Borić Et Al.. 2013. The Limits of The Body PDF
Borić Et Al.. 2013. The Limits of The Body PDF
Borić Et Al.. 2013. The Limits of The Body PDF
sea and link ed, tied to other people, places, animals rn. huinais
Producing the first European art and syrn populations At about the same time or relatively shortly
, the seals in the , feeding, sharing, hunt-
They knew that swans in the sky who through histories of occupation Ol1 and the
first widespread use of burial. This is aftenvards, a suite of new things appear for the first time
peo ple
deer in the woods were peo ple like them , half of this chapter, we
they died , ing and exchange In the first suall, described as a ‘cognitive
revolution’, but it 15 in Europe:
n thic bodies came to
.
reafl ne
mine how Palaeolithic and Mesoli
i .
old peo ple did exa rise of a iie’ form of embodied human exist-
the
.
32
and Jolin Robh The limits of the body
Duan Bone, Oliver J. T. Harris, Preston Miracle 35
34
fails
mOve scientists1 1 have shown that such a perspecti\’e them’’ (ci. Chapter 2 ). Upper Palaeolithic and ?\leso in created hounded settlements. Burial Cft)es flOt seem
. New 1tnting techniques. engagement lithic Europeans iia’ have been ‘anatomically modern’
tO ne\\ to capture the embodied nature of peoples to ha\’e been used to create obvious, visible and lasting
. The extension of humaflitys terfltOflal Faflgc through the body, not outside in comparison with Neanderthals, hut their bodies were
with the world. We think links between particular groups and territories. Ritual was
Cfl\11OflflCfltS, piiflC1P1Y flOrthWaUdS tO Vast S\\atlle
of it (see Chapter 1 and Chapter 2). in fact, a purely developed through their experience of landscape. Corn- certainly a part of life, hut there are virtually no labour-
of fl()fthCt1 Eurasia. in reality pared \\‘itlI their Neolithic successors, they were tall with
Neanderthals cognitive view separates the body from histoi intensive ritual sites (the possible exceptions are French
. 1’he first widespread burials; although and if an average height coiiiparahle to historic Europeans, an
hctrial is more CO1fl the body is formed by social/material relations,’2 and Spanish painted caves, and even these vere probably
sOffletiIfles buried their dead,’ Palaeolithic adaptation costly in calories hut useful for both traveling
elaborated in the we were to raise a modern newborn iflfaflt in used spotadicallv by small groups rather than conti,uiallv
fllOfl, less ambiguous afld more from us cognitively and aii huntiiig. They suffered from fractures fiiirly corn-
sociefl, she would not OfllY differ and intensively). To the extent that space corresponds to
Upper PalaCOIitIic. JIR)i1IV, probably fioin both conflict and accidents such as
froii culturally hut also in her vei’ body.’3 social reflexes, the traditional anthropological picture of
. The hrst pet-sonal ornaments, known principally ‘revolu tilIs. Yet they w’ere relatively free from infections, typic-
shell and stone heads Thus, we suggest that the Upper Palaeolithic people living in fluid, open social networks is probably
burials in the form of
such tiOO’ WaS fundamentally about a form of cognitiOli all’ a malady of sedentism and population aggregatk)n, accurate. \Ve get the impression of a society with little
The first art’, principall in small handheld forms
not
.
new
StOflC artefacts, separated from the body, hut it was instead about their teeth were longer-lasting than farmers thanks to rel concern for rigid boundaries, formalized structures and
as incised designs on hone, ivory aOd ways of engaging with ati\’elv low’ cart,ohyclrate consumption, there is little sign
forms of embodied thinking, new fixed places, in ylicl most important things happen out
hut also including three- di mensional caiiflg5 such
as
I() of malnutritiOn cr childhood stress amongst them, and
figurines’ and paintings such as the world through new social and material relations. ck)ors in locales which are found rather than constructed,
the famOUs ‘Venus the
Lascaux, (Thauvet Altamira impose at least some boundaries on the scope of overall they seem to have lived longer than their farming w’ith the landscape as a participant in human action rather
the famous examples from
book, we refrain fiom comi1enting upon Neanderthal descendants.’5 than a backdrop to it.
and other caves in France and Spain. hotly The landscape produced embodied experiences as w’ell
body worlds, not least because of the different and Secondly, when people did place iconography in the
regard.’1 What as physical bodies. Upper Palaeolithic people lived in cul
these contested nature of the evidence in this landscape, the major focus vas 1ll)t humans per se but
For many \‘cars. archaeologists ha\’e read Mesolithic tural places, ilOt in abstract, ecologically functional space.
as evidence for new is certain is that the Upper Palaeolithic and animals. The French and Spanish painted caves, with their
changes as a cognitive revolutiofl, idea of \Vhereas Neanderthals (and indeed earlier hominids and
whether developed arc the first periods in which we can get a clear amazing art of animals, are the 1TR)st obvious example,
capacities for thinking symbolically, Etiropeans inhahited.1 ‘e now’ flofl human primates) had habitually frequented spaces,
the body worlds ancient bt.it other fbrms such as small carvings and engravings
ind1eflOUsh or introduced by new ‘anatomically niod through which this perhaps with a stable sense of ‘home’, something new’ is
Upper turn to several key forms of action of animals found over a broader area than painted
em’ peoples expanding from the Near East. The
—
going 011 spatially u-i the Upper Palaeolithic. For example, caves, and often found on habitation sites would have
happened in the mind, not in hodx world was created.
