous population of the nal Classic Period. What is clear is that there were major de-
Americas to be prone to such disease.5 It seems this was the mographic movements and an accelerated site abandonment
kind of sickness produced by this skeletal being. provoking a reconfiguration of the political sphere. Of course,
this situation was reflected in the worldview, which preserved
Even though he was not depicted as a skeletal entity, the general religious precepts from the Classic Era, although
there is another terrifying producer of disease with the term there were certain changes in the worshipped entities and the
Chamiiy, “death” in its name. It is Sitz’ Winik Chamiiy, the ritual practices towards them.
“Gluttony Death”, as we can see on K2286, who could have
been responsible of sending indigestion to people (Fig. 6). He Among these changes, the use of the logogram WAY
is depicted as an anthropomorphic figure with a swollen belly, (T539), so profusely employed during the Classic was aban-
death signs in his face, a trilobed blade on its right hand and doned towards the Postclassic and we cannot find it anymore
an obsidian or flint knife on the other. We know dyspepsia is in the Maya texts. This does not mean that nagualism had
a discomfort in the upper part of the abdomen while or after ceased, rather it acquired other manifestations, much less
eating. As Holland (cited by Sheseña 2010: 26) reported for related to politics and the rulers exaltation and more tied and
the San Andrés Larráinzar Tzeltal, to suffer for a long time
from a ‘swollen belly’ (a day long discomfort caused naturally
by the consumption of great quantities of food) can actually
be the product of sorcery acts over the patient.
As mentioned above, the disease-producing wahy could

also have an animal form. Such is the case for Tahn Bihil
Chamiiy, the “Death on the Path”, which could refer to a
sudden or unexpected death in the route of a travelling person
(see K791). This is an avian wahy in the form of a predatory
bird as recognized by its bill and claws (Fig. 7). He has a
darkness symbol on his body and a fiery snake wrapped
around his neck. For all the aforementioned, the characters
we see depicted in the vessels were extremely dangerous and
5 Data from Medline Plus, National Library of

Figure 5. Chak Ch’a’j Chamiiy, “Red Bile Death” (digital drawing
Medicine.http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/spanish/
after Schele 1985: 60, fig. 2).
gallbladderdiseases.html, Consulted: May 15, 2013.
164
preserved among the common people, developing in different

ways in mostly every Maya group.
In the Postclassic codices the skeletal figures were thor-

oughly represented. On the Paris Codex they appear twice,
while Dresden Codex contains at least 28 depictions of skel-
etal beings; the Madrid Codex displays fleshless divinities in
at least 48 occasions. In this latter codex in particular, we can
find the skeletal beings not as wahy anymore, but properly
defined as gods, k’uh. For instance, we can see it written on
page 23c with the depiction of the skeletal divinity vomiting
blood, the essence of life itself, confirming its sacred status.
On the other hand, Dresden Codex page 53a shows the skel-
etal entity seated on a bone throne, which would indicate its
status as a lord, rather than a subordinate.
Figure 6. Sitz’ Chamiiy, “Gluttony Death”. Vase K2286 (digital
These figures represent the deity designated by Schellhas drawing after Grube and Nahm 1994: 709).
(1904: 10) with the letter “A”, and described as “a figure with
an exposed bony spine, truncated nose and grinning teeth”. cannot assert for the Classic, though it does not mean that
This god is characterized by Laura Sotelo (2002: 73) as hav- such a relation did not exist.
ing a head portrayed as a fleshless skull with round eyes and
a little circle on the inside. He is regularly wearing extruded As some authors have exposed (Fox and Justeson 1984:
eye bracelets. Sotelo emphasizes that, in Mesoamerica, to 38–39; Taube 1992: 14; Vail 1998: 172), on page 87c of the
represent a dead character it was always depicted with its Madrid Codex there is a nominal expression of the Death
eyes closed, contrary to the depictions of God A in the Madrid God syllabically written as ki-si-ni, Kisin, which means, “the
Codex, which means that he is not dead though his figure flatulent”. This seems to be the proper name for the deity
is that of a dead body. Having open eyes would mean he is depicted as the otherwise recurring epithet term “Chamal”
alive and aware in the dark Underworld where he inhabits. seems to function as a genre. For example, Kisin’s consort,
We must remember that shamans, scribes and Maya priests Kab Ixik (Dresden Codex pp. 16b, 17c, 18c) or Sak Ixik
descended to this obscure place in search for knowledge and (Ibid. p. 18b) is also labeled as Chamal and so is Jun Ajaw
transformation (Romero 2014: 38). In this sense, the Maya Chamal (Ibid. p. 2a). It seems that in the Postclassic as well
Underworld not only does shelter the vegetal and animal as in Classic times “Chamiiy” or “Chamal” were terms used
treasures, but also guards wisdom. to designate any kind of supernatural (either skeletal or not)
representing death.
Gabrielle Vail (1998: 169) states that God A is the “physi-
cal embodiment of death itself” because of its skeletal appear- Noteworthy in the codices is that the skeletal supernat-
ance and decorations with death eyes as well as the decom- urals did not only send misfortunes and diseases, but they
position signs infixed in its body. We must point out among could also comprise positive presages as in Dresden pages 5c
the continuities prevailing from the Classic Period the use of and 9c where the augury for those particular days (subject to
the extruded eye necklace which was worn by the wahy and the death God) is plenty of water (ha’) and food (waj).
seems to be distinctive to the inhabitants of the Underworld.
The pendant with the glyph T509 also survived as we can We cannot forget that in the Dresden codex page 9c the
attest for example in Dresden pages 10a and 12b. Through Death God (God A) appears in a feminine aspect as it wears
the codices we can also recognize the narrow ties between a skirt and shows one of its breasts (Fig. 9). This could mean
death divinations and certain calendar dates, something we either the depiction of a different female death entity or that
the Death God is androgynous. This would be a symbol of
its divinity, perfection and
totality, as it would blend in
itself both the masculine and
the feminine (Chevalier and
Gheerbrant 2007: 94).
Rulers of the
Underworld in
Colonial Texts
In colonial Yukatek docu-
Figure 7. Tahn Bihil Chamiiy, “Death on the Path”. K791 (digital drawing after Grube and Nahm 1994: ments, the Underworld divin-
704). ities receive various names
165
like Ah Puch, “the Flesh- Chamiiy, “Death on the Path”

less”; Kisín, “the Flatulent” from the Classic, who could
(Morán 2004: 19); Jun Ajaw, also provoke misfortunes to
“Lord One” and Yum Kimil, the travelers (Velásquez 2009:
“Lord of the Death” (Garza, 618); they could also be an
1998: 115–118; 2009: 21). equivalent to the deity 1 Tox
On the other hand, in the 13 Tox, found by Sheseña and
K’iche’ texts we find a pair López Tovilla (2010: 196) in a
of Underworld lords: Jun Tzeltal incantation from 1725,
Kame, “One Death” and who is said to produce diseas-
Wuqub’ Kame, “Seven es at crossroads. These authors
Death” (Garza 1998: 115– refer that La Farge had already
118; 2009: 21). registered this belief among
the Qanjobal, for which it
It is interesting how the seems that the entities that
K’iche’ lords of death act as Figure 8. Death God seated on Figure 9. Feminine Death God harm people on the roads is a
pair, similarly to the Nahua a throne of bones. Dresden Co- A. Dresden Codex page 9a (dig- persistent idea shared among
Mictlantecuhtli and Micte- dex page 53a, digitalized after ital drawing after photograph at several Maya groups.
cacihuatl; this could reflect Antonio Villacorta (Davoust www.famsi.org).
the Underworld characteris- 1997: 200).
tic of being both masculine
Skeletal Gods and Co-Essences
and feminine at the same time; in the same way Alain Ichon
in Modern Ethnography
(1973: 49) reported for the contemporary Totonac that “each
half of the world is male and female at the same time”. An- Recently, Moreno Zaragoza (2013b: 126–135) has highlight-
other explanation for the couple of Underworld gods could be ed the notable continuity in Maya nagualism from the Clas-
because in the Popol Vuh the main characters tend to appear sic Period until today. Diverse Maya groups have preserved
in pairs. Among the possible continuities we can highlight beliefs about animal co-essences (also known as companion
the name of the lord Jun Kame “One Death”, the same used spirits) whose native names are cognates parting from the
by the wahy Jun Chamiiy during the Classic, whom we men- morphemic root way. It is interesting that the idea of skeletal
tioned above. In this case, “One Death” was elevated in the spirits associated with witches or shamans still survives in
supernatural hierarchy among the K’iche’ until becoming the Highland Chiapas.
lord and master of the Underworld.
Among the contemporary Ch’ol (Moreno 2013b), there is
There are other recognizable reinterpretations of Clas- a belief in harmful spirits called xi’bajob, a kind of modern
sic figures among the characters in the Popol Vuh. Among wahy (wäy in Ch’ol) that specialize in causing diseases with
them are Ajal Mes and Ajal Toq’ob, death entities who had the capability of acquiring zoomorphic, anthropomorphic
the faculty to provoke accidents when people were coming or skeletal appearances. The idea underlying this concept is
home. These entities can be related to the wahy Tahn Bihil shared by many Maya groups through time and space. As an
example, we can find the name for the Underworld among the
K’iche’ in Early Colonial times: Xi’b’alb’a. This place is de-
scribed in the Popol Vuh as dark and inhabited by the enemies
of men, ruled by the death lords with their retinue, who have
the ability to produce various diseases (Recinos 1960: 49–51).
The idea of Underworld was also shared among the colonial
Ch’olti’, as is attested in Francisco Morán’s dictionary from
1695 where there is an entry for “infierno” as xibalba, and
adds that its the way they call the deceased (Morán 2004: 38).
On Codex Dresden the narrow relation betweens skeletal

supernaturals and the xi’bajob is reasserted both linguistically
and iconographically. Page 22c (see Fig. 10) shows images
of different portents related to sickness and death (Davoust
1997: 171). The texts accompanying these images explicitly
tag these entities to the term xib, and its portent: fright (see
Taube 1992: 12–13).6 The main result from the human con-
6 The syllable xi, denoting a skull, may refer to this

Figure 10. Death God A with xib, “fright” as its augury. Dresden
kind of entities as producers of fright. A recent study by Alfonso
Codex page 22c, digitalized after Antonio Villacorta (Davoust 1997:
Lacadena (2010) shows how it was replicated by the Maya from
171).
its original inventors, the Mixe-Zoque. They had to readapt the
166
tact with the xi’bajob is an illness called fright. It happens the traditional representation of death in European imagery,
because these spirits attack the people either materially or however we must not discard that it could preserve some of
through their dreams until they catch them and devour their the ancient ideas of skeletal wahy with spears and blades to
body and souls (Alejos 1988; Mayo Hidalgo 2003; Meneses attack humans, specially since both beliefs are intimately
Méndez 1994; Whittaker and Warkentin 1965). This type of related to dreams.
spiritual anthropophagy has prevailed since Classic times as
it is shown in the “macabre feast” vessels mentioned above.
Conclusions
In Highland Chiapas, the skeletal spirits have different
names such as Ch’ejch’ejbak, “noisy skeleton” or Kitz’il bak With the examples from various time periods presented above
“squeaky skeleton” due to the sound of its bones when moving we aimed to highlight the continuity and differences in the
(López and Palacios 1994; Moreno 2013a: 79–80, 112–115). Maya cosmological imagery concerning skeletal beings. We
Another name is Yalan bek’et, “pull down flesh”, because can attest how, since the Classic period, these were conceived
of its nocturnal habits (Pérez López 1995: 14). These men as Underworld spirits called wahy, associated with sickness
have the ability to detach from their flesh and skin so they and death. Throughout the Postclassic they were depicted
can frighten their neighbors in their sole skeleton appearance. in the codices as portents for death and they were elevated
This modern vision may be similar to that represented of the to a status of gods. Such a sacred aspect prevailed up to the
vessel K3395, where we can see a partially fleshless skeleton colonial K’iche’ in a pair of lords of the Underworld, and
which still has parts of its skin on its hands and feet (Fig. 3). in various death deities among the Yukatek. Contemporary
Maya groups also believe in death deities such as Kisín for
Nowadays, there are other names for the Underworld the Lakandon and Chamer for the Ch’orti.
among Maya groups. Among the Ch’ol, Tzeltal and Tzotzil
it receives the name K’ajk’timb’ak, literally, “to heat up with In several modern Maya communities some ideas con-
bones” (Guiteras 1996; Maurer 1985; Moreno 2013a: 43; cerning nagualism were preserved, referring to skeletal spirits
2010: 74–76). This is an underground place where it is said who produce diseases and death. The beliefs about these
firewood does not exist, so they have to burn the bones of harmful beings have been readapted not without changes in
the dead (Maurer 1985; Slocum 1965). Similarly, among the different media such as ceramic vessels, written documents
contemporary Yukatek and Lakandon the “Lord of the Death” or oral tradition to prevail in Maya cosmology as symbolic
is known as Kisín, “the Flatulent”, who is identified with the representations of that obscure, intriguing and unknown as-
devil (Barrera Vásquez 1980: 321). For the Lakandon this pect which is death.
master sits in a big chair and burns the souls of the people
(Boremanse 2006: 6, 316; Vail 1998: 177). The relation of
these beliefs with the ancient skeletal wahy is attested on Acknowledgements
two vessels (K927 and K1211), where we can find the rep- We would like to thank Martha Ilia Nájera, Guido Krempel
resentation of Xinil Chamiiy burning bones and producing and Harri Kettunen for their commentaries and suggestions
bad odor from the combustion. Furthermore, in the Madrid regarding this paper as well as Lynneth Lowe for her valuable
Codex page 102b we can also find a depiction of the Death help with the English translation.
God burning a pair of crossed bones in the same fashion as in
the vessels (Fig. 4b). If the interpretation is correct, the bones
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Xibalba: Is it Really the Underworld?
Ana Somohano Eres
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
Abstract
Traditionally, Xibalba, the world of the dead among the pre-Hispanic Maya, has been known as the ‘Maya
Underworld’. However, certain data allow us to question the appropriateness of this label. Evidence suggests
that the use of the word ‘Underworld’ is deeply influenced by the colonial conceptions that were attributed
to the Maya Xibalba: Xibalba was assimilated to the Christian Hell and thus was thought to be located be-
low the Earth. The aim of this paper is to reconsider the location of Xibalba by going through the evidence
provided by different types of sources.
Resumen
Xibalba, el mundo de los muertos de los mayas prehispánicos, ha sido tradicionalmente conocido como el
‘inframundo maya’. Sin embargo, ciertos datos nos permiten cuestionar si este apelativo es el más adecuado.
La evidencia sugiere que el uso de la palabra ‘inframundo’ está fuertemente influenciado por las concep-
ciones coloniales que le fueron atribuidas al Xibalba maya: éste fue asimilado con el Infierno cristiano y,
de este modo, localizado bajo la tierra. El propósito del presente texto es reconsiderar el emplazamiento de
Xibalba a través del análisis de la evidencia contenida en varios tipos de fuentes.
When we look at the literature on Maya cosmography, it is in these sources. When looking at colonial dictionaries, this
quite common to find that the pre-Conquest Maya divided word is often translated as ‘diablo’ (devil) (Pío Pérez 1877:
the cosmos into three different, vertically organized layers. 100; Álvarez 1997: 593; Acuña 2005: 124) or ‘infierno’ (hell)
Thus, it is assumed that there were three ontologically differ- (Arzápalo 1995: 2170; Acuña 2005: 193). The colonial chron-
ent worlds located in the sky, the earth, and under the earth. icles refer to it in a similar way: according to Bartolomé de
Different kinds of beings inhabited each of these worlds, al- las Casas, Xibalba is hell, where life after death continues
though they could travel from one to the other. However, the (1967 [1552–1556]: 506), and Diego López de Cogolludo
vertical division of the cosmos went even further: there were (2012 [1688]: 169) describes it as the devil.
thirteen levels in the sky and nine levels in the underworld
(Schele et al. 1993; Paxton 2001; de la Garza 2002: 68–71; The fact that Xibalba seems to be a place associated with
Rivera Dorado 2005: 24). darkness, illness, and death, may be the reason for its asso-
ciation with the Christian hell (see Nielsen, this volume). As
In this partition of the cosmos, the area under the earth a consequence, Xibalba adopted some of the connotations
has been associated with Xibalba, the destination where the that hell had; Xibalba, therefore, was assumed to be a world
two twins from the Popol Vuh narrative known as Junajpu beneath the earth. This belief was extended to other sources
and Xbalanke, respectively, travel to (Christenson 2007). written under Christian influence, such as the Popol Vuh,
Xibalba, an expression we find in various colonial sources,1 where the Lords of Xibalba hear the twins playing ball above
is a place/state of being usually defined in Christian terms their heads (Christenson 2007: 103).2
1 Although the name Xibalba appears in Colonial sources, 2 The fact that a document dates from Colonial times
it has not been found in Classic Maya epigraphic texts. does not necessarily imply that it manifests Christian conceptions.
Ana Somohano Eres
Figure 1. Humans and non-humans, which belong to different spheres of existence, interact at the same level. Rollout Image
K114 by Justin Kerr. The Maya Vase Database.
As a result, when researchers look back to the pre-Con- sometimes be placed on the top of the world. In fact, she came
quest Maya, they take these assumptions about the world of across expressions such as ‘to go up to Mictlan’. Furthermore,
the dead, and assume, with little questioning, that Xibalba is in a recent paper Mikulska (2015) also points out that Mictlan
a synonym of the Underworld (Coe 1978; Hellmuth 1987; could also be more similar compared with Omeyocan, the
Nájera Coronado 2002; Stone 2010; Prufer and Hurst 2007; highest place of the Nahua heaven, than it was originally
Romero Sandoval 2012, 2014). thought. Likewise, both Ana Guadalupe Díaz (2009) and
Jesper Nielsen and Toke Sellner Reunert (2009) concluded
However, some studies about other places and temporali- that the division of thirteen heavens and nine sections of the
ties of Mesoamerica seem to indicate that the location of this underworld, which was considered a pan-Mesoamerican con-
‘other world’ beneath the earth may not be so clear, challeng- ception, in fact was the result of Christian influence brought
ing the way we regard the Mesoamerican (and Maya) cosmos. by the Franciscans and the Dominicans.
Anthropological research conducted among the Tzeltal Maya
(Pitarch 2013) and among the Nahua from the Sierra Norte de If some specialists have started to question this Mesoamer-
Puebla (Romero López 2011) suggests that some of the indig- ican cosmography, could it be that we are also wrong about
enous groups existing today do not divide the cosmos in three the way the Maya conceptualized their cosmos? The aim of
different layers. Instead, they conceive a world where onto- this paper is to review the current assumptions about the Maya
logically diverse beings belong to different spheres, which cosmos to determine whether the pre-Conquest Maya really
coexist in the same world and are not distributed vertically. placed Xibalba below their feet.
Other researchers have found some revealing facts that

also challenge the idea of a vertical cosmos for Prehispan-
The Doorstep to Xibalba:
ic Mesoamerica. Katarzyna Mikulska (2007), for instance,
Did the Maya descend?
published an interesting study arguing that Mictlan, a Nahua
concept that shared some characteristics with Xibalba,3 could One of the arguments that has supported the idea of Xibalba
as an underworld is the existence of thresholds that com-
municate with this area, holes that go into the earth, such as
These documents tend to show the consequences of the relations sinkholes, cenotes, or rifts. Nevertheless, these are not the
between Christians and the local groups, and they are, after all, only ways of entering Xibalba.
an indigenous source. However, there is no doubt that these re-
lations led to the exchange of ideas, which explains why Christian One of the most significant entrances to Xibalba was
concepts may be present in these sources, as Jesper Nielsen (this through caves. Even though entering a cave is a way of enter-
volume) accurately points out. ing into the earth, it does not always imply a descent; in many
cases, entering the cave only implies walking horizontally. In
3 One of the clues that support the idea that the Maya Xi-
fact, sometimes it is necessary to climb the rock in order to get
balba and the Nahua Mictlan were similar concepts is that in some
to the mouth of the cave. Consequently, the way to Xibalba
Maya colonial sources Xibalba is called Mitnal or Metnal, probably
an adaptation of the Nahua name (Romero Sandoval 2014: table
1). This adaptation could have taken place due to the influence
from central Mexico in the Maya area during the Postclassic period. and a more detailed analysis of the similarities and differences be-
However, each of these concepts also had its own particularities, tween them is needed.
172
Xibalba: is it Really the Underworld?
Figure 2. Madrid Codex 91c. Vul-

ture perched on a tree. Image co-
urtesy of Akademische Druck- und
Verlagsanstalt Graz, used with per- Figure 3. Madrid Codex 37a. Dog over a sky band. Image courtesy of Akademische
mission. Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz, used with permission.
seems to be more a matter of getting in or out, rather than ing beings of the ‘other world’, they seem to be at the same
going up or down. level as the humans interacting with them (Fig. 1). Thus,
getting into Xibalba seems to be a change of perspective, an
If we take a look to Maya temples, this idea seems to be alteration of the self, rather than a path to an actual physical
confirmed. Apparently, entering a temple was equivalent to place (see Romero López 2011). This alteration of the self
getting into Xibalba.4 However, in most cases, it is compul- demanded, in some way, for instance, a corporal permutation,
sory to climb a considerable number of steps in order to reach be it through shamanic transformation, dreams or the intake
the entrance to the temple. Hence, the path to Xibalba seems of psychotropic substances.
to be an ascending one.
Nonetheless, there was a path to Xibalba that everyone,
There were also other ways of communicating with Xi- sooner or later, was forced to take: death. Markus Eberl
balba that did not require any physical movement, neither (2005: 41–51) highlights some of the mortuary expressions
descending-ascending, nor in-out. Communication could be that the Maya used when someone reached the end of life:
established through a considerable number of objects and kim or cham (“to die”); k’a’ay ‘u sak nich nahl (“his white
beings: stelae, serpents, mirrors, trees, crosses, codices, cen- flower conscience –soul– passes away”);6 och bih (he enters
sers, etc. All of these allowed the Maya to enter the ‘other the road); u bah ti way (“his image while sleeping”); hil (“to
world’ without having to move physically.5 Indeed, in most end”). To these phrases, we have to add och ha’ (“to enter
of the artistic representations of this communication involv- into the water”) (Lacadena 2009: 41). As we can see, none
of the expressions found in the hieroglyphic inscriptions
regarding the passage into the world of the dead implies the
4 Although it is more obvious in some Maya regions than idea of descending.7 If we go over the numerous expressions
others, entering a temple was the same as entering through the
mouth of the Earth Monster (equivalent also to entering to a cave).
We can recall, for instance, the beautifully ornamented entrances 6 Harri Kettunen (2005) offers, however, a more updated
to the temples of the Chenes area. reading. According to him, the sentence would be a diphrastic ken-
5 As a matter of fact, when a censer is used, the smoke ning involving two objects; his reading of the death phrase is ka’ay
that comes from it is considered a path for communication with u…k usakik’il, ‘it got withered, his/her ?, his/her wind’.
Xibalba. Since the smoke goes up, most likely the relationship is 7 The expression och ha’ may imply this idea of descend-
being established with something that is located above. ing, given the fact that a considerable amount of water is subter-
173
Ana Somohano Eres
Figure 4. Jaguar on top of a stela. Rollout Image K928 by Justin Kerr. The Maya Vase Database.
that Cristina Álvarez (1997: 260–267) found for the Coloni- of the Maya universe has been created, with symbols of the
al Maya, we can see the same pattern. In fact, one of those sky (birds, monkeys, flowers, the sun and the stars, etc.),
phrases, u canil cuxan (“what has been lived rises”), even symbols of the earth (serpents, dragons, crocodiles, vessels,
implies the opposite direction. etc.), and symbols from the underworld (jaguars, shells, dogs,
defleshed bodies, bats, etc.). The division between celestial/
underworld creatures and gods completes the picture.
Sky Symbols under the Earth,
In spite of the fact that this distribution seems very clear
Underworld Symbols in the Sky
when we read the work of the specialists, when turning to
One of the main focuses in the study of Maya religion has the artistic manifestations this partition is sometimes not so
been the understanding of the meaning of different symbols clear, and beings/symbols of one layer also appear in the other.
that abound on Maya thought. Thereby, researchers have
concentrated on the analysis of Maya art in order to unravel Apparently, as pointed out before, birds are thought to be
these symbols.8 celestial beings. This is due to the fact that birds are normally
seen furrowing the sky (de la Garza 1995, Rivera Dorado et
Based on this symbolist perspective, scholars, when al. 2005). However, at the same time, the same scholars that
studying Maya cosmography, have identified/assigned sym- define birds as celestial symbols reckon that there are birds
bols that are assumed to represent each of the layers of the that belong to the Underworld, mainly due to their association
universe (Tozzer and Allen 1910; Thompson 1970; de la Gar- with the night (Xibalba seems to be a place where darkness
za 1995, 1998, 1999; Arellano 1995; Valverde Valdés 2004; reigns) and death. Some of the birds related to Xibalba are
Rivera Dorado et al. 2004; Morales 2006; Arias 2007; Rome- vultures, owls, aquatic birds, or the mythical Moan bird (see
ro Sandoval 2014, among others). By this manner, a picture de la Garza 2005: 79–96). Vultures are scavenger animals
and are, therefore, linked to death; owls, on the other hand,
are nocturnal animals and considered to be messengers of
ranean (see, for example, the canoe descending in the bones of Ti- ‘other world’-creatures, bad omens and harbingers of death
kal’s burial 116). However, the universe of water bodies was broad (Christenson 2007: 107; Kettunen 2016); and, as long as the
for the Maya (see Kettunen and Helmke 2013), and the idea of underworld is considered to be a watery field, aquatic birds
‘entering the water’ when death arrives could imply many watery are associated with it.
locations that were emplaced over the earth (see also Braakhuis,
this volume, for an alternative interpretation of these bones). The contradiction that results from finding these species
in the world under the earth may be resolved by making a
8 Some anthropologists have pointed out the dangers of
difference between the birds which symbolize the sky and
using a symbolist point of view to address the art of groups outside
those which symbolize the underworld. Nonetheless, this
our Western tradition. According to them, art within these groups
distinction does not stand in all cases. In the Maya codices,
is more a ‘presentation’ than a ‘representation’, and assuming that
for instance, we can see two instances of a vulture perched
we are dealing with symbols (where the meaning is separated from
on top of a tree, a place considered to be a celestial realm
the form), is thereupon incorrect. To have a better understanding
(Dresden Codex: 3a; Madrid Codex: 91c) (Fig. 2).9 Mean-
of this issue, see Gell (1998), Keane (2005), Severi (2009), Leach
(2007), among others. Susan Gillespie (2001) and Julia Hendon
(2012) have considered these problems in relation to the Maya. 9 The Moan bird can also have celestial connotations, as
174
while, other birds considered to be celestial,

such as the quetzal (see de la Garza 1995: 14),
and solar par excellence such as the macaw
or the hummingbird (see de la Garza 1995:
50, 58; see also Milbrath 1999: 95), can also
be bearers of death and illness, the forces
that depart from Xibalba; and are sometimes
associated with the nocturnal Moon Goddess
(de la Garza 1995: 34, 39–41, 50–53, 60).
Also, according to an episode in the Popol
Vuh, one of the creatures that the Hero Twins
encounter in Xibalba, Vucub Caquix, as a
matter of fact is a macaw.
Monkeys are another example of an an-

imal that has been described as a celestial
creature (Morales 2006: 86–87) that can be
found accompanying underworld beings in
the same sphere of action. On vessel depic-
tions, monkeys can be seen alongside de-
fleshed bodies (K3038) or might be depicted
as part of wahy scenes (K8733), creatures
associated with illness and death.
Nevertheless, birds and monkeys are not

the only creatures that have been associated
with one of the three realms that also appear
in the others. Dogs are conceived as under-
world creatures due to their role in conduct-
ing the dead to their new destination after
they have passed away (de la Garza 1997:
120; see Stone and Zender 2011: 187). Fur-
thermore, dogs are often seen interacting with
the Moon Goddess and vultures (de la Garza
1997: 123). But, on the other hand, we can
also find dogs in a celestial surrounding: for
instance, in Madrid Codex’s page 37a, where
a dog appears above a sky band, implying
that he is somehow related to the sky in this
case (Fig. 3). At the same time, Mercedes de
la Garza (1997: 124–126) argues that the dog
also belongs to the celestial realm, as there
is a strong link that attaches dogs to the sun,
fire and thunderbolts.
Jaguars are also animals that have been

reckoned as underworld creatures (Thomp-
son 1970: 293; Valverde Valdés 2004; Ri-
vera Dorado 2006: 150–151). The nocturnal
behavior of these felines, combined with
the similarities between their fur and the
night sky filled with stars, has encouraged
their association with Xibalba (see Valverde
Valdés 2004). But there is, once again, a con-
tradiction: jaguars are also considered to be
celestial beings, in their role as the night sun.
Jaguars, therefore, can be seen occupying
Octavio Q. Esparza (2015: personal communica- Figure 5. Dresden Codex. Crocodile with a sky band in its body. Image cour-
tion) indicated me.
tesy of Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt Graz, used with permission.
175
Ana Somohano Eres
spaces that are believed to be heavenly connoted; this is the cosmos, challenges instead the vertical distribution of three
case of the feline on vessel K928, which is emplaced over a separated layers. In fact, maybe we should regard these ele-
stela (Fig. 4). Stelae, as trees, have been described as axis ments not as symbols of a specific location, but as elements
mundi, that is, a shaft that vertically connects heaven to the that can be seen in different places depending on the context
underworld (Schele, Freidel and Parker 1993). The top of in which they appear.
the axis, then, equals the sky. If the jaguar is lying over the
monument, this means that he is in a celestial surrounding.
The Universe: The Union of Sky and Earth.
There is another animal that, despite the consensus of con-
And what about Xibalba?
sidering it a symbol of the earth (Arellano 1995; de la Garza
1999; Arias 2007), can be seen in celestial and underworld The idea of completion, tz’ak, was written in the Maya script
spheres: the crocodile. The Maya conceived the earth as a using paired sets of logograms representing some binary re-
crocodile that floated over the waters of creation, as the rough lationship or opposition that, when put together, transmitted
skin of the reptile corresponded to the rugged surface of the the idea of wholeness (Stuart 2003). One way of representing
earth. Still, we have to take into account that the crocodile this concept was by combining the logograms chan (sky) and
belongs to the heavens too: there is a creature nicknamed kab (earth) (Stuart 2003: 1). Alexandre Tokovinine (2008:
the Starry Deer Crocodile (Stuart 2009: 69–74, 168) that is 141, 159–160), based on Stuart’s (2003) analysis, stated that
seen dominating the topmost space of some artistic manifes- this expression was a way of referring to the whole world.
tations, the same space that belongs to the sky (Velásquez
García 2006). As reported by Linda Schele et al. (1993: 85), Moreover, the combined use of the two terms as a di-
this crocodile is an embodiment of the Milky Way, quintes- phrastic kenning is very common in Maya texts. A few ex-
sentially a celestial element. This creature can be observed, amples are uyokte’ chan, uyokte’ kab (“the strides of the sky,
for instance, on the so called Cosmic Plate (K1609) or over the strides of the earth”) recorded on Stela J from Copan;
the entrance door to House E at Palenque (where it is also numil ta chan, numil ta kab (“passing in the sky, passing in
associated with a bird). On page 74 of the Dresden Codex, the earth”) on a bench at Palenque; chanal k’uh, kabal k’uh
the body of the crocodile is a sky band and the creature looks (“heavenly gods, earthly gods”) on the ‘Rio Azul mask’ (Hull
downward throwing a flood of water from its mouth (Fig. 5). 2003: 431–438). This opposition can also be seen in the Popol
Vuh: “For thus was the creation of the earth, created then by
Furthermore, shells are other elements traditionally con- Heart of Sky and Heart of Earth, as they are called. They
nected to the underworld. As already mentioned, Xibalba was were the first to conceive it. The sky was set apart. The earth
perceived as a watery sphere; hence, everything that came also was set apart within the waters. Thus was conceived the
from an aquatic environment was directly associated with successful completion of the work when they thought and
the world of the dead. The presence of conchs and shells in when they pondered” (Christenson 2007: 62–63). Thereby, in
burial offerings has strengthened this link. In spite of this, it the K’iche’ narrative, the universe is conceived as the union
would be wrong to assume that every time we detect a shell of the sky and the earth.10
we are facing a depiction of the underworld, as shells can also
belong to other layers of the universe. According to Lourdes According to Kerry Hull (2003: 432), there is ample evi-
Suárez Díaz (1991: 144) shells are linked to every type of dence from modern Mayan languages for the combination of
water, including celestial waters, too. Furthermore, shells are the words chan and kab as a diphrastic kenning. Hull believes
strongly connected with the wind, perhaps because of their that these contemporary examples reinforce the idea that the
role as musical instruments (see Katz, this volume). conjunction of both terms represents a larger conception
of ‘everywhere’ or ‘world’. Hence, we can deduct from the
In sum, many of the symbols that have been attributed previous arguments that the Maya conceived the universe or
to one of the three realms of the universe can also be found the cosmos as the union of two layers: the earth and the sky.
in the others. The same happens with certain deities: as, e.g., If this is correct, where is, then, the third layer, the one asso-
Jesper Nielsen (this volume) notices, there are deities that ciated with Xibalba or the Underworld? It appears that when
have been considered as entities of the underworld, such as the Maya thought of the way their cosmos was structured,
God A and God L, but “in very few cases is it clear that these they only recognized two components and that the third one
deities are in fact associated with this location and not any is absent.11
other supernatural realm”. If we can detect similar things in
the sky and the underworld, is it then possible to state that
they are different realms ontologically speaking? The pres- 10 As stated on footnote 3, the fact that some Christian
ence of underworld signs in the sky and of sky signs in the ideas may have been introduced in the Popol Vuh does not mean
underworld has been explained by saying that Xibalba is the that all of its content may be deemed as European: the roots of
same as the nocturnal sky. However, if Xibalba can be above indigenous reality continue to manifest in these sources and, at
the earth, is it correct to call it an underworld? the same time, European influence will always be reinterpreted in
indigenous terms.
Through this section we have seen, therefore, that the
11 Both Hull (2003: 436) and Tokovinine (2008: 161) de-
mélange of symbols attributed to the different universe
tect a complementary expression: chan, ch’en, kab (sky, cave,
realms, far from offering us a clear order and structure of the
earth). The presence of the cave could allude to the third sphere,
176
Figure 6. Panel from the Temple of the Cross, Palenque. Drawing by Linda Schele (Linda Schele Drawing Archive, No.
170).
But the conception of the universe as the amalgamation be presented in two ways: as a bird with serpentine charac-
of sky and earth can be perceived beyond the linguistics, it teristics known as the Principal Bird Deity (Bardawil 1976)
can be appreciated in Maya art too. In Maya plastic manifes- and as a lizard with avian characteristics. All in all, what
tations, it is easy to distinguish some creatures that combine these creatures manifest is the wholeness of the cosmos, by
the elements of different animals. These creatures have been combining animals that represent the two layers that conform
called dragons by specialists (de la Garza 1999), due to the the world: the reptiles as a manifestation of the earth and the
mixture of features they present. The most common of these birds as a manifestation of the sky.
animal combinations is a hybrid of reptile and bird that can
I want to make clear that, while I consider that the previ-
ous arguments are enlightening to support a division of the
the Underworld, and further examination of this combination is
cosmos in two layers instead of three, I do not believe that
required. However, the existence of this saying does not prove that
these two layers where conceived in cosmological terms;
the Maya conceived a three-layer universe instead of a two-layer
that is, they did not imply two different spheres of existence.
one. First of all because the recurrence of the expression is very
Instead, I think that the opposition between earth and sky
low: as far as I am concerned, it only appears twice. One of these
must have come from the realization that the world in which
sources, the Ritual of the Bacabs, comes from the Colonial period
the Maya lived was limited by both of them. The conjunction
and could be influenced by a European way of thinking. The other
of the limits implied, then, the idea of wholeness, as sky and
one, Tikal Stela 31, seems more appealing, but the fact that Toko-
earth encompassed everything.
vinine (2008: 161) translates the expression in E27–F26 as Tz’ak
ch’en is revealing to me: the idea of completion continues to be in
the words chan-kab, leaving ch’en apart.
177
Ana Somohano Eres
The Panel of the Temple of the Cross,