Palaeolithic ‘revolutiOR
—
Neanderthals do not seem to have cached tools w’ith the loomed much largerin eveniclavexperience. In fact, anirn
a special role in
the body Art in particular has played iPtefltlOfl of returning to the same place: ‘the tempor als were referenced in many other \x’ays. For example, at
.
Both in\’Oh’e embodiment. We begin here with subsist bases. burial sites and places of ritual. It is certain that red paint a \vay ofunderlining the symbolic importance
Chauvet Cave
the famous horse images from Lascaux or
—
different resources hecam I, 0,i dj icallv k;iown hunter- gatherers, would have been
tO hUtit, gather and fish as The other master discourse of Palaeohthic and Meso
‘
things
als, oUt species could now talk to each other of stron l\ structured by seasonal changes fhis seasonal
available. Rightly or wrongly, we normally understan lithic archaeology is stone tools, niostl\’ because these
beyond the day-to-day, of gods and 1TOn5tef5, of hopes
.
needs, regi n . )uld also have been a sensory, culinary and work
might this landscape mohih as motivated by ecological comprise the vast majoritY of archaeological finds from
and dreams, of future and past. The human body thit regiti
incarflat1O1 5 hut and it was such an effective w’av of maldng a living this period rather than because of any dominant role
oiil be subtly different from prevll)Us than the entire history of 0! r it i’ cjiJfcijlt without ethnographic pas
it lasted many times longer they had in social life. As archaeologists have traditionally
‘
to
new world say iwore
\l\
\\‘
-1
ifference to) emerge.
that allowed new kinds ofd , ‘
,,‘
ds begin appearing
After 33,t)OO years ago), bea l-
I’
ng sites, and henceforth bur
—‘
An th ropo1u’).
es ot StOfle tools ienrioned Wfl in aln)o)st all regions
The histoiicaflv \an’in styl of social Ornaments arc sin)ilarlv kno) Fiti I 0. The famous triple burial tro)nl the Giavettian site of
‘ere nOt consciotts badges ic burials are luow’n, fii
1)fe\iOUsl\ probably vherc niai’ l.’pper Palacolith DOJN Sloflice, Czech Republic (after Gamble 1 999 hg 7.19;
\‘ar\’in local traditions of burials in Liguria. In ano)the
identity, but resulted fioi flint- instance anongst Crawettian
iedi . “i , h\’ Vicki Herring).
rial in a man ner that was ( Figure 1 flOt dei ‘fJling the hod)’ at rando)nl; they were signalling the yo)ung wo)man’s body was not lImited
learning tO) work with the iate IVO)1V and canine pen
dants. Shell ornamen O)rllamentatio]),
panied
kin ds of bodily practices could likely SCW1) onto) caps
anl att1 wards particulai- parts O)f it. Moreo\’er, O)rna to) the skin, but extended acro)ss time and space and linked
culturally specific. Siiilar in vere also) included, mo)st ment ))(j clothing create a ‘second skin’, hlul]•i1)g the
erent materials, particularly w’ith a particular animal. In fret, the use O)fdress and O)rna
also) be applied tbro)ugh diff ts
35
d habitual bo)dilv mo)vemen hooJJ)Li)i.les hetw’een the ho)dy and the world they give melit to) him- categories is even clearer with antler front-
the Aurignacian, sc repeate \Vhat do acts ofdecoratio)n tell
us? Whilst the eviderc
tl bchj\’ surflce
e and 1\on’ fbr cxaiplc, this regard is growing,
t linking it to) the world aro)ttfld it, by lets, fhuf)d ill north-w’estei.l) Euro)pe tho)usands O)t ‘ears
could be applied to bo)th ston , for Neanderthal behaviour in gi\1fl
in the pro)ductio)n o)f var
ious kinds o)f beads.29 Indeed pared to) whathappens afte
r tie qualities such as co)lo)ur afld texture, and rekr later in the earlier MesO)lithjc44 These are po)rtions of deer
Fig - remains small in scale com Cflces t , terials, qualities and places.41 Upper Palaeo)
utrean spear points ( )’ hum skulls shaped SO) that humans could wear them as iiiasks.
making exquisite-flaked Sol . XVere ‘lTlo )der) :
the valued qualities of ma1eness.3 fo)r display, a place where stateme 1fle Shells slid) as
fhese new techno)logics hin
t at the w’avs in which w’o)re and liow yO)U wor.
it um, ddentali iniporte fiw inland, “o)uJd thing xvhich x’as neither deer nor human, drawing 0)1)
identity through what von 12\e cai
bodies in culturally con- erence; they were voi COi)1)o)tatio)1)s O)f fiw-away places, travels or ideas o)t multinatolj-aljsjl) discussed in Chapter The
people learned to) shape their Ornaments created bodily diff ex1)21)
ng technology had always tive items ar e rare en
ith distant neiJ7ho)o[ls use of ornaments in the Upper Palaeo)lithic and Meso
stitutcd manners. Sto)nc-wo)rki varying ways, and these decora Orli
lieleaii ai1 Levallo)is not everyone was we
iC)IS and clo)thing iiade from animal materials lithic hints at a w’o)rld in syhich the project O)f the body
been an elYibO)died act; the earlier Ac that they certainly suggest that SUcl) as r ca1Ii)e teeth \vo)uld have held siniflcai)ce in
strength, appreciation of lies distinctions o)f p
Vet \vas flOW actively w’orlced upon, adjusted, decorated and
techno)logies rejuired dexterity, them. XVhether or no)t this imp
tOl.J))5
planning. Itt the as ve have done in all
11k and human relatio)ns displayed, and in which the body vas not clearly asso)ci
Svn)metry aiwl aesthetics, and fo)rw’ard
t1’- )fJes ()fhtiiits, places
s\’It)I
and statots,4 people now ils. ‘he deer teeth at
—
did iiot invo)lve the kinds of identity pl-o loy the body as a n ated vith a single place or a single species, nor necessai.ihr
the technologies of
sequent pelio)ds sought to) emp
—
fl1cJ) I a iJ))(. fiO1]] Spain connect the yO)ung W’o)I))an to) [30)01 nded at the skin.