way, Xibalba would be more a state of being than a concrete
Palenque
place. The efforts trying to determine the exact location of
Before reaching the conclusions of the present chapter I Xibalba (Van Akkeren 2012: 114), then, appear fruitless. But,
would like to examine one last image: the panel of the Tem- at this point, there is something that requires further expla-
ple of the Cross from Palenque (Fig. 6). According to some nation. Why did Xibalba appear to be associated with some
scholars (Bernal Romero 2011: 199; Romero Sandoval 2014: tangible places, such as caves or cenotes? I feel that this is
34) the ruler of Palenque, Kan Bahlam, is interacting through because Xibalba represented otherness to humans; thus, it
the cross that appears in the middle of the scene, with his tended to occupy those places that were difficult to access
deceased father, K’inich Janahb Pakal, who appears at the for humans: the sky, beneath the earth, deep in the water (see
left side of the stucco relief. The fact that K’inich Janahb also Braakhuis, this volume), or inside caves. However, this
Pakal belongs to the world of the dead is inferred from his does not mean that these places were different from each
cloths, but, above all, by the fact that he is standing over a other: Xibalba was present in all of them. That is the reason
glyph cartouche that reads, according to Alejandro Sheseña why Xibalba, too, could be in the sky.
(in Romero Sandoval 2014: 34) Bolon Hul Nal (“The place of
the nine abysses”), a name that is related to the Underworld.
Acknowledgements
Albeit being in different spheres of existence, the two I would like to thank Milan Kováč for his invitation to con-
figures of the scene, the one that is alive and the one that is tribute to this volume. I am in debt with Antonio Jaramillo
dead, are located at the same level. Hence, looking at this Arango and Octavio Q. Esparza Olguín for their useful sug-
image we cannot say that the world of the dead is below the gestions on earlier versions of this paper. My sincere thanks
world of the living ones. Nonetheless, the most striking aspect to Guido Krempel and Harri Kettunen for their helpful com-
of this scene is the fact that both men appear standing over ments, too. I am also very grateful to Frida Somohano Eres
a sky band. How can it be, therefore, that K’inich Janahb and William Johnston for making sure the English version
Pakal is at Xibalba and at the sky at the same time? As far as made sense. Any mistakes, however, remain my sole respon-
I am concerned, there is a possibility that solves this apparent sibility.
contradiction: there is no such thing as a radical difference
between the two realms of the cosmos.12
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180
The Translation of a Maya Cosmogram
onto an Uncooperative Terrestrial Landscape
James E. Brady
California State University, Los Angeles
Abstract
California State University, Los Angeles, has conducted a multi-year study of ancient Maya sacred land-
scape in northern Belize at the sites of Maax Na, La Milpa and Chawak But’o’ob. The investigation shows
that the terrestrial model formulated for the Petexbatun Regional Cave Survey functioned in this area. The
model focuses on features associated with earth and water. Despite the lack of large and impressive caves,
public architecture was built around small caves in both large centers and rural settlements. In addition, karst
features such as sinkholes were formalized as sacred landmarks.
Resumen
La Universidad Estatal de California, Los Ángeles, realizó un estudio de varios años acerca del antiguo
paisaje sagrado Maya en el norte de Belice en los sitios de Maax Na, La Milpa y Chawak But’o’ob, donde
no se forman cuevas grandes debido a la blandura de la piedra caliza. Las investigaciones demuestran que
los sitios están colocados alrededor de un modelo cosmológico asociado con la tierra y el agua. A pesar
de la falta de cuevas grandes e impresionantes, la arquitectura pública fue construida alrededor de cuevas
pequeñas tanto en centros grandes como en establecimientos rurales. Además, se formalizaron las formas
artificiales tales como los chultunes n tanto que lugares sagrados.
In reviewing the archaeological literature from 1995 to 2005, An underappreciated aspect of the Petexbatun Regional Cave
Michael Smith and Katharina Schreiber note that, “For the Project was its articulation of an explicit model of the general
Classic Maya, studies of sacred landscapes are dominated principles on which ancient Maya landscape was conceptu-
by research on caves” and they go on to say, “In contrast to alized. The model recognized Earth as a sacred and animate
the empirically grounded cave research, other work on Clas- entity and adopted an indigenous understanding of the term
sic Maya sacred landscapes is highly speculative in nature” cave to approximate the Maya word ch’een which refers to
(Smith and Schreiber 2006: 19). The more speculative studies almost any part of the environment that penetrates the earth
are often attempts to read meaning onto the built environment and includes a range of natural features such as caves, can-
by drawing on plans from traditional archaeological investi- yons, cenotes, sinkholes, springs, crevices, and any number of
gations that were conducted with little or no interest in sacred other holes. As I have noted, “it appears that the most sacred
landscape. Furthermore, these sacred landscape studies rarely locations are those that combine the fundamental elements of
engage the physical landscape as an experiential process as earth and water into a single sacred expression of the power
suggested by Christopher Tilly (1994). In general, non-cave of earth” (Brady 1997: 603).
Maya archaeologists appear to be at a loss on how to engage
sacred landscapes because they lack basic models for the While Smith and Schreiber’s statement about cave publi-
phenomenon. cations dominating the study of Maya sacred landscape has
James E. Brady
Figure 1. Map of the Three Rivers area showing the location of Maax Na, Chawak But’o’ob and La Milpa (Brennan et al. 2013 as adapted
from Scarborough et al. 2003: xvii, Fig. 1.1).
some validity, it is actually only applicable for the southern 2004). Moving farther afield, this same principle is seen in
Maya lowlands. Even here, little work has been attempted in volcanic Central Mexico where archaeologically important
the northern part of the area because the soft dolomitic lime- man-made caves have been reported (Aguilar et al. 2005;
stone bedrock does not support the formation of large caves Heyden 1973; Hirth 2000; Manzanilla et al. 1994; Noguera
that might have attracted archaeological attention (Brennan 1945). This illustrates one way in which an element of the
et al. 2013). As a result, the study of both caves and sacred cosmogram can be translated onto an uncooperative physical
landscape has languished. It is because of the lack of these landscape. It also clearly demonstrates that the cosmogram is
impressive landmarks that I have referred to the northern part still operative, even in the absence of a key natural element.
of the southern lowlands as an “uncooperative landscape.” Returning to the northern section of the southern lowlands,
we should expect to see the same cosmogram found operating
It should be noted, however, that this is not the only “un- here as operates elsewhere, only with a distinctive regional
cooperative landscape” from the cave perspective in the Maya translation. Over the last six years I have attempted to define
area. The entire southern border of the Maya highlands con- the nature of that regional translation through a series of pro-
sists of a chain of non-karstic volcanic peaks where caves jects on small subterranean features in the Three Rivers area
do not naturally form (Brady and Veni 1992). Here, a large of northern Belize (Fig. 1).
number of man-made caves have been documented (Brady
182
The Translation of a Maya Cosmogram onto an Uncooperative Terrestrial Landscape
Maax Na
Eleanor King and the late Leslie Shaw pro-
vided a vehicle for addressing this issue
with an invitation to inspect a number of
karst features at the site of Maax Na. This
led to a joint project in 2008. Since a report
on this project has already been published,
I will only review it quickly (King et al.
2012). Our investigation focused on Spider
Cave, associated with the East Building
complex in the North Plaza. The complex
consisted of a large range structure (1A-
8) and a smaller attached shrine structure
(1A-9) (Fig. 2).
Spider Cave, located on the north side

of Structure 1A-9, is small, 8 m long x 7.5
m wide, and low enough that individuals
cannot stand inside it (Fig. 3). At the time
of discovery, the only known entrance was
found at the base of the hill and consisted
of a low 6-m-wide fissure that was covered
with a travertine floor (Fig 4). The traver-
tine floor indicated that water flowed from
it at least on a seasonal basis and a hill with
water flowing from its base is a fundamen-
tally sacred motif. This fact seems to have
been recognized in that the cave yielded
Preclassic ceramics that predate the Early
Classic construction of public architecture
at the site. In addition, the cave produced
a dense concentration of ceramics (1015
sherds) for this site indicating that it had
been heavily utilized.
Figure 2. Map of the site of Maax Na showing the location of Structure 1A-9 and its
relation to Spider Cave (after King et al. 2012: 617, Fig. 3).
The most significant discovery was
an unsuspected entrance to the cave at
the northeast corner of the shrine (Fig. 5).
The bedrock around the opening had been
chipped all along the exposed edge, indi-
cating that the present size was the result
of human workmanship. This opening is
substantially larger than the fissure at the
base of the hill. Both the size and the loca-
tion suggest that it served as the principal,
and perhaps only, access to Spider Cave.
Furthermore, the opening left no doubt that
the shrine had an intimate relationship with
the cave in the minds of the Maya.
Chawak But’o’ob
A second significant step was undertaken
at Chawak But’o’ob with the Rio Bravo
Archaeology Project. Chawak But’o’ob is
a Late Classic farming community cover-
ing 0.5 km² along the Rio Bravo Escarp-
ment. Stanley Walling showed me Cave 1
Figure 3. Plan and profile views of Spider Cave (by Allan Cobb in King et al. 2012: 618,
Fig. 4). in 2010 and we were finally able to arrange
183
James E. Brady
Fig. 4. Photograph of upper entrance to Spider Cave being uncovered

(Photograph by Leslie Shaw).
our schedules for a joint project during the 2013 season. An

attraction of the project was the fact that Chawak But’o’ob
was a non-elite community which nevertheless possessed
architectural features like a ballcourt, sweatbath and water
management features that marked the community center
(Walling et al. 2007) (Fig. 6).
Cave 1 is even smaller than Spider Cave, approximately Figure 6. Plan of Chawak But’o’ob showing Cave 1 in relation to
the ballcourt and sweat house (Courtesy of Rio Bravo Archaeolog-
5 m long, north to south, and 3.5 m wide, east to west. The
ical Project).
cave is 1.12 m high at its highest point but the ceiling is
about 75 cm high in most places so it would have been Two excavation units were placed within the cave and
impossible to stand in the cave. The feature is also not a another was excavated above the cave. The excavation of two
true cave as one usually thinks of them. The eastern side units inside the cave produced surprisingly meager ceramic
of the cave is composed of large slabs of limestone that and artifact assemblages (Fig. 8). The lack of a large ceramic
have collapsed from the exposed bedrock shelf that forms assemblage was unexpected. It might be argued that the small
the ceiling (Fig. 7). Nevertheless, the fallen slabs create a size of the cave required constant cleaning but this appears to
darkened, enclosed space that would have been seen as a be too simple an explanation. Garrett Cook (1986) says that
ch’een by the Maya. fire is so much a part of K’ichean ritual that ceremonies are
Figure 5. Photograph showing the low fissure

at the north end of Spider Cave entrance with
the crew uncovering the blocked upper en- Figure 7. Photograph of Cave 1 at Chawal But’o’ob showing slabs of ceiling collapse form-
trance (Photograph by Eleanor King). ing the outer wall of the cave (Photograph by Melanie Saldaña).
184
The sherds showed heavy

fire blackening on the inte-
rior which signaled that the
vessel may have been used to
burn incense. The number of
sherds present suggested that
this might have been an im-
portant activity area and a 1
x 2 m excavation unit placed
on top of the cave recovered
a high density of ceramics.
At both Maax Na and

Chawak But’o’ob extensive
ritual activity appears to
have gone on just outside
of the cave. At Maax Na, a
1 x 2 m unit excavated at the
base of the hill, just outside
the lower entrance to Spider
Cave, uncovered a carpet
of broken ceramic that was
considered dense for the site.
A similar pattern was found
on the flat space above Cave
1. Cleaning almost certainly
occurred at both caves so the
material recovered reflects
only a small percentage of
all the ceramic that had been
used there. At both Maax Na
and Chawak But’o’ob space
within the caves is very re-
stricted but this is especial-
ly true of Cave 1. It is pos-
sible that ritual at Chawak
But’o’ob was carried out for
the most part outside of the
cave. If so, it will be the first
recorded instance of such a
pattern of utilization.
Among the artifacts

found at Cave 1 were three
Figure 8. Plan and Profile Views of Cave 1 at Chawak But’o’ob (Maps by Ann Scott). human bones recovered at a
depth of almost 90 cm. Ad-
referred to as “burnings.” Ann Scott’s (2009) work with Kaq- ditionally, a number of speleothems were recovered which
chikel ritual specialists also observed the significance that fire are interesting because no speleothem scars were found on
had in Maya ceremonies as a means to communicate with the roof and no water dripped in the cave after rains. We are
ancestors. During our investigation we found no evidence of currently testing the speleothems to see if they came from
charcoal. This is significant in that charcoal is usually abun- another cave. We feel that the speleothems were deposited
dant in caves. The actual physical evidence based on several in this feature as a way of solidifying its identity as a cave.
different measures suggests, therefore, that the interior of the
cave was little used. The most important aspect of Cave 1 is its location within
the ballcourt complex. The cave is set into a low shelf of
A number of sherds were noted eroding out of the thin exposed bedrock only 20 m west of the ballcourt and at the
soil on the exposed bedrock shelf that formed the roof of court’s southern boundary (Walling 2011). In addition to the
the cave. Particularly noteworthy were several sherds from ballcourt, the complex contains a sweatbath and a sinkhole,
an unslipped flat-bottomed bowl, a form frequently used in architectural and natural features that are symbolically tied
caves but this is in no way a vessel form exclusive to caves. to the concepts of earth and water. Both the ballcourt and the
185
James E. Brady
sweatbath are architectural elements

that have been equated with caves.
On the social level, Walling believes
that the complex served as the focus
of community identity with both the
cave and the ballcourt being related
to community genesis. Given the fact
that the cave is more ancient and im-
movable, it appears logical to conclude
that the cave probably determined the
placement of this group.
La Milpa
Finally, during the 2014 field season
I directed the preliminary documen-
tation of a sinkhole located within the
site of La Milpa (Fig. 9). The feature
was first noted in 2011 by the Three
Rivers Archaeological Project (TRAP)
and test excavations were carried out
during the 2012 season but these were
not resumed in 2013. Although there
had been some disagreement about
the feature’s function, it was present-
ed to our project as a trash pit, perhaps
Figure 9. La Milpa site map showing the location of the sinkhole (Courtesy of Norman serving a lithic workshop because of
Hammond, Francisco Estrada-Belli and Gair Tourtellot). the lithic debris recovered during the
initial excavations. The sinkhole is a conical pit 2.6 m along
the north-south axis by 2.1 m along the east-west axis at the
surface. At the bottom of the 1.7 m deep pit, the hole meas-
ured 2.1 m by 1.6 m (Fig. 10). Our excavations leveled the
uneven floor and lowered the entire unit to 2 m below datum.
There was a heavy density of ceramic with many large sherds
of plates and bowls recovered. At the lowest level, we were
encountering Late Preclassic material with probably another
meter of deposit to be removed. Several intact bifaces and a
good deal of obsidian were encountered.
The Three Rivers Archaeological Project had initiated

work on the sinkhole because an opening was noted at the
Figure 10. Plan and profile view of the La Milpa sinkhole (by Ann Figure 11. Excavation within the sinkhole showing the opening to
Scott). a small chamber (Photo by Melanie Saldaña).
186
Initial inspection of the sinkhole noted

several courses of unshaped stone visible
in the sidewall at the southern end of the
pit and a discontinuous line of rocks at
the same level in the sidewalls of the re-
mainder of the sinkhole (Fig. 12). Three
1 x 2 m excavation units were placed
along the north, south and east sides of
the sinkhole (Fig. 13). All three encoun-
tered a rubble cored platform that once
encircled the feature. Time did not per-
mit the feature to be fully excavated but
along the south end of the sinkhole, the
platform extended at least 2 m back from
the edge of the hole. Once again, exca-
vations in the platforms revealed a heavy
concentration of ceramic, obsidian and
other artifacts.
This study also allowed us to exam-

ine how deep seated convictions about
Figure 12. The rubble core of the platform visible in the sinkhole side wall (Photo by Mel-
the way in which the world is constitut-
anie Saldaña).
ed shaped archaeological inquiry. TRAP
considered the sinkhole to be a trash pit
north end of the feature. The removal of soil from the bottom because artifacts were found in the pit. This resonated with
of the sinkhole revealed a small, irregularly shaped chamber Western normative experience where broken objects are gath-
whose maximum dimensions were approximately 1.08 m ered up and deposited in a pit where they can then be buried.
north to south and 2.2 m east to west. This is misleading, how- In Western thought trash belongs in a hole. The fact that large
ever, because the walls of the chamber slope outward near quantities of what appeared to be lithic debitage were en-
the floor. The actual useable space was considerably smaller. countered confirmed the utilitarian function for trash disposal.
The chamber was cleared of ceiling collapse and a 1 m x 0.75
m test unit was excavated to 95 cm before hitting bedrock. My project relied on ethnographic sources that make
The unit encountered a good deal of ceramic, obsidian and a it clear that any hole in the earth, even ones for mining or
number of pieces of turtle carapace. the extraction of building materials, tend to become sacred
features (Brady and Rissolo
2006). Thus, the presence of
a hole made us suspect that
we were dealing with a sacred
landmark. The stone rubble
at the south end of the sink-
hole did not fit into the TRAP
model of a trash pit and so was
ignored. For our project, it was
an enigma which was explored
by our first test unit. Finally,
as we excavated we encoun-
tered pieces of ceiling collapse
with chert still embedded in its
limestone matrix. This materi-
al was labeled as debitage by
TRAP without close analysis.
The material was restudied by
our project and then by TRAP
and we agreed that less than
5% was culturally modified.
The La Milpa sinkhole study
offered clear evidence of the
necessity to constantly ques-
Figure 13. Three excavation units defined the platform surrounding the sinkhole (Photo by Melanie tion assumptions and carefully
Saldaña). analyze all artifacts recovered.
187
James E. Brady
Discussion and Conclusions

The Maax Na Project was a significant starting point for
Cave archaeology has been guided in its study of ancient several reasons. First, Spider Cave was recognizable as a cave
Maya sacred landscape by a terrestrial paradigm of Maya so that our results are widely generalizable in terms of cave
cosmology that was first explicitly set forward by the Petex- utilization. Second, its small size made it an unlikely candi-
batun Regional Cave Survey in the early 1990s. This model date in the minds of most archaeologists to be a feature that
has repeatedly yielded significant results in projects carried may have determined the layout of one of the site’s principal
out in the southern Maya lowlands. The northern border of plazas. Finally, we were able to relate different aspects of our
the region was largely ignored because of the almost total Maax Na results to findings in other areas. So many aspects
absence of reported caves. My initial encounter with the area of Structure 1A-9’s relationship to Spider Cave matched the
occurred in the late 1990s when I sent two cave specialists, shrine in the Bat Palace Complex at Dos Pilas that it proved
George Veni and Allan Cobb, to Stephen Houston’s Piedras our basic model of sacred landscape was applicable to north-
Negras Project along with Pierre Colas (Fig. 14). No large ern Belize (Demarest et al. 2003).
caves were encountered but a number of smaller features
were investigated. I did not pursue the project because of the Our second field investigation at Chawak But’o’ob docu-
lack of large caves. mented an even smaller cave located in the midst of commu-
nity architecture at a rural settlement. In this respect Chawak
Over the next decade I became more concerned with the But’o’ob mirrored results reported from Sabalam where this
fact that sacred landscape was being totally ignored, specif- rural Middle Preclassic settlement was laid out on four hills
ically in northern Belize where a large number of archae- with caves running through three of the four. The fourth hill
ologists are working. The three projects carried out in that had two architectural caves built onto it (Brady 2012). The
area were designed to explore Maya archaeology’s ability architectural and natural features provided the cosmogonic
to address sacred landscape in this area. In the end, it wasn’t symbols around which each community’s identity was an-
nearly the challenge that I had anticipated. chored. At Chawak But’o’ob, however, the cave was not the
type of natural feature that we normally encounter and was so
small and unassuming that it would not be noticed if our the-
oretical model had not alerted us to its potential importance.
The final feature, the sinkhole at La Milpa is the least

impressive but perhaps the most exciting feature that we ex-
amined. The Maya clearly formalized the space by surround-
ing this sinkhole with a platform that leaves no doubt that
this was a noteworthy sacred landmark. Sinkholes abound
in karstic landscapes providing surface archaeologists with
great opportunities to empirically document the sacred land-
scape within their site boundaries.
Taken together these studies have demonstrated how the