embodied diffirence that emerged in O)t social distinction aiwl
co)Ininunicatlo)n.
hone tools.1
the Upper Palaeolithic. The same is true for
The limits of the body 39
ton Miracle and John Robb
Dugan Bone, Oliver J. T. Harris, Pres
38
particular life his- t0)ufld aiid which left little archaeological trace.5 Body
in ochre. fhe choice C)t PefSi)S vith
Burying the body that these burials parts were SO)metil-fles kept as disti•ibuted relics acco)Jfl
flCW attention to to)ries, the use ofbeads and ochre, hints
Fhe new project of the body in’oIved ‘ere in)po)rtant or perhaps special.52
All the rest of the panying groups as they mo’ed, and were used on o)cea
for Upper Palaeo)lithic 510)1) fO)r personal O)rflamentatio)J).°’° fliis pattern contin
bcii.ying the dead. Our e\ideflce rema ins which may
‘burials’ at these sites are scattered
-
iber 0)1 burials known mO)th l\’O)rV. Such niaterials and thing Roisi
plaqotettes froill Witczvce, PO)tand (Pledo)rczul( et al. 2007, fig. 3;
tact, the relatively sial1 total nuiy ulated people
I ‘oire 12
). TCJ)0i figurines (tile naille is ana of Arcllaeo)h)gy and Ethnology, Polisll Acade1ll’ of
were technologies O)f n)emo)rv, they stim
(( IllStittjte
disp osed of in other,
suggests that nlo)st of the dead were
cilrQ and wildly inappropriate, hut we seem to)
rate the do 1 draw’in by Ewa Gumiiska). See Plate VIh for
I
Scieiiccs, allO)tiler
take the i\io)ra\ian recall particular past events.57 But w’lw deco
archaeologicalh’ in\’isible ways. 10) the project of w t)’ be sti. viii) it) are small Stone o)r ivor figures O)f exatllple.
more than thirty joist as well as the living? Clearly
o)pen-air sites as an example, parts of ‘bio)lo)g’ II’ \VOJllej LI tiilg particuiarly frO)m the Gravettian peno)cI.
I \ëStOnice, with ing on the bO)d\’ did not co)n)e to) an end with Iiie 11W, 1
bo)dies have been recovered from 1)oln ng the ol Cl o)f tile Venuses is co)ntro)versial Altho)ugh
Pavlov. At these death; the’ continued into the future. By placi
another three from the nearby site of
ily J
Candide a Cl claimed to) represent fertility, Women at with breasts. A third canon, found across the no)rthern
clo)se to) hearths, in significant locales, like the ca’es at Arene
sites, peo)ple vere boned within huts,
al.1O)015
I \‘CStOfll -C eso f their li\es6 and self-portraits of preg Luro)pean plain tro)m Belgium to) Poland, sho’s a iluman
Saint-Germain-la-Riviëre 0)f the hoits at Doln
‘
the nearby site
placing the dead close to the iiving. At retur ned to) repe ateCl in
1ilt (Jiejl,’ ilclle O)fthese is ftilly co)lwincing, particu
figure with breasts and prominent buttocks in side view’;
le xvere discovered in places which hunter-gatherers il’ 101- ili
O)f Pedt;osti, up to) twenty peop peo) ple ho all Russian aild ukiaiIia1l figurines. There is flO) these were Illade in ivory, hone, and remarkably, chipped
)Ver, O)nh six the cornrse oftheir seasonal peregnllatlo)Hs —
en1
s, each
burials appear to) have been quite particular persn
-
tile il)o iral LurO)pean exalllples eiliphasize a ro)und Httlllans turn tip ill O)ther forl)s Palaeo)lithic port-
reco)gnizing individual stattis o)r preserving
o)f
and
of the triple burial had a deft)rn)ed right tèiiir
j
n Robb The limits of the body
ris Preston Miracle and Joh
Duan Bori, Oliver J. T. Har
40
ago, at to) their bodies differently, in ways typical O)t humans
art dates to 1 $,00t) and 1 O,t)OO years
between
out stan ding since. For the first time, there is clear and widespread
the height of the ice Ages,
hut there are
evidence O)f peo)ple customizing their bodies to) partic
(e.g. Chauvet Cave ) and
examples from both earlier ular social ro)les and identities thro)ugh dress and o)rna
around Palermo, Sicily).
later (e.g. the late examples from /i flleI)ts; teaching them group-specific, histO)ricaljy co)ntex
as made for quite varying
Palaeohthic cave art certamly tualized skills; nianipulating the bodies O)f the dead to
ges, particularly
but it is dominated by animal ima dissol\e peo)ple iflto) their landscapes and to) co)I1)n)emo)r
ials including bears, deer,
naturalistic depictions of anin figure 4. ( j’c art hybrids t1C)fll Les irois Frrc5 ( flist and third) ate unustiaJ people; and abstracting varied qualities from
m oths.