Maya terrestrial cosmogram has been translated onto an un-
cooperative landscape in both urban centers and rural set-
tlements. More than that, these studies reflect an interesting
relationship between the physical landscape and the ideal
cognized landscape. Materialist archaeologists have tended
to stress the primacy of the ecological over the ideological.
In uncooperative landscapes, however, we see the ideal cog-
nized landscape continuing largely unchanged by the absence
or scarcity of elements like caves in the physical environment.
Adaptations are certainly made but the physical environment
seems not to have determinative power over the nature of the
ideal cognized landscape. This is nowhere better illustrated
than in non-karstic regions of Mesoamerica where caves do
not naturally exist. In these regions, artificial or man-made
caves are created in great numbers. In other words, the ideal
cognized landscape is simply imposed on the uncooperative
physical environment. I suspect that additional study will
show both aspects of adaptation and imposition in north-
ern Belize. For instance, the two large, partially collapsed
chultuns in the central plaza of La Milpa are larger than the
caves at either Maax Na or Chawak But’o’ob. They seem to
Figure 14. Pierre Robert Colas at Piedras Negras in 1999 (Photo be outside of what we conceptualize as chultuns but fit quite
by George Veni) comfortably for me in a category of man-made caves.
188
The implications of the studies described here are exciting be- the Closed Community: Essays in Mesoamerican Ideas, pp.
139–153. Albany: Institute of Mesoamerican Studies, State
cause the karst features investigated are small and uncompli-
University of New York.
cated enough that surface projects do not need to mount spe-
cialized cave projects to record this data. I would challenge Demarest, Arthur, Kim Morgan, Claudia Wooley and Héctor
graduate students to consider undertaking sacred landscape Escobedo
projects and project directors to support them. 2003 The Political Acquisition of Sacred Geography. In: Jessica
Joyce Christie (ed.), Maya Palaces and Elite Residences: An
Interdisciplinary Approach, pp. 120–153. Austin: University
Acknowledgements of Texas Press.
All investigations were carried out with the permission of
Heyden, Doris
the Belizean Institute of Archaeology and the author would
1973 ¿Un Chicomostoc en Teotihuacan? La Cueva Bajo la Pirámide
like to thank then director, Dr. Jaime Awe, for his help and del Sol. Boletín del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e His-
support. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Lloyd Cotsen who toria II (6): 3–18.
provided funds for all three projects. His support has allowed
us to accomplish a great deal, of which this study is but a Hirth, Kenneth
small part. All three investigations were carried out in col- 2000 Archaeological Research at Xochicalco. Salt Lake City: Uni-
laboration with other projects. I would like to thank Eleanor versity of Utah Press.
King and the late Leslie Shaw at Maax Na, Stanley Walling
at Chawak But’o’ob and Brandon Lewis at La Milpa for the King, Eleanor M., James E. Brady, Leslie C. Shaw, Allan B. Cobb,
C. L. Kieffer, Michael L. Brennan and Chandra L. Harris
opportunity to conduct such interesting work. I loved work-
2012 Small Caves and Sacred Geography: A Case Study from the
ing with all of you. Fred Valdez, director of the Programme Prehispanic Maya Site of Maax Na, Belize. Latin American
for Belize Archaeological Project, was the guiding force be- Antiquity 23 (4): 611–628.
hind all three studies and deserves much of the credit for our
success. I would like to thank Michael Brennan, Allan Cobb, Manzanilla, Linda, Luis Barba, René Chávez, Andrés Tejero,
Eleanor King, Melanie Saldaña, Ann Scott, George Veni, and Gerardo Cifuentes and Nayeli Peralta
Stanley Walling for the use of their illustrations, maps and 1994 Caves and Geophysics: An Approximation to the Underworld
photographs. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the great of Teotihuacan, Mexico. Archaeometry 36: 141–157.
job that Milan Kováč and his team did in organizing the 19th
Noguera, Eduardo
European Maya Conference and thank them for their warm
1945 Excavaciones en el estado de Puebla. Anales del Museo Na-
hospitality in Bratislava. cional de México 1: 31–74.
References cited Scarborough, Vernon L., Fred Valdez Jr. and Nicholas P. Dunning
2003 Heterarchy, Political Economy, and the Ancient Maya. Tucson:
Aguilar, Manuel, Miguel Medina Jaen, Tim M. Tucker and James
University of Arizona Press.
E. Brady
2005 The Significance of a Chicomoztoc Complex at Acatzingo
Viejo. In: James E. Brady and Keith M. Prufer (eds.), In the Scott, Ann Marie
Maw of the Earth Monster: Mesoamerican Ritual Cave Use, 2009 Communicating with the Sacred Earthscape: An Ethnoarchae-
pp. 69–87. Austin: University of Texas Press. ological Investigation of Kaqchikel Maya Ceremonies in High-
land Guatemala. PhD thesis. Austin: The University of Texas
Press.
Brady, James E.
1997 Settlement Configuration and Cosmology: The Role of Caves
at Dos Pilas. American Anthropologist 99 (3): 602–618. Smith, Michael E. and Katharina J. Schreiber
2004 Constructed Landscapes: Exploring the Meaning and Signifi- 2006 New World States and Empires: Politics, Religion, and Urban-
cance of Recent Discoveries of Artificial Caves. Ketzalcalli 1: ism. Journal of Archaeological Research 14 (1): 1–52.
2–17.
Tilley, Christopher
Brady, James E. and Dominique Rissolo 1994 A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths, and Monu-
2006 A Reappraisal of Ancient Maya Cave Mining. Journal of An- ments. Explorations in Anthropology. Oxford: Berg.
thropological Research 62 (4): 471–490.
Walling, Stanley
Brady, James E. and George Veni 2011 Overview of Recent Ballcourt Complex Investigations at Ch-
1992 Man-Made and Pseudo-Karst Caves: The Implications of Sub- awak But’o’ob, Belize. In: Brett A. Houk and Fred Valdez
surface Geologic Features Within Maya Centers. Geoarchae- Jr. (eds.), Research Reports from the Programme for Belize
ology 7 (2): 149–167. Archaeological Project, Volume 5, pp. 251–261. Mesoamerican
Archaeological Research Laboratory, Occasional Papers 12,
Austin: University of Texas Press.
Brennan, Michael L., Eleanor M. King, Leslie C. Shaw, Stanley L.
Walling and Fred Valdez Jr.
2013 Preliminary Geochemical Assessment of Limestone Resources Walling, Stanley, Peter Davis, Jonathan Hanna, Leah Mathews,
and Stone Use at Maya Sites in the Three Rivers Region, Be- Nahum Prasarn, Christine Taylor and Erol Kavountzis
lize. Journal of Archaeological Science 40: 3178–3192. 2007 Ballcourt and Residential Terrace Investigations at Chawak
But’o’ob, Belize: Report of the Rio Bravo Archaeological
Survey. In: Fred Valdez Jr. (ed.), Research Reports from the
Cook, Garrett Programme for Belize Archaeological Project, pp. 83–91.
1986 Quichean Folk Theology and Southern Maya Supernatural- Mesoamerican Archaeological Research Laboratory, Occa-
ism. In: Garry H. Gossen (ed.), Symbol and Meaning Beyond 189
sional Papers 8. Austin: University of Texas Press.
James E. Brady
Postscript
The following season, the excavation of the “sinkhole” at La
Milpa was completed and the feature was discovered to be a
collapsed chultun. Our excavations, however, were not doc-
umenting its use as a chultun because when we came down
on the collapsed roof and capstone, we found no artifacts
beneath it. To find that the original chultun had contained no
material at the time of its demise is fairly standard. It appears
that after the collapse, the platform continued to be utilized
with offerings being thrown into the hole. Above the col-
lapsed roof, we recovered over 20,000 sherds. Many of these
were large pieces that had not been trampled after deposition
and were not heavily eroded indicating that they had not lain
on the surface for an extended period. Thus, we are fairly
certain that this material had not washed in. The artifact as-
semblage also contained 66 obsidian prismatic blades, a shell
labret, worked bone, and bifacially chipped blades. Thus, it
appears that the feature was repurposed and continued to be
used during the Late Classic after its function as a chultun.
190
COLONIAL CODE:
LATE REFLECTIONS OF ANCIENT MAYA COSMOLOGY
Worlds in Words: Precolumbian Cosmologies in the Context
of Early Colonial Christianisation in Highland Guatemala
Frauke Sachse
University of Bonn
Abstract
The missionary and indigenous literature from Highland Guatemala is an exceptional resource for studying
the colonial encounter of two religious systems and worldviews. The corpus of texts preserved in K’iche’ is
particularly rich. In the process of translating Christianity into K’iche’ missionaries appropriated concepts
from K’iche’ ritual discourse, while indigenous converts took up doctrinal discourse and integrated it in
their narrative traditions. This contribution analyses how missionary authors communicated the concepts
of the Christian worldview and how these translations mapped onto Highland Maya notions of cosmology
and otherworld dimensions.
Resumen
La literatura misionera e indígena de los altiplanos de Guatemala constituye una fuente excepcional para
el análisis del encuentro colonial entre dos sistemas religiosos y dos conceptos del mundo. El corpus de
textos preservados en lengua k’iche’ es particularmente extenso. En el proceso de traducir la doctrina cris-
tiana al k’iche’ los autores misioneros se apropiaron de conceptos del discurso ritual k’iche’, mientras que
indígenas conversos adoptaron e integraron el nuevo discurso doctrinal en sus narrativas tradicionales. La
contribución presente analiza cómo comunicaron los misioneros las conceptualizaciones cristianas y cómo
sus traducciones reprodujeron modelos cosmológicos y dimensiones ultramundiales.
The Highland Maya language K’iche’ was among the first place for analysing the confrontation of Old and New World
native languages in the Americas to be instrumentalised in the cosmologies. This paper addresses the question of stability of
conversion of the indigenous population to Christianity. The prehispanic cultural concepts in Highland Maya Catholicism
corpus of missionary writings in K’iche’ comprises various and the role of doctrinal discourse as a vehicle for conceptual
types of catechisms, theological treatises, confessionaries, continuity. I will analyse the role of translation in the process
and sermons as well as descriptive materials such as diction- of conversion by focusing on conceptualisations of Christian
aries and grammars. It is a rich resource that has received cosmology and examine how the friars communicated ideas
little attention from scholars until recently. In translating the like Heaven and Hell in K’iche’. It will be shown that mis-
concepts of Christianity into K’iche’ the missionaries un- sionary and indigenous text production was interdependent
doubtedly had help from indigenous converts. Literate con- and that indigenous authors adopted, influenced and modi-
verts soon developed their own literary traditions by taking fied the newly developed Christian discourse to fit their own
up the European genres and themes and filling them with Pre- cosmological perceptions. I will argue that the practice of
columbian mytho-historic narratives and contents. It is this translation preserved Precolumbian notions of otherworld
combination of missionary and indigenous written resources dimensions and reinforced concepts that were fundamental
that makes Highland Guatemala a particularly appropriate to K’iche’ cosmology.
Frauke Sachse
Translating Christianity
(e.g. pascua ‘Easter’), (2) loan translations, or calques, i.e.
The sixteenth-century conquest of the Highland Maya was literal translations of Spanish, Latin or Hebrew forms into
soon followed by a vigorous programme of Christianisation. K’iche’ (e.g. utz b’ij ‘speak well = lat. benedicere ‘to bless’;
Since their arrival in New Spain the orders of the Franciscans keje’ chuxoq ‘so be it = Hebr. amen’), or (3) descriptive para-
and Dominicans had adopted a strategy of evangelising in phrases (e.g. uqajik uja’Dios ‘letting down the water of God
the vernacular languages, rejecting the order of the Spanish (on one’s head) = baptism’. The latter of these strategies was
Crown for castellanisation and opposing Rome’s dogma of very useful in the process of conversion, inasmuch as it com-
trilingualism, which permitted the preaching of the gospel municated the Christian cultural practice along with a new
only in Latin, Greek or Hebrew (Phelan 1970: 87–88; García term (Sachse 2016). Besides introducing neologisms, mis-
Ruíz 1992: 84–86). Following the example of evangelisation sionary authors also consciously accommodated terminology
practices in Central Mexico, missionary linguists began as from K’iche’ ritual discourse. Vico, for instance, strategically
early as in the 1540s with the production of doctrinal teaching adopted the name of highest K’iche’ creator deity Tz’aqol
materials in the K’iche’an languages, including catechisms, B’itol, which can be translated literally as ‘maker modeller’
sermons, and texts of biblical and devotional contents ex- (Tedlock 1996 [1985]) or ‘framer shaper’ (Christenson 2003),
plaining the Christian faith. to refer to the Christian God; in the Theologia Indorum he
identifies Tz’aqol B’itol as the only creator god, suggesting
Although the first catechisms were written in the lengua to the K’iche’ that they practiced monotheism in their past
guatemalteca Kaqchikel, the language of the Spanish allies (see Sparks 2011: 171; 2014a: 420ff.).
which became the matrix language for both linguistic de-
scription and evangelisation in the Guatemalan highlands Franciscans and Dominicans had different theological
(see Recinos 1950: 31; García Ruíz 1992: 84; Smith-Stark positions on the matter of translation and entered into fun-
2009), the most extensive body of doctrinal texts was written damental disputes about how to communicate the Christian
in K’iche’. K’iche’ was the language of the Kingdom of Utat- doctrine correctly in the indigenous languages (García Ruíz
lán, the dominant political power in the highlands in the Late 1992). This reflects clearly in the texts that were produced
Postclassic. The conversion of the k’iche’-speaking Central by missionaries of the respective orders. While Franciscan
Highlands was mostly in the hands of the Dominicans, who authors seemed to prefer the use of neologisms, Domini-
produced most of the doctrinal materials preserved today. can texts exhibit more terms that were taken directly from
K’iche’ religious discourse to express Christian concepts
One Dominican text had particular impact on the process of faith and divinity (see Sachse 2016). This “recycling” of
of conversion in the Highlands. Domingo de Vico’s The- Maya religious terminology is particularly interesting, as
ologia Indorum (‘Theology for/of the Indians’) comprises the doctrinal usage can provide a vehicle by which cultural
two volumes and a total of 217 chapters, which includes concepts and practices from the Maya prehispanic past may
explanations of the key concepts of Christianity, summaries have survived until the present day. We may assume that
of biblical narratives and catechetical literature, with the first Dominican translation practice involved close collaboration
volume covering the Old Testament and the second volume between the missionaries and their K’iche’ informants, who
the New Testament. Compiled between 1550–54, the Theolo- may have been Christian converts who were at the same time
gia Indorum was entirely written in K’iche’ and found wide knowledgeable and practicing in Highland Maya religion
distribution across the indigenous highlands. It was translated (Sparks 2011: 186–243; 2014b).
into Kaqchikel, Tz’utujil and Q’eqchi’ still in the course of
the sixteenth century, supposedly as a response to Vico’s We know that some of the K’iche’ intellectuals who assist-
martyr death in 1555. In his comprehensive study of the ed the friars in their translations also authored texts on behalf
Theologia Indorum, Garry Sparks underlines the importance of the indigenous communities, as it was the case with Diego
of Vico’s work as the Americas’ first theology to be written Reynoso who worked with Domingo de Vico and is also the
in an indigenous language (2011: 105–111; 2014a; Sparks et author of the Título de Totonicapán (see Sparks 2014a: 402).
al. 2017). Given the number of complete and partial copies The earliest texts that were written by K’iche’ authors date to
preserved in European and North American archives today, the 1550s. Throughout the colonial era, indigenous commu-
the impact the Theologia Indorum must have had on the nities had town scribes, who held notary positions within the
formation of Christian discourse in the Highlands cannot be colonial administration and were responsible for composing
underestimated (see Sparks 2014a; 2016). official documents, such as testaments, deeds, property sale
contracts, legal and community records as well as church
This process of translation of the Christian doctrine into and confraternity registers. The same individuals also pro-
K’iche’ challenged the missionaries to find the best termi- duced documents for purposes of the indigenous community,
nological correlates for abstract Christian concepts, such as which did not serve an official function in the colonial system
‘salvation’, ‘confession’ or ‘contrition’. The creation of this and have therefore been described by Matthew Restall as
new discourse genre, which we may want to name Doctrinal “quasi-notarial” (1997: 260). These non-official texts are our
K’iche’, was not an ad hoc process, but carefully reflected. prime sources on the history of the highlands prior to Spanish
The missionaries employed several linguistic strategies to invasion. The corpus of native texts that originate in the 16th
introduce new terminology into the language, which included century includes the Popol Vuh –the mythological account of
the use of neologisms as much as the reuse of terms from world creation and the origin of the K’iche’ people– as well
K’iche’ religion (see Sachse 2016). Neologisms include (1) as two dozen títulos, documents that were modelled onto
loanwords from Spanish (e.g. paraíso ‘paradise’) or Latin the Spanish genre of the land title, but relate native histories
194
Worlds in Words: Precolumbian Cosmologies in the Context of Early Colonial Christianisation in Highland Guatemala
Translating Cosmologies
to state the territorial or political legitimacy of local K’iche’
nobilities. Missionary writings from Highland Guatemala refer to the
concept of the ‘world’ in the Christian dichotomy of cielo y
These indigenous texts have been treated as windows into tierra ‘Heaven and Earth’ by appropriating the K’iche’ terms
the Precolumbian past. Although they are routinely drawn kaj ‘sky’ and ulew ‘earth’.
on to reconstruct the history, concepts, and practices of pre-
hispanic Maya culture, they primarily need to be seen as Wakamik k’ut xchiqatikib’a Now then we shall begin
products of the colonial encounter. The authors were bilingual ub’ixik ub’anoj, the account of its creation,
converts, who were writing decades after the conquest and are’ utikerik it is the beginning of
from the perspective of individuals and communities who ronojel chi kaj chuwach ulew everything in heaven and on earth
had grown up in a hybrid context of two cultural systems and
worldviews. Indigenous discourse and conceptualisations be- (Theologia Indorum, GGMA1 ms. 187, p. 67)
came influenced and modified by Christianity, which makes
indigenous texts key resources for analysing the impact of
the conversion on native culture. The sources reflect how The diphrastic kenning of kaj ulew is also employed by in-
indigenous authors implemented Christian discourse in their digenous authors, who use it mostly on its own but also ex-
historical traditions and appropriated Spanish literary genres tend it with the couplet cho palow ‘lake sea’. These four ele-
for their own strategic purposes. Most K’iche’ títulos make ments kaj, ulew, cho, palow define the human cosmos which
references to Christian concepts and biblical contents. It has combines a four-cornered sky and land that is surrounded
been pointed out by several scholars that the creation narra- by freshwaters and saltwaters. The Popol Vuh describes the
tive in the Título de Totonicapán almost literally integrates creation of the world as a process of birth (alaj) which re-
passages from the Theologia Indorum (Acuña 1985; Dürr sults from the interaction of the deities Uk’u’x Kaj ‘Heart of
1989; Bredt-Kriszat 1999; Sparks 2011). That Vico’s work Sky’ and Tepew Q’ukumatz ‘Sovereign Quetzal Serpent’ in
must have had a wide distribution in sixteenth-century High- a primordial womb-shaped sky that is filled with the waters
land Guatemala is also suggested by several explicit mentions of the primordial sea.
of the Theologia Indorum and its author in the Título de Ilo-
cab (see Carmack 1985) and the Título de Pedro Velasco (see Xa utukel kaj k’olik, Just alone the sky exists,
Carmack and Mondloch 1989) as well as reports on Vico’s mawi q’alaj uwach ulew, the face of the earth is not clear yet,
death in the Kaqchikel Xajil Chronicles and the Poqomchi’ xa utukel remanik palo, just alone the calm sea,
Título del barrio de Santa Ana (see Sparks 2011: 124–126; upa kaj ronojel all is in the womb of the sky
2014a: 402). … …
Ta xkalaj, Then they gave birth,
Sparks has analysed the intertextual relations between the ta xkik’u’xlaj kib’. then they remembered themselves.
Theologia Indorum, the Título de Totonicapán, and the Popol Xewi saq (There was) just light
Vuh and has argued for the Popol Vuh as a direct indigenous ta xkalaj puch winaq when they gave also birth to people.
response to the concept of the Theologia Indorum as a central
dogmatic text (Sparks 2011: 36, 189). This does however not (Popol Vuh2, fol. 1v)
contradict the traditional interpretation based on a statement
in the text itself that it was written to preserve the ancient There is no straightforward decision whether the parallelism
knowledge about Highland Maya mythology and to refute of ‘sky-earth’ existed as a concept in Precolumbian times. We
the Christian doctrine (see Dürr 1989; Tedlock 1996: 30). can however say that the description of world creation in the
Just like the indigenous authors responded to Christianity Popol Vuh significantly deviates from the biblical genesis, in
by reproducing and modifying doctrinal discourse in their that ‘sky’ and ‘sea’ pre-exist creation and are not formed by
writings and by transforming native mythologies to match a divine creator.
the template of biblical linearity, Vico adopted the formal fea-
tures of K’iche’ ceremonial discourse and embedded them in Cosmological concepts are intrinsically tied to eschato-
the doctrinal language. The Theologia Indorum is written in a logical belief systems. The essence of Christian eschatology
style full of parallelisms and couplets known from the Popol is founded on the hope for individual salvation, which is
Vuh or contemporary Highland Maya ritual prayer (Sparks inseparably connected to the collective, as the fate of each
2011: 168ff.; 221ff.). To understand which of the parallelisms soul –either the eternal life in Heaven or eternal death in Hell–
are surviving Precolumbian conceptualisations and which depends on Christ’s last judgement at the end of the world.
have been created in the context of linguistic conversion, In the following sections, we will analyse how the Christian
the intertextualities of the sources need to be systematically concepts of Heaven and Hell and associated ideas from the
analysed and disentangled. In the following sections, we will same frame of reference were translated into K’iche’ and
look at concepts from the semantic domain of cosmology and explore how these renderings relate to notions of otherworld
try to unravel how the process of translation negotiated two places known from prehispanic cosmology.
entirely different views of the world.
195
Frauke Sachse
Heaven
idea that indigenous authors may have adopted the concept
To translate the Spanish term cielo the missionaries appro- of the layers from early doctrinal literature.
priated the K’iche’ term kaj. The concept of kaj in the in-
digenous sources refers to the cosmological location of the Lunes ukab’ q’ij, Monday is the second day,
four-cornered sky as the dwelling-place of deities and deified b’elej tas chi kaj xk’ase’ nine levels of the sky were brought to life
ancestors. In the Popol Vuh the sky identified as the place rumal Dyos, nima ajaw. The nine(some) circle around the earth,
of the creator god ‘Heart of Sky’, who is also referred to as Ub’elejichal kesolow chi rij ulew, by God, the great lord,
the storm deity Juraqan. This conceptualisation corresponds kesutu’ puch chi ronojel q’ij. and they surround it every day.
with Christian cosmology as described in the doctrinal sourc- Ulaju’ tas k’ut chisilab’ik, The tenth level shall move,
es, where kaj is equally referred to as the ‘residence’ (siwan junelik kub’ul, rochoch utinamit the eternal seat, his abode
tinamit) and the ‘kingdom’ (ajawarem) of God and the angels, chi ronojel q’ij. on every day.
who are simply rendered as the winaqil kaj ‘people of the sky’.
(Título de Totonicapan, fol. 1r)
The traditional view in Mesoamerican studies sees the
Precolumbian universe as multi-layered, consisting of thir- At closer look, however, we can see that the authors of the
teen levels of the upperworld and nine levels of the under- Título have amended the text slightly to make it consistent
world. As Nielsen and Sellner (2009) have pointed out there with Precolumbian conceptualisations of the Upper Worlds.
are no truly Precolumbian depictions of this cosmological With respect to the tenth level the Título seems to make the
order, but all descriptions of the multi-layered universe are exact opposite statement from what we find in Vico’s de-
post-contact and post-Christianisation (e.g. Codex Vaticanus scription. While in the Theologia Indorum the tenth level is
A, Chilam Balam of Chumayel) and may therefore be the static and the place of the eternal existence of God, the Título
result of Christian influence rather than indicative of Preco- declares it to be moving. Given that medieval Christian cos-
lumbian cosmology. The first friars who preached in the New mology associates the empyrion with eternal light and fire, it
World used images of the world depicting several levels of would not be surprising, if the K’iche’ authors of the Título
the Heavens and Hell that were most likely based on Dante’s saw the tenth level as the abode of the sun. In Mesoamerican
Divine Comedy and may have been adopted and modified by cosmology, the sun surrounded the earth. The sun had divine
indigenous authors (Nielsen and Sellner 2009). status as a life-bringer and the solar cycle with the daily death
and rebirth of the sun constituted a basic conceptual metaphor
Indeed, medieval Christian belief was based on a Clas- for life in general (Chinchilla Mazariegos 2013). Mendicant
sical geocentric Weltbild that was layered. Dante describes friars in Central Mexico introduced the association of Jesus
Heaven as consisting of nine concentric and moving plane- Christ with the sun, which was both consistent with medieval
tary spheres, the locations of the moon, Mercury, Venus, the and Mesoamerican thought (see Burkhart 1988). It may there-
sun, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, the fixed stars and the so-called fore be that the authors of the Título de Totonicapán adapted
primum mobile, the place of the angels. These nine spheres the description of the tenth level to make it fitting with Pre-
are encompassed by the empyrion, the sea of eternal light columbian cosmological perception. In Christian belief, the
and the abode of God, on the tenth and upper level of the sky. empyrion is the Kingdom of God, where Jesus sits at God’s
In chapter 29 of the Theologia Indorum, Vico reproduces righthand side and the souls of the deceased reside who after
Dante’s description of Heaven as he mentions that on the their death go straight to the ‘celestial paradise’. This concep-
second day of Genesis, God created nine celestial spheres tualisation of the upper level of the sky as the abode of souls
that are surrounding the earth, and that the tenth level above is not inconsistent with Mesoamerican eschatology and the
is the eternal abode of God where nothing moves. idea of a solar paradise.
Nab’e q’ij Domingo ub’i’, The first day is called Sunday, When we look at translations of the term ‘paradise’
xwinaqir saq chupam. on which light was created. in the doctrinal sources, there are essentially three ways
Lunes ukab’ q’ij, Monday is the second day, of rendering the concept: junelik ki’kotem ‘eternal joy/
b’elej tas chi kaj xk’ase’, nine levels of the sky were brought to life, happiness’, or ki’kotirib’al ‘place of joy/happiness’,
chupam xwinaqir wi, were created in it, q’anal raxal ‘abundance/plenty’, and kotz’i’jalaj ulew
xwinaqir pu rumal Dios nim ajaw. and they were created by God the Great Lord. ‘flowery earth/land’. Table 1 indicates that Franciscan
ub’elejichal kesolol chirij ulew, The nine(some) circle around the earth, and Dominican sources use all three terms to refer to
kesutinik kesutuw puch ronojel q’ij. they encircle and surround it every day. both the ‘earthly’ and the ‘celestial’ paradise (Table 1).
Ulaju’ tas chi k’ut k’o aq’anoq puwi’, The tenth level then exists above it,
maja b’i chisilob’ik, nothing would move, The most common of these translations is the de-
xa junelik kub’ulik, it is just the eternal seat, scriptive paraphrasing of the celestial paradise as a
rochoch utinamit Dios nimajaw. the abode of God the Great Lord. place of ‘happiness, joy’ (ki’kotem) and eternal life (junelik
k’aslem). The concept of the ‘joys of heaven’ is discussed
(Theologia Indorum, GGMA ms. 178, ch. 29) by Aquinas (Summa Theologica, Supplement, Question 69,
Article 2, Objection 4) and is a straightforward Christian
Vico’s text is integrated almost literally into the account of the concept. While the second translation of paradise as a place of
creation of the world in the Título de Totonicapán (Carmack ‘abundance, plenty’ is also consistent with Christian thought,
and Mondloch 1983), which confirms Nielsen’s and Sellner’s it furthermore can be identified as a Mesoamerican concept.
196
Table 1. Translations of the Spanish term ‘paraíso’ in the missionary sources.
Paraíso
ki’kotem ‘happiness’/ki’koti(risa)b’al ‘place of joy/happiness’
<hunelic quicotem> junelik ki’kotem - Nabe Tihonic
<hupalic quicotem chi cah> jupalik ki’kotem chi kaj “paraíso çelestial” Coto
<pa qui cotiriçabal vleu> pa ki’kotirisab’al ulew “paraíso terrenal” Coto
<quicotibal coq,ihalah ticon> ki’kotib’al kotz’ijalaj tiko’n “deleitoso paraíso” Coto
q’anal raxal ‘(place of) abundance’

<vraxal vεanal vlleuh> uraxal uq’anal ulew “parayso terrenal” Vico, Theologia
<nima εanal raxal> nima q’anal raxal “paraíso çelestial” Coto
kotz’i’jalaj ulew ‘flowery earth/land’

<co4,ihalah vleuh> kotz’i’jalaj ulew “parayso terrenal” AFD
<pa coq,ihalah vleuh> pa kotz’i’jalaj ulew “paraíso terrenal” Coto
<co4,ihah ticon> kotz’i’jaj tiko’n “paraíso” Vocabulario
en lengua cakchiquel
The diphrastic kenning of q’anal raxal ‘yellowness and Girard 1966: 236; Pitarch Ramón 1996: 54). The Tzotzil
greenness’ is attested in various Mayan languages includ- refer to this place as winajel, which is located in and moves
ing Classic Maya as a metaphor for ‘abundance’. Stuart has with the sun and is also associated with the heavenly of Jesus
argued that ‘yellow and green’ represent the colours of ripe Christ and other deities (Guiteras Holmes 1961: 143–144,
and unripe maize, and thus refer to abundance from a good 258; Villa Rojas 1990: 649). This aspect of Tzotzil eschatol-
harvest (2005: 275). In the doctrinal sources, the term q’anal ogy may help us to understand why the authors of the Título
raxal is used to refer to ‘paradise’, the ‘glory of God’ and the de Totonicapán modified Vico’s cosmological description of
‘beatitudes’. All three translations are conceptually related, the tenth level of the sky to associate it more closely with the
inasmuch as the celestial paradise is the place where the souls movement of the sun. In Highland Maya culture the concept
exist in the presence of God’s glory which would be the faith of the Flower Paradise also carries a connotation of rebirth.
of those who are blessed. In the Theologia Indorum, the term Among the Tz’utujil of Santiago Atitlán, Robert Carlsen and
q’anal raxal refers to the earthly paradise, i.e. Garden of Eden Martin Prechtel identified the concept of a ‘Flowering Moun-
before the Fall of Man, which seems to be consistent with tain Earth’, which refers to an imaginary tree (or maize plant)
Mesoamerican conceptualisations of human origin places that at the navel of the world that is the origin and end of all life
are commonly described as places of abundance, such as the (Carlsen and Prechtel 1991).
Tonacatepetl (mountain of sustenance), Paxil K’ayala’ (place
of human creation in the Popol Vuh). To explain why the missionaries adopted the concept of
the Flower Paradise to refer to the Christian notion of the
However, we will here focus on the third translation of celestial paradise, we need to consider that the Mesoameri-
‘paradise’ as kotz’i’jalaj ulew ‘flowery earth/land’ that can be can understanding of the ‘flowery land’ as a place of rebirth
identified as a straight accommodation of a Precolumbian matches with Christian belief in resurrection. In 16th-centu-
concept into doctrinal K’iche’an discourse. The metaphorical ry Spain, Easter Sunday was referred to as Pascua Florida,
concept of a ‘flowery world’ as a paradisiacal realm of the and thus associated with flowers. In the Theologia Indorum
dead is well known in Mesoamerica (see Hill 1992; Burkhart Vico translates Easter Sunday accordingly as kotz’i’jalaj Pas-
1992; Taube 2004). Although conceptualisations vary, there is cua ‘flowery Easter’. Whether the translation of ‘paradise’
a general association of this Flower Paradise with a celestial as kotz’i’jalaj ulew was taken directly from contemporary
place in the east, where the sun rises. According to Sahagun Highland religious discourse, however, cannot be confirmed,
this is the place where the souls of those who die in battle as the association of the resurrection with flowers and the
transform into butterflies. While it is possible that the K’iche’ translation of the Christian idea of paradise as ‘Flower Moun-
rendering of paradise as ‘flowery land’ was originally taken tain’ are also attested in doctrinal Nahuatl literature (see Bur-
from Nahuatl catechetical texts available to the friars, related khart 1992).
conceptualisations are found in past and present Maya culture.
The analysis of missionary translations of Heaven and
The concept of a ‘flowery mountain’ as a place of burial paradise show that the friars adopted terminology from
and rebirth has been identified in Classic Maya iconography K’iche’ ritual discourse that continued to be meaningful with-
(see below) and is known from Maya ethnographic studies in Precolumbian cosmology, while the authors of the Título
(see Taube 2004 for detailed argument). There the solar para- de Totonicapán analogically adapted the Christian idea of a
dise is the final resting place for the souls of heroic leaders or layered universe to their own conceptualisation of a solar par-
those who die violently in war, by murder, lightening, drown- adise. Similar adaptations and modifications can be identified
ing or during childbirth (Chinchilla Mazariegos 2011; citing in the missionary descriptions of Hell.
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Frauke Sachse
Hell
below, but for the moment it suffices to say in Highland Maya
In all missionary authors translations the K’iche’ term that thought Xib’alb’a is a place of human defeat and renewal that
is used to translate the Spanish concept of infierno ‘Hell’ is constitutes a necessary element in the cycle of human life.
xib’alb’a (or Kaqchikel xib’alb’ay), the name of the K’iche’
underworld known from the early colonial text of the Popol When the first missionaries appropriated the term
Vuh and other sixteenth-century sources from Highland Gua- xib’alb’a to refer to the Christian concept of ‘Hell’, they drew
temala. The term is a locative derivation of an abstractive a completely different picture of the underworld and trans-
noun with the root xib’ ‘fear/fright’, which literally translates positioned the term into new frame of reference, changing
as ‘place of fearing, or fright’. its meaning from the ‘place of fright’ to the place of eternal
damnation. In chapter 28 of the first volume of the Theolo-
Xib’alb’a gia Indorum, Vico describes the attributes of Christian Hell,
Xib’-al-b’a(l) which narrates the Fall of the Angels and their banishment in
N:fear/fright-ABSTR-LOC Hell, at the centre of the earth:
“place of fearing/fright”
Ta xetzaq uloq, Then they were thrown hither,
rumal Tz’aqol B’itol, by Framer-Former,
Xib’alb’a was the K’iche’ concept of a non-human domain Dios Nimajaw ub’i’. God the Great Lord is his name.
in the underworld. In Mesoamerican Studies, the term is Keje’ k’ut keqajik Thus they descended
often used indiscriminately to refer to the Classic Maya un- koponik puch chunik’ajal ulew, to arrive at the centre of the earth,
derworld, which is however only known from iconographic chi rochoch k’axkol ra’il, at the home of suffering and pain,
sources and for which no generic hieroglyphic term has been chi rochoch chuk’a, at the home of bitterness,
chi rochoch q’aq’, at the home of fire,
identified thus far (see Fitzsimmons 2009: 15). In Colonial chi rochoch k’atik poroxik, at the home of burning and firing,
Yukatek sources the underworld is named as metnal, which is chi rochoch tew k’atan, at the home of cold and fever,
commonly interpreted to be a mayanised form of the Nahuatl chi rochoch wayjal chaq’ij chi’, at the home of hunger and thirst,
term mictlan ‘land of the dead’ (Thompson 1990 [1970]: 300), chi rochoch meb’a’il ajkoq’owalil, at the home of poverty and shortage,
though the precise meaning is not understood. In Highland chi rochoch kik’ raxtew, at the home of blood-sickness,
chi rochoch b’is moq’em , at the home of sorrow and anguish,
Chiapas, ethnographic accounts describe the concept of an chi rochoch nimab’is, at the home of great sorrow,
underworld named Katinbak, which according to the Tzeltal chi rochoch q’equm aq’ab’, at the home of darkness and night,
of Cancuc is a dark and cold place (Pitarch Ramón 1999: 28), chi rochoch pu jiloj poloj, and at the house of groaning and grief,
while the Tzotzil in Chamula define it as an underworld jail qitzij chi kowinik chi k’ax, chi ra’, truly at the might of suffering, of pain,
for murderers and witches (Pozas Arciniega 1987: 232–240). k’o chila’ xe’ok wi. that is where they entered.
Xawi xere ub’i’ Xib’alb’a, Only so by the name of Xib‘alb‘a,
Much of our current understanding of the Maya underworld xub‘inaj rochoch pa ichab‘al. is called the home in your language.
derives from Highland Maya mythology and in particular
the Popol Vuh, which provides the only detailed description (Theologia Indorum, GGMA ms. 178, fol. 71)
of Xib’alb’a. The Popol Vuh specifies Xib’alb’a as a place
of darkness underneath the surface of the earth, to which one As expected, and consistent with the Christian concept of
descends through caves and ravines, and by crossing danger- inferno, Vico describes Hell as the home of ‘suffering and
ous rivers. Xib’alb’a is the realm of the lords of death and pain’, ‘burning and fire’, diseases, hunger, poverty, sorrow
disease. However, its role as a place for the spirit-essences of and darkness. Some of these hardships that await the sinner
the deceased is not mentioned explicitly in the text, instead find correspondences in the characterisation of the K’iche’
all references to Xib’alb’a regard events in the deep mythic underworld in the Popol Vuh. Xib’alb’a was certainly a place
past, before the creation mankind. of darkness and associated with sickness and ailment. The
majority of underworld lords mentioned in the text carry the
The Xib’alb’a episodes from the Popol Vuh serve the names of diseases, such as Xik’iri Pat ‘Flying Scab’, Ku-
mythological function of defining the parameters for the chuma Kik’ ‘Gathered Blood’, Ajal Puj ‘Pus Demon’, Ajal
relationship between humankind and the underworld. The Q’ana ‘Jaundice’ (translations Christenson 2003). Xib’alb’a
text describes the journey of the Hero Twins Junajpu and was also a place of suffering and defeat. After their descent to
Xb’alanke, who descend to the underworld to defeat the the underworld, the Hero Twins have to pass through a series
Lords of Xib’alb’a, whereby they define a new world order of trials (tijob’al) in form of different houses of elemental
and create the conditions for the development of human life dangers, including darkness, cold, fire, knives, jaguars and
on earth. In the narrative the father of the twins, Jun Junajpu bats (see Table 2).
is summoned along with his brother to the underworld, where
he is defeated in a ballgame and beheaded by the Lords of Given that some of the properties of Hell described by
Xib’alb’a. Placed in a calabash tree, his decapitated head Vico and of the houses of trials in the Popol Vuh seem to
impregnates an underworld lady, who escapes to the surface overlap (‘darkness’, ‘cold’ and ‘fire’), it has been discussed
of the earth and gives birth to the Hero Twins. Junajpu and whether both accounts may be conceptually related (see
Xb’alanke are likewise summoned by the lords, but are not Bredt-Kriszat 1999: 193). Although the compartmentalisa-
defeated. Instead they sacrifice themselves in a fire and are tion of Hell and Purgatory into different levels or abodes was
reborn in the underworld to kill the Lords of Xib’alb’a before not alien to medieval Christian cosmology, the properties of
rising to the sky as sun and moon. We will look at eschato- Hell itemised by Vico do not correspond to the nine circles
logical meaning of the Hero Twin myth in more detail further of Dante’s inferno, or the seven terraces of the mountain
198
Table 2. The houses of trials (tijob’al) of Xib’alb’a according to xib’alb’a) can be identified as the Limbo of Infants, a state
the Popol Vuh. between Heaven and Hell for the souls children (ak’alab’)
who have not been baptised and died in original sin (alax-
Houses of Trials in Xib’alb’a ib’al mak ‘birth sin’) denying them direct access to Heaven.
Q’equmaja House of Darkness There is little ethnographic information regarding K’iche’an
perceptions about the eschatological fate of infants. Bunzel
Cha’im Ja House of Blades describes that in Chichicastenango parents commonly put off
Tew Ja / Xuxulim Ja House of Cold / House of costly baptism ceremonies until they could be sure that the
Shivering infant would survive (1952: 162), which does not suggest
Ja chi q’aq’ House of Fire a strong belief in the concept of original sin. Ethnographic
accounts suggest that the Tzotzil and Tzeltal believe that
B’alamija House of Jaguars
the souls of infants who die before weaning continue to be
Sotz’ija House of Bats nourished by an otherworldly tree between heaven and earth
where they await their reincarnation on earth (Guiteras Holm-
of Purgatory. Moreover, Vico’s use of the possessed term es 1961: 143; Poza Arciniega 1987: 232–240). It is unclear
rochoch ‘its home’ instead of the unpossessed form ja that is whether any of the K’iche’an Highland Maya groups shared
found in the Popol Vuh may indicate conceptual differences. this concept of the nourishing tree, which might after all
The term rochoch is used in the Theologia Indorum generally already be a fusion of the Christian idea of limbo and the
to refer to the abode of either God in Heaven or Satan in Hell. Mesoamerican belief in a mountain of sustenance (see below).
The list in chapter 28 may be more an inventory of the horrors
that await the sinner in Hell rather than conceptualisations of The ‘second Hell’ (ukab’ xib’alb’a) refers to the Christian
different stages of torture. However, what we cannot answer concept of Purgatory, the place where the sinful human
with any satisfaction is whether the ‘houses of trials’ in the souls are purged to gain access to Heaven. Purgatory is de-
Popol Vuh are indeed a Precolumbian concept, or whether scribed as a place of ‘suffering and pain’ (k’axk’ol ra’il) for
they have been created by the indigenous authors in response the ‘completion’ (tz’aqatisaxik) and ‘well-being’ (raxwin-
to the Christian doctrine. Although there is no data that would aqil) of the human soul. The idea that those who have not
corroborate a compartmentalisation of the prehispanic under- committed any mortal sins will pass through a process of
world, it can be shown that the image of a compartmentalised purification before they gain access to the celestial paradise is
Christian Hell that was created through the process of trans- fundamental to the Christian conceptualisation of the afterlife.
lation did not entirely contradict Precolumbian perceptions Purification is primarily achieved through the suffering of the
of the underworld either. soul, with fire being the most effective means. It is however
quite striking that the Nabe Tihonic does not mention any
The Nabe Tihonic ‘First Lesson’ is an eighteenth-century fires in Purgatory. The medieval concept of Lat. purgare ‘to
K’iche’ catechism that gives a detailed description of the late cleanse’ is translated with a K’iche’ term that refers to the
medieval notion of Hell as being subdivided into the four recompositioning of one’s health. The root tz’aq is attested
realms of the Limbo of infants (limbus puerorum), Purgatory in several Mayan languages, including Classic Maya, with
(purgatorium), Hell (infernum) and the Limbo of the Fathers the meaning “to complete” (Kaufman 2003: 803–807). In the
(limbus patrum). These four parts are simply referred to in Popol Vuh, the root is used in the context of human creation
the catechism as the ‘first’, ‘second’, ‘third’, and ‘fourth and in reference to the ‘completion of cycles of time’. The use
Xib’alb’a’. The accompanying description specifies which of of the term with respect to the purging of the human soul may
the Christian otherworld places each Xib’alb’a is referring to. have been adjusted to the indigenous conceptualisation of a
person’s health, requiring completeness, complementarity,
Table 3 illustrates the relevant key terms, these four and emotional balance. The term raxwinaqil is a compound
stages are associated with in the text. The ‘first Hell’ (nab’e consisting of the adjectival modifier rax ‘green, fresh, new’
Table 3. The four levels of Hell and associated terms in the Nabe Tihonic, GGMA ms. 190
Levels of Hell associated terms

Nab’e Xib’alb’a First Hell ak’alab’ ‘children’
(Limbo of Infants) alaxib’al mak ‘birth sin’
Ukab’ Xib’alb’a Second Hell k’axk’ol ra’il ‘suffering-pain’
(Purgatory) tz’aqatisaxik ‘completion’
raxwinaqil ‘well-being’
Rox Xib’alb’a Third Hell junelik k’axk’ol ra’il ‘eternal suffering-pain’
(Hell) q’aq’al ‘fires’
meq’enal ‘heat’
Diablos k’axtok’ ‘Devil-traitor’
Ukaj Xib’alb’a Fourth Hell chajib’al qachuch ‘guardian-place of our ancestors’