bison an n)chs, rh inos and mam
,
.ind Lascaux Jiiddlc), Fi-ance (redrawn by \TicJ(j Herring) them as relevant to) dit}èrent situations
t in painted caves in two
Yet the human body is presen XVe would iiot speak o)ta revo)lut1o)fl’ in emhodimcj)t;
interactio)ns with the
art.
ways. One is through luiman human histo)r\’ tends to) show co)ntinuit\r and change
ic cO)Yltelfl than rigid.77 Similarly, son)e millennia later, in the Meso
s of images for aesthet
These were hot gallerie inseparably (Chapter 9). \Vith emerging evidence fir
‘art’; tliey were flickering lithic, hunter-gather. at Lepenslcj rir 0)1) the banks
plation in the mo)dern sense o)f Neandert])al buriajs8° and o)Inaments,5t it may he an
ote places frequented rim- O)t the I)anuhe in Serbia’5 caned boulders to) represent
presences u-i special, dark, rem O)\’erstatej])el)t to) claim there was a llIstO)fIcal rupture
sometimes adding hybrid human-fish beings (see Figure 1 7). The boulders
ally, peo)ple interacted with
,
from
Humans may also be represe
small ivors’ car vii s
few nix human and to CSSf ally geared to) representing aflimals. O)r fortified Settlements, internally differentiated architec
als almost cxc 1us ive1 \’ tho ugh a
O)Usly. As mentio)ned earl
ier. a number ofimages seem . Aji I) )o1h the human body is present in art, it Is
, suc h as the so-c al]e d Lio n L’vlan im ac, ture. Thjs prO)bahly does not simply reflect the needs
animal characteristics show human-animal hybrids. fhe
most fan ous
y ( Plate Via). An ivory l).Ilhljcl in highly varied ways according to) the sitti 0)1 a JflO)hjlC lifestyle hut a sense of sO)cia] space as well.
Hoh iens tein Sta del, Ger man s Frè res cav e, has been critici d
from
dvs plas ic facia ’ fea the ‘sorcerer’ fiom Iroi ati } With Venus figurines, there ai-e several Stereo)typicallv, hunter-gatl;ei.ers have loose, flexible
OH1CC wit h aeologists, but anot 1.
figurine from 1)olnf \CSt as heavily reconstructed by arch \\a s f dividil)g the body and o)t schel))atizi;)g O)r
to portray one oft he md i i b group Structures with O)pen territories; the spatial cor
tures may have been intended lod ima ge frO)n1 the same cav
e shonvs a hybrid being ‘
Cl)t)Iiy
are the ama zing exp particular parts. SO)metimes the body is relate WO)uld he a landscape characterized by shifting set-
viduals buried there. JThen there ent, and a scene fir fl
Izing
1]e nts of day figu rine s what may be a musical instrum ii el l Iresent, hut in O)ther situations it is implied tlements, a lack of boundaries and rigidly fixed points.
log figurines: t1)usands of frag aded man ( Figure 14
\TCS tOfl1 CC I and Pa\’I Ov I Lascaux may shO)W a bird-he J ‘fl by its iCtlo)l)s O)r
signified by a single part as in hand- The syrn ho)lic attentlo)]) which mo)re sedentary peo)ples
have been found at Dolní rines such as the
k has sliown that these portable art, line drawings, figu Prints. fl)etimes it merges with the animal WO)rld O)ftefl lavish upon co)nstructed sites — histories, myths,
eri men tal wor the Lii afl
bxtraoi-di nar ily, exp
en 1’vla n’ and statuettes from cave sites O)fl t otl)Cl times
broken hut xver e int eristics he it is clearly distinct from it. Abstract- legends instead invested in the landscape itself Iden
figurines were not accidentally bine human and animal charact
_
is
42
-
possihil
efs which included the
iieets of the existence of beli state to
cha11enge every SoCiety , of changing from one
1)eath is an existential In corn- ite, for selected beings -hu man
y ian character to a non
it.
tO make sense ofthe
changes that accompan the next, tn)rn a fully hti
ple. Palaeolith and ic n and animal
iSO fl wit h iiO st latcr Lurt)peafl peo One’.)° These cap
ture iTloments of inima
I)ar
W little concern
with trying to halt and of nixtures of gen
ders,
Mesolithic pe)p1e ShO linkages, of transformation,
the intcgiitv
ofc hange by maintaining
or cha nne l the flow
nori bodies and 5Pec1es. ager
ing its ncnorv in visible ier we can reconstruct a for
otthe bod y oi- per pet uat
the Iii 501111, tO) the extent
large cemeteries at the
very end of
archaeologicafly, the
evidence so ggests that )j,
/
ditions Of CSOflSCS
to clearly anomalous cir
cumsta nce s.
in
bet we en
in life, death, art
hum
and hunting. The Lepen
sid Vir scu ip \\ .