(Limbo of the Fathers) qajawixelab’
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Frauke Sachse
and the abstractive noun winaqil ‘humanity’. The term is Finally, the ‘fourth Hell’ (ukaj xib’alb’a) refers to another pre-
exclusively attested in the doctrinal sources, which leaves stage of Hell, the Limbo of the Fathers. Similar to innocent
it unclear whether we are dealing with a prehispanic or a infants, medieval Catholic theology found an explanation for
borrowed European conceptualisation. the whereabouts of the pious ancestral fathers, who died be-
fore the sacrifice of Christ could absolve them from original
The ‘third Hell” (urox xib’alb’a) refers to the actual Hell, sin (e.g. Moses). The K’iche’ catechism describes this place
the place of eternal damnation called ad infernum in the Latin as the chajib’al qachuch qajawixelab’ ‘guardian-place of our
sources. In the Nabe Tihonic it is characterised as a place ancestors’. The concept of powerful ancestors who after their
of ‘eternal suffering’ (k’axk’ol ra’il), that is full of devils death reside in caves and mountains, from where they con-
(k’axtok’), and associated with ‘fires’ and ‘heat’. The term tinue to influence the lives of the town, is rather prominent
employed in the missionary texts to refer to the fires of Hell in Highland Guatemala ethnography (see Christenson 2001,
is the term q’aq’al ‘fieriness’, which is paired in the following 2009; Cook 1986: 146–146). We even have evidence from
example with meq’enal ‘heat’. the Classic Maya hieroglyphic record, where deceased kings
are mentioned to witness accession ceremonies and therefore
qitzij nim umeq’enal uq’aq’al truly great is the heat, the fieriness continue to have political influence post mortem (Fitzsim-
xib’alb’a of Hell mons 2009: 142). We cannot say whether the Christian idea
of the Limbo of the Fathers and its reference as chajib’al
(Nabe Tihonic, GGMA ms. 190, p. 127) ‘guardian-place’ showed any conceptual continuity with the
prehispanic practice of ancestor worship, but the translation
may unintentionally have reinforced existing ideas about the
The Christian association of Xib’alb’a with fires and heat is afterlife and even about the cultural principle of ancestor
the most significant contradiction of the Precolumbian un- veneration as a political institution.
derworld, which is generally described as a cold and watery
place that is reached through caves and by crossing several Particular mention deserves the unusual order of the lev-
rivers. It may therefore be a deliberate decision of the mis- els of hell in the Nabe Tihonic. Thomas Aquinas separated the
sionaries that in the doctrinal sources we find the term q’aq’al concept of limbo, which had been introduced into Christian
‘fieriness’ rather than q’aaq’ ‘fire’ to describe the attributes belief by Augustine, into two separate abodes for the children
of Hell. The term q’aq’al is an abstractive form of the noun who died in original sin and the holy fathers. Aquinas ordered
q’aaq’ ‘fire’. In the Popol Vuh, the term forms various seman- the different abodes vertically according to the individual
tic couplets, such as q’aq’al tepewal ‘fieriness and majesty’ hope for salvation, starting with Hell on the lowest level, the
(Popol Vuh, fol. 37v), q’aq’al nimal ‘fieriness and greatness/ limbo for infants on the next, above that purgatory and on
honour’ (Popol Vuh, fol. 49v), or q’aq’al ajawarem ‘fieriness the upper level the limbo of the fathers (Summa Theologica,
and lordship’ (Popol Vuh, fol. 37v). In all three mentioned ex- Suppl., Question 69, Article 6). He clearly explains that the
amples a translation of q’aq’al as ‘power’ would be the most children born in original sin have no hopes of going to Heav-
adequate. The couplet q’aq’al tepewal ‘power and majesty’ en, as they had not acquired faith nor grace before their death.
is also attested in the doctrinal sources where it refers to the
“authority and power of God”, i.e. uq’aq’al utepewal Dios Table 4. Hierarchical order of the abodes of the soul according to
‘fieriness (= power) and majesty of God’ (Arte de la lengua Aquinas
kiche and catechism, GGMA, ms. 164).
Limbus Patrum
Fire is Power is a conceptual mapping found throughout Purgatorio
Maya culture. In Classic Maya texts, rulers commonly carry Limbus Infantium
the element of k’ahk’ ‘fire’ in their name phrase; e.g. Yich’aak Infernus
K’ahk’ ‘Claw of Fire’ or K’ahk’ Upakal ‘Fire is his shield’
(see Colas 2004). Fire is associated with political as well as
divine power. According to the Popol Vuh, the K’iche’ found- While the description in the K’iche’ catechism does not spec-
er fathers left to their descendants a sacred bundle called the ify the vertical order of the places of the soul, it follows
pisom q’aq’al ‘bundled fieriness’. Such sacred bundles are Aquinas in the separation of the limbo into two abodes, with
venerated in Highland Guatemala until today. For example, the limbo for children as the first and the limbo of the fathers
the Cofradía San Juan in Santiago Atitlán is the guardian for as the fourth Hell. This ordering of the ‘four Hells’ seems to
the Martin bundle that is seen by traditionalists as the most correspond with indigenous conceptualisations. In Mesoa-
powerful creator deity in the town and addressed as the “lord merican thought, humankind and human communities are
of fire” (Christenson 2001). The reference of q’aq’al to di- commonly seen as plants, with the ancestors constituting the
vine power seems to perfectly fit Precolumbian understanding roots, the old and wise forming the stem or trunk, younger
of Xib’alb’a as a place of origin and rebirth. The use of the people the branches, and children the flowers and fruits (see
term q’aq’al instead of q’aaq’ ‘fire’ may not have commu- Carlsen and Prechtel 1991; Sachse in press). Moving the lim-
nicated the concept of the tormenting fires of Christian Hell bo of the honourable fathers to the lowest level of the earth
particularly well, and instead, quite to the contrary of mis- would therefore be consistent with indigenous cosmology
sionary intentions, may have ensured the indexical continuity (Oswaldo Chinchilla, personal communication). However,
of the word and its conceptual context. whether the numbering of the four abodes of Hell is a de-
200
velopment in this particular set of colonial catechisms from translations to adapt them to the otherworld concepts that
Guatemala, whether it can be found elsewhere in New Spain, were familiar to them.
or whether it originally derives from European catechisms
still requires clarification.
Eschatology
The terminology used in the Nabe Tihonic to describe
the Christian version of Xib’alb’a shows a relation to K’iche’ To fully appreciate the conceptual implications of the ter-
religion which does not draw a particularly negative picture minology chosen by the friars to express the Christian
of Hell. K’iche’ speakers, who assisted the missionaries in the otherworld places of Heaven and Hell, we need to look at the
translation process, may have introduced terms and modified meaning of these concepts within the framework of Highland
Figure 1. Image from an Early Classic vase (K6547) of unknown provenance. Ethnologisches Museum, Berlin. Drawing: Simon Martin.
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Frauke Sachse
Maya eschatology. Whereas Christian thought sees Heaven reborn in the east, maize seeds are “buried” into the earth
and Hell as incompatible cosmological locations and the before they sprout again to new life. The other side of the
eternal fate of the human soul in either of these abodes deter- vase depicts fruit trees growing out of the bodies of deceased
mined by individual behaviour, Mesoamerican eschatological ancestors (Schele and Mathews 1998; Taube 2004: 79ff.). The
belief links the underworld and the celestial/solar paradise image is conceptually related to the depictions of the trees
conceptually through the cycle of life that is metaphorically sprouting from the heads of ancestral kings on the sides of
represented by the path of the sun and the analogy of human the sarcophagus of Pakal in Palenque (Carlsen and Prechtel
life to the growth-cycle of maize. 1991: 34; Schele and Freidel 1990: 221). Both scenes have
been interpreted as representations of the mythical decom-
The conceptual metaphor of Human Life is a Maize position and rebirth of the Maize God in a paradisiacal place
Plant pervades Maya culture and eschatology from the Clas- of creation (Martin 2006). The scholarly interpretation of
sic to the present-time. Humans were created from maize, the scenes on the Berlin vase seems to be consistent with
they grow as individual corn stalks, and the stages of their contemporary Ch’orti’ belief that the human soul has to pass
lives are expressed with the same terms that describe the through suffering and trials in the underworld before it can
development of the plant. When children are conceived they rise to realm of the sun god (Girard 1966: 230–232).
are ‘sown’, when they are born, they ‘dawn’ like a plant that
breaks through the surface of the earth. Classic and Modern From a Mesoamerican perspective, the path of the sun,
Maya refer to their children as ‘sprouts’ (see e.g. Christenson which descends in the west into the Pacific, passes through
2001). And at the end of life, the bones of the deceased buried the underworld to reemerge every morning in the eastern
into the ground and become the seeds from which the new Atlantic, locates the place of human death and human re-
maize plants sprout that provide –not just metaphorically– the generation on the other side of the sea. The concept of ‘the
food for the living (see Carlsen and Prechtel 1991). This idea other side of the sea’ as an abode of the dead is confirmed by
of intergenerational exchange is represented in the Hero Twin ethnographic data from Guatemala (see Sachse 2008), and we
episodes from the Popol Vuh. The close connection of the know from the Classic Maya record that the verb phrase och
narrative with maize mythology has been widely recognised ha’ ‘to enter the water’ was used as an expression to denote
in the figure of Jun Junajpu, whose decapitated head becomes the death of a ruler (Fitzsimmons 2009). Consistent with the
the fruit of a calabash tree, and thus primordial food that notion of a solar paradise as a place of rebirth, the eastern
generates offspring (see among others Taube 1985; Martin side of the ocean is seen as a place of origin. Oral traditions
2006; Braakhuis 2009). The concept of the death and rebirth from Highland Guatemala relate that sacred objects, such as
of the Hero Twins, who sacrifice themselves in a fire and have saint figures, have anciently been brought across the sea on
their bones ground and strewn into an underworld river from the back of serpents or deer (see Hutcheson 2003: 176ff.).
where they are reborn, has been associated with the pres- Similarly, most of the Highland Maya títulos state that the
ent-day Tz’utujil practice of preparing maatz’, a ceremonial ancestors of the K’iche’an groups came ch’aqa palow ‘across
atole from toasted corn that is ground and mixed with ashes the sea’ from releb’al q’ij “where the sun emerges”, i.e. from
and consumed in ritual contexts at the time of sowing (Carls- the east, into their present territories.
en and Prechtel 1991: 32; Christenson 2001: 123–124; 196).
The Hero Twin mythology characterises the underworld

as a place of defeat, death and subsequent regeneration. Ac- B’alam K’itze, B’alam Aq’ab’, B’alam K’itze, B’alam Aq’ab’,
cordingly Xib’alb’a also has positive connotations in the Majukutaj, Iki B’alam Majukutaj and Iki B’alam
indigenous sources. The Memorial de Sololá describes it e nab’e winaq, were the first people,
as the raxa xib’alb’ay q’ana xib’alb’ay ‘green Xib’alb’a xepe chila’ ch’aqa palo who came from across the sea
yellow Xib’alb’a’. As mentioned above, the kenning of rax chi releb’al q’ij. where the sun emerges.
q’an ‘green-yellow’ generally refers to ‘abundance of food’
(Popol Vuh, fol. 48r)
and in the given context may even refer to the otherworldly
Mountain of Sustenance as the origin place of humanity. Hu-
man fate is to be buried and regenerated in the underworld to
give life to one’s descendants by fertilizing the ground that Most K’iche’ títulos and the Popol Vuh name the place where
sustains the crops for future generations. the ancestors came from as Tulan (Tollan) and Wuqub’ Pek
Wuqub’ Siwan ‘Seven Caves, Seven Canyons’ (Chicomoztoc).
The underworld as a place of human regeneration is es- Both toponyms refer to mytho-historical places of Central
chatologically linked to the solar cycle, which is illustrated Mexican origin that were likely adopted into Highland Maya
in Classic Maya imagery. The famous ‘death vase’ in the mythology in Postclassic times. I have argued elsewhere that
holdings of the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (K6547; in Highland Maya mythology these toponyms do not refer
see Fig. 1) depicts the body of a deceased ruler in a flowery to actual geographical locations, but to otherworld places
mountain of sustenance underneath a radiant Sun God with (Sachse 2008). This interpretation seems to be confirmed by
a maize seed on the top of his head. In this scene, the sun a passage from the Memorial de Sololá which states that there
represents the concept of a celestial paradise (Taube 2004), were four Tulans, from where humankind originated. Con-
while the maize seed alludes to the cycle of life and rebirth. sistent with the stages of the path of the sun: one in the east,
As the sun dies and descends every day in the west and his one in the west, one in Xib’alb’ay, and thus nadir, and one in
202
chila’ chi kaj in Heaven The peculiarity of this example proves that the metaphor
pa junelik ki’kotem in eternal joy cannot be a neologism created by missionaries, but a gen-
chib’e q’ij chib’e saq as long as there is sun, as long as there is light uine K’iche’ concept that was appropriated into doctrinal
discourse. In the indigenous sources, we find the diphrastic
(Nabe Tihonic, GGMA ms. 190, p. 40) kenning of q’ij ‘sun’ and saq ‘light’, which occurs in semantic
contexts referring to the thriving of human progeny. In the
Título de Totonicapán, the K’iche’ founder fathers implore
chib’e q’ij chib’e saq as long as there is sun, as long as there is light the creator deities for ‘sun and light’ in a petition prayer for
katkat pa Xib’alb’a you burn in Hell offspring and food.
(Basseta 1698, fol. 142r)

At Kaj Ulew, at pu Tz’aqol B’itol, You sky and earth, and you Framer Shaper,
K’ab’owil1, which presumably refers to a celestial location chaya’ ta qami’al qak’ajol, give us daughters and sons,
at the zenith (see Hill and Maxwell 2006: 7). chaya’ uxer web’al uch’ab’al chiqe, give us plates and cups,
It needs to be noted that the indigenous sources describe at pu chaq’a cho, chaq’a palo, you across the lake, across the sea,
these otherworld locations primarily as places of origin and at upam kaj, at relib’al q’ij, you Inside of the sky, you Sunrise,
not as eternal abodes for the human soul. The idea of human at raq’anib’al q’ij, you Path of the sun,
regeneration or intergenerational rebirth is fundamental to chaya’ ta qaq’ij qasaq’ xecha’, … give us our sun and our light, …
the Highland Maya eschatology. The link of the human af-
terlife to the maize cycle and the solar cycle also reflects in (Título de Totonicapán, fol. 22v-23r)
the translation of the Christian concept of ‘eternity’. One of
the renderings of the term ‘eternity’ into K’iche’ that we find Founders of descent groups are frequently referred to as
in the doctrinal literature is the expression chib’e q’ij, chib’e the ‘roots of sun, roots of light’. The founder father B’alam
saq ‘as long as there is sun, as long as there is light’. The Aq’ab’, for instance, is described in the Popol Vuh as the
metaphor occurs in contexts that refer to eternal states of the “root of sun, root of light of the people” (uxe’ q’ij, uxe’ saq
soul in both Heaven and Hell and translates best into English chi winaq) of the Nija’ib’ K’iche’ (Popol Vuh, fol. 56r). Sim-
as ‘forever’. ilarly, the ancestral creator couple Xmuqane and Xpiyakok
who give life to humanity are named the ‘Grandmother of
kaji’ k’a xpe wi From four (locations) came sun, grandmother of light’ (rati’t q’ij, rati’t saq) (Popol Vuh,
winäq pa Tulan: the people from Tulan: fol. 3v), while humans, i.e. their creation, are referred to as
chi releb’al q’ij jun Tulan, in the east is one Tulan, the ‘children of sun and light’.
jun chik k’a chi Xib’alb’ay, another one in Xib’alb’ay,
jun chik k’a chi ruqajib’al q’ij, another one where the sun descends (west), The reference to ‘sun and light’ in the context of descent
chi ri’ k’a xojpe wi , there we come from, and offspring is best understood in the context of the afore-
chi ruq’ajib’al q’ij, where the sun descends (west), mentioned conceptual metaphor human life is a maize plant
jun chik wi k’a chi K’ab’owil. (and) another one is in K’ab’owil. (see Sachse 2012; in press). The maize plant needs sunlight
to grow and reproduce. Thus, human life that is seen not only
(Memorial de Sololá, transcription after Otzoy 1999: §4, 155) in analogy to the maize cycle but also depends on maize as
the main staple crop, is inalienably dependent on ‘sun and
The use of the metaphor is odd. In Christian thought, light light’. In the Popol Vuh, the first humans pray to the creator
is an inherently positive concept that is primarily associated god Tz’aqol B’itol to give them offspring. They implore the
with God, Divinity and the Heavens. However, the missionar- deity for calm and steady saq ‘light’ and amaq’ ‘settlement’2,
ies use the expression chib’e q’ij, chib’e saq also with respect in order for them to ‘sow’ and ‘dawn’, that is to procreate
to the dark realm of Satan: eternally. The parallelism of saq amaq’ ‘light and settlement’
is found in missionary dictionaries with the translation paz
uq’equmal Xib’alb’al, in the darkness of Hell, ‘peace’ (Basseta, fol. 118r; Ximénez, fol. 146r) and refers
chib’e q’ij chib’e saq as long as there is sun, as long as there is light to the two essential prerequisites plants need for successful
growth –sufficient sunlight and stability.
(Nabe Tihonic, GGMA ms. 190, p. 131)
1 The term k’ab’owil was used in Kaqchikel to refer to

2 The term amaq’ denotes a unit within Highland Maya
any kind of deity. Dominicans and Franciscans entered into a
social organisation. In the colonial dictionaries amaq’ is given as
fierce debate about whether this term was permitted to be used
‘pueblo’ (see Basseta 2005 [1690]) or ‘ciudad’ (see Basseta 2005
in doctrinal discourse to refer to the Christian God (García Ruíz
[1690]; Anonymous Franciscan Dictionary) with connotations of
1992). In the end, both orders introduced the term to refer to any
both a social group and a place. As the term seems to carry the
kind of idol. The use of the term in reference to a celestial origin
connotation of ‘permanence’ of a larger human group in a specific
place indicates that Highland Maya deities were transcendental
territory, I have chosen to translate it as ‘settlement’.
concepts rather than just the stone images that the friars saw as
the objects of idolatry.
203
Frauke Sachse
Chaya’taj qetal, qatzijel, It shall be given our sign, our word, with Mesoamerican cosmology. These include the
chib’e q’ij, chib’e saq, as long as there is sun, as long as there is light,choice of the term q’aq’al ‘fieriness = power’ to
ta chawaxoq, ta saqiroq. may it be sown, may it dawn. refer to the Christian idea of the ‘fires of Hell’,
Qi ta raxal b’e, raxal jok. Truly may there be green roads, green paths. which seems to match the Highland Maya notion
Kojaya’ wi Give us of a cold and powerful underworld location better
li’anik saq, li’anik amaq’ taj, calm light, calm settlement, than the literal use of the term q’aaq’ ‘fire’. Fur-
utzilaj saq, utzilaj amaq’ taj, good light, good settlement, thermore, we have seen that the placement of the
utzilaj k’aslem, winaqirem ta puch good life and creation limbo of the fathers at the lowest level of Hell
kojaya’ wi. may you give to us. seems to correspond with the idea of the ancestors
forming the roots of human progeny. Whether the
(Popol Vuh, fol. 35r)
rendering of the celestial paradise as ‘flower land’
The metaphor of ‘sun and light’ alludes to the daily rebirth was consciously introduced or simply seen by the friars as a
of the sun which assures the continuation of the cycle of life. reference to the concept of Christian resurrection cannot be
In this worldview, eternity lasts as long as the sun sets and conclusively answered. However, the translation did preserve
rises, and as long as one’s own descent group produces off- Highland Maya belief in the divinity of the sun and a solar
spring. It is probable that the appropriation of the metaphor paradise of rebirth. The role of the sun as a provider of human
‘as long as there is sun, as long as there is light’ in the doc- life and descent also survived in the doctrinal sources in the
trinal sources did not communicate the Christian concept of translation of the Christian concept of ‘eternity’. These con-
eternity very well. While the eternity of God is understood as ceptualisations clearly survived and the slight modifications
the permanent existence outside of time and space, Christian the authors of the Título de Totonicapán apply to Vico’s text
eschatology locates the eternal existence of the human soul may be another indication of that.
in either paradisiacal Heaven or in the never-ending con-
demnation of Hell. The afterlife is individualised and eternal The deliberate missionary approach to make Christian
life or eternal suffering the outcome of personal conduct and faith comprehensible to converts by adapting the translation
merit. In Highland Maya cosmology human fate depends of Christian concepts to the cultural framework of indigenous
on an intergenerational exchange of death and rebirth that religiosity led to the reproduction of the cultural logic of
connects both otherworld locations and turns eternity into a Highland Maya cosmology and contributed to the preserva-
collective achievement, which is assured by the procreation tion of prehispanic worlds in the words of the new Catholic
of one’s own offspring. faith.
Acknowledgements
Conclusions
The research presented in this chapter was undertaken dur-
Analysing the terminology that was chosen by the missionar- ing my fellowship at the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library
ies to translate the Christian otherworld concepts of Heaven and Collection in the academic year of 2012–13 and at the
and Hell into K’iche’, we can see that they adopted terms re- University of Pennsylvania Museum in 2014. I would like
ferring to concepts that were meaningful within the semantic to thank Louise Burkhart, Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos,
framework of Highland Maya cosmology. Although we do Allen Christenson, Annette Kern, Jesper Nielsen and Garry
find this terminology in doctrinal texts produced by authors Sparks for their comments on various aspects discussed in
of both mendicant orders, it was a conscious Dominican prac- this paper.
tice to actively appropriate terminology from K’iche’ ritual
discourse and to use elements from prehispanic religion as
analogies to explain Christian ideas (see Sparks 2011, Sachse
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Endnotes
1 GGMA = Garrett-Gates Collection of Mesoamerican Manu
scripts.
2 All transcriptions of the Popol Vuh-text into modernised spel-
ling are originally based on Christenson (2004, 2007) with
modifications and changes by the author of this chapter.
207
The Center as Cosmos in Pre-Hispanic and
Early Colonial Period Campeche
Lorraine A. Williams-Beck
Universidad Autónoma de Campeche
Abstract
As the Maya universe’s fifth component, the center is a little understood concept of Pre-Columbian and Post-Contact
Cosmos. Despite more complete glyphic references in Pre-Hispanic Maya codices and graphic illustrations in Post-Con-
tact ethnohistoric literature for the other four realms, often equated with approximate sectorial horizon coordinates
or the sun’s daily pathway from East to West placed between contextual “north” as zenith and “south” as nadir, center
was a pivotal point in celestial, terrestrial, and otherworldly domains as umbilicus through time. This chapter will ex-
plore a diachronic notion of function and form for center as umbilicus, placing particular emphasis on Pre-Hispanic
Canpech and Chanputun provinces, and Early Colonial contexts at Dzaptun/Ceiba Cabecera, Campeche. As generic
term which refers to this place as a ritual seat of power, dzaptun, that appears as “la Zeiba” and Ceiba Cabecera in
later Colonial sources, had served as central cog in a hypothesized regional ritual religious pilgrimage circuit prior to
European contact. As one of the earliest “pueblos de indios” in the Champotón and Campeche Missions region, Ceiba
Cabecera’s town layout and it’s more prominent architectural features follow Pre-Hispanic directional primacy. Two
churches, a diminutive sixteenth-century open “visita” chapel and later eighteenth-century massive “iglesia mayor”,
flanked by two water wells one of which was refurbished during Colonial times, are central points of orientation placed
strategically adjacent to “Main Street”, whose westerly limit ends in the town’s cemetery. Iglesia Mayor’s architectural
components and secular iconographic mural painting contents reiterate this place’s message as umbilicus and place of
spiritual rebirth and renewal for Campeche’s Early Colonial Mayas’ ritual religious universe. Ceiba Cabecera’s reign as a
Colonial religious center probably ceased around 1799 and the town was later almost completely abandoned by 1860.
Resumen
Como el quinto componente del universo maya, el centro es un concepto poco comprendido del Cosmos Precolumbino
o de la época pos-contacto. A pesar de contar con referencias jeroglíficas más completas en los códices prehispánicos e
ilustraciones gráficas en la literatura etnohistórica del periodo después del arribo de los europeos para las otras cuatro
direcciones, a menudo relacionadas con las coordinadas sectoriales aproximadas del paso solar cotidiano del oriente
al poniente, colocado contextualmente entre el norte como cenit y el sur como el inframundo, el centro era un punto
esencial en los dominios celeste, terrestre y del más allá como el ombligo a través del tiempo. En este ensayo se explo-
rará una noción diacrónica de la forma y función del centro como ombligo, haciendo énfasis particular en las provincias
prehispánicas de Canpech y Chanputun, así como en los contextos del periodo Colonial temprano en Dzaptun/Ceiba
Cabecera, Campeche. Dzaptun, como el término genérico que se le refiere a un lugar como sede religiosa de poder ritual
que aparece más tarde como la “Zeyba” y Ceiba Cabecera en las fuentes coloniales, habría fungido como el eje central
en un circuito regional ritual religioso hipotético antes del contacto europeo. Como uno de los primeros “pueblos de
indios” en las Misiones de Champotón y Campeche, el diseño urbano y la ubicación de los elementos arquitectónicos
más prominentes siguen patrones y direcciones primordiales prehispánicos. Dos inmuebles religiosos, a través de
restos de una capilla abierta diminutiva del siglo XVI y una Iglesia Mayor del siglo XVIII, rematado por dos pozos con
uno de remozado durante la época Colonial, son puntos céntricos de orientación colocados estratégicamente a ambos
costados del “Eje Principal”, cuyo límite del rumbo poniente concluye en el cementerio del pueblo. Los componentes
arquitectónicos y el contenido de motivos iconográficos naturalistas seculares de la pintura mural interior reiteran el
mensaje de este lugar como el ombligo y el espacio liminal de renovación y renacimiento espiritual del universo ritual
religioso. El dominio como sede del calendario ritual religioso durante el periodo Colonial concluyó probablemente
en 1799 y el pueblo luego fue abandonado casi por completo en 1860.
The center plays a pivotal role in Maya worldview through icons included in archaeological features, placed on structural
time. This focal point as analytical concept illustrates mul- elements, set within one specific architectural compound
tiple identities through differing stages of articulation be- (Mathews and Garber 2004; Chase and Chase 2009), and
ginning at the individual level and appearing as symbolic conceived as a complete site or geographical place within an
entire region (Williams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck 2012a, the cosmic order must continually be reaffirmed in the face
2012b; Williams-Beck, Anaya Hernández and Arjona García of this ever-looming chaos. Time is part of the cosmic order…
2009). Due to its complex nature through a combination of its cyclical patterning the counterforce to the randomness of
human, environmental, material or structural manifestations evil” (Farriss 1987: 574). Human agency, through reiterated
within each distinct level of complexity, the roles center as offerings made to appease or channel divine intervention, in
umbilicus play in each context, let alone in each realm, have specific contexts observed at precise historic moments during
been difficult to ascertain (Vogt 1976; Freidel, Schele and celestial alignments predicted in this calendar, is essential.
Parker 1993; Milbrath 1999; Chase and Chase 2009; Vail Another key factor in this equation is the particular iconic
and Hernández 2010). profile of the places destined to offer periodic ritual tribute
for sustaining forward movement through the calendar cycles.
Over half a century ago, Thompson first recognized the
concept of center and then described some specific attributes Despite displaying multiple identities between several
surrounding the creation event with yaxche or first green distinct yet associated icons, levels, and temporal frames in
tree, planted at a nuclear point surrounded by four others at a concept of center, discrete aggregations or tropes tend to
their corresponding corners of the Earth (Thompson 1950: coalesce around particular groups of shared symbolic mean-
71). Liminal traits of passing into or out of specific contexts ings (Kuntz and Reese-Taylor 2001; Masson 2003; Chase and
(Chase and Chase 2009: 223) added later to this notion of Chase 2009) within each liminal setting or context in which
first green tree as axis mundi upon whose crown perched a they appear. Understanding these focal combinations in Maya
supernatural bird and whose roots and branches linked the worldview requires unravelling those essential metaphorical
underworld, middleworld and overworld, where “…[t]he meanings which “…became nested within other meanings or
souls of the dead and the supernaturals of the Maya cosmos became part of a complex of symbols as a process of becom-
traveled from level to level via this tree” (Schele and Miller ing [literally] ‘read’ more easily by more people” (Graham
1986: 42), fusing origin and creation to present and future to 2009: 21). For example, modern peninsular Maya h’men
past. The spatial dimensions of this revelation and subsequent traditional healers
versions divided the celestial sphere into thirteen levels, the
underworld into nine strata, each one with corresponding “[…] conceive the center, directional sides, and corners
deities, and all realms shared and set anchor at one terrestrial of communities as if in a perpetual cosmological balancing
plane point of reference known as umbilicus. Through this act…an established sense of place-within-space…within…a
more recent description, landforms and spatial configurations relational landscape template. The umbilical center…tends
play a more prominent role in the cosmic configuration of to represent the past, present, and future warmth and security
center. of the home while the rural periphery can be somewhat per-
ceived, although not in a binary entirety, as cold and unstable.
Movements through those particular axis points of power The center as cast in line with the warmth of the sun, as a
creation, foundation, destruction, renovation and exchange multidimensional being, provides a living, dynamic cosmovi-
between different cosmic strata provided the locus and frame- sion that is lived day in and day out with the appearance and
work for Maya moral and physical order, spatial and tempo- disappearance of the sun person and its heat” (Astor-Aguilera
ral structure, and social and cosmic harmony (Farriss 1987; 2010: 188).
Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993; Paxton 2001, 2010; Rice
2004). Identifying these permeable points of periodic passage Discovering the relationships between terrestrial land-
in the visual and/or tangible and intangible landscape and scapes, cosmological thought, and structural design and
fusing them with renewed power, by periodically executing periodic replication of activities through ritual observance
activities to nourish and sustain them throughout the annual involves recognizing patterning and specific places to where
ritual calendar year, allowed predicting the future by antici- these different social aspects might be linked. Pre-Columbi-
pating the past. Sacred actions transpired in those spaces at an Maya people conceived of themselves and their celestial,
specific temporal intervals through human agency and deity terrestrial and underworld environments as integral parts of
intervention, in order to sustain the cosmic cycle of creation, their immediate surroundings. These three external separate
foundation, death, transformation and rebirth to maintain cos- but conjoined spheres were in turn ordered by a principal
mic and calendric order (Paxton 2001, 2010; Vail 2004, 2006; east–west axis set between two other universal planes that
Vail and Aveni 2004; Vail and Hernández 2010). An integral roughly correspond theoretically to north, as zenith or level
notion of Maya worldview, that incorporates these vertical above, and south as nadir or level below, and as more specific
and horizontal layers in their respective universes connected directional points in the terrestrial and celestial planes (Pax-
by an umbilicus, is their obsession with observing time and ton 2001: 19–28, 2010; Vail and Hernández 2010).
recognizing both the passing of linear intervals or particu-
lar cycles which followed the movement of different astral The pre-Columbian northwestern Lowland Maya incorpo-
bodies and through a combination of both linear and cyclical rated integral portions of the celestial, terrestrial and under-
images fashioned into a kind of spiral (Farriss 1987: 569, 572) world realms and replicated them in selected environmental
closely identified with the observance of the ritual calendar niches, through constructed features and specific landscape
(Rice 2010). “The key to…time and their entire cosmology designs within those places, repeated those symbolic patterns
is their preoccupation with order and above all with cosmic throughout different levels of aggregation, and incorporated
order…the drama of creation is therefore an ongoing one, for them into their surroundings ordered by quotidian solar move-
210
and components passed by moving into and

out of those vertical and horizontal realms and
backwards and forward in time. Clarifying the
probable roles those symbolic sets of imagery
and material culture played in successive lev-
els of articulation through features, building
compounds, sites and regions, and understand-
ing their significance through space and time
comprise the objectives to which this chapter
is directed.
The Maya Cosmos Briefly

Revisited
The Maya considered their universe a mediating
factor of complementary opposition between
ego and other, center and periphery, home and
forest, and town and wilderness, in order to
organize the chaos surrounding them by sig-
naling differential movements through points
of exchange between differing cosmic levels
(Gillespie and Joyce 1998). The first dichoto-
my, represented by the human body, is a par-
ticularly personalized version of Maya world-
Figure 1. The human body as miniature Cosmos design template (redrawn from
Hirose López 2008: 80, Fig. 3.1.2a; used with permission).
view, whose umbilici also represent symbolic
extensions of terrestrial components such as
ments set between north, as zenith or celestial, and south, as the home, solar or house lot space, agricultural field plot,
nadir or terrestrial and subterranean planes. A silk-cotton neighborhood, town and immediate region (Hirose López
ceiba tree served as axis mundi with roots and branches to 2008: 1–3). An individual’s physique comprises a miniature
anchor all levels at that one umbilical reference point in the version of the greater cosmos, not only by mirroring its four
terrestrial sphere, yet still allowed those planes to continually realms and central umbilicus, but also by forming integral
revolve around the sun, moon, certain constellations, and parts of the immediate surroundings by containing four key
other celestial bodies as well as the multiple-leveled strata of natural elements through earth, water, fire and air. In addition,
their universe (Schele and Miller 1986; Freidel, Schele and the human body possesses four spiritual principles: pixan or
Parker 1996; Paxton 2001, 2010). soul, ool or ch’ulel as breath of life essence, kinam or corporal
warmth, and íik as essential wind-born animus (Hirose López
While centers as permeable thresholds between realms are 2008: 57–72). The human figure’s world directions corre-
found in all three levels of the universe throughout space and spond with East – upper torso, and West – lower torso, and
time and their celestial, terrestrial, and underworld compo- bi-gender aspects through masculine right- and feminine left-
nents are intimately and symbolically intertwined (Mathews hand sides respectfully that symbolize a cosmic unity com-
and Garber 2004), the structural replication of one attribute pletely enveloped by an energy plexus that centers humans
identified in one particular stratum may link it with similar to provide personal order in an otherwise anarchic world that
or related elements in the corresponding adjacent realms. oscillates between navel order at the beginning of the ritual
Because such great complexity is involved, this chapter will calendar year and chaos which must be realigned near the
briefly discuss all worldview components, beginning with the year’s end, but always manages to articulate the human body
human factor, turning next to the celestial and underworld with the rest of the universe through cyclical time (Fig. 1) (Hi-
levels from which individual and deity elements came and rose López 2008: 74–88). This particular quadrilateral formal
returned to, and finally followed by the spatial and terres- attribute reflects the primordial space human beings inhabit
trial planes. However, because some of these sets of traits after having been crafted from maize by the deities at the mo-
assume certain graphic and symbolic components which tend ment of creation (Coe 1965; Schele and Miller 1986; Freidel,
to be more readily discerned in the terrestrial plane, empha- Schele and Parker 1993). The Maya term for human being or
sis will be placed more thoroughly on specific archaeologi- winik simultaneously reflects aspects of their micro situation,
cal, architectural, and environmental or landforms contexts their terrestrial position and essential bodily essence through
throughout sites and places in Campeche and the Northern the agricultural portion of land to be planted with maize, their
Lowlands through time. Key pieces of these symbolic terres- principal sustenance, measured by twenty kaanes within a
trial repertoires usually situate themselves in non-domestic macro cosmic order known as uinan (Arzápalo Marín 1995:
public contexts and ritual activity areas that in some settings 761). The inhabited space is in constant movement according
may have provided the liminal points through which ahk- to twenty-day temporal periods, referred to as winal (Barrera
inob timekeeper protagonists and other key cosmic players Vásquez et al. 1980: 923), a term whose root also symboli-
211
cally illustrates the total number of a human being’s fingers human beings would forever be conscious of their corporal
and toes. The quincunx, or kanti’ts’1 in modern Yucatec Maya, origins (Hirose López, personal communication 2015), or
shows the individual as umbilicus or central point set within tzab the tail rattles of the snake, which slithers towards the
the four-cornered world bearing a large circle over crossed intersection of the ecliptic and the Milky Way, known as Wah-
bands bounded by a square. This same centralizing image kah Chan (Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993; Milbrath 1999:
repeats in Pakal’s carefully placed interred body holding a 258–264). All heavenly bodies danced around Wahkah Chan,
sphere in the left hand and a cubed shape in the right, ele- identified with the World Tree and as the celestial road and
ments found encased within the limestone sarcophagus and conduit to other cosmic realms (Freidel, Schele and Parker
vaulted interior tomb as liminal passageway metaphor to the 1993: 76–78; Milbrath 1999: 39–41).
points of origin, creation, and the otherworld enclosed in the
Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque (Hirose López 2008: Each constellation grouping was perhaps tethered in one
95, 3.2.a, 3.2.b). Cantitz formal attributes represent a similar way or another to Polaris or Xaman Ek. Situated today at a
iconic feature that embellishes certain ceramic bowl and dish hand’s vertical palm’s visual measure above the horizon, the
forms placed over the cadaver’s head, thorax, or pelvic re- two bowl ending stars in Little Dipper point to Xaman Ek, the
gions associated with Lowland Maya funerary contexts since Pole star around which the sky revolves (Rey 2008), while
the Middle to Late Preclassic periods, to help center and order pouring its contents into Big Dipper (Milbrath 1999: 38–39).
the deceased within the chaos of the immediate underworld The early twentieth century peninsular lowland Maya re-
to facilitate passage through those liminal contact points in ferred to Big Dipper, or Ursa Major, as the seventh sacrament
the universe. These elements serve as conduits for the human or Catholic last rites performed just before death (Redfield
body’s essence’s ool, as known by northern Lowland Yucatec and Villa Rojas 1962: 115); and the more recent K’iche’ Maya
speakers (Hirose López 2008), or ch’ulel, by Ch’olan speak- identify it as Seven-Macaw or Itzam-Yeh (Tedlock 1985:
ers and other central and southern Lowland Maya people 330). In the northwestern Maya lowlands, Polaris is placed
(Houston, Stuart and Taube 2006: 35), for escaping the bonds more closely to the Horizon in the early evening, so that the
of death, towards transformation in the aqueous underworld, larger stellar aggregation, Ursa Major, is not as readily visible
and later rebirth in the east. Four directional levels and center throughout the year, appearing more frequently as inserted
also are conceived at this individual level as “…[h]ouses and into rather than emerging out of Xibalba’s aqueous under-
fields [as] the small-scale models of the quincuncial cosmog- world realm, perhaps suggesting a reason for the peninsular
ony. The universe was created by the…gods who support it peoples’ associating it with a person’s demise.
at its corners and who designated its center, the ‘navel’ of
the world…[H]ouses have corresponding corner posts; fields The celestial realm connects to the underworld through a
emphasize the same critical places, with cross shrines at their nebulous portal in a specific sector of the heavens, known as
corners and centers. These points are of primary ritual impor- ek waay or “black transformer” (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 274,
tance” (Vogt 1976: 58). 745), encountered during an astronomical exercise to high-
light specific creation or foundation dates identified in Cross
The Maya recognize several stellar aggregates in the ce- Group glyphic panels from Palenque dedicated in A.D. 690
lestial universe (Schele and Miller 1986; Freidel, Schele and (Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993). This cosmic portal features
Parker 1993; Milbrath 1999; Paxton 2001, 2010; Vail and a rotational phenomenon that begins in early February2, ends
Hernández 2010). While some constellations appear during in mid-August, and highlights the Milky Way or Raised-up-
exact seasonal periods, one such triangular-shaped grouping Sky-Tree which emerges from it and connects the heart of
of bright stars, known as the three hearth stones, located in the heavens to the underworld (Freidel, Schele and Parker
Orion, is placed close to the celestial equator, and divides the 1993: 95–99). The cosmic themes associated with this liminal
sky into two halves. This constellation shows a particular trait place rotate once again around celestial-underworld planes,
by rotating east to west when rising in the winter, and north portal to death, rebirth, creation, renovation, and renewal of
to south when setting for a short time in the summer months, the cosmos by uniting its different realms through specific
when the agricultural season is in full swing (Milbrath 1999: way points in each one.
266). Another assemblage, Aak the turtle, is stationed close
by (Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993: 82; Milbrath 1999: The first act of creation in the Maya universe centered the
267), possibly representing the birthplace of maize as seen earth by placing within it Aak or turtle’s three cosmic hearth
in Classic Maya imagery. The Pleiades, a group of several
visible stars located in Taurus on the ecliptic, represent either
2 In Hool, Campeche, February 2nd celebrates the patron
seven maize kernels set in the sky by the Maize God, so that
saint, the Virgin of the Candelaria, during a 20-day series of
internal community processions and activities to mark winter’s
1 Kanti’ts is the manner in which the term appears in the midpoint juncture that heralds the beginning of spring and renewal
Cordemex dictionary (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980: 293), presumably (Williams-Beck 2010: 213–226). Hool, as toponym and concept,
reflecting the Yucatec dialect. However, in the Calepino de Motul has several meanings, two of which emphasize “something begins
dictionary, allegedly from the Dzibalche-Calkiní area in Campeche, or ends” there, possibly referring to a local ritual calendar, or as
where a localized dialect Campechthaan (Voss 2007) was spoken, the human body’s cosmic essence ool, as it is pronounced without
rendering this concept as cantitz (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 110). I an aspirated initial “h” consonant by the locals. Both themes are
defer to the Campeche regional spelling throughout the rest of the particularly germane to a symbolic discussion of place within the
article. immediate region.
212
vide the etymological bridge be-

tween those superior and inferi-
or cosmic levels. When referred
to as a kind of terrestrial spatial
or landscape category, the glyph
ch’e’en appears in conjunction
with either a “sky-bone com-
pound” or “earth-bone com-
pound” (Vogt and Stuart 2005:
157–163). This latter rendition,
as seen principally through long
bones and crania, truly do warm
the matrix in which they are in-
terred (Astor-Aguilera 2010),
and through this action the im-
ages’ trope conveys a contextual
meaning as metaphor to suggest
caves as interior-world dwell-
ings for the gods and ancestors
(Tokovinine 2013: 22–23). By
combining either the sky-bone
or earth-bone-cave relationship
Figure 2. Panoramic view of the coastal saltwater wetlands, in which a slightly raised islet or peten,
as sacred firmament urban design pattern, resides within and is surrounded by a freshwater ecological
between the celestial, terrestrial
niche. Photograph by the author, 2010. and underworld realms, another
interpretation for this symbolic
stones; next came lifting the sky from the primordial sea aggregation in certain instances comprises liminal points of
and establishing the four sides and corners of that terrestrial passage, contact points between adjacent worlds or umbilici
plane to form the Cosmic celestial house (Freidel, Schele, and connecting all three levels of the Maya universe.
Parker 1993: 67–75). From there came the terrestrial central
point or quincunx, cantitz, or in celestial terms interpreted
as path or roadway be (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980: 46) or
Material Signatures that Create Symbolic
bee (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 81) by Schele (Freidel, Schele
Umbilicus Tropes in the Terrestrial Plane
and Parker 1993), which might also represent the permeable
passageway between the heavens, the terrestrial plane, and Certain prominent natural features in the environment com-
underworld (Milbrath 1999: 40). This latter dimension of the bine with human action or agency to create Maya place names
universe cradled the ancestors’ sculls and long bones in the and terms that recognize built landscapes, as inferred from
subterranean realms, warmed the land, and served as the me- Classic period inscriptions (Tokovinine 2013: 7–12). Toko-
dia for housing their corresponding ool essences with which vinine notes that while mountains, rocks, plants, and watery
their descendants conversed (Astor-Aguilera 2010: 157–161). places generate the vast majority of glyphic nomenclature
themes (Tokovinine 2013: 4–18), relatively few Classic pe-
The umbilical cuxansuum also unites the sky, ecliptic, riod toponyms are derived from two particular landform fea-
the sun, as well as the cenote cave water sources or built tures, petenoob and ch’e’enoob. He concludes that perhaps
infrastructural wells, ch’e’enoob, perforated in the earth to neither was an important indexing landmark due to their rel-
tap underwater currents. The modern Maya narrate that this atively scarce presence in hieroglyphic record (Tokovinine
celestial cuxansuum, or umbilical cord, located close to the 2013: 13). However, a more detailed account of their salient
intersection between ecliptic and zenith, links the heavens natural characteristics and environmental context might sug-
down to the Earth and enters the underworld via a sink hole gest a distinct interpretation.
cave or cenote, referred to as ch’e’en3, in which the ancestors
also dwell (Astor-Aguilera 2010: 240). Among the many ren- As a geographical feature peten refers to slightly elevated
derings of the words chen, ch’en or ch’e’en, one interpreta- islets set within a freshwater spring-fed wetlands interface
tion in particular as chen “pure, not mixed” (Barrera Vásquez between swamp, salt marsh, and mangrove forests found in
et al. 1980: 90) as youthful virginal energy (Hirose López, the coastal plains (Fig. 2), that house fauna such as turtles,
personal communication 2015) and others as “well of my alligators, and certain fish species. Another similar inland
fathers or cemetery” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980: 131), pro- niche features freshwater springs which surface in savannah
plains surrounded by seasonally flooded broadleaf and spiny
scrub forests. Both these ecotones comprise the two major
3 The literature contains several different spellings for
ecological landscapes in the northwestern lowlands of the
the term ch’e’en, as well, cave, cenote, or specific geographical
state of Campeche (Williams-Beck 2008). Previous research
or landscape reference. The three distinct spellings noted in this
in these coastal and inland areas suggests both contain special
paragraph reflect how each researcher’s source renders this
landscape features which provided precise milieu for creating
particular word.
213
a b
c d
Figure 3. a) Edzna Classic Horizon monumental core site map (Williams-Beck 2011); b) Hydraulic system at Edzna (redrawn from Mathe-
ny et al. 1983a); c) Chelonian-shaped Formative Horizon creation architectural compound (Williams-Beck and Geovannini Acuña 2014);
d) “Fortress” architectural compound topographical (redrawn from Matheny et al. 1983b).
significant functional ecological stage sets, because they rep- thetic combination of attributes found in coastal plains or
resent paradigmatically defined human activity areas (Wil- inland petenoob, when viewed in profile, suggest a formal
liams-Beck 2011). Those cultural and natural resource themes association with that of a turtle’s carapace situated within an
fused together into a single united backdrop to constitute a aqueous niche and provided the sacred firmament for creating
recognizable pattern throughout several places in Campeche, Campeche’s prominent regal ritual sites. Immediately adja-
as well as in other parts of Mesoamerica, for providing the cent to the east of the northwestern peninsular area lies the
canvas to inspire urban design models that designate pla- Chenes region, a higher elevation, geographical heartland of
ces of creation since the Middle Formative Horizon (Schele the Yucatan Peninsula in which sites that exhibit long-term
and Guernsey Kappelman 2001; Koontz, Reese-Taylor and periods of human occupation relied on ch’e’enoob as fresh-
Headrick 2001). An appellative assigned to this trope, as water springs and constructed water collection and storage
siyan ca’an or heaven born, not only illustrates many envi- infrastructures, in the form of consciously built chultunoob or
ronmentally symbolic regional landscapes (Ashmore 1989; as perforated and masonry reinforced-shaft wells tapping un-
Ashmore and Knapp 1999; Ashmore and Sabloff 2002), but derground rivers, as their main sources for providing this vital
also reiterates itself in certain places’ foundation through life commodity at both the domestic and civic administrative
specifically hued first soil horizons, in their urban design, levels (Williams-Beck 2012b). Both the Chenes and Puuc
architectural repertoires, and spatial configurations (Wil- regions relied on chultunoob, built well shafts or ch’e’enoob,
liams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck et al. 2005; Williams-Beck, and aguadas, as natural and often times culturally improved
Anaya Hernández and Arjona García 2009). This natural es- topographic depressions for capturing and storing rainwater
214
(Williams-Beck 1999), rather than tapping the sinkhole cave Chilam Balam of Chumayel reiterates Mani’s role in this
cenotes more prevalent in Yucatan’s northern lowlands im- combined symbolic trope of creation, birth, renewal, and
mediately adjacent and to the north of the Puuc hills region. permanence through an illustration showing the armorial
bearings of Yucatan, in which u puczikal luum Mani, translat-
Structural peten-like trope elements that date to the Mid- ed by Roys (1933: 24, 86) as “the heart of the land is Mani”.
dle to Late Preclassic periods comprise key urban design and Multiple renderings of the term puczikal also refer to “…have
planning models for central places in northwestern Campe- wisdom/judgement or memory…[or the] middle and heart of
che. One such set includes elevated built spaces or islands maize…”(Arzápalo Marín 1995: 652) of which humans were
immersed in their corresponding primordial seas, as illustrat- crafted. Both places comprise origin and creation spaces, as
ed by an erroneously named complex set 500 m to the south well as aquatic, children as pure energy, generational renewal,
of Edzna’s Classic Horizon monumental core. The “Fortress” and maize themes related with umbilici that link both Forma-
(Matheny et al. 1983) embodies a slightly elevated island tive Edzna and the geographic heart of the Yucatan Peninsu-
profile, completely surrounded by an integral hydraulic sys- la’s heaven, terrestrial and underworld realms through time.
tem as the northwestern corner of a huge natural polje valley
depression (Matheny and Matheny 2012: 23–46) located Chelonians are notably present from the Late Classic to
some twenty kilometers to the south, in another wetlands Late Postclassic Periods in the Northern Maya Lowlands,
area from where the Champoton River springs forth, and and their associated contexts suggest many of them to be
displays an intentionally excavated and culturally modified cosmic umbilici. One in particular illustrates principal life
north-south aligned canal feature abutting the compound’s force deities’ scenes as they emerge, as does first Father,
western edge (Fig. 3). A centrally placed and intentionally dressed as the Tonsured Maize God and witnessed by the
mounded earthen structure serves as compound umbilicus, Hero Twins, from a cracked carapace portal through which
connecting the heavens, terrestrial, and underworld realms. his transformed bones, sown beneath him in the underworld,
Surrounding low-elevation structural platform features set sprouted and gave birth in the terrestrial universe. A similar
in each directional corner of this quadrangle-shaped built sculpted limestone turtle (Fig. 4) sits atop the watery under-
landscape are accessed by a raised, narrow northern causeway, world’s central access point beneath a specific built space in
whose entry point was completely unrestricted by structural Jaina (Williams-Beck 2015), which has been described as a
elements or palisade pilings allegedly obstructing the raised ballcourt (Benavides Castillo 2002) whose central activity
road’s intersection with this non-domestic architectural com- area is oriented to the north and south. While the cleft pro-
pound (Williams-Beck and Geovannini Acuña 2014). This file of these peninsular architectural infrastructures better
particular built landscape’s image simulates that of an enor- insinuates a space to communicate with other worldly levels
mous turtle of creation residing in a vast wetlands ecotone. (Schele and Freidel 1991), an east-west orientation refers to
Thirteen canals emanate from Edzna’s urban core (Matheny the “endless solar cycle of life and death, … the north-south
et al. 1983) and unite the natural underground springs sources axis …correspond[s] to the maintenance of the solar cycle by
of both of the Yucatan Peninsula’s singular twin watercourses, human and divine agents” (Mathews and Garber 2004: 54).
the Homtun and Champoton Rivers (Williams-Beck 2011; Intentionally set immediately above the phreatic interface in
Williams-Beck and Geovannini Acuña 2014). the island’s first horizon built space consisting of a mixed
white marl and ash context and the aqueous realm below (Be-
This terminal phase Middle Preclassic period cheloni- navides Castillo 2002), this chelonian placed in a head down,
an-shaped formal architectural compound delineated by an anatomically correct position marked the terrestrial world’s
intentionally built water conduit as passage to distant corners portal to underworld (Williams-Beck 2015), where the Sun’s
of the immediate elliptically-shaped region, mirrors another diurnal journey ended in death upon its aqueous entry to
natural and culturally sacrosanct subterranean contempora- Xibalba, to be transformed and born again, through human
neous sculpted feature in a lateral underground chamber to agency and periodic offerings, the following mornings in the
the immediate west of a sink-hole cenote as its community’s east at Tulum (Carvajal Correa et al. 2009; Williams-Beck,
main water source in Mani, Yucatan. The Cabal Ch’e’en Anaya Hernández and Carvajal 2010; Williams-Beck 2012a).
toponym refers to this subterranean umbilicus as places of Over eighty-three per cent of those burials recorded to date in
origin and foundation (Hernández and Vail 2010: 244). The Jaina represent children (Williams-Beck, Anaya Hernández
and Carvajal Correa 2010) as incarnated pure energy (Hirose
López, personal communication 2010). These youngsters are
4 Christine Hernández and Gabrielle Vail mention the term
often interred with child-deity portraits, such as those immor-
kab-ch’en, or earth-cave. According to the Cordemex Dictionary,
talized in fine-paste ceramic figurines depicting young ears of
kab has multiple meanings, such as soil, earth, world, region, town,
corn as the Tonsured Maize God. These infant kex offerings
honey, honey bee, strength, or underneath (Barrera Vásquez et al.
periodically paid tribute forward to maize, rain, and under-
1980: 277–278). Mani’s example adds the suffix al to emphasize
world deities (Williams-Beck, Anaya Hernández and Carvajal
several interpretations including below and generational renewal
through children (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980: 9), or those virginal
pure sources of energy, which also emanate from the Pleiades as celestial, underworld, and terrestrial realms for providing the
do the holy maize kernels which crafted true humans, found in this conduit to cosmic creation, foundation, and origin, connected with
particular water source (Hirose López, personal communication its source in the Pleiades, and to human rebirth and generational
2015). Both combined with the turtle’s subterranean aspect renewal from the space in which the deceased ancestors might
suggest their role in identifying a liminal place connecting the also dwell.
215
Barrel-shaped sculpted
stone columns as inferior
wall molding details on the
eastern and western façades
commemorate dawn and
dusk archaeo-astronomical
intervals between the annu-
al solstices and equinoxes
on this north–south orient-
ed building (Victor Segovia
Pinto, personal communica-
tion 1984), as a unique ar-
chitectural compound and
integral part of Uxmal’s
centralized nuclear urban
layout.
The Initial Series Group

is another centrally located
a architectural compound in
Chichen Itza, placed atop
a slight elevation to which
two sacbeob intersect adja-
cent dual northern perime-
ter’s vaulted accesses, two
of seven total restricted
entrance points to a patio
group which contains both
turtle and phalli images in
c
addition to other Terminal
b
Classic to Early Postclas-
sic period cosmic icons.
Figure 4. a) East-West facing “Cosmos creation” feature at Jaina (photo by the author 2009); b–c) Sculp- Structure 5C17, the Turtle
ted limestone turtle interred within mixed ash and limestone marl in the island’s first horizon built matrix Platform, is a raised, ov-
located just above phreatic level (redrawn and photo from Benavides Castillo 2002). al-shaped, stepped platform
with four stair risers on the
Correa 2010). The island’s original toponym, hina, without eastern and western flanks, which in profile and layout reit-
the final silent [h] (Williams-Beck 2013c), mentioned in the erate its chelonian form at the heart of the group. A trio of
sixteenth-century Calkiní codex as the place where the prin- edifices crowns the group’s southeastern corner: Structure
cipal batab of the Ah Canul cuúchcabal moored his canoes 5C14, the House of the Phalli, with Venus star studded exte-
(Okoshi Harada 2009), figuratively means “seeds to the fu- rior friezes in addition to phalli stone sculptures gracing the
ture” (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 349) and reiterates the symbolic superior wall section at either end of interior vaulted rooms;
matrix behind a Maya notion of generational renewal through Structure 5C15, The House of the Dual Atlantean Figure
children ritually stacked and stored in a metaphorically built, Columns; and Structure 5C5, the House of the Conches with
powdered limestone marl “corn crib” island that guarantees frieze moldings that display full-round, sculpted conch shell
transformation, regeneration, and rebirth after death, in ad- imagery (González de la Mata et al. 2014: 1037–1039). A
dition to their ritual gift to the deities for cyclically righting painted capstone in the Temple of the Owls, located to the
the cosmic order (Williams-Beck 2013a). south of the Turtle Platform and a short distance to the west of
the southeastern Phalli-Atlantean-Conch structural trio, intro-
Other chelonian architectural sculptural elements that duces another symbolic image to the trope through a k’awiil
date to the Terminal Classic period in the surrounding North- portrait emerging “[…] from the gaping maw [of the under-
ern Lowlands embellish the House of the Turtles at Uxmal, as world], carrying [cacao] pods and various seeds [and] bearing
part of the Governor’s Palace complex, which also includes foods released from within the mountain of abundance […]”
an additional symbolic focal point, an immense sculpted phal- (Hernández and Vail 2010: 22). Painted capstones with por-
lus monument, set a short distance from and atop a square- traits of k’awiil or Ah Bolon Dzacab, “the Great Lord of nine
shaped, dressed stone masonry low platform to the Palace’s generations” (Taube 1992: 78) similar to this example, grace
eastern façade. The exquisitely crafted, steep-vaulted range range structures’ interior roof vaults’ celestial sphere in the
structure contains decorative lattice work, sculpted volutes, Chenes region. These symbolic images messages relate to life,
zoomorphic masks, and other carved symbols adorning the death, maize, generational renewal, and the ancestors. Com-
superior molding façade that feature Venus as Morning Star. plete esthetic trope, which adds iconography to formal layout
216
Free-standing phalli sculpture monuments, mounted as

unique chiseled features atop diminutive square or slightly
rectangular-shaped, dressed-stone masonry low-rise plat-
forms, comprise another Terminal Classic to Early Postclas-
sic northern lowland artistic motif-set that identify specific
umbilici contexts. Recent research suggests these carved
stones placed in the center of courtyards or at the base of
monumental structural components underscored not only the
cosmological time depth their images possessed, but also the
permanence of cosmological concepts through time “[…]
and served as a reminder of significant creation myths that
ultimately […] were conspicuous reminders of the cycle of
creation and the necessity to maintain and order this cycle in
the design of sacred ceremonial architecture” (Amrhein 2011:
124). At another site located a considerable distance to the
southwest of the Eastern Puuc architectural stylistic sculpted
phallus nuclear area that Amrhein discusses, Pollock first
reports sculpted columns with protagonists’ portraits in con-
junction with a single phallus monument5 at Acanmul, associ-
ated with Structures 8 and 9 in his mid-century recorded and
decades-later published sketch map (Pollock 1980: 537–541).
Initial reconnaissance of Acanmul (Williams-Beck and López
1999), and more intensive mapping strategies undertaken by
the author from 2001 to 2003, re-located Pollock’s miscel-
laneous sculptures found together within a specific context
later named the Columns Group, adding several more large
sculpted cylinder-shaped ones strewn around a patio framed
by a series of low platforms to the north (Pollock’s single
Structure 8) with a large amorphous-shaped monumental
structure abutting the eastern edge (Pollock’s Structure 9).
Figure 5. K’awiil portrait painted capstone, with associated icono- Excavations undertaken in this group in 2004 revealed a
graphic images that together suggest a liminal place of life, death, sculpted panel (Fig. 6), dated stylistically to the Early Coloni-
and generation renewal, in the Temple of the Owls, Initial Series al period and found within structural collapse rubble framing
Group, Chichen Itza (redrawn from Vail and Hernández 2010). the Columns Group’s northwestern corner (Williams-Beck
et al. 2005). The sculpture’s high relief depicts two naked
male individuals, one of which holds a dual-lobed, husked-
and spatial and architectural context in which these structures ear-of-corn-shaped item in upstretched hands, with lower
appear allows one to reconstruct the cosmic and religious ritu- torso and feet shown possibly dancing or in movement. Both
al roles these buildings played in their corresponding urban protagonists wear distinctive headdresses and the one framing
landscapes (Williams-Beck 2001: 62–63; 2012a). In the Tem- the panel’s left-hand side displays an erect penis. Controlled
ple of the Owls at Chichen Itza, a coiled saurian earth monster, horizontal excavations that recovered associated cultural re-
whose corporal image contains five large circles, creates a mains indicate that a pair of columns had been reset atop
distinct portal image framed by a superior glyph band and the northeastern platform6, perhaps at the beginning of the
laterally flanked by possible geometrical sky band imag- Early Colonial period. The combined data set suggests this
es, enveloped by a dual dart or knife-shaped symbolic edge architectural compound housed specific periodic activities
(Hernández and Vail 2010: 23) that allows centrally located
k’awiil and his bounty to penetrate this liminal context (Chase
and Chase 2009: 225) and facilitate his movement between 5 Pollock notes that between the time he first sketched
universe planes (Fig. 5). A ch’e’en or chultun water capture the group and when his Puuc architectural study was later
and storage feature is located immediately adjacent to this published, the phallus had been removed from this context and
temple’s western flank. While Hernández and Vail suggest stored in the Campeche Museum of Archaeology, Ethnology, and
this scene depicts an earth-cave or kab-ch’en imagery event History, where it remains today in the Sculpture and Monument
(Hernández and Vail 2010: 20, 22–25), illustrated in both the Museum of the Centro INAH Campeche in the state’s capital city.
Dresden and Madrid Codices, the other icons in addition to
6 Permission granted by INAH’s Archaeological Council in
the structural architectural elements present in this discretely
2004 to undertake excavations in the Columns Group and other
delineated compound with subterranean reference denote not
contexts was granted to the author, as director, and undertaken
just a foundation cave place, but also suggest another cabal
by colleagues Joe Ball, Jennifer Taschek, and their students from
ch’e’en umbilical site of maize origin, creation, and genera-
San Diego State University. The author acknowledges their superb
tional renewal inferred through Ah Bolon Dzacab’s painted
contribution to understanding this compound and Acanmul’s
capstone imagery.
urban core.
217
c b
Figure 6. Probable Ah Kinoob portraits: a) Late Postclassic-Contact era high relief panel and b) Early Postclassic high relief sculpted column;
c) phallus sculpted “miscellaneous” monument (Pollock 1980: 541) from the Columns Group, Acanmul (photos by the author, 2001/2004).
performed for ordering chaos and righting the Maya cosmic present in this context perhaps since its formative roots7 and
universe beginning perhaps at the moment of this group’s up through the contact period. Through their highly scripted
foundation, marked by a distinct red-soil initial horizon above placement and centralized location, both the Governor Palace
bedrock, during the late phase of the Middle Preclassic period complex at Uxmal and Initial Series Group at Chichen Itza, as
(Williams-Beck et al. 2005). The portrait of a Terminal Clas- well as the Columns Groups at Acanmul reiterate a probable
sic to Early Postclassic period column protagonist, possibly
draped in cotton cloth and grasping a bag in the left hand
7 In this and other off-platform excavated contexts
and the two other individuals inscribed in the Early Coloni-
adjacent to multiple structures both large and small in different
al sculpted panel infer ah kinob time-keeper shamans may
compounds at Acanmul, all first levels above bedrock illustrated
have frequented this particular architectural compound and
a red-colored soil horizon carefully placed above the limestone
carried out non-domestic ritual pursuits which linked past to
substrate. One particular ceramic cache context in the Columns
Group dated to the late Middle Preclassic period.
218
Figure 7. Ceiba Cabecera Colonial Period urban core religious architectural group flanking “Main Street”. Indigenous town’s layout design
modeled after an Early Colonial period Maya Cosmogram (site drawing by Armando Anaya Hernández from the author’s original field
notes and sketch map).
umbilical signature for these liminal contexts in each sites’ their own corresponding geographical directional positions
urban layout. The trios site cores also include north-south within monumental plazuela urban cores, reiterate each sites’
oriented ballcourt features that might have fostered periodic earthly place within the region: Edzna to the East, Acanmul
ritual activities through human agency asking for divine in- to the North, and, as urban design dictates would predict,
tervention aimed at sustaining the solar cycle (Mathews and Porfía-Pailbox to the South (Williams-Beck 2012b). Masonry
Garber 2004). architectural or sculptural elements, building placement, ur-
ban layout, and mural painting or other sculpted decorative
Combining both natural and built space environments motifs erected atop those turtle-shaped-profile topographical
at the feature, structure, and site stages, and then projecting rises, provide elements for explaining Acanmul and Edzna´s
them through the replication of these elements within par- presence as symbolic landscape recreations of the cosmic
ticular architectural compounds at the regional level provide universe.8
additional evidence from which to postulate territorial design
models based on cosmographic creations, whose cheloni- In addition, the surrounding environmental and built space
an-like built landscapes provide human activity areas placed trope provides a sacred firmament shared by Late to Terminal
atop natural or culturally modified topographical rises sur-
rounded by an aqueous environment (Williams-Beck 2011),
8 We also proposed that the same symbolic tropes
as if the entire region with corresponding islets and primor-
illustrated through architecture, decorative structural elements,
dial seas itself were conceived as a complete ritual universe.
and site layout found at Edzná and Acanmul would be present in
Such is the case for the Chanputun (Roys 1957), or revised
Late Postclassic period extended neighborhoods Porfia-Pailbox
name Chakanputun (Lundell 1933), and Canpech provinc-
placed strategically atop elevated islands and inland along the
es in modern day Campeche (Williams-Beck 2008, 2011,
banks of the Champoton River (Williams-Beck, Anaya Hernández
2012a, 2013c; Williams-Beck, Anaya Hernández, and Arjona
and Arjona García 2009; Williams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck,
García 2009; Williams-Beck, Liljefors Persson and Anaya
Liljefors Persson and Anaya Hernández 2012). While the evidence
Hernández 2012). Their combined natural environments
from specific contexts to corroborate these hypotheses has yet to
and built landscapes include Snake and Maize/Sustenance
be sampled, it still constitutes the point of departure to continue
Mountain Administrative Palace complexes, carefully set in
research in the immediate area.
219
Classic Period seat Edzna, and Early Postclassic seat Acan-