lh’ flui d ont olo gy rr ma sks and the Figure 1 6. Itapezoida! hut from Lepenslol Vir, Serbia (after Botj
hin an essentia the Star Ca
The dead x’ere seen wit es ttires, for example, like s 201 1 ,
g. 14; drawn by joj Swogger)
red res idu
s hlttrring the boundarie
I
ormed into sca tte
rljcIi people becaiie transf older Palaeolithic image
i)
allo we d to mu ch cep t tha t
e,s. 1’heir bodies x’e re underlying con
and, perhaps, other bein ces , of lni ma i and animal, reveal an (as
ng deposited in multiple
pla given it
break up, ending up bei not he seen as a stable
h a bro ade r lan d- the ituman bod\’ need eth ing capable they transcei1ded the multiple categoj-je5 against which
connectio ns wit d as som
creating and enhancing is in our hOd\ world ) but instea 92 the graves vere situated. IThese assemblages of hoimal)s
ar defined cemeteries. or metamorphosis
scape rather than singul e of transformation and anjl))als connected and created relatjns together,
liman body itse lfm a\’ hav return briefly to the
\Vithin this landscape, the n fixe d By va ’ of conclusion, we can and it was these relatioiis that prodoiced l)ul))al) bodies.
t and relational, more
tha the ivlesolithic
been seen as continien site wit h wh ich we started the chapter, heads
£7)
ns ani rn )ilar Swedish .;io FOOlh Bodies were thus in part produced at these sites through
of evidence here concer ek, 1)eniiark, and two sin
and bounded. One line erstood cem ete ry at Ve dba
sites Siia;l slid Is relations with animals Ihey prodLiced the food people
how landscapes are und These Erteholle ctilture
als. Animals are central to int erw ove n site s, Skatehoim I and II Y res ent tho
0 I Ianmel-StOI)e
ate, the clo)thes they \vOre and the jew’ellery that decoi-
are so den)nstra hlv 4t)OO nc, and rep F;-. Ilint blade
t-y people whose lives ica l pre d dat e to) between 5600 iw and lith i ated thejii Relational person hood as prod need thro)otgl)
e is IR)t silTlplv ecolog ents oftlie Pal aeo o; 1fl wiiio hones
.
continue to 1flt)\’C piedic ued wil lin gne ss almost always position pos itio l ‘.d accojj ‘(d by a red deer antler laid along its Spine, three worth hriey visiting one of the most famous late Meso
that indicate their con tin ies were car efu lly
and act in spe ct wo ttid he way , at these cemeteries bod the ir s CS fiul)t bl5ij 11) the hip regiol) and a decorated antler ham- lithic groups firagers of the l)anuhe Gorges or Iron
lninan beings. Re ks, on
—
and deposition. s.
ahout historical proces ies furnish exceptions to a tidy ‘Neolithic package’, and
OUt for special treatment ing hecause of what it suggests
gers who occupied the s, at \7lasac and Lepensiti
The body world of the fora ch From at least 8000 i: onward
the vei’ process by which fw1lliilg spread from tile Near
1)anuhe Gorges wasclosely tied to the landscape in whi h’ settled down hv the East across Europe and into places like Britain remains
\Tir, ftragers became increasing
a crucial role in hringing I 14
they lived. The river played hanks of the river, with experim
ents in increasingly elah controversial Hei•e although we lope to give a seilse
deceased close to its hanics, ic, Neolithic settlements of the great varie’ of uropea1l Neolithic societies, we
life, and the hurial of the orate hunal. By ahout 6300
do\vnstream, cannot he ounding the rocky and —
often with the head oriented hegan to appear in regions surr
sidestep these traditional issues. Instead, we fhcus simply
loS Jii hoth life and death some indiviclu
coincidental. uhe Gorges; in the ensuing UO1l tile qUC$tiOll of what Itind of world Neolithic x’il
for frmers inhospitahie Dan
with carp reeth* As with
—
als wore cloaks decorated hahlv populated hoth 1w lagers lilbahited and ilow’ tileir ttJldersta1ldills of tile
centuries, these villages w’cre pro
meet later in this chapter, foragers who had decided human body differed fhn1 that of their hUfltergatlle,.
the Neolithjc iirOupS we will incoming farmers and hv local figtire 1 7. 1 111111,111- Sll caned boUlder trolll LepCilSki Vii’, Serbia
an increased svmholic judge from the presence
sedentism ‘as accompanied hv to adopt firming. In fact, to I BOrIC 2005j: hg. 5, photo CoLlrtes’ c)f l)uall Boni). ancestors
mitment signalled by place-
coflimitniCflt tO places, a com of pottery at Lepenslu Vir throtighout this period, for We do however have to confront tile quesnofl of’how’
s \Vith landscape and its 12 It is pre
nent of the dead. Association agers were in contact with
nearhy farmers. eco nom y, society and culture relate. In most of Eui’ope,
atled through the htirial new practices emerged Iiiis leaves us with the questiOfl of reinsertijig
aninial inhahitants w’ere also sign ciseh during this period that
the Neolithic \vas an economic trailsition from a mobile
of aurochs skulls and red dee
r antlers with the corpse. ials associated with th Lcpcitski \T1. into l()flg-terfll history In the latest phase fbraging lifestyle to sedentary fwming. ‘he trailsi non
ing and svmhohc Almost certainly, all of the hur
The landscape provided the sett phase of trapezoidal huildiiigs (
Phase I-Il) at Lepensl at the site (Phase LVIII) a clear, full Neolithic entei’s to fu-llling has often been considered the second great
, a lcev theme of the hodv at and 5900 ic. It is dif With IlC\’ material things, house f1-1lls and burial rites, Il oman 1’e’Ol HtiOfl h)1l0W111 g the advent of anatoill i cally
resources for transformation Vir date to hetween 6200 ic
‘ ‘ ,
gs and never hurled with and hurial to emphasi e centlir](’s already, and there are many historic examples of
als were located witliin huildin fliOre floridly developed ritual
jUllcture Wilicilchanged not only ilOw hu Illans made their
y played a Icey role in the
houlders,’ and age certainl their difference while at the same tiiie adapting
sonic nimistic, sedeIlta;-’ tnillers or fishers In native cultures living hut also how they organized landscapes, i’eiated to
h different hurials, espe
n/pc of houlders associated \vit elenents of the Neolithic hod\’
decoration. i\4uc h of tIlt- .‘\nenjcas Yet tile body is filildamental to historic each other and conceptualized the world symbolically. ‘ I 7
09
The other form of transformation na1 Settiijg hodies down? The Neolithic body
collective memories .