mul, respectively set at the twin-rivers’ spring-fed origins and
along the banks of the Homtun drainage system. An aquatic
perimeter, created by a river, a culturally modified topograph-
ical drainage scheme, and a hydraulic system built at Edzna
(Williams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck and Geovannini Acuña
2014). These interconnected inland waterways situated in
a vast wetlands plain interspersed between sporadic, verti-
cal-relief limestone karst cones united the collective destinies
of all regal ritual participants in a shared social, physical,
and geographically delimited cosmic universe. The massive
public works projects revealed by excavation and contextual
analysis at Edzna and Acanmul suggest that during the Clas-
sic–Terminal Classic periods the first site began a specific
temporal interval as seat of religious obligations and power
after the mid-eighth century that continued until approxi-
mately A.D. 1020 (Williams-Beck 2011).9 According to the
may calendar rotational model for political organization (Rice
2004), after A.D. 1020 the ritual religious insignias of power
seated at Edzna passed on to another site in the immediate
region, Acanmul, and rotated once again after completing an-
other full k’atun calendar cycle in the late-thirteenth century
to be installed at Porfía-Pailbox, the seat of Mayapan’s con-
temporary peer in the area along the Champotón River (Wil-
liams-Beck, Liljefors Persson and Anaya Hernández 2012;
Williams-Beck 2013c). The provincial landscape’s site loca-
tion design, based on a cosmological pattern10 that mimics the Figure 8. Ceiba Cabecera’s Iglesia Mayor’s polychrome mural
sun’s daily celestial journey beginning in the east, moving painting on interior piers, depicting thirteen red plumeria flowers
towards the north, passing to the south, and continuing along interspersed within five tropical cedar or mahogany tree boughs
gathered together within a tall-neck red ceramic jar (photo by the
both riverine, hydraulic, and drainage systems, connected all
author, 2014).
three pre-Columbian regal ritual cities and suggest the fourth
associate’s geographical location and umbilical placement probably coincided with the Campeche-Mayapan calendar’s
according to cosmographic quincunx principles. This same second promulgation around 1539 (Rice 2004: 74-75; Wil-
cosmogonic model of creation, foundation, destruction, and liams-Beck, Liljefors Persson and Anaya Hernández 2012),
rebirth served to structure and design public works projects during the K’atun 11 Ahau worldly creation, foundation, and
in each k’atun seat to receive the insignias of power passed destruction ritual cycle.
on from their predecessors and possibly from other peninsular
ritual associates (Williams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck, Lilje- While recent preliminary site core mapping, and icono-
fors Persson and Anaya Hernández 2012). The intermediate graphic and architectural features recording at Ceiba Cabec-
area’s central cog at Ceiba Cabecera displays extensive Early era in January, 2014, as well as solstice and equinox obser-
and Late Colonial Period building activities, with urban de- vations later the same year, represent an albeit incomplete
sign and structural embellishment details based upon creation initial data base for inference, the introductory information
and foundation myths narrated in the Chilam Balam of Chu- those elements provide complete a more diverse profile for
mayel.11 The region’s final k’atun seating at Ceiba Cabecera designing future context sampling in this place as umbil-
icus for the Cochistan province during the Early Colonial
period. A later building phase, probably during the seven-
9 The structural reiteration patterning registered at teenth-century replaced the ramada walls with a more per-
Acanmul and Edzna also predicts a similar architectural solution manent refurbished structure with perishable thatched roof,
in the third pre-Columbian regal ritual constituent situated on the and incorporated the sixteenth-century open ramada chapel’s
Champotón River. stone masonry façade and presbytery’s remains. A minute
10 This pattern between site rotation and color mural painting remnant from that later construction period
coordination, “ ’x-hue’ settles there”, coincides with that narrated contains green-blue vegetation and red floral designs on the
in the Venus passage of the Chumayel’s K’atun 11 Ahau creation
myth (Knowlton 2010: 67–68). the may rotational power scheme, executed precisely to receive
11 Structural replication through architectural and certain the insignias of ritual power and assume divine calendar mandate
archaeological deposition contexts at Edzna and Acanmul were (Williams-Beck 2011; Williams-Beck et al. 2005; Williams-
systematically dismantled after completing their calendar round Beck, Anaya Hernández and Arjona García 2009; Williams-Beck,
cycles. This perhaps was the case at Porfía-Pailbox as well. Each Liljefors Persson and Anaya Hernández 2012). All will require
place shows evidence of designing massive architectural public specific research designs directed towards understanding these
works projects that coincide with the temporal frame outlined by phenomena.
220
Figure 9. Ceiba Cabecera’s Iglesia Mayor’s east-facing recessed masonry and stucco i’ik altar and surrounding mural painting illustrating
two dual lobed capitals above dual yellow painted columns outlined in red, supporting a horizontal beam and triangular shape, with two
inverted ceramic jars on the beam’s either extreme (photo by the author, 2014).
western wall, placed atop a once yellowish-ochre-and-white spatial confines include one-functional pre-Hispanic ch’e’en
colored stucco-finished stone masonry exterior, is located a well with masonry reinforced mouth and neck, set strategical-
few meters to the north of the standing nave’s western access. ly to the north of the structure’s east-west oriented walls a few
The sixteenth-century façade still shows some polychrome meters from the north lateral entrance and placed between the
paint and stucco vestiges on its sculpted limestone lintel and church and atrium’s homologous boundary wall which abuts
doorjambs. A low, round-profile, thick masonry boundary Main Street; another collapsed pre-Hispanic well or chultun
wall atrium encircles the western access and south flank of cistern is located to the south of the atrium’s south wall. A
this early religious architecture, set precisely adjacent to the few standing structural ruins and street curb borders, as well
north side of the town’s wide principal boulevard, oriented as some other architectural fragments that have yet to be
to the east and west. recorded complete the urban core map (Fig. 7). While our sur-
face reconnaissance strategies have yet to determine where
To the south of this promenade stands the massive, this boulevard begins towards the east, its western terminus
mid-eighteenth-century Iglesia Mayor, whose internal atrium perpendicularly intersects at Ceiba Cabecera’s cemetery.
221
The Iglesia Mayor’s atrium’s western vaulted access dis- human creation, death and rebirth as well as the sun and
played four pointed decorative gables, two pairs atop either maize deity’s renewal on a daily and seasonal-planting basis
lateral jamb, with no superior ornamental feature detected (Taube 2010: 147). The seven dots contained within the five
amongst the collapsed ruins. The nave’s western façade’s petal plumeria flower corona propose an additional celestial
upper bell tower repeats the decorative gable pair adding a association with the Pleiades, a constellation correlated with
single spike on its apex, and five additional pointed gable planting maize (Milbrath 1999: 258–264), particularly in
pairs on either side of the western exterior complete a total conjunction with Venus as Morning Star. Each flower co-
of thirteen decorative gables, one for each twenty-year k’atun rona adorned with seven dark red painted dots restates the
period in a full 260-year calendar cycle. Particular natural- relationship between maize kernels, creation, and Pleiades
istic motifs, rather than Roman Catholic iconographic im- celestial imagery. According to the K’atun 11 Ahau myth in
ages, adorn the church’s massive interior recesses, accessed the Chumayel Chilam Balam, the heartless maize cores left
by five distinct entryways, of which the wall space above behind fed the bloodless wooden people of a former creation
the southwesterly-most entrance’s lintel shows a possible destroyed in the deluge destruction before the present world,
shroud-draped cross12 flanked by jars holding greenish-blue after Bolon Dzacab13 stole the maize (Knowlton 2010: 62).
leaf bunches. This vegetal motif repeats in greater detail on The five greenish-blue yax-colored tropical cedar or mahog-
each of the six interior wall buttress piers that reinforce the any boughs of origin and creation advocate for multiple and
church’s north and south lateral walls. Each one clearly il- mutually reiterative associations with an earthly engendering
lustrates large globular-shaped, restricted out-curving-neck, of Lady Quetzal–Lady Lovely Cotinga, a divine being in the
flat-rimmed red-colored ceramic jars, with numerous exterior Rabinal Achi also mentioned in the Chilam Balam Katun
circular decorative painted body motifs, placed approximate- 11 Ahau creation myth. Her corporal description echoes the
ly 2.5 m above floor level. Each jar holds five greenish-blue greenish-blue hues of the quetzal bird’s feathers, also remi-
colored tropical cedar or mahogany branches with thirteen, niscent in the Chumayel of water that is carried from the well
red circular corona-centered, five-petal plumaria flowers. to irrigate plants of the previous bloodless wooden people
Each flower corona is adorned with seven dark red painted destroyed in the flood, or of Bolon Dzacab who provides
dots (Fig. 8). The striking main altar, at the nave’s east-facing abundant food stuffs found in a milpa and their seeds as
end, illustrates a large, unique, stone masonry and stucco-cov- sources of life and nourishment in the coming world (Knowl-
ered recessed T-shaped form surrounded by a mural painting ton 2010: 59–62).
that features two vertical columns pair topped by dual-lobed
capitals which support a red and yellow vertical beam en- Sunrise solstice and equinox observations in Ceiba Ca-
closed by lateral red colored thin lines upholding a similarly becera confirm that the central boulevard and monumental
yellow and red painted triangular central form flanked on core layout possibly follow a solar-based cosmogram design
either side by inverted red ceramic jars forms comparable to (Paxton 2010: 286). On both the summer solstice and autumn
the upright buttress pier examples (Fig. 9). equinox, Venus as Morning Star appeared in conjunction with
or accompanied by the Pleiades. Venus complemented by the
The combined tree boughs, flowers, columns, triangle and Pleiades clearly are the most important stellar components
beam with lateral ceramic jars mural motifs suggests that this in Terminal Classic and Postclassic Maya architecture and
indigenous religious structure represents a Flower World par- art (Milbrath 1999: 157–163, 181, 190–191), ethnohistoric
adise (Hill 1992; Taube 2004, 2010) that embodies an ances- sources liken the planet to the “sun passer” or “great star”
tral place of origin and return. Flower Worlds are commonly (Edmonson 1971: 159), and whose alter ego represents one
associated with the path of the sun across the heavens (Hill of the Hero Twins as Maize God (Kelley 1980: 26). The as-
1992: 125). A Floral World also assumed the guise of “[…] sociation between the Pleiades, representing maize kernels
a Floral Mountain that served both as an abode for gods and cast into the heavens by Ah Bolon Dzacab, and the number
ancestors and as a means of ascent into the […] realm of the thirteen brings Chahk into the fray, symbolizing the coming
sun […]” (Taube 2004: 69), situated in a terrestrial paradise rains and storms that nourish the planted fields’ sustenance
with sweet smelling flowers, with thirteen components that (Milbrath 1999: 201). In the Chumayel K’atun 11 Ahau Venus
represent the ch’ulel or soul of the maize field, and a beau- passage, a creation myth particularity for this stellar character
tiful garden of flowers, plants, and tropical birds among the notes “The ceramic idol sits down above the page (revealing
Zinancantecos (Taube 2004: 71, 2010: 146–147, 156–161). the) katun (sic.)” as translated by the phrase u cah u lac
The five petal flowers also identify this place as a Ho’ Janaab canab ual katun for an event that occurred at the first dawn
Witz or 5 Flower Mountain, “[…] the pivotal axis mundi sup- (Knowlton 2010: 67). In this instance u lac, “his/her plate/
porting the stump of the ancestral maize tree” (Taube 2004: bowl” (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 442) might also refer to the
81) in a pre-Hispanic context, but within an Early Colonial dual inverted large ceramic jars on either extreme of the mu-
Nahuatl one, 5 Flower Mountain is a place of the dawning ral painting upper horizontal beam that adorn the upper wall
sun, wind, and sacred place of contact with the supernatural section above the i’ik east-facing altar.
realm (Taube 2004: 87). The recessed masonry i’ik altar piece
reiterates not only the wind-soul-breath-essence themes, but
13 Bolon Dzacab’s name also means “something perpetual”
also suggests the supernatural forces directly involved with
as does an additional rendering Ceiba Cabecera’s generic term
dzaptun, located on Roys provincial map (1957: 166), that
12 Draped crosses refer to the Maya World Tree, rather reiterates the “something perpetual” or multiple generational
than representing a crucifix (Astor-Aguilera 2010). meanings (Barrera Vásquez 1980: 878, 822).
222
Concluding Remarks
in the ch’e’en” (Tokovinine 2013: 39), implying such liminal
Maya ritual and cosmic worldviews illustrate symbolic as- passageways between all levels in this particular context. A
pects that relate to five directional realms, three vertical similar “through-the-portal” kind of meaning in some spe-
planes, and a conjoined center that links the present to the cific narrative contexts might also apply to the combined
future for remembering the historic and ancient past (Coe term och ch’e’n, traditionally rendered as “ch’e’n entering”
1965; Farriss 1987; Schele and Freidel 1990; Freidel, Schele (Tokovinine 2013: 26) but through the present analysis inter-
and Parker 1993; Rice 2004). While these focal points con- preted rather as “passing through ch’e’en (umbilicus)”.
sider the center as a pivotal point of contact between each
and every level and realm in the Maya universe, they more In the earthly realm, another complex ecotone as terres-
clearly emphasize primordial links between places of origin, trial concept, peten, links the sacred turtle-shaped firmament
creation, destruction, and generational renewal. Movements surrounded by freshwater-spring fed primordial inland “seas”
through those particular axis points provided the locus and to provide a conceptual framework for understanding both
framework for Maya moral and physical order, spatial and human landscapes and cosmic histories. Certain natural, low
temporal structure, and social and cosmic harmony (Farriss elevation peten-like niches, that contain built infrastructures
1987; Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993; Paxton 2001, 2010; or naturally occurring freshwater springs as ch’e’en in their
Rice 2004). Understanding where these permeable points immediate surroundings, are key backdrops in these liminal
occur as features, structures, sites, and regions in the archae- points of origin, creation, and regeneration. Several icono-
ological record and connecting those places with aspects graphic representations created the media that could pene-
within Maya worldview requires unravelling their essential trate these visual and figurative threshold contexts through
metaphorical meanings. time. On the one hand, built landscape chelonians with first
red-soil horizons or cinnabar subterranean cached offering
The Maya cosmos and particularly Maya ritual religious contexts (Matheny et al. 1983) at the “Fortress” complex in
actions commemorating specific calendric dates incorporated Edzna (Williams-Beck 2012b; Williams-Beck and Geovan-
the concepts of movement or passage, considered as liminal- nini Acuña 2014) or with ceramic cached vessels that perme-
ity (Chase and Chase 2010: 221), through particular sacred ate the red-soil initial horizon in Acanmul (Williams-Beck et
points betwixt and between the celestial, terrestrial, and un- al. 2005), imply intentional human agency through concrete
derworld realms (Solari 2013: 45) for reenacting models of actions to consecrate the foundation beneath that which is
origin, creation, destruction, and generational renovation. holy or created above these constructed peten islets with ar-
While each distinct stratum could be discerned by differ- chitectural features surrounded by primordial seas. Modified
ent media that, at the same time, coalesced around certain stalagmite turtle sculptures concealed in a lateral chamber
symbolic tropes, Classic Maya narrative emphasized one within the surrounding community sink-hole water source
particular term, ch’e’en (Tokovinine 2013), which in specific in Cabal Ch’e’en, at Mani, Yucatan, and a corresponding
celestial, terrestrial, or otherworldly categories and syntactic kab-ch’en toponymic identity linked to virgin water sourc-
contexts appears not only to link all three levels of the cosmos, es, pure energy, children, and generational renovation, in
but hark back to their symbolic creation and foundation ori- addition to the symbols of origin and foundation narrated on
gins. Regarding the infinitely more complex and difficult to the Quirigua Stela C text, graphically illustrate the first acts
grasp celestial realm, the Classic period inscriptions mention of origin and world creation through the placement of three
the phrase chan ch’e’n, originally thought to connote and stones, jaguar throne stone in the heavens at First Five Sky,
revolve around two essential meanings as “the heavens and serpent throne stone at kab-ch’en (earth-cave), and in the
the caves” for worlds and “the sky, the cave” (Stuart 2006) aqueous underworld with water-lily throne stone (Hernández
or “heavens and holy grounds/city” (Tokovinine 2013: 55) and Vail 2010: 24). This act connecting the heavens, earth,
for places. However, through Tokovinine’s detailed discus- and underworld with the sources of origin and creation is
sion, in certain contexts this phrase could very well infer also present in the sculpted limestone water table–terrestrial
liminal conduits between the celestial and interior mountain interface turtle marker interred in a cleft-profile architectur-
or underworld realms, through which the ancestors, deities al feature whose north-south orientation demands periodic
and certain learned and duly indoctrinated ahkinob shaman human and divine intervention to maintain the solar cycle
passed to other transcendent states of being14. In the case of in Jaina. At Acanmul, where another of these north-south
Tikal Stela 31, for example, a specific textual reference cites oriented cleft-profile architectural features is placed in the
the words chan kab ch’e’en within a narrative passage that monumental urban core built atop a similar chelonian-profile
refers to “eight thousand celestial gods, terrestrial gods half feature peten island sixteen kilometers from the Gulf coast
diminished; it happened in Kukuul, in the sky, in the earth, and six kilometers inland from the interface between the vast
coastal saltwater marsh plain and specifically placed within
an inland wetlands ecotone, that exhibits sculpted columns
14 Modern h’men, those who know or actively intervene and phallus monuments in association with other sculpted
(Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980: 520; Arzápalo Marín 1995: 520) in items depicting period endings or dwarfs accompanying pro-
otherworldly affairs in Campeche and Yucatan, stress that only tagonists placed within a particular non-domestic patio group
those shaman born with the gift, carefully apprenticed with context that functioned as such since its foundation during the
other more learned peers, and possessing specific ritual religious late Middle Preclassic period. Late Middle Preclassic Edzna’s
amulets and/or wearing special regalia can pass through and “Fortress” complex set precisely near the spring-fed origins of
return from these threshold places (Javier Hirose López, personal the Homtun River and the hydraulic system that connects it
communication 2012). 223
charged and solar ordered urban

layout that highlights Venus, the
Pleaides, Áak and other heav-
enly bodies, in association with
other i’ik wind and ool breath,
celestial, terrestrial, and under-
world essences, whose pictorial
images painted in greenish-blue,
red, and yellow hues outlined
in red, all recall those fateful
predictions of origin, creation,
foundation, and destruction
narrated in the Chilam Balams.
In this place, a planted World-
Tree monument’s generic top-
onymic reference as dzaptun,
mentioned in Roys cartographic
rendition of the combined Can-
pech and Chanputun provinces,
reiterates the role the great cei-
ba’s branches and roots served
in binding heaven, earth, and
underground realms together
at this place within perennial-
ly tended rotating land parcel
sections that house a rural com-
munity’s sown collective maize
fields as a symbolic reminder to
them for providing foundation,
sustenance for the ancestors,
rebirth, and renewal in Ceiba
Cabecera, well after the K’atun
Figure 10. Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial period Cochi[s]tan province, 1539 to 1795/1799, with 11 Ahau seat cycle’s late eight-
tzolk’in calendar seat dzaptun at Ceiba Cabecera. eenth century ending.
with the Champoton River’s homologous beginnings reiterate The names Canpech and Chanputun or Chakanputun were
its role as the site and immediate region’s cosmic creation, just initial plausible ways to refer to this area’s independent
whose north-south oriented cleft-profile architectural feature geopolitical units, after Ralph L. Roys’ classic study desig-
also requires human and divine agency to sustain the solar nated them as such at the time of Spanish contact, and few
cycle (Mathews and Garber 2004). Homologous north-south would question either the organizational model or historic
oriented ballcourt compounds, k’awiil painted portrait cap- sources even several decades afterwards (Okoshi Harada,
stones or phalli and Venus sculpture imagery, in addition to Williams-Beck, and Izquierdo y de la Cueva 2006). How-
turtle architectural superior molding embellishments or stone ever, Roys faced a conundrum when he defined those two
masonry low elevation platforms in both Terminal Classic particular enigmatic “provinces”, neither of which yielded
Uxmal and Early Postclassic Chichen Itza combine together sufficient references in Spanish or Maya document sources
to identify these possible ritual religious sites umbilici with or contained a capital city in one instance or an allegedly
iconographic elements linking not only all three realms, but completely dismantled urban center in the other as specific
also points of origin, creation, and foundation in each archi- defining criteria to consider either one as a cuúchcabal in its
tectural compound. Another precise symbolic trope element own right (Williams-Beck 2001, 2008, 2013c). Roys pos-
includes time-keeping visual features, whether conceived sible reason for establishing them as such might be due to
either as Terminal Classic architectural sculpture columnettes an undisclosed Mexican source that “[…] the entire region
adorning the Governor’s Palace inferior eastern façade walls [was named] the ‘province of Cochistan” (Roys 1957: 167),
at Uxmal or sunlight and shadow phenomena that appear but didn’t elaborate as to political nature or significance of
annually at sunset on May 3rd and August 15th in the Five the term. An etymological rendering of this combined topo-
Story Structure’s superior Temple in Edzna’s Great Acropolis nym, derived from the Maya terms co “maize kernel” or coh
indicating the beginning and ending of the 260 day tzolk’in “precious”, chii “edge of the sea or the mouth of a well”, and
ritual calendar. An additional architectural umbilical feature tan “that indicates an adverbial clause with special meaning
is the Flower House at Ceiba Cabecera, laterally flanked to placed after a locale’s name” (Arzápalo Marín 1995: 125, 129,
the north and south by che’e’en water sources built atop a 236, 699), suggests a more plausible alternative. Cochistan
turtle-shaped peten topographical rise, set in a cosmically embodies a combined naturally and culturally unique yet
224
specifically delimited regional landscape described as a “pre- during 2004, and for mapping strategies in the “Fortress” area
cious maize kernel at the edge of the sea or ch’e’en that con- in Edzna with Helga Geovannini and our students in 2012.
tains all four directions and center of the cosmos” (Fig. 10). The Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología in Mexico
provided funding for work at Acanmul. Javier Hirose López
In addition to being surrounded by water, immersed in has played a critical role as colleague, confidant, and sound-
swampy wetland niches, and containing urban core land- ing-board regarding traditional healing and cosmological
scapes erected atop low elevation, dome-shaped natural lime- themes applied to archaeological and architectural contexts
stone protuberances likened to tortoise shells set in primordial during my continued research in Roys’ Cochistan province
seas, Cochistan provinces’ pre-Columbian and Early Colonial at Acanmul, Edzna, Porfía-Pa’ilbox, and Ceiba Cabecera
regal ritual urban centers combined natural resource heritage since 2006. I would especially like to thank Lic. Fernando E.
spaces with specific architectural elements in precise urban Ortega Bernés, Governor of the State of Campeche, for gener-
layout designs, whose form and surface finishes in carefully ously supporting our research in the “Fortress” area at Edzna
dressed stone, stucco, and whose interiors carried painted in 2012, and for providing the financial means to attend the
narratives inspired by creation, foundation, destruction, re- Bratislava meeting in 2014. Armando Anaya Hernández craft-
birth, and renewal accounts with noteworthy cosmogonic ed a highly legible site map for Ceiba Cabecera from field
significance. The symbolic underpinnings for founding and data and Google Earth imagery. Fernando Campos Santoyo
placing each site in the region followed a cosmic design introduced me to the Initial Series Group umbilical world at
component part connected by pathways through the celestial, Chichen Itza in 2014; and I was truly fortunate to accompany
terrestrial, and otherworld realms to the center of origin and both Fernando and Alejandro Villalobos while viewing Pepe
creation. Their terrestrial setting is repeated in the ah pay Huchin’s spot-on excavation and consolidation of the Gov-
kab t u yum and ah pay oc t u yum verses of the K’atun 11 ernor’s Palace substructural platform at Uxmal in September
Ahau myth’s Venus passage (Knowlton 2010: 69–70) linking of that same year. Finally, I greatly appreciate Mtra. Adriana
each to a specific geographical directionally-hued reference Ortiz Lanz, Rector then (2008 to 2015), and L.A.E. Gerardo
from where the ancestors came and resided and in which Montero Pérez, General Secretary (2008 to 2015 and now
liminal thresholds linked different worldly dimensions for Rector (2015 to present) of the Universidad Autónoma de
foundation, destruction, rebirth, regeneration, and righting Campeche from, for their financial and logistical assistance
the cosmic forces of the Maya universe. Within the regional of our field research and for partially supporting my numer-
terrestrial framework for Cochistan, in which Ceiba Cabec- ous trips to professional meetings to share preliminary results
era plays the central cog surrounded by the other three pro- with colleagues in the United States, Europe, Guatemala, and
vincial regal ritual players who illustrate different temporal Mexico.
and geographical aspects in accordance with their particular
regional directional location: Rosiness in the East, as foot’s
Heliacal rise, which coincides geographically with Edzna; References
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Caves of Life and Caves of Death: Colonial Yucatec Maya
Rituals and Offerings in Caves and Cenotes, 1540–1750
John F. Chuchiak IV
Missouri State University
Abstract
Caves and cenotes served as important sacred spaces where the Maya could access the underworld and make contact
with their gods through certain rituals and offerings. Maya temples and shrines were also often built in close proximity to
caves or cenotes, further emphasizing the sacred nature of caves and their important connection to the cosmology of the
ancient and colonial Maya. Therefore, cave shrines and cave worship remained important factors in both Pre-Hispanic
and colonial Maya cosmological concepts of the underworld, sickness, life and death. Dry caves, without water, served
for the colonial Maya as places of sickness and death, while water filled caves and cenotes opened a direct connection
to the raingod Chac, the bringer of sacred water and life. This paper examines the nature of colonial Maya cave worship
and illustrates how caves and cenotes with their cosmological connection to the underworld became associated to both
Maya conceptions of life and death, ensuring that they remained important sacred spaces in which colonial Maya rituals
continued to be performed. By examining the ethnohistorical evidence for Maya cave rituals and the extant information
on Maya ritual specialists this chapter illustrates the continuities and changes that occurred in the cosmological connec-
tions of Maya cave worship throughout the colonial period.
Resumen
Las cuevas y los cenotes sirvieron como importantes espacios sagrados donde los mayas accedían al inframundo y man-
tenían comunicación con sus dioses a través de la práctica de ciertos rituales y ofrendas. A menudo santuarios y templos
fueron construidos cerca de cuevas o cenotes debido al carácter sagrado que estos espacios tenían en la cosmología de los
mayas antiguos y aquellos que vivieron durante el periodo del dominio colonial español. Por lo tanto, las cuevas, como
santuarios y espacios de culto, siguieron siendo factores importantes en los conceptos cosmológicos mayas asociados
al inframundo, de la enfermedad, la vida y la muerte durante la época pre-hispánica y aun en los tiempos coloniales.
Así, los mayas del periodo colonial consideraron las cuevas secas, sin agua, como lugares asociados a la enfermedad
y la muerte, mientras que las cuevas llenas de agua y los cenotes creaban una conexión directa con el dios de la lluvia:
Chac, el portador del agua sagrada y la vida. Este capítulo examina la naturaleza de los rituales hechos por los mayas
del período colonial en las cuevas. De igual manera, ilustra cómo fueron asociados con las cuevas ambos conceptos de
vida y muerte, confirmando la existencia de una continuidad en la concepción que los mayas tuvieron acerca de estos
lugares como importantes espacios sagrados que mantenían una conexión cosmológica con el inframundo. Con base
en evidencias etnohistóricas referentes a la práctica de rituales en las cuevas, e información existente en fuentes colo-
niales acerca de la existencia de especialistas rituales mayas, este capítulo intenta mostrar las continuidades y cambios
que se produjeron en las conexiones cosmológicas asociadas al culto y rituales llevados a cabo en cuevas a lo largo del
período colonial.
“Heaven and earth trembled, and the wild bees buzzed at the rains for their corn crops and ensure the end to the drought
wells and the caves before the wooden idols placed there in the region, Maya farmers from the visita town of Chalan-
by the Itza. . .” te organized small groups of pilgrims to conduct clandes-
tine pilgrimages to a local hidden cave shrine near the town.
Book of Chilam Balam of Mani Within the cave, the Maya came to venerate a large carved
speleotheme in the center of the cave which had been shaped
to resemble the Maya raingod Chac.2 Before the large carved
By the early summer of 1619, a recorded drought in the re-
gion of Izamal plagued Maya farmers and threatened to ex-
tend the famine and crop failures that they had suffered two peninsula. Crop failures, famines, and higher instances of
years before with the coming of an infestation of locusts in deaths during lost years give testimony to the impact of these
1618 (Cárdenas Valencia 1937: 68).1 In order to secure the climatologically induced problems.
2 Throughout the Maya region evidence suggests that
1 A serious drought which lasted from 1618 to 1622 the most common use of carved speleothemes inside and outside
plagued the region in and around Izamal in the central Yucatan of cave contexts were as idols and images of veneration. Several
John F. Chuchiak IV
image of the raingod, the Maya had placed a low stone bench
or altar. The local Maya protected the cave itself by the com-
munal rotational service of local Maya men who served as the
shrine’s guards protecting the image from the local Spaniards
and friars.3
By the following year of 1620, a new Franciscan Guard-

ian, Fray Gerónimo de Porras y Montalvo, arrived in Izamal
to take charge of the convent. Shortly after his arrival, the
Franciscan guardian received word that the Maya due to the
persisting drought continued to conduct pilgrimages into the
forest to certain ritually important caves to venerate images of
the “lord of the rain.” Based on these accusations, the friar ac-
tively began a campaign against idolatry that would last two
years and almost claim his life in the process! By the summer
of 1621, Fray Porras received specific reports that more than
seventy Maya from the neighboring village of Chalante had
rebelled against the friars.4 These Maya had fled into the
monte and had taken up residence in a cave where they went
to protect a major shrine and altar to their raingod Chac.
Throughout the summer, as the drought and famine spread

the Maya became more desperate, and the grave news arrived
that the Maya had attacked several friars and Spaniards who
wandered into the area, killing two Franciscans and wound-
ing several Spaniards.5 Apparently the heavily armed Maya
proved willing to defend their idols and the cave shrine by
force of arms. A local Spanish official, Capitan Gerónimo de
Yanguas, argued that they should alert the governor of the
rebellion and ask for soldiers to take the native’s stronghold.6
Fray Gerónimo de Porras stopped him from immediately do- Figure 1. The Rain God Chac is seated in a cave, represented glyph-
ing so, but after confiscating a large quantity of idols within ically by the expression ta kab or “on the earth” (Source: Dresden
the town itself, he too decided that idolatry in the Izamal Codex: 29a-30a, Frame 5.0).
region would not cease until the major cave shrine was de-
stroyed. Maya were conducting rituals and offerings to a large idol of
the Rain God Chac that had been formed out of a stalactite.
Arriving at the cave, the Franciscan discovered that there Angered by the act, Fray Porras made a move to enter the cave
were more than sixty Maya men armed with bows and arrows, and smash the idols as he had done before.
protecting the cave.7 At the very moment of their arrival the
The Maya quickly reached for their bows and arrows
and surrounded the friar and his companions. As the Maya
caves throughout the Maya lowlands have carved within them
threatened the friar and moved to shoot their arrows at the
speleotheme idols and sacred images that are sometimes still
group, the small group of Spaniards tried to push their way
venerated by the local Maya of the region.
back to the entrance to the cave, but the natives resisted and
3 See Interrogatorio de la probanza de méritos y servicios one of the Spaniards was shot with an arrow.
del ministro provincial Fr. Gerónimo de Porras y Montalvo, 2 de
abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 12 folios. While his other companions tended to the wounded Span-
4 Testimonio del Capitán don Juan Fernández de Castro, iard, Fray Porras went among the other natives, preaching to
teniente de capitán general, en la probanza de los méritos them in Maya, urging them to lay down their arms and sur-
y servicios de Fr. Gerónimo de Porras, 12 de abril, 1624, AGI, render their idols.8 According to witnesses, after several tense
Audiencia de México, 301, 3 folios. minutes, the natives were convinced, seeing that the friar was
5 Testimonio del capitán Bernardo de Sosa Velázquez en la
probanza de los méritos y servicios del Fr. Gerónimo de Porras, 15
de abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 3 folios.
6 Testimonio del capitán Gerónimo de Yanguas en la
probanza de los méritos y servicios de Fray Gerónimo de Porras, de abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 3 folios.
del orden de San Francisco, 12 de abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de 8 Testimonio del Alférez Cristóbal de Paredes Valdés en
México, 301, 5 folios. la probanza secreta de oficio contra Fr. Gerónimo de Porras y
7 Testimonio del Capitán don Juan de Montejo Maldonado Montalvo, 22 de abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 4
en la probanza secreta de oficio contra Fr. Gerónimo de Porras, 22 folios.
230
Caves of Life and Caves of Death: Colonial Yucatec Maya Rituals and Offerings in Caves and Cenotes, 1540–1750
The Significance of
such a good orator in Maya, they voluntarily laid down their
Caves and Cenotes
bows and arrows and listened to the friar.9
for the Maya
After a brief sermon, without warning Fray Gerónimo de This paper examines the na-
Porras stood up on the altar and smashed the clay idols. Upon ture of colonial Maya cave
the destruction of their idols and the desecration of this sacred worship and will attempt
space, many of the Maya fled the cave and ran away into the to illustrate how caves and
monte. With the aid of his companions, Fray Porras finished cenotes remained impor-
destroying the other idols, including a large stone idol of the tant sacred spaces, in which
Rain God Chac, the remains of which are still rumored to colonial Maya rituals con- Figure 2. The Maya Hieroglyph
exist to this day. 10 Fray Geronimo de Porras, when he later tinued to be framed and CH’EN-na ch’een, for “cave, pit,
wrote about the event commented: performed. As the cosmo- cavity, hole, den” (redrawn by
logical ritual entranceways Guido Krempel, after Kettunen
“These natives constantly abscond themselves into the hills into the underworld, caves and Helmke 2010: 138).
and mountainous regions, hiding their rituals and continued served the colonial Maya as
ceremonies in the caves and distant cenotes where they go a means of direct connection to the underworld, and as a
far away from the watch of their friars in order to make frame in which rituals of both life and death could be framed
sacrifices and offerings….It is there in these dark and secret in their ritual cycle.
places that they make offerings to their demons and give the
devil his due….”11 Previous epigraphic studies have demonstrated that caves
were important in establishing polities and have added to
The friar later questioned a group of Maya men apprehended our understanding of Maya cosmology. By comparing the
in that cave near the town of Chalante. Diego Puc, one of the use of cave symbols in ancient Maya place-name glyphs to
Maya men who had so bitterly defended the cave, responded ethnographic documentation of the use of caves in modern
that they had been entrusted by the others from their town ritual, scholars such as Evon Vogt and David Stuart (2005)
with the protection of their cave shrine which was dedicated illustrated that there exists a continuous Maya tradition in
to Chac “el padre de las lluvias.” Puc commented insightfully which caves were considered as sacred features of the land-
that those who defended the cave against the friar were acting scape spanning from the Classic Period to the present day
as Ah Tanlahob Chac, or the “servants of Chac.”12 (Moyes 2006: 12).
What the 1621 Chalante rebellion clearly illustrates is just The identification for the logogram for cave, CH’EN
how important caves and cave shrines were to the colonial ch’en, by David Stuart in 1999 revealed its use in texts. Stuart
Maya. As the brief insurrection of the Maya of the Chalante noted that its association with death as well as underworld
illustrates, for the Maya caves were places to be protected, and bat symbolism was commonplace (Stuart 1999).
and their shrines were worth fighting for even at the risk of
dying to protect them. Similarly, Stuart and Vogt have argued elsewhere that
mountains and caves represented topological and ritual
boundaries for both ancient and modern Maya communities
(Vogt and Stuart 2005: 155–185). Apparently, caves were
not only boundary markers for the corporeal world, but they
9 Testimonio del capitán Ambrosio de Arguelles, en la also served as the transitional spaces between the natural and
probanza secreta de oficio hecha contra Fr. Gerónimo de Porras supernatural planes of existence (Moyes 2006: 51). Moreover,
y Montalvo, 24 de abril, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 5 caves embodied the very center or the “navel of the world” in
folios. the five part division of the cosmos that is prevalent through-
10 The entire dramatic event was witnessed by several out Mesoamerica.
Spaniards and sworn to in their written testimonies in Fr.
Gerónimo de Porras’ Relación de Méritos y Servicios (AGI, Mexico, In Colonial Yucatan, the Maya used the word Actun to re-
301). Similarly, during my fieldwork in Yucatan in 1997–1998, I fer to both a cave and a stone building, suggesting to Thomp-
was told by several old Maya men from the town of Izamal, that son that the two were closely linked conceptually (Thompson
there was indeed a cave where the Chacs were supposed to dwell. 1959: 124). As James Brady has argued, mountains and caves
They even took me to the spot and showed me a pile of stone are part of the same complex that represents the earth (Brady
[perhaps a stalactite] that they said once was an image of “El padre 2012: 64). Brady and others have described that for “the
de las lluvias...”. Whether this cave and the “padre de las lluvias” Classic Maya nature was a living and breathing social being
is the same one discovered by Fray Gerónimo de Porras or not, whose natural features like mountains, caves, or bodies of
the incident is interesting in that it appears to be a modern oral water were represented artistically with faces or mouths and
survival of colonial campaigns of extirpation. described as integral members of the social community” (Pa-
11 Carta del Provincial de la orden de San Francisco de tel 2012: 39). Moreover, many Mesoamerican foundational
Yucatán, Fray Gerónimo de Porras y Montalvo sobre los indios myths involve ancestors who emerged from caves or trees
idolatras de Yucatán, 1624, AGI, Audiencia de México, 301, 3 folios. linking and framing nature and humanity to the physical
features of the sky and earth (Patel 2012: 69).
12 Ibid.
231
John F. Chuchiak IV
Framing Sacred Spaces: Colonial Yucatec