ticularly interesting. Starcev() fiwmers had neither such ad a farnliilg conlpollellts of tile envirolllllellt Hence, any qualitat
two forms of transfbrmation are par nor such elahorated hunials.
In many ways, the 1). Oj
llléstyle (see I’ahles S and 4 in Chapter 4
lpted iconographic— brait.r CIll)Jlig\J in relation to social chailges). lye transft)r1llatill Ill Cfl\’il’Oflfllejltai relatiolls is likely
Altl)ugh irianv hocilders were not scu
till’
Goniies may give us a gliiT
Ipse into an alternati’ c
ner to suggest that all i i (.1
tO Te
Neoiitj11 aild tile tJ’ansitioi1 fro,11 hunting and gath to he Illanifested similarly both in tile relationships that
ally em)ugh \\‘ere shaped in this man
,
verse iii \vhich the organizatio
nal changes rel
CillIg
humans extend towards anlillals and in those that obtain
the houlders represent hum an-animal hcings. Aithotigh core beliefs ahout r
lO11 a , Ici It Ill-c
pfl)ed a major watershed in hUfllall
sedentism arc decoupled from
nOt all hf)ulders conienorated
individual dead, enoctgh a society U
•‘ i
(th)gically, Neolithic groups difir fiom anlollg theillseiyes in society.
between humans and other hein
gs —
n understood
did So to suggest that the dead may have hee
1ti1’P edecessors in a llufllher ofkey lOStItUtiOflS
n a belief in the
,,
Social change usually did not iilvoive abrupt
tionally Neolithic hut hascd upo
‘
afld lflat1.,, Ill prehistorv
Period
Ccmetercs of ,\nimal qualities iniportant
\‘ariable, but sonic
in ‘grave goods’ figurincs
-
NCf)iithic A
puhiic’ architecture retrieval c)fsicuiis ft)r .
0() BC ) donesticatlc)n ofwiid (Gobekii 1 cpe
( I t)000 —85
(Jericho) skuii cciii
grains Figurines COniflC)fl,
Viliages of square Single bciriais in and
Prc-Pottcr i)oniesticated piants
arc)ttnc.1 hotises; particuiariv fèniaics; iaies
and animais houses \ith in other ftwms
/1
Neoiithi B retrevai ofsicuiis t)r represented 0a MIrtj kuI{s
increasinh
art, aninai
( X5OO—67F() B( ) of
ft)rInaiiSCd interiors
skuii en it
representations ft)CttS ttpon
7 : 1or)jI,
le burials were iii t but s )flie, such as Jericho, grew much larger, bringing symbolic potency, and the conihinati()i otanhl7ial images
hod v. ciated ivith funerarx activities.122 Sing togeilier more people than ever before.’2’ As far as the emerging from schematised human firnis may continue
e were lots ofvanatio 5
common, hut (as at Vedbaek) ther boox e )(5 the real changes occur in burial and art. From the belief in the potential metamorphosis of the human
redeposited burials.
The Near Eastern backdrop to such as burial in small gnups and the laic Natufian onwards, single burials around hotises 13()
wristbands arid otiT
Luropcan agriculture The dead were adorned with heads, and sites CcI7ie the floffli the dead The PPNB is the first true ‘ Neolithic period, xvi th
orted niarine shells but also ori1aiiieited ‘
l of a ritual sp
1 iCC
111
its
the hunvii
tOXlaJs tl
It ielatiii to the ancestral history of
was increasingly common to lithic people had ilore ehildrei per person than their
media such as figurines, it
larly \‘omen’s bodies, as ft)raging predecessj-5 hut also died youngei-; we have
define the human body, particu h tO imagine IllOfe than half of Neolithic people being
all object otinterest on its
own, independent oflinks wit Figure 22. JhC’ gctres horn ‘Am Ghazal, Jordan ( photo COctrtCs’
interest in wild children. 143
1’-sh aped statu es troni Göbekli Tepe, Turkey,
with
anim als or the world around it. Yet the Ot(OrV Roltefs0 and the l)eparrtiejr OtAntiqctities, Jordan).
Figu re 21 .
Klaus Schiiidt and Decitsehe
s persisted, and relations Coneeptual])i, hew ecOIlflic practices Were en
aninia) reliet ( photos Cf)UrteS\’ of animals and their qualities always
-
associated with maleness and Scandinavia Neolitilic groups departed from their ptodticts s\ei-e used in Sonic areas th)I the early Neo
some places wild animality was Alest )lithic traditions in other ways, particu1aj•l’ Ill creat lithic Onwiards, Neolithic people pR)hahli kept relatively
ces (as at Goheldi
wn tio i and wit h locales distant froii living spa
The period is best lcno
’ have been associated with ing Judseapes Ofmonuments (scicli as megalithic tombs). silal] numbers of animals and the f)eris w’as upon eat
the PPNB ) cattle Tepe ), in other places it ma\
-
.
Tur key .’32 v\That is archi XVt returii to questions of historical process and van- lug them; Specialized herding to exploit milk and wool
CXCaVatIOHS at çata1h()VU k in ).19
k is the ft)r1a1, a1iiost death as well (as at çatalho\’ük atif )I later in this chapter and in Chapter 4; this dis 5eei7S to he a later developneit Isotopic evidence sug
llv 1)ta h1c abo ut cata 1h( )VU
tectura
h repeated, well-defined cuss’1 )fl focuses pnincipai1’ upon periods het)re about gests that Neolithic people ate varying amounts of meat
standardized layout OtiR)Uscs wit
hearths, entrances, burl- The body ill Neolithic Eur
ope 400() ii( (see 1’ahle 4, Chapter 4). Here we briefly and iiiik, vith some groups consist ent carnivores and
features such as storage rooms, ed,
e was a highly stru ctur rCiew evidence flr ideas of the human body, as the others almost vegeraniaj. ‘ }ft)\ve\er, domestic animals
als and ritual platfbrms ther s in Europe appear aun
PPN A, the dea d wer e 1’hc earliest frrming village Net )JIlhjc involved reconceptUalisiig the human body may have been used pantieu]ai-l\’ fr feasting. Concep
in the ad west and north fror
shared experience ofspace. As 11flO fl 6500 BC in Greece and spre
ses, and it was Ct)fl Neolithic mm’L in mazi ways, both in practical activity and 1l ritual tuallv, there is lTht iiefi eelehratloi of domestic anim
nOstl\’ tiried in and around hou al use , ther e. Moving in fits and starts, the
and remove their sku lls fbr ritu I and art als in and little evidence ftr human -animal hybrids.
tO return to 1x)dles from (reece and the Bal
kans westward along the I’vIe CUt,
vit h idea lize d face s;13 3 OflC y; cro ssi ng t he Although the use of hucrania in Baikazi architecture and
occasft)nallv replasterin 4 them acr oss Hun gar
par ts from terranean and northwards Peopi ‘VOrk, food and animals
avo nu coii tain ed ker an k Occasionally in grave goods suggests the Prestige associ
building at the PPNB site ofC the liv- Carpathians about 5500 itc, in
the Linearh and
t to reco nsti tute rap iil\’ Altli archaeologists often eqttate tile Neolithic w’ith ated with cattle consuJptii they were flOt co-species
450 bodies, a remarkable attemp 5000 ic it had spread ver’’
4 As in the PPNA. ( LBK) period, and by agl1( I ‘re, J1O\7 much Neolithic people actually relied in a sVOfld of m1ilti-naflhi-alisj (as we saw’ in the Pa]ae()
amo ngs t the dea d.13 the Neolithic lid
lug cOmlYiUnitV rds to Belgium. I 4000 Bc.,
-
real h stat ues rath er plan Craliia i()fl however, except fr the Baltic and Atlantic
22 ) are goats and pigs in Iui and prestige. i() the extent that taste in Neolithic cuisine
ui_es fhm ‘Alfl Ghazal ( Figure barley, pulses, cattle, sheep,
d them selv es, were buried flifloC i C’re wws a clear economic shjfr Analysis of reflects social interactiofl grains were probably tile taste
than figurines, and , like the dea estors. Archaeologists
36 Animals are came from Near Eastern anc Plant aiil aijiaJ remaiis Show’s that, tlWOugJltJt flOSt of
aba ndo ned hou se in Europe have been s
lit Ofhousehoid Solidarity, i7eat the taste of mter-houselR)id
beneath the floor of an cussing tile ‘origins offarming’
.
res at çata lho )’uk mig l ga iig sheep, goats, pigs and cattle. In the north-
yed figu pting farming indigf in a few’ mountaill ecologies, ilttflting became a small
are relatively rare,1 SOniC spla those \Vh() see local foragers ado 1.fl anj
.13 8 Art gen eral ly por (‘Stern maritime Worlds and in highland Zones eomponeit of the eeom)mv, contnihu ring supplementary
may represent bear-hu man hyb rids tures the truth of a coi’
anim als, w’ith ouslv. Neither position cap 5uch as tifl- Ups
the ecOnofljc cOfl5eqielces ofthe Nec
nt the argument is bL foods such as small mammals, raw materials such as antler,
ans and idC
trays close linkages betw’cen hum
aiis in \vat l pain t- situation,14 and to some exte it 1c WC’ti
‘fl(We varied, and £wmiii economies grad uall’ fur, feathers, and shell, and probably drama and exeite
s lium
vultures accompanying headles the point here. CQllSf)i .
ings, people wearing leOl)ard skins ut, Neolithic Ii1 or evei millennia.
Ci over ceurtli-jes 17-lent as well. Economic changes redrew’ the hounctiii.jes
Regardless of how it came abo
-
ic groups 1Y )rlc regiJes nutfltlOll and tastes and indir this chapter) This does not imph that doI1estic animals
which people lived. iiuc h oflo wla nd Europe, where Neolith ceth. i v .
ws how’ gradua l )iigii ideas ofspace and through redefinitjll of whilst wild animals \\‘ei-e 5ymho1jcjj,
P1w Near Eastern sequence sho y, and the \
.