and upper world) and these divisions and sacred spaces were
Maya Cave and Cenote Rituals
reflected in the ritual behavior of the Maya in all of their
Cave rituals, due to their secret nature even today, and the religious shrines (Chuchiak 2000: 249–252).
problematic archaeological evidence detectable in cave strati-
grafy, are poorly understood. What little we know about these The colonial Maya also used frames and borders to de-
cave or cenote ceremonies comes from eyewitness accounts lineate and mark sacred spaces. Maya concepts of the sacred,
written down in the documentary evidence. Eyewitness ac- required that sacred spaces be “framed” or “enclosed” within
counts, such as the information on the rebellion at Chalante borders, and enclosures that created or re-created the Maya
in 1621, are important sources of evidence concerning co- universe and delineated sacred spaces within a bounded bor-
lonial Maya cave rituals since old remains and offerings are der (Chuchiak 2000: 354–359). In all religious rituals, the
often swept away and disposed of before new ceremonies space or place of the ritual was not only significant, but also
were held. the enclosure, the border, or frame that the Maya placed
around the ritual participants themselves (Chuchiak 2003:
Numerous reports of cave rituals and what the colonial 145–147). Just as Maya glyphs, and time itself demanded
clergy called acts of “idolatry” occurring in caves signal the borders, glyph blocks, and other framing elements, so too did
central importance of caves and cenotes to the worship of the Maya religious rituals.
Maya raingod Chac (Chuchiak 2000, 2014a). By examining
the ethnohistorical evidence for Maya cave rituals this paper From the Classic to the Colonial period and beyond, the
will highlight the continuities and changes that occurred in Maya have sought to harness the power, create, and re-cre-
Maya cave worship throughout the colonial period. ate ritual space, and utilize sacred spaces for their religious
rituals. Moreover, due to the existence of the anti-idolatry
We know that the Yucatec Maya ordered the natural world campaigns of the provisorato de indios, colonial Maya reli-
on cosmological principles. Mountains and caves, forests and gion was forced to become less public and more a matter of
milpas were points and channels of sacred power from histor- smaller private ceremonies and festivals, well hidden from
ical events and timeless sacred forces. Geographical features the eyes of the clergy and the Spanish officials (Chuchiak
were inscribed by human hands to mark their sacredness, 2000, 2014b: 54–55).
while temples and shrines replicated holy mountains, caves,
and water sources. Nevertheless, rituals dedicated to the Maya deities contin-
ued to occur within places specifically related to pre-Hispanic
Throughout the Yucatan Peninsula natural and construct- concepts of the sacred and divine, ordered along cosmolog-
ed places commonly became centers of pilgrimage in pat- ical principals that had their root in the preconquest period
terns often maintained to the present. Moreover, Maya sacred (Chuchiak 2000). The places of Colonial worship, though
landscapes evolved over time, influenced by local conditions. severally limited by the repressive measures of the ecclesi-
Written records from the Early Conquest and Colonial periods astical judges, continued to resemble the sacred places used
(particularly c. 1532–1650) illustrate the close relationship for Maya ritual before the arrival of the Spaniards (Chuchiak
between cosmology, the environment and sacred space for 2014b). These sacred spaces in which Colonial rituals took
the Yucatec Maya (Chuchiak 2000). Although incorporating place included the monumental temples and shrines of the
the various motives and biases of their authors, these works, Maya’s ancestors, as well as the inherently sacred spaces of
written mainly in Spanish or in a combination of Maya and cenotes and caves, which were held sacred because of their
Spanish, provide invaluable primary source data, particularly relationships with specific deities or other aspects of the
regarding Maya religious practices and politics (Chuchiak supernatural.
2002: 20–29).
In effect the sacred places in which the Maya celebrated
We also know, for example, thanks to the ecclesiastical their ceremonies changed little from the late Post-Classic to
court documents that chronicle forbidden Maya religious the Colonial era. The only major change involved the neces-
practices that the colonial Maya believed in many gods that sity of suppressing public ceremonies and processions which,
resided in or comprised the natural world (Chuchiak 2000: for fear of repression, the Maya conducted in a clandestine
243–312). These deities were responsible for providing water nature.
and bountiful crops but could also cause such disasters as
droughts, floods and earthquakes, if not venerated properly.
Sacred Caves and Maya Pilgrimages:
The sacred space of the Maya village itself was related to
Caves as Places of Continued Maya Public
their cosmology, and it continued to be so during the colo-
and Private Rituals
nial period. Thus, one division of the town is supposed to be
related to the north, another represented the center; another The Yucatán peninsula is a limestone shelf that serves as a
division represented the west, another the south, and another perfect example of karst topography marked by the existence
the east (Chuchiak 2001: 145–147, 2004: 173). This four-part of a countless number of caves and underground caverns
horizontal division of the world (into north, east, south, and (Bassie-Sweet 1991: 78). The Maya considered caves and
west) was combined in the minds of the colonial Maya with cenotes as sacred spaces and important places in which Maya
a three-part vertical division (into lower world, this world, rituals and ceremonies took place. The Maya believed caves
232
and cenotes to be the places of the birth and the abode of the
gods, especially the rain gods and the gods of the underworld.
The mouths of caves themselves the Maya believed to be
the entrance to the Maya underworld, called Xibalba, where
the death gods Ah Puch and Uac Mitun Ahau dwelled. The
archaeological remains of ceremonies and rituals, including
ritual paraphernalia from stingray spines to copal incense
have been found inside of caves (Pohl and Pohl 1983: 28–51).
Eyewitness accounts are important sources of evidence

since during these ceremonies old remains and offerings are
often swept away and disposed of before new ceremonies
were held (Bassie-Sweet 1991: 91). The same is true for co-
lonial ceremonies held in caves. What little we know about
these cave or cenote ceremonies comes from eyewitness
accounts written down in the documentary record during
ecclesiastical idolatry trials. One seventeenth century account
of the Itza Maya reported that they “held their idolatries in
caverns as they call them, in the forests, hills and caves.”
(Villagutierre y Soto-Mayor and Comparato 1983: 316). The Figure 3. Two unidentified figures conduct a cave ritual on the
Yucatec Maya took their idols of stone and clay to caves edge of a “cenote” represented by T591 (Source: Dresden Codex
where they offered them sacrifices of birds, incense and cacao. almanach 33a).
Caves were also seen to be the place where the winds and the
rains originated (Bassie-Sweet 1991: 85). Cave worship usu- These sacred places on the island of Cozumel included caves
ally focused on the veneration of rain and earth gods. Cave and cenotes that, like their counterparts on the mainland,
shrines and cave worship remained important factors in both the Maya extensively modified by the building of stairways,
pre-Hispanic and colonial Maya religion. shrines, and altars (Patel 2005: 101–104). The Maya connect-
ed many of the cave and cenote shrines by means of paved
Many offerings, idols, and cave paintings of ancient ritu- roadways, or sacbeob. For example, the pilgrimage center
als have been discovered in caves and pilgrimages to certain at Cozumel was so important that Spanish sources suggest
caves continue to this day (Thompson 1970: 183).13 Caves that sacbeob on the mainland were constructed expressly to
and cenotes, then, were important sacred spaces in which accommodate religious traffic to the island. The Franciscan
colonial Maya rituals continued to be performed. The number Friar Diego López de Cogolludo noted that:
of incidents of cave rituals and idolatry occurring in caves
signals the central importance of caves and cenotes to the There are remains of paved highways which traverse all
worship of colonial Maya religion [See map 1]. this kingdom and they say they ended in the east on the
seashore where it crosses an arm of the sea for the distance
Perhaps no other wells or caves received more veneration of four leagues which divides the mainland from that island.
or worship than those on the island of Cozumel. As Fray These highways were like the caminos reales, which guided
Diego de Landa wrote: them with no fear of going astray so that they might arrive
at Cozumel for the fulfillment of their vows, to offer their
“... They held Cozumel and the well of Chichen Itza in the sacrifices, to ask for help in their needs, and for the mistaken
same veneration as we have for pilgrimages to Jerusalem adoration of their false gods ...15
and Rome, and so they used to visit these places and to
offer presents there, especially to Cozumel, as we do to holy As early as 1545, a relative of a high ranking nobleman from
places ...” (Tozzer 1941: 109). the island of Cozumel was caught worshipping idols in a cave
near the town of San Miguel on the island of Cozumel, and
As the scholars Ralph Roys and France Scholes noted earlier, he was whipped by Juan de Contreras, the first encomendero
the ethnohistoric sources also record that Cozumel received of Cozumel.16 In response to his punishments the Maya re-
pilgrims from distant lands (Roys et al. 1940: 5). Diego de portedly stated, “I received the baptism señor, but you did not
Contreras Duran, who inherited the island in encomienda
from his father wrote in 1579 that the Maya journeyed in
great numbers from Tabasco, Xicalango, Champoton, and Relaciones Histórico-Geográficas de la Gobernación de Yucatán,
Campeche in adoration of the Maya goddess Ix Chel, in order Vol. II, pp. 186–187.
to “see and worship the said idol and shrine” on the island.14 15 Fray Diego de López de Cogolludo, Historia de Yucathan
compuesta por Fray Diego Lopez de Cogolludo, Madrid: por Juan
García-Infanzón, 1688, Libro IV, Capítulo VII, folio 193.
13 Thompson, Maya History and Religion, p. 183. 16 See Probanza de los méritos y servicios de Juan de
14 Diego de Contreras, Relación de Nabalam, Tahcabo Contreras y Diego de Contreras en la conquista y pascificacion de
y Cozumel, 1579, pp. 186–187 in Mercedes de la Garza (ed.), Yucatán, Abril, 1654, AGI, Patronato 56.
233
John F. Chuchiak IV
Figure 4. Map of major cave rituals uncovered by Ecclesiastical Extirpators Source. Drawn by the author based on surviving archival
evidence of cave rituals.
order me to abandon my old faith; therefore your punishment The island of Cozumel has so few Indians, and they are all
is unjust ...”17 The Maya noble could not conceive of his peo- idolaters, and this island has since the time of their gentility
ple abandoning the pilgrimages, regardless of their baptism served among them as a pilgrimage shrine just as venerated
and conversion to Christianity. among them as Christians have in going to Jerusalem, and
it appears to me that Your Majesty should order the island
Apparently, the Maya continued to make pilgrimages to depopulated to put an end to these things ...19
Cozumel’s sacred shrines, caves, and cenotes. Moreover, as
Patel (2005) has shown, the pilgrimage route was laid out All throughout the coast many other caves and shrines existed
in relation to the island’s caves and cenotes. The principal and some of the shrines in these caves were built around spe-
religious site was San Gervasio in the interior of the island, leothems which were occasionally painted and often accom-
with its three caves, accessible from the temple (Patel 2005: panied by carved faces, similar to the one described by Fray
101–102). Offerings of human bones, ceramics and conch Geronimo de Porras in Chalante (Griffith and Jack 2005: 2–3).
shells were evident in the archaeological record. So numer- The Maya associated these speleothems with rain, fertility,
able were the number of cases of idolatry in the Vicaria of and the production of their Suhuy ha, or virgin or pure water,
Cozumel, that even the Governor Francisco de Solis com- necessary for all ritual libations offered to the gods (Chládek
plained of it in a letter to the crown. The governor remarked 2011: 39).
that countless numbers of Maya even from as far interior
villages of the province went on idolatrous pilgrimages to the Many of these Cave shrines were built around thrones
island shrines on Cozumel.18 The Governor even went so far or benches that were originally used to house or place idols,
as to advocate for the forced abandonment of the island as a most of which have long disappeared due to the campaigns
measure to stop these pilgrimages, writing: of extirpation conducted by the clergy, such as the one that
occurred in Chalante in 1621. For example, at the postclassic
site of Tancah, a stela with a carved face stands next to a
17 Cogolludo, Historia de Yucathan.
18 See Carta del gobernador Don Francisco de Solis 19 Carta del gobernador Don Francisco de Solis sobre los
sobre los ydolatrias de los indios de la ysla de Cozumel, 1584, AGI, ydolatrias de los indios de la ysla de Cozumel, 1584, AGI, Audiencia
Audiencia de Mexico, 283, 4 folios. de Mexico, 283, folio 3r-v.
234
stairway leaving to the water in a cenote (Chládek 2011: 39).

Early archaeologists and explorers often described similar
altars and structures that were built in, over, or next to caves
(Patel 2005: 101; Arnold and Frost 1909; Mason 1927). In the
17th century the English Catholic Friar Thomas Gage reported
an encounter with a Maya wooden idol inside of a cave in the
Alta Verapaz region of Guatemala:
“At the entrance the cave was broad, and went a little for-
ward, but when we were in, we found it turn on the left
... and not far ... we found the Idol standing upon a low
stool covered with a linen cloth. The substance of it was
wood, black and shining like jet, as if it had been painted or
smoked; the form was a man’s head down to his shoulders,
without either beard or mustachios. His look was grim with
a wrinkled forehead and broad startling eyes ... and as we
lifted him up we found under him some single real [coins],
which his favorites had offered unto him ...”20
As the archaeologist Shankari Patel illustrated in her own

work, the pattern of building miniature temples, platforms
and altars in caves and cenotes on Cozumel has counterparts
at other sites along the east coast (Patel 2005). Although she
notes that only a fraction of the site has been excavated, there Figure 5. Carved column at the site of Miramar on Cozumel island
are three prominent caves in the restored section of the site (Holmes 1895: Plate IV).
(Patel 2005: 101–105). As she noted, during the restoration,
archaeologists collected “human bones, ceramics, and conch were kept in sacred places; in underground cenotes or caves,
shells from the floors of these caves” (Patel 2005: 102; Sierra or even ensconced deep within the forest, or monte as the
Sosa 1994: 80). Earlier, Herbert Spinden and Ludlow Gri- Spaniards termed it, or in cornfields, or milpas, of the local
scom described the cenote shrine in 1926 as “a temple built Maya (Chuchiak 2009).
over the entrance to a cave which contained a permanent fresh
pool and stairs from the doorway descended to the cavern” Colonial evidence suggests that the Maya considered
(Patel 2005: 104: Mason 1927: 278). caves such an important part of the sacred landscape that
regardless of fears of being apprehended they continued to
Religious activity persisted on the island post conquest, use them for public rituals. Colonial sources attest to the
and apparently even after the island was forcibly abandoned. Maya holding large scale public rituals in caves and cenotes
Evidence exists that the Maya continued to conduct rituals at throughout the colonial period. While the colonial Maya
cenotes on Cozumel even after they resettled the island in the began to abandon public worship even in distant milpas for
1850s. A female statue situated at a cenote near the island’s fear of discovery, they refused to abandon larger ceremonies
Late Classic center received offerings up until its removal in caves. In truth, Maya cave rituals actually increased in
in the 1940s for display at the museum in San Miguel (Patel frequency as the colonial period progressed, suggesting that
2005: 105). The idol described variously as “La Xnuc,” “La caves became even more important in colonial times than
Vieja,” and “La Virgen de Santa Rita,” held a special place of they had been in pre-hispanic times. Out of a sample of 4,732
veneration among the Maya of Cozumel (Fig. 5). According cases/trials of Maya Idolatry discovered from the 1550s to the
to archaeologists, local informants recorded that the cenote 1850s, an increasing percentage of discovered acts of Maya
had received patrons for at least fifty years before the idol’s idolatry occurred in conjunction with caves and cenotes dur-
removal from the site (Escalona Ramos 1946: 559–560; Patel ing this period (Chuchiak 2000).
2005: 105).
Some later Colonial Maya cave rituals may have even wit-
nessed possible human sacrifice in cave context. For instance,
on May 10, 1601, the local Alcalde Ordinario of Valladolid,
Other Examples of Colonial
Don Antonio Maza, received news about a shocking case
Maya Cave Rituals
of a reported ritual sacrifice or murder of several Maya in
As in the case of the cave and cenote shrines on the island a distant cave from two letters; one from the Maya batab of
of Cozumel, many Colonial Maya “idols” continued to be Chancenote, Don Juan Chan; and the second from the cacique
housed within secret “templos o adoratorios” which they man- of Tixmukul, Don Juan Uc.21 The two caciques informed the
aged to keep hidden well into the Colonial period (Chuchiak
2000: 419–426). Many other images of their traditional gods
21 Notificación del Alcalde Ordinario de Valladolid, Don
Antonio Maza, de las noticias de una idolatría y asesinato en el
20 Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World, p. 281. pueblo de Tixmukul, 10 de mayo, 1601, AGI, Audiencia de México, 235
140, folios 18–19.
John F. Chuchiak IV
Figure 6. Unprovenanced cave painting, Guatemala, showing three persons dressed in jaguar skirts performing an incense scattering ritu-
al. A calendar date accompanying the scene places the depicted ritual on February 1, 426 A.D. (La Ruta Maya Foundation, Registry No.:
16.2.5.998; Photograph by Ricky López Bruni).
alcalde that three unbaptized Maya priests, or Ah Kines, had One of the suspected murderers, Na Pul Canche, was
ritually murdered two men from the village of Tixmukul in quickly apprehended near the village of Tixholop and under
an apparent human sacrifice. Apparently, Na Pul Canche, Na torment confessed. Being a case involving homicide, the
Batun Cauiche and Na Dzib Ek murdered two Christian Indi- jurisdiction over the case reverted to the civil authorities
ans from the villages of Tixmukul and Yalcoba.22 The victims, according to a royal law that reserved cases of idolatry and
Francisco Uc, the husband of Ana Dzul from Tixmukul, and witchcraft involving murder to the secular justices.26 Receiv-
Diego Dzib, husband of Magdalena Ku, where ceremonially ing news of the whole affair, Governor Diego Fernandez de
sacrificed in a local cave. According to the wives of the mur- Velasco commissioned the cacique of Chancenote Don Juan
dered men who testified through the interpretation of Alonso Chan to undertake an expedition against the apostate Maya.27
Diaz de Alpuche the three pagan priests had murdered the two
men on the island of Nitzuc and had then thrown their bodies Other 17th century accounts reported that cave shrines
into a cave in a sort of ritual offering.23 and cave worship were important factors in both pre-Hispanic
and colonial Maya religion. For example, in 1605, while on
According to the two women who had lived in the apos- a hunting expedition in the woods, Juan Cansino, a Spaniard
tate communities, there were a large number of apostate and from the village of Valladolid stumbled across a cave filled
idolatrous Maya in the unpopulated region to the east of
Chacenote in hamlets called Tequiceh and Xamanake.24 More
than thirty Maya idolaters lived in the town of Tequiceh in susodicha idolatría del caso, 10 de mayo, 1601, AGI, Audiencia de
open idolatry. Another one hundred or more Maya lived in México, 140, folio 16.
the town of Xamanake along the coast under the leadership 26 See Ley XXXV: Que los ordinarios eclesiásticos conozcan
of a Batab Juan Ye.25 en causas de Fe contra los indios; y en hechizos y maleficios las
justicias reales, 1575, in Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias, Libro
VI, Tit. I, Ley XXXV, Tomo II, folio 192r. This law stated that it was
22 Ibid., folio 18. the right of the secular justices to punish “...hechiceros que matan
23 Testimonio de Ana Dzul en la averiguación de la con hechizos y usan de otros maleficios, procederan nuestras
susodicha idolatría del caso, 10 de mayo, 1601, AGI, Audiencia de Justicias Reales . . “
México, 140, folio 19. 27 Comisión del Gobernador de Yucatán Don Diego
24 Testimonio del Capitán Don Francisco de Villalobos Fernández de Velasco al Capitán Don Juan Chan para la reducción
Cárdenas en la probanza de los méritos y servicios del Indio de los pueblos de Tequiceh, Xamanake, Ticcoch, Cucumahaz,
Principal Don Juan Chan, 17 de mayo, 1617, AGI, Audiencia de Muchicu, Tikik y Ticancaba y la aprehensión de los matadores de
México, 140, 6 folios. los dos indios fieles, 30 de mayo, 1601, AGI, Audiencia de Mexico,
25 Testimonio de Magdalena Ku en la averiguación de la 140, folios 19–21.
236
with idols and recent offerings from the Maya of the village of Maya villagers on their knowledge of Christianity and found
Tihotzuco.28 While looking for rabbits and iguanas, Cansino that this was not the reason. He wrote to the King of Spain:
stumbled across a cave and when he went inside, he discov-
ered a large quantity of stone and clay idols. He found copal Many here tried to persuade me to believe that the cause [of
incense still burning and several fresh offerings of animal their idolatries] is born from their lack of proper doctrine ...
meat. Immediately he went to the Vicario of the parish, Fran- but during my pastoral visitation that I undertook in all of
cisco Ruiz Salvago and the Vicario accompanied him back to my bishopric ... I examined in each and every village a large
the cave with a group of Maya porters.29 number of Indians of all ages and stations ... and I found
them to be sufficiently instructed in the things of our faith
The next year 1606, Dr. Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar dis- ... thus it is not from lack of instruction that such a great sin
covered that the Maya of the village of Cehac had a cave arises ... it is out of their desire to preserve their idolatries
filled with idols. Even worse was the fact that the cave was that they persist in these abominations ... seeking the devil
not very far from the church!30 Accompanied by the cacique out in the many caves and forests of this province ...”33
Don Juan Chan, Dr. Sánchez de Aguilar went into the cave
and to his horror the cave was filled with idols and there were Moreover, caves and cenotes apparently not only served as
fresh offerings of copal and other animal sacrifices. With the the focal point of rituals of resistance to Christianity, but in
aid of the cacique, Aguilar smashed the idols upon the stone some case, the first acts of syncretism and the blending of
altars that were there in the cave.31 Maya and Christian imagery occurred in rituals that the Maya
conducted in caves. For instance, as early as 1605, Bishop
Earlier in 1605, the King of Spain, issued a royal cedula Diego Vásquez de Mercado complained:
informing the bishop of the great idolatry that engulfed his
province, and the need to be vigilant in rooting out the use of “... moreover, in several caves in the region of Valladolid,
caves in Maya rituals. The Crown wrote: more than eighty natives were discovered to have committed
idolatries in those caves with clay idols that they had fash-
“By means of a letter from Doctor Pedro Sánchez de Agu- ioned with horrible shapes, with each one of them called
ilar, I have understood that in many of the villages of this by their own names…they even gave some of these idols
bishopric there are many Indians guilty of idolatry, and even blasphemous names, calling them god the Father, another
though the ministers, both clerics and friars, exercise great one god the Son, and yet another one god the Holy Spirit,
caution in their conversion, because this land is very rugged and another Santa Maria, and giving still other idols the
and mountainous, and filled with many caves where they names of many other saints ...”34
hide and continue to conduct their idolatries.”32
As late as 1807 the local Vicario of Motul, Gregorio José
During the decade of the 1640s, the Bishops of Yucatan mar- Palomo, received reports on superstitious acts committed by
veled at the tenacious resistance of the Maya towards leav- more than twelve Maya men and women in the forest around
ing behind their ceremonies, especially those dedicated to the town. Palomo went to investigate the reports and found
Chac which they continued to conduct in caves and cenotes that eight Maya men and four women were guilty of commit-
throughout the peninsula. For example, during a pastoral ting routine rituals in several caves and cenotes in the region.
visitation of the province, the bishop Juan Alonso Ocón was According to his investigations, Palomo discovered that the
horrified to find that the Maya continued in their idolatrous Maya of the region worshipped the “Owners of those forests”
rituals in caves, not out of ignorance of Catholicism, but in and the “gods of the wind” whom they believed dwelled
resistance to it. Many of his clergy attempted to convince him within the caves and cenotes of the region.35
that this was caused by their lack of religious education and
training. The bishop himself examined a countless number of
Caves of Life, Caves of Death:
Caves as Places for Colonial Curing
28 Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatán, Tomo II, Libro VIII, and Medicinal Practices
capitulo X, p. 319. Caves remained so significant for the Maya because they be-
29 Carta del obispo de Yucatán sobre su visita pastoral y el lieved that they served as places to access the death gods who
estado de las idolatrías y reducciones de los indios, 1 de junio, 1606,
AGI, Audiencia de México, 369, 3 folios.
30 See Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar, Informe contra idolorum 33 Carta del obispo Juan Alonso Ocón al rey sobre las
cultores, p. 38. idolatrías y borracheras de los indios de Yucatán, 24 de febrero,
31 Información hecha ante su Señoría Reverendísimo Don 1643, AGI, Audiencia de México, 269, folios 447–450.
Diego Vásquez de Mercado, obispo de estas provincias de Yucatán, 34 Testimonio del obispo de la visita pastoral de este
a pedimento del Doctor Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar, beneficiado obispado de Yucatán, 14 de julio, 1642, AGI, Audiencia de México,
de Chancenote y Vicario General de esta Villa de Valladolid, 4 de 369, folios 462–464.
Diciembre, 1608, AGI, Audiencia de México, 299. 35 Información sobre los ritos y idolatrías cometidos por
32 See Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar, Informe contra idolorum algunos indios del partido de Motul, 1 de enero, 1807, AHAY,
cultores. Asuntos, Box # 1, 10 folios.
237
John F. Chuchiak IV
dwelled in the underworld. The Maya believed that caves vala was arrested and taken into custody by the Holy Office
were the entranceway into the underworld and therefore the of the Inquisition.40 As a mulatto he would be tried by the
cult of the Death God was closely associated with caves and Inquisition for using native Maya remedies and rituals in his
dry cenotes. Dry caves, associated with death and the absence curing practices.
of water, were seen to be the entranceways into the under-
world and the land of the death gods. Caves and cenotes with According to later testimony against him, José de Zavala,
water in them were reserved for the cult of the Rain God Chac. divined the cause of the diseases of his patients by using:
Pre-Hispanic and Colonial Maya priests and healers con- “A little colored stone that the Indians call Sastun, a stone of
tinued to offer sacrifices to the Death God Ah Puch in his their idolatries, and he also uses the ritual beverage balché
aspect of a god of illness in and around caves in order to re- and other implements such as copal incense to discern the
move an illness suffered by a patient. For example, in 1748, a causes of the illnesses ...”41
group of Maya from the region of Campeche offered incense
and other offerings to Ah Puch in order to cure the illness of The mulatto told the witnesses that he conducted these cer-
a Maya farmer.36 In their incantations they offered Ah Puch, emonies and others in caves in order to expel the cause of
whom they called the “bringer of disease, the spoiled one” those illnesses, which was “an evil air called Ix Hunyopolik.”
three gourds of a ritual maize drink called Saca and copal The mulato curandero furthermore chanted incantations to
incense, which they left at the entrance of a local dry cave, the Maya Lord of Death, Yum Cimil, who he believed was
in order to take away the illness.37 the origins of all diseases and evil airs. His rituals involved
calling him at the entrance to a certain cave to come and
In an 18th century copy of a Maya medicinal book, the receive the food and drink offerings in order to cure the dis-
Ritual of the Bacabs, there are several incantations similar to eases.42 The prisoner also admitted to conducting ceremonies
those used by the Maya healers near Campeche in 1748. In at the entrances to other caves and cenotes, calling forth both
these incantations Ah Puch, the Lord of Hell [metnal] and Yum Cimil and Ah Puch, the lords of death and disease, to
the “spoiled one” is said to have come from the mouth of a take back the evil winds they had sent. Central to all of these
dark cave. Notice the reference to the underworld and the colonial healing rituals were offerings and rituals conducted
death gods as the originators of disease and caves in this inside or near the entrances to caves.
incantation:
“... Where came you, when you came? From the heart of
Conclusion
Metnal, from the heart of the water. Where came you forth?
From the mouth of the dark cave. There came your cry from In conclusion, the Colonial evidence reveals that many offer-
Metnal; there came your cry from the horizon. Then you ings and idols continued to be discovered in caves, and pil-
hung there, the spoiled one of creation, the spoiled one of grimages to certain caves continue to this day. Both caves and
bursting flowers, the spoiled one of birth.”38 cenotes served as important sacred spaces where the Maya
could come in contact with their gods throughout the Colo-
Other cases of Maya offering sacrifices to Ah Puch, as the nial period. Similarly, as we have seen, Maya temples and
god of death and the origin of diseases occurred throughout shrines were also built in close proximity to caves or cenotes,
the colonial period. For instance, earlier in 1724, a practic- further emphasizing the sacred nature of caves in Colonial
ing Maya curer, the Mulatto José de Zavala, invoked the god Maya ritual. This chapter has examined the nature of Colonial
Ah Puch in a nearby cave and offered him copal incense in Maya cave worship and illustrated how caves and cenotes
order to divine the cause of a patient’s disease.39 He said that remained important sacred spaces in which Colonial Maya
a Maya curer had shown him how to offer sacrifices in that rituals continued to be performed. Numerous reports of cave
cave to the god of death in order to cure diseases and find rituals and what the Colonial clergy called acts of “idolatry”
the causes of his patients’ ills. Shortly afterward José de Za- occurring in caves signal the central importance of caves and
cenotes to the Colonial worship of the Maya Rain God Chac.
36 Proceso del Santo Oficio contra el español Francisco