51
50
has tried to
embodied and nuterialized. As anybody who spend the year fln’in amongst widely separated places
Bodies and (and as) objects are not cereb
thiflgS pCOp!C macic, make Neolithic things knows, such skills \vith \licl it was looseJ associated; it w’ould spend a
The Neolithic saw an explosion Ot , in the prac ticed hands that
gy fir more material ral; they reside in the bod’ lifetime in a riuch nal-rower world \vhOse people and
used, kept and deposited as archaeolo regu larly or strike a
\Thcreas know’ how: to ti-ui-i a vessel wall places it knew intimate1\-
objects than their inohile ancestors had doHe. lusio n is that
idered the general flint strongly yet precisely. The logical conc hxactjy hmv people settled down took many fbrms;
theoretical archaeologists have cons ithic material
consider its implications there was a close relation between Neol there are several great traditions of Neolithic settlement.
social effects of this fet,1 we the raisons d’ctre k \- ;;
are diffuse and infer- things and the body, and that one of In mUch of the lOw’Jand Balkans and northei-i Greece,
for the body. These consequences thing s was to provide
in for the explosion of Neolithic Villagers lived in dense clusters of wattle and daub huts.
ential, but as significant as the more obvious changes skills tied to
arenas for the externalization of bodily In the generatiolls, the accumulated
5Ofle places, Over
imagery and burial. debris from such houses built rip settlement mounds,
tO understand identity. F
New ft)I-I-ns of teeh1)logv allow’
US
things.
kahle that in both Finally, the body \vas completed through or ‘tells’, As landscape made through litiman occupa
OLtf bodies in fleW ways. It is rejar viTliethei. they represent real or imagined painting, tat- tion, tells anchored the world in terms of fixed human
clay \vas used
Palaeolithic Europe and the Near East ines show the body
ry. In Neo t005 or clothing, man Balkan figur histoi-jes Whether a tell site or fiat site, architectrire
for figurines before it was used for potte and geo
both . Ther e are more decorated with a wild range of swirls, spirals provided a structure f)r lOutinizeci, perma]]eit intei-ac
lithic Europe, clay was used for us Vinéa figures,
niorphie vessels metric designs. A few, such as the faiiio tions; J]t15es were often rebuilt directly ttpOfl earlier OfldS
direct links as well . Sporadic atithropo ure 23 and Plate
htiman figures appear to be masked as ifftr rituals (Fig Figure 23. \‘i Hgui-ine, Vina, Serbia (photo: Roh1) Cooking and majlv other activities were done in open-air
arc known fi-oi-n maiw Neolithic contexts, we can extrapol
ral Europe VIe). Interestingly, to the extent that areas between houses where people from different house-
are sometimes sketched on pots in both Cent involves figuring
an faces are occasion- ate an aesthetic reflex from these, it holds interacted Houses provided Zones Ofpnvate inter-
and the Ivlediterranean, and hum as Neolithic FinalE’, this is probably the context to tinderstaid the
tcrra nean Neolithic the surface with ornate, fine detail, mtich action and WeIe identified with their occupants to
the
alE’ modelled 00 the rims of ‘iedi of difference intentional iYIOd1jhcatji- of the body. Removing highly
ests a laten t iso- pottery decoration does . fhis proliferation extent that they were often intentionally hLirnt at
the end
vessels. fhe placement ofsuch faces sugg heterarchical cyal visible front teeth in Neolithic Italian women may have
decorati on creates a surface that allows multiple, of the household’s social lifespan. 160 This conceri with
iorphisni between pots and h uian 1K)dieS ; . 52 Head- hen part of creating adult females.
ests that bodi es may have uations rather than a smgle, simple evaluation There may have houndedness and rights of access probably dXtendIc to
011 SOITIC Balkan figurines sugg heci other expdl-iments in body l1]odificatifl The first
tatto oing or clothi rig) dresses and costumes are also shown in Levantine rock other dlemejits of th e landscape; ethnog1.aplicall)J soci
been decorated ( th rough painti ng, archacolo
art. Llse\vhdrc in Europe, dress is manifested
iflsaJ1cc of dental sul-gdl’ lOOWfl is in a I)anish Neo eties similar to European Neolithic groups tend not to
receive its most
d
similarly to pots. Such an isomorphism men ts, whic h arc found lithic slciill Whose tooth w’as drilled with a flint blade
from A4aee gicalh’ principally in durable orna have ahsolrttc property Ownership httt to consider that
dramatic expression in anthropomorphic pots
-
expe rime nted with dui-i ‘g life;’ there is no suggestion of dental caries,
the eqcta tion as symbo lically in some quantity everywhere. Metals —
süme forms ofpotterv may ha\e been attem pted dt ris] structures rip to
ithic Eu’ ask to flea] a dangerously spiritual or
truly inalienable property. Ihroughout Neol physical ably lioused multiple fami]ics living under one roof
.
to warfare (and this is deb ated ). ular ways who were selected to represent the co1ninuni
or not this is a response ce and in these constructiois, their bodies potentially both the
h bounding areas of spa
it shows a concern wit . Italy: cut marks on a child’s coll oto:
arbone
Source ofanxietyr and power.’78
categories ofpeople within them Figure 24. Scaloria Cave,
movement and defining us- rites of defteshing bod ies (ph
numents ( see foll owi ng disc made with a stone tool attest There are two points here about the body. First,
Moreover, as