Pantoja, por sospechas de idólatra, 1748, AGN, Inquisición, Vol.
908, Exp. 14, folios 166–193. 40 Denuncia de Tomas Ordóñez en contra del curandero
37 Testimonio de los indios idólatras reos, contra la Joseph Zavala por hechicería y idolatría, 1724, AGN, Ramo de
idolatría del español, Francisco Pantoja, 1748, AGN, Inquisición, Inquisición, Vol. 1164, ffs. 276–279.
Vol. 908, Exp. 14, folio 168v. 41 Proceso contra Joseph Zavala, de color pardo, vecino
38 See Ramón Arzápalo Marín, El Ritual de los Bacabes del pueblo de Xecelchakan, curandero, por maleficio, hechicería y
(México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1987), pp. idolatría, Yucatán, 1724, AGN, Ramo de Inquisición, Vol. 1164, ffs
346–347. 273–298.
39 Proceso contra Joseph Zavala, de color pardo, vecino 42 Sentencia con méritos, contra Joseph Zavala, reo que
del pueblo de Xecelchakan, curandero, por maleficio, hechicería y fue traído de Yucatán a México, sentenciado a la pena de azotes,
idolatría, Yucatán, 1724, AGN, Ramo de Inquisición, Vol. 1164, ffs y desterrado de Yucatán por ocho años, 1724, AGN, Ramo de
273–319. Inquisición, Vol. 1164, Exp. 23 A, 316–319.
238
By examining the ethnohistorical and archival evidence Cárdenas Valencia, Francisco de and Federico Gómez de Orozco
for Maya cave rituals and the information on Colonial Maya (eds.)
1639[1937] Relación historial eclesiástica de la provincia de
ritual specialists who officiated in these cave ceremonies, the
Yucatán de la Nueva España: escrita el año de 1639. México:
continuities and changes that occurred in Maya cave worship Antigua Librería Robredo, J. Porrúa e Hijos.
throughout the colonial period can be better understood. The
number of incidents of cave rituals and idolatry occurring in Chuchiak IV, John F.
caves and their increasing frequency throughout the Colonial 2000 The Indian Inquisition and the Extirpation of Idolatry: The
period signals the pivotal significance of caves and cenotes Process of Punishment in the Ecclesiastical Courts of the Pro-
to the worship of colonial Maya religion. visorato de Indios in Yucatán, 1563–1812. PhD thesis, Tulane
University.
2001 Pre-Conquest Ah Kinob in a Colonial World: The Extirpation
The sacred nature of caves remained important enough of Idolatry and the Survival of the Maya Priesthood in Colonial
during the Colonial period, that there appears to have been Yucatán, 1563–1697. In: Ueli Hostettler and Matthew Restall
an increase in the number of cave rituals. As the Colonial (eds.), Maya Survivalism, pp. 135-160. Acta Mesoamericana
evidence from a database of more than 4,732 cases suggests, 12. Markt Schwaben: Verlag Anton Saurwein.
the Yucatec Maya, out of necessity, had to adapt a changing 2002 Toward a Regional Definition of Idolatry: Reexamining Idola-
nature of sacred space, transforming their religious ceremo- try Trials in the Relaciones de Méritos and their role in defin-
ing the Concept of Idolatria in Colonial Yucatán, 1570–1780.
nies and ritual spaces in the later Colonial period in order to
Journal of Early Modern History 6 (2): 1–29.
avoid persecution from the Catholic Clergy.43 2003 “It is their Drinking that Hinders Them”: Balché and the Use
of Ritual Intoxicants among the Colonial Yucatec Maya, 1550–
This suggests that regardless of persecution, the Maya 1780. Estudios de Cultura Maya 24: 137–171.
continued to resist repression and utilize their traditional 2004 The Images Speak: The Survival and Production of Hiero-
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240
How the Hell?
Thoughts on the Colonial Demonization of the
Maya Underworld
Jesper Nielsen
University of Copenhagen
Abstract
This paper discusses how the 16th century application of Euro-Christian and Classical models upon Meso-
american cosmology has influenced some of our most important descriptions of the underworld of the Maya.
Michael Coe (1975) first pointed out that the formation of the Maya Hell was a result of preconceived ideas
in the minds of friars like Diego de Landa, but here I delve deeper into the process of the transformation of an
originally ambiguous Maya underworld into a Judeo-Christian scheme centered on sin, punishment and the
abode of evil. Looking beyond the dialectic perception of the underworld as a diametrical opposition to the
heavenly sphere, we may grasp new aspects of the pre-Columbian Maya understanding of the world below.
Resumen
En este artículo se analiza cómo influyó la aplicación de los modelos del cristianismo europeo y de la antigüe-
dad clásica en la cosmología mesoamericana en algunas de las descripciones más importantes del inframun-
do maya. Michael Coe (1975) fue quien señaló por primera vez que la formación del infierno maya fue el
resultado de ideas preconcebidas por parte de los frailes, como Diego de Landa. Sin embargo, en el presente
estudio, yo profundizo con mayor detenimiento en el proceso de la transformación de un inframundo maya
originalmente ambiguo, a un planteamiento judeocristiano enfocado en el pecado, el castigo y la morada
del mal. Si miramos más allá de la percepción dialéctica del inframundo, en donde este está en el extremo
opuesto con respecto a la esfera celestial, podremos captar nuevos aspectos acerca del entendimiento de los
mayas prehispánicos sobre el mundo inferior.
In 1833, the king of Vietnam had an edict written in order to This quote will serve to remind us that the idea of a heaven-
suppress Christian missionaries within his realm. The first ly paradise and fiery, underground hell –conceived as two
lines read: diametrically opposed realms– is not universal, and when
Christian missionaries attempted to impose this particular
I, Minh-Mang, the king, speak thus. For many years men worldview onto other societies and cultures, it was not always
from the Occident have been preaching the religion of Chris- welcome, and it was not always accepted in the first place. In
tianity and deceiving the public, teaching them that there this brief article I present some observations on how the 16th
is a mansion of supreme bliss and a dungeon of dreadful century application of Euro-Christian and Classical models of
misery. They have no respect for Buddha and no reverence the cosmos upon Mesoamerican worldview and religion seem
for ancestors: Could anything more contrary to reason and to have affected some of our most important descriptions of
custom be imagined? (cited from Hughes 1968: 7) central concepts in Maya worldview– and in Mesoamerican
Jesper Nielsen
cosmology more broadly speaking. I will concentrate on the Mesoamerican and early colonial studies. The growing reali-
early colonial sources, such as Diego de Landa’s Relación zation and awareness that the period saw a close collaboration
de las Cosas de Yucatán (Tozzer 1941) and the Popol Wuj and mutual influence of Mesoamerican and Euro-Christian
(Christenson 2003), that provide information on the under- individuals, religious concepts, cultural practices and lan-
world, its inhabitants and its possible role in Maya concepts guages etc. has challenged previous views on the period and
of the afterlife. In several cases I make comparisons with the formation of post-Conquest Mesoamerican colonial so-
central Mexico, and the Aztec in particular. Although there cieties (e.g., Ricard 1966; Kubler 1961). A series of highly
may have been differences in how, for instance, Xibalba and influential works have re-approached and reinterpreted the
Mictlan were perceived in these two regions of Mesoame- contact period and the colonial sources, asking new questions
rica, there is a general consent that Mesoamerican religious of old issues and challenging long-held views –among them
traditions shared numerous fundamental ideas and features are the seminal works by James Lockhart on the Nawas after
across time and space that do in fact make such comparative the conquest (1992), those by Nancy Farriss (1984), Inga
studies worthwhile. As first pointed out by Michael Coe the Clendinnen (1987) and Matthew Restall (1997) on the Maya
formation of the Maya “Hell” was very much a product of in the aftermath of the Spanish invasion, as well as the new
the preconceived ideas about the underworld in the minds perspectives on the role of the indigenous population in the
of friars like Landa (Coe 1975). Following a definition of conquest recently offered by various authors (e.g., Restall
hell as “a divinely sanctioned place of eternal torment for 1998, 2003; Matthew and Oudijk 2007). In a similar vein,
the wicked” (Bernstein 1993: 3), I believe a fundamental is- Stephanie Wood has examined how the conquest, Europeans
sue at play here, is the Judeo-Christian tradition’s definitive and European material culture were perceived by the native
distinction between the ultimate good and evil, both in terms inhabitants of central Mexico (Wood 2003). A number of
of supernatural entities (God / Jesus / Virgin Mary versus studies have focused on the religious beliefs and practices of
Satan) and locations (Paradise versus Hell) –something that the post-Conquest period, including the reinterpretation and
cannot readily be identified in pre-Columbian Mesoamerican appropriation of Euro-Christian ideas by indigenous popula-
religions, cosmologies and ideas of the sacred landscape (see tions, as well as their role in the production of religious imag-
Diaz 2015). Thus, we should approach the subject of Meso- es in books and on the walls of churches and monasteries in
american cosmologies and cosmographies by questioning New Spain (e.g., Peterson 1993, 1995; Schroeder and Poole
some of the analytical categories that tend to predispose our 2007; and several contributions in Cecil and Pugh 2009),
understanding of these otherworldly spaces –derived from a whereas others have investigated the increasing conflicts
Western, Christian point of view, such as the conviction that between the emerging bi-cultural indigenous leadership and
“heaven” is always and only a fixed space above us, and the the Inquisition (Lopes Don 2010). Furthermore, an increasing
“underworld” exclusively a subterranean, dark place inhabit- number of articles and books have been published specifi-
ed by dreadful and dangerous creatures (see also discussion cally on the topic of the syncretistic process of intermingling
in Graham 2011: 59–85; Somohano, this volume). As part of Old and New World religious ideas, that is, the adoption
of this we must also familiarize ourselves with the historio- and remodeling of Christian themes and concepts that led to
graphical background concerning central cosmological con- the creation of what can be called Mexican Catholicism(s),
cepts and models from medieval and renaissance Europe (see including what is sometimes referred to as Nawa Christiani-
Diaz 2011; Mikulska 2015; Nielsen and Reunert 2015). This ty and Maya Catholicism (Graham 2011; Christensen 2013).
perspective is particular pertinent due to the fact that these The important issue of conversion and the closely related
concepts have played a major role in the way the Mesoamer- question of language and religion and the transmittal of re-
ican cosmos has been restructured since the first half of the ligious ideas and concepts across language boundaries was
16th century. In an earlier study Toke Reunert and I have sug- first treated in depth in Louise Burkhart’s classic book The
gested that the multi-layered cosmic model that has become Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Dialogue in Sixteenth-Cen-
generally accepted to a degree of near-orthodoxy is in fact tury Mexico (Burkhart 1989), a milestone in the research on
based on a limited set of colonial sources, and we suggested the evangelization process in New Spain (see also Díaz Bal-
that the cosmological scheme of 13 layers in the heaven and sera 2005) and specifically the highly complex situation of
9 in the underworld was only introduced after the European transferring Christian concepts into an indigenous language,
conquest, rather than reflecting a genuinely pre-Columbian a subject also investigated by other scholars (Anderson 1993;
conception of the cosmos (Nielsen and Reunert 2009). In the Christensen 2013; Kirkhusmo Pharo 2007, 2009).
following I employ a similar critical approach to our accus-
tomed way of talking and writing about the “below” in Maya Descriptions of the indigenous cosmos appear in sever-
and Mesoamerican cosmology, as well as where such notions al early colonial documents from Mesoamerica, although
and preconceptions may have come from in the first place. often in a fragmented and/or contradictory fashion and it
is nearly impossible to find two sources that offer the same
exact version of the cosmological structure. For the late 16th
century missionaries, and for most late 19th and early 20th
Background
century Mesoamericanists, the Mesoamerican universe con-
Before turning to a more detailed discussion of the under- sisted of three basic and clearly defined and differentiated
world and its “hellish” attributes, I will briefly place this study spaces. Heaven was conceived of as a well-lit, diaphanous
and some of its underlying methodological and theoretical place, whereas the underworld was a dark, ominous region to
considerations in a broader framework within the field of which the majority of the dead were confined. Between them,
242
the earth was seen as an intermediate, neutral space inhabited affects our way of thinking and writing about the realm of the
by men. Scholars have suggested that in almost all of the underworld. Mary Miller and Linda Schele (1986: 267–268)
so-called “ancient civilizations”, such as the Egyptian, the stated that the Classic Maya Hell was different from Xibalba
Sumerian and ancient Greek, similar beliefs existed, indicat- described in the Popol Wuj, and then, somewhat self-contra-
ing that they were all different versions of a universal concept dictory, went on to describe what Classic Maya Xibalbans
and shared cosmological structure (e.g., Matos Moctezuma looked like –describing wahy creatures and death gods. Yet,
2013). Although such generalizations have been criticized in the term Xibalba is not attested in any known glyphic text. We
recent years (see Olivier 2010; Sahlins 1996, 2008; Nielsen do not have a secure term for the entire underworld in Maya
and Reunert 2009), the topic has not yet received the attention inscriptions (although we do have mythological toponyms
it deserves in Mesoamerican studies. However, it should be that refer to watery, dark and underworldly places, see Stuart
acknowledged that this structure is only one of many possible and Houston 1994: 69–80) and we are not able to say with
ways of presenting what could very well have been a much certainty whether wahy creatures were only to be encountered
more dynamic and less static cosmological model. Although in underworld-like environments.
several fundamental aspects were undoubtedly held common,
there was probably never one, stable pan-Mesoamerican vi-
sion of the universe from the Preclassic to the Postclassic.
Other Underworlds:
One way of approaching and perceiving the upperworld and
A Comparative Perspective
the underworld is by visualizing them as multifaceted regions,
as complex as many of the Mesoamerican deities and super- In order to approach the significance and symbolism associ-
natural entities, and thus impossible to categorize in simplis- ated with the underworld or the “below” in Mesoamerica, I
tic “light-dark”, “good-evil”, “alive-dead” opposition pairs believe a broad comparative perspective, geographically as
that dominate much of the Judeo-Christian way of thinking, well as chronological, offers the most appropriate frame of
and –to some degree– western scholarly traditions (Graham understanding. In pre-industrial agricultural societies we thus
2011: 64–66). In her book Mexican and Central American often find that the underworld was morally neutral (Bernstein
Mythology, Irene Nicholson stated that: 1993: 8). In ancient Mesopotamia it was believed that beneath
earth existed a cavernous underworld, a dry and dark place
where the city of the dead was located, and where the souls of
“From a flat cross-section of the world represented by the the dead, the gods of the underworld and the spirits of diseas-
cardinal points and diverse colours, there rose a ladder of es lived (Trigger 2003: 450). In the minds of the Babylonians
thirteen rungs leading to heaven; and another leading down- the underworld was essentially a storehouse of the dead. To
ward by nine steps to hell” (Nicholson 1967: 22). the Greeks and Romans of the Classical world the underworld
was the recipient of the dead, but equally the “[s]ource of
fertile crops pushing their way upward to the sun, [and] the
This view more or less sums up the general idea of Meso- underworld also symbolized rebirth” (Russell 1997: 18), and
american cosmology, and similar views are not uncommon in conceived of as a “granary for seed […] and a warehouse
textbooks on the Maya or other Mesoamerican cultures. Here for the dead” (Bernstein 1993: 22). As further pointed out by
it is important to emphasize that I do not argue that there is Alan Bernstein in his book The Formation of Hell there was
no distinction between the concept of an underworld and the to the Greek an overlap “between the underworld as grave
celestial realm in Mesoamerican beliefs, or that there were (necropolis, city of the dead, catacomb) and granary, the con-
no frightening aspects of the darkness of the world below, nection between the inner earth and the fertility of its surface”
but we know that the sky also housed powerful and feared (Bernstein 1993: 39). Among the Inka, the realm beneath the
creatures. From the Aztecs, for example, we know that en- earth was known as hurin or ucu pacha, and was associated
tities, phenomena and qualities normally attributed to the with the night and with the creator god known as Viracocha
underworld could also be associated with the heavenly realm, (Trigger 2003: 451; see also Urton 1999: 36–37). As Bruce
such as the feared fleshless star demons of darkness tzitzime Trigger summarized it:
or lethal rays of Venus deities (see Miller and Taube 1993:
166, 180–181, 176). Thus, the sources quickly shatter the im-
age of an exclusively paradisiacal heaven. However, scholars “Most cosmographies posited some form of counterpart of
have often, perhaps unwittingly, reproduced, through their the sky located under the earth. Especially in civilizations
choice of words (nouns, adjectives, etc.), the Biblical world- that interred the dead, this underworld was equated with
view and the definitive distinction between two supernatural death and decay and populated with the deities, spirits, and
locations: One for the ultimate good and one for the ultimate souls of the dead. Because the surface of the earth provided
evil. Karl Taube thus entitled his article on centipedes and food for humans, it was often concluded that the underworld
serpents in Maya iconography “Maws of Heaven and Hell”, was a place of regeneration, where death gave rise to new
but never used the two terms again, except from the conclu- life” (Trigger 2003: 454).
sion where he talks about “the hellish realm” and the “dark
depths of Metnal” (Taube 2003: 438), contrasting it with a
paradise-like garden in the heavens. Thus, the concepts of a We thus find a repeated pattern where the underworld is a
heavenly paradise and a hellish underworld and the associat- highly ambiguous and two-sided place, containing what we
ed terminology that was introduced in the colonial period still would characterize as creative as well as destructive powers.
243
Jesper Nielsen
This is also evident in the representations of the androgynous 2008). It is therefore noteworthy that in the rich corpus of
Aztec earth god Tlaltecuhtli which embodies the earth and pre-Columbian inscriptions and iconography the notion of
soil which receives the dead, transforms the corpses and then a blissful heaven and a horrible hell-like netherworld is not
(re)produces life (Miller and Taube 1993: 167–168; López well confirmed. As for the already-mentioned wahy creatures,
Luján 2010: 101–118). Tlatecuhtli is thus responsible for the we have two examples, both from Copan, that suggest that
consumption of the dead and giving birth to new life, and they indeed did inhabit the underworld, or to be more precise,
in this sense the underworld is best described as a place of the inside of the earth and mountains. On Copan Stela N such
regenerative powers, a place of decomposing and germina- wahy beings thus appear from the maws of the underworld
tion. It is certainly also a strange and dark place –unknown, –yet, they do so along with deified regal ancestors, which do
unfamiliar and the home of the dead, it was comparable to not confirm their abode as a hell-like, evil place. On the fa-
this world, yet completely different. As such it was a place mous incised peccary skull wahy entities are shown in another
that most people would fear. world, and through a quatrefoil portal we seem to be given a
glimpse of the earthly realm, with two, seated human lords,
If we turn to a few ethnographic monographs that have named mak’om ‘tapaderos’– probably referring to their role
recorded present-day Maya concept of the cosmos, we often as the ones who keep the portal shut or decides when to open
find the Euro-Christian heaven-hell opposition confirmed, it (see Helmke and Nielsen 2009: 57). What is important to
including the belief that the death god Kisin is a devilish stress here, is that we are not provided with a name of their
creature of the underworld who will torment liars, murderers home, and although this is apparently somewhere within
and sinners, and some researchers seem to have accepted the earth, there is nothing as such to suggest that this was
this as evidence of a continuity of such beliefs from pre-Co- an exclusively terrible or hellish place. Rather, the overall
lumbian times until the present. This is particular clear in impression provided by the iconographic corpus is that the
some studies of, or based upon, Lacandon Maya beliefs doc- underworld was as a dark and ambivalent place, and home to
umented in the early 20th century (e.g., Tozzer 1907: 156; complementary forces and entities.
Vail 1998: 176–177). This is evident in the myth called U
K’ak’il Metla’an (‘The Fires of Metlan’) where a Lacandon
man is shown the terrors of the underworld which awaits all
Translating Supernatural Realms
sinners. Jon McGee (1990: 108–111) who fails to recognize
the obvious Christian influence in the story notes: “If a [dead] Turning now to a more narrow focus on the early colonial
person is guilty of theft, lying, or murder during his or her sources, from which so many of our interpretations of Mes-
life, the Sukunkyum [chief lord of the underworld and of oamerican religious beliefs derive, a first and critical step is
souls after death] gives the soul to Kisin (the god of death) to constantly be aware of the cultural bias and expectations
for punishment” (McGee 1990: 108). Others, however, have of the friars who authored the majority of these sources. In
long been viewing concepts such as sin and punishment in the the minds of most Europeans of the early 16th century Mesoa-
afterlife, not as indigenous, but as Christian imports. As Rob- merican peoples like the Aztec were conceived of as civilized
ert Redfield commented in The Folk Culture of Yucatan, there pagans, and in order to describe and understand their heathen
are several elements in Yucatec Maya religion and worldview practices, writers like Bernardino de Sahagún occasionally
that can be ascribed to Catholic Christianity, among them: compared Aztec deities and rituals with those of the ancient
“the devil, punishment after death, a celestial heaven and a Greeks and Romans –the civilized pagans of the Old World.
subterranean hell, the Last Judgement, elements of the story Thus, Classical gods became templates for Mexica deities,
of the birth of Christ and the Passion” (Redfield 1941: 91; see as when Sahagún describes Huitzilopochtli as “otro Her-
also Farriss 1984: 286–319). Why so few other Euro-Chris- cules” and Tezcatlipoca as “otro Jupiter” (Sahagún 1979: I:
tian concepts appear to have taken root among the Lacandon 10). Eventually, however, Huitzilopochtli became identified
remains to be explained, but the notion of a separation of with the devil, and his name entered European culture as a
the dead according to their deeds and behavior while they synonym for the great enemy in Christian theology (Boone
were alive, and assigning sinners to a place of punishment 1989). Another example of an attempt to translate an aspect of
does not seem to be of pre-Columbian Mesoamerican origin. a Mesoamerican culture is of course Landa’s famous “ABC”
Apart from such hybrid forms, we also encounter narratives of Maya writing. In this particular case, the Franciscan’s op-
about the underworld that may in fact reflect a larger degree tions for Old World comparisons were severely limited and
of continuity from pre-Columbian times. For example, as he obviously had immense problems in understanding and
described by anthropologist Timothy Knab, the underworld recording a script that was not alphabetic, and thus ended up
of the present-day Nawa of the Sierra in Puebla, known as with no more than 27 hieroglyphic signs (notwithstanding
Talocan, is not a hellish place, but rather a mirror image of the immense importance this list of signs has had as a “Ro-
the our world, yet existing in darkness and only accessible in setta Stone” in the decipherment of Maya writing) (e.g., Coe
dreams through caves, streams and wells. To underscore the 1992). In the central Mexican highlands, when realizing that
resemblance to the world of the living, Talocan has its own the Nawatl-speaking peoples believed that one of several af-
towns and county seats –14 of them all– connected by roads terworlds was described as a fertile and beautiful place full
and buses (Knab 1991, 1995). Allen Christenson has docu- of rivers, springs and trees, and referred to as Tlalocan, the
mented similar ideas among the Tz’utujil Maya of Santiago friars were quick to merge and equate this location with the
Atitlan who describe the world of the dead as identical to Christian idea of “Paradise” (Peterson 1993: 136–137; see
this one and located within a sacred mountain (Christenson also Russell 1997: 12–17). In this logic, the afterworld situ-
244
ated below us, Mictlan, could only be equated with hell –and thermore said to be inhabited by spirits that cause sickness. J.
so it was. In some cases, the friars must have felt that their Eric S. Thompson noted that the same term for the underworld
suspicions that the indigenous populations were worshipping is found in Moran’s Cholti dictionary (Thompson 1938: 595;
and communicating with the devil in Hell were indeed con- see also Tozzer 1941: 132, note 617), and Taube notes that
firmed. In Mesoamerican iconography (and in Aztec writing) in Colonial Yucatec: “The root xib has such connotations as
caves were frequently represented as the mouth of an “earth ‘death’ and ‘fright’”, whereas xibalbail is translated as “cosa
monster”, whereas a strikingly similar motif, almost identical, infernal” and xibalbayen as “cosa diabólica” (Taube 1994:
in Christian iconography, the Mouth of Hell, represented the 13). Landa makes reference to a dance called “Xibalba okot”
entrance to the realm of Satan and were sometimes depict- or as he translates it: “dance of the devil” (Tozzer 1941: 147).
ed as a naturalistically looking cave mouth (Hughes 1968: However, friar Thomás Coto informs us that to the Kaqchikel:
175–201; Graham 2011: 265–272). For the Mesoamericans, “Xibalbay significaba demonio o los difuntos o visiones que
however, caves were used for a series of varied and complex se aparecían a los indios” (cited from Mendoza 1962: 79;
ritual performances, and were associated with rain, fertility, my emphasis). In other words, apart from the cultural bias
emergence, the first humans and the beginning of history – expressed by the term ‘demonio’, we here see that Xibalba
not the entrance to a place of eternal suffering (e.g., Heyden was also simply a place associated with the dead. These few
1975; Taube 1986; Brady and Prufer 2005; Prufer and Brady examples serve to remind us about the dubious character of
2005; Nielsen and Brady 2006; Helmke 2009). In this case, some of the colonial period translations and the subsequent
then, the manner of representation was stunningly similar cosmological reconstructions based upon them (see also Niel-
but the content and meaning of the imagery was far from it. sen and Fritz Hansen 2015). Words like “infernal, diabolical”
and “devil” were used for very different kinds of supernatural
With regard to the Maya underworld and its inhabitants, entities and locations, and we must therefore also consider
the colonial sources provide us with some interesting descrip- whether Christian perceptions and values have already crept
tions. Beginning with Landa’s Relación from c. 1566 we read into the Popol Wuj, which is normally considered more or
the following (Tozzer 1941: 131–132, see also Coe 1975: 89): less free of Euro-Christian influence. For instance, when the
Hero Twins have defeated the lords of Xibalba and tell them
that they no longer will be given “the children of the light”
“The penalties of a bad life, which they said that the bad as their offerings: “Only the sinner and the malevolent, the
would suffer, were to go to a place lower than the other, wretch and the molester who clearly have sinned, will be
which they called Metnal, which means “hell” and be tor- given to you” (Christenson 2003: 187). This description does
mented in it by the devils and by great extremities of hunger, not correspond to what we know from the central Mexican
cold, fatigue and grief. They maintained that there was in sources, in which we are informed that an individual’s post-
this place a devil, the prince of all the devils, whom they all death destiny did not depend on one’s moral behavior while
obeyed, and they call him in their language Hunhau”. alive, but rather the circumstances of his or her death (e.g,
Dibble and Anderson 1978: 41–49). Assuming that compa-
rable beliefs existed among the Late Postclassic K’iche’, this
In this telling quote, we immediately recognize Landa’s Eu- passage from the Popol Wuj may reflect Christian thoughts
ro-Christian bias and the influence of a Christian cosmolo- associated with Hell and underworldly punishment for those
gical template. Interestingly, he notes that Metnal (or Mitnal who have been sinful in their earthly lives. It is interesting to
and presumably a loanword from Aztec Mictlan) was ruled by note that the expression ”Children of the light” also appears
a devil prince, named Hunhau (Hunahau), that is, Jun Ajaw or in the Bible, in Thessalonians (5:5) where Paul says: ”Ye are
‘1 Lord’. In the early 17th century Motul Maya Dictionary the all children of light, and children of the day: we are not of
variant term Cumhau is translated as ‘Lucifer, prince of the the night, nor of darkness”. Thus, a sharp divide between the
devils’ (see Tozzer 1941: 132; Christensen 2013: 40–41, see righteous, associated with light and the day, and the sinners,
also Vail in press), a term also employed by the Franciscans in linked to the darkness of the night was used as metaphorical
central Mexico for Mictlantecuhtli, the ruler of the Aztec un- means to express the two core concepts of ‘good’ and ‘evil’.
derworld Mictlan (Burkhart 2000: 152). It has been suggested Although the expression “children of the light” (saqil k’ajol)
that Jun Ajaw is a reference to Kisin, one of the Maya death was in use in K’iche’ before the Spanish conquest to signify
gods, or to one of the Hero Twins known from Classic Maya offspring or descendants of an ancestor or the subjects of a
mythology, namely Jun Ajaw. In this connection it is worth king (see Sachse, this volume), it is remarkable that it appears
emphasizing that in the Popol Wuj, the Hero Twin’s father in the Popol Wuj exactly where the text describes the sepa-
and uncle, Jun Junajpuj and his brother Wuqub’ Junajpuj find ration of the souls of the rightful and those of sinners. This
a symmetrical set of rulers in Xibalba, namely Jun Kame and would suggest that even though the expression was known
Wuqub Kame, ‘One Death’ and ‘Seven Death’. The relation- and used before the introduction of Christianity in the Gua-
ship between these two sets of brothers is poorly understood, temalan highlands, it was, in this particular case, employed
but the apparent reflection of the two does suggest a deeper in order to signal a fundamental tenet in Christian theology.
significance and cosmological symmetry.
That Xibalba was indeed a rather complex supernatural
The toponym Xibalba is translated by Allen Christenson location is revealed by the fact that even though it was consid-
as ‘Place of Fear’ and this underworldly realm is ruled by the ered the abode of death gods, as well as supernatural entities
aforementioned death lords (Christenson 2003: 114), and fur- responsible for diseases, it also fathered the daughter, the
245
Jesper Nielsen
maiden Xkik’ or ‘Lady Blood’, who eventually became the interpret references and images related to the underworld,
mother of the Hero Twins, and who was partly a product of its layout and denizens (see also Fitzsimmons 2014). In my
the underworld. Furthermore, it is from the underworld that point of view, some of the questions I believe we need to
maize is reborn (at least in the Classic period version of the pose ourselves are for example: Are wahy creatures truly the
Hero Twin myth). Thus, in the Popol Wuj we may be looking inhabitants of an underworld, or do we simply expect them
at a somewhat skewed image of the underworld, emphasiz- to belong there? Is the abode of the death deities exclusively
ing the features that corresponded with the Christian Hell. that of the underworld? We should not simply assume that
It would seem that to the Maya Xibalba was indeed a dark, supernatural creatures that look dreadful and horrible to us
unfamiliar place of strong and powerful forces related to life belonged only to an underworldly sphere, and in particular
and death, and as such a feared place –but it contained both not so knowing how biased the colonial sources are on such
malevolent as well as benevolent powers. issues. Perhaps we should rather think of the underworld as a
place with different locations or sections, some good, or per-
Comparing these observations with the data from central haps rather neutral and relatively safe, and others dangerous.
Mexico, some interesting parallels become apparent. Sa- In this sense the “below” could constitute a mirror image of
hagún, in the Spanish text of the Appendix to Book 3 of the everyday world experienced by the Maya in which the
the Florentine Codex, refers to Mictlan as “Infierno” and kaaj or kab (‘village and associated lands’) and luum (‘ag-
Mictlantecuhtli is described simply as a “diablo” (Sahagún ricultural lands’) contrasted with wild and dangerous k’a’ax
1979: III: fol. v23). In the Nawatl-Spanish part of Alonso de (‘forest, uncultivated lands’) (Restall 1997: 19–40; Tokovin-
Molina’s dictionary the pattern is the same, and Mictlan is ine 2013: 43; see also Grube 2014).
thus translated as “Hell” and mictlancayotl is “something
hellish” (Molina 2008 [1571]: 56). However, Sahagún also 40 years ago Michael Coe wrote about: “bloodcurdling
lets us know that Mictlantecuhtli and his consort Mictecaci- monsters from the depths of Xibalbá” (Coe 1978: 13), and
huatl were equally referred to as “Our father and our mother” Maya deities like God A and God L were uniformly described
(Dibble and Anderson 1969: 21, 27; see Mikulska 2015). as gods of the underworld. Likewise, Gabrielle Vail noted
In a recent study of Aztec cosmology, Katarzyna Mikulska that several Maya deities in the codices have associations
observes that there are more similarities than differences be- with “death and sacrifice, suggesting a connection to the
tween the heavenly location of Omeyocan and Mictlan, since underworld” (Vail 1998: 169). Yet, only in very few cases is
both are considered the residence of a creator god, and she it clear that these deities are in fact associated with this loca-
notes that as much in Mictlan, as in Omeyocan, the creation tion and not any other supernatural realm. Thus, the evidence
and birth of human beings are accomplished (Mikulska 2015). seems limited when it comes to any fixed placement in the
Thus, Mictlan ‘the place of the dead’ is, to use Mikulska’s cosmological scheme. As a skeletal or decomposing figure,
description “the source of life-giving bone matter”, and the God A is certainly associated with death and the underworld
bony, skeletal appearance of the ruling couple of Mictlan is undoubtedly one of his domains, but I think we should be
not only indicate their quality as dead, but at the same time, careful not to lock him up down there, so to speak. Thus, he
their capacity to create or recreate. I suspect that to the Maya also appears alongside other deities not normally considered
Xibalba and Metnal were originally places very much like inhabitants of the underworld, and God A may in fact be a
Mictlan. However, the descriptions that have come down to much more complex and nuanced entity, akin to Mictlante-
us, affected in various degrees by Euro-Christian theology cuhtli in Aztec religion. The role and abode of another under-
and cosmology, sought, whether purposefully or inadver- world deity, God L, is equally unclear with closer scrutiny.
tently, to correlate the Mesoamerican underworlds with Hell, As Taube points out, Günter Zimmermann first characterized
thereby reducing or completely neglecting the complexity God L as a benevolent deity, but later Coe identified him as
and complementarity of these. As Louise Burkhart (2000: “one of the principal lords of the underworld” (Taube 1994:
147) has formulated it concerning Mictlan, the underworld 79). According to Taube, God L is god of the underworld
was: “no longer the cold and shadowy but morally neutral regions and: “One of the most striking images of his under-
place into which the spirits of ordinary mortals had always world office occurs on the Princeton Vase” (Taube 1994: 79).
faded away”. This is arguably the most well-known portrait of God L, but
what qualifies this as a scene taking place in an underworld
court? Thus, it is not readily apparent what qualifies the pala-
tial scene as one situated in the underworld, and the presence
Concluding Remarks
of what might be the Jaguar God of the Underworld on the
In a recent book on death and the Classic Maya kings, James roof comb would seem to be only an indication of God L’s
Fitzsimmons notes: “While studies have been made of its established association with darkness and the underworld
general properties and inhabitants, there continues to be some realm. In fact, Taube provides ample evidence that God L
confusion as to what is properly an Underworld motif ver- was a highly complex figure: “having both mortuary and
sus a supernatural one” (2009: 48). In this regard I agree life-giving attributes” (Taube 1994: 81), and his role as a
with Fitzsimmons, because what do we actually know of deity associated with trade and riches is also well-known. In
the geography, or topography, of the pre-Columbian Maya other words, we can observe some of the same dual, comple-
underworld and its inhabitants? In spite of his comment and mentary roles as noted for the central Mexican underworld
call for further studies, Fitzsimmons approach the subject deities. Furthermore, the narrative of the Regal Rabbit Vase
within the established framework of how to perceive and (K1398) shows us that the doings of God L were by no means
246
Brady, James E. and Keith M. Prufer (eds.)

confined to the underworld (e.g., Helmke 2012: 181–183), 2005 In the Maw of the Earth Monster: Mesoamerican Ritual Cave
and he most certainly also interacted with deities in other Use. Austin: University of Texas Press.
otherworldy realms.
Burkhart, Louise M.
In conclusion, it can be said that our models for the Maya 1989 The Slippery Earth: Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Six-
and Mesoamerican underworlds are to a great extent based teenth-Century Mexico. Tucson: The University of Arizona
upon, or influenced by, Euro-Christian colonial sources that Press.
sought to create parallels with Christian cosmology and the 2000 Ancestors in Limbo: Christ’s Descent to Hell in Nahua-Chris-
idea of Hell, the terrible and undesirable place of punishment. tian Literature. In: Eloise Quiñones Keber (ed.), In Chalchi-
huitl, in Quetzalli: Precious Greenstone, Precious Quetzal
We thus seem to have inherited the notion that dangerous and Feather. Mesoamerican Studies in Honor of Doris Heyden, pp.
evil creatures are only, or mainly, found below us –reached 147–155. Lancaster: Labyrinthos.
through caves that lead to the dark regions within earth. As
phrased by Gabrielle Vail: “The categorization of Maya k’uh Cecil, Leslie G. and Timothy W. Pugh (eds.)
as demonios or dioses undertaken by the Franciscan friars 2009 Maya Worldviews at Conquest. Boulder: University of Col-
led to the development of a dichotomy between the celestial orado Press.
and underworld regions” (Vail in press). Therefore it is prob-
lematic to describe Maya religion as permeated by a dualistic Christensen, Mark Z.
theme based on oppositions rather than complementarity, 2013 Nahua and Maya Catholicisms: Texts and Religion in Colonial
or, as one widely read textbook on the Maya puts it: “an Central Mexico and Yucatan. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
eternal struggle between the powers of the good and the evil”
(Sharer and Traxler 2006: 730). Future studies should aim to
look beyond the Euro-Christian dialectic perception of the
2003 Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Maya. Winchester/New
underworld as the diametrical opposition to the heavenly York: O Book.
sphere. Again, this is not to deny that the Maya and other 2008 Places of Emergence: Sacred Mountains and Cofradía Ceremo-
Mesoamerican peoples believed in dreaded and feared beings nies. In: John E. Staller (ed.), Pre-Columbian Landscapes of
of the dark, interior spaces below us. Human experiences and Creation and Origin, pp. 95–121. New York: Springer Verlag.
observations based on venturing underground surely laid the
foundation and continuously reaffirmed the notion that this Clendinnen, Inga
is a dark, wet and unwelcoming location where ordinary 1987 Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniards in Yucatan, 1517–
human senses are challenged or suspended –as if being mo- 1570. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
mentarily dead. Yet, as a place of moisture and darkness the
womb-like underworld also contained the primordial and Coe, Michael D.
1975 Death and the Ancient Maya. In: Elizabeth P. Benson (ed.),
regenerative forces that would allow the creation of new life
Death and the Afterlife in Pre-Columbian America, pp. 87–104.
and emergence. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collections.
1978 Lords of the Underworld: Masterpieces of Classic Maya Ce-
Acknowledgements ramics. Princeton: The Art Museum / Princeton University
I would like to thank the organizers of the 19th European Press.
Maya Conference in Bratislava and especially Milan Ko- 1992 Breaking the Maya Code. London: Thames & Hudson.
váč. My sincere thanks also to Toke Reunert, Frauke Sachse,
Allen Christenson, Christophe Helmke, James Brady, Karl Díaz, Ana
2011 Las formas del tiempo: Tradiciones cosmográficas en los cal-
Taube, Elizabeth Graham, and Gabrielle Vail for their helpful
endarios indígenas del México Central. Unpublished Ph.d.-dis-
comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. sertation, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, UNAM, México, D.F.
Any errors or misinterpretations, however, remain my sole Díaz, Ana (ed.)
responsibility. 2015 Cielos e inframundos: Una revisión de la cosmología meso-
americana. México, D.F.: Instituto de Investigaciones Históri-
cas, UNAM.
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Acta MesoAmericana

Milan Kováč, Harri Kettunen, Guido Krempel (editors)

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Einheitasaufnahme

Ein Titelsatz dieser Publikation ist bei

Copyright Verlag Anton Saurwein, Munich, Germany, 2019

Layout & Design: Guido Krempel

Preface: Terrestrial and Celestial Landscapes in Maya Cosmology v–viii

SACRED LANDSCAPES: ARCHAEOASTRONOMICAL IMPLICATIONS

Skywatching at Uaxactun: Reconsidering Perspectives on the Astronomical

Lunar Orientations in the Maya Architecture

Verticality, Commemoration, and Demarcative Practice in the Construction of

A Directional Pattern in K’ahk’ Tiliw Chan Yopaat’s Stelae at Quiriguá

El Dios N-Sahbiin y Saturno: el ciclo maya de 63 días

MICROCOSMOS: BODY, GESTURES, SOUNDS AND TERRESTRIAL

El Anecúmeno dentro del ecúmeno. La cabeza como locus anímico en el cosmos

Gestures of Time, Gestures in Space: Communicating Orientation in the

A Blustery Melody: An Analysis of the Classic Maya’s Use of Music as

Maíz y atole son su trono: K’awiil y la Montaña del Sustento

Watery Underworld or Realm of the Rain Deities: The Aquatic Environment

Skeletal Supernaturals from the Maya Underworld

Xibalba: Is it Really the Underworld?

The Translation of a Maya Cosmogram onto an Uncooperative

COLONIAL CODE: LATE REFLECTIONS OF ANCIENT MAYA COSMOLOGY

Worlds in Words: Precolumbian Cosmologies in the Context of Early

The Center as Cosmos in Pre-Hispanic and Early Colonial Period Campeche

Milan Kováč, Tomáš Drápela, Jakub Špoták

Tibor Lieskovský, Ladislav Husár

Solsticial arrangement Axial azimuth Zenithal arrangement Axial

Table 1. Arrangements of the E-Group assemblages within Uaxactun region.

Implications of Revised E-Groups

Ixkun Yaxnohcah El Cenote Chanchich II

Astroarchaeology. American Antiquity 32 (3): 326–334. Kováč, Milan

Drápela, Tomáš Kováč, Milan and Vladimír Karlovský

Justeson, John S. Millon, René

Šprajc, Ivan Valdés, Juan Antonio

site, structure period AE lunar δE error δE lunar δW error δW

site, structure period AE δE error δE δW error δW

site, structure period AE lunar δE error δE lunar δW error δW

northeastern part of the Maya Lowlands are associated with

In the attempt to explain these occurrences, which can

The fact that Structure C22-41-a marks solar rather than

The idea that the alignment

11 While another aper-

Figure 8. Tulum, small stairway located in the western segment of the

throp 1924: 104, Fig. 87), there is a stucco figure representing

The orientation of Structure 21, immediately south of Struc-

Above the central doorway communicating Room A with

The association with these phenomena is, in the absence

16 Another illustrative piece of information, indicating Postscript

Agosta, Eduardo Andres Baudez, Claude F.

Baart, Fedor, Pieter H. A. J. M. Van Gelder, John de Ronde, Mark

De la Garza, Mercedes (ed.) Iwaniszewski and Lucrecia Maupome (eds.), Arqueoas-

Gregory, David A. Milbrath, Susan

Vargas Pacheco, Ernesto

Kathryn Marie Hudson

The Copan City-State

Surviving hieroglyphic texts refer mainly to rulers and

Figure 4. Rosalila structure, full-scale replica (photo by John S. Henderson).

Figure 6. Structure 10L-16 (photo by John S. Henderson).

9.12.1.0.5 11 Chikchan 8 Yaxk’in Suceso no determinado. Posiblemente un evento och k’ahk’,

[9 bak’tunes] [12 k’atunes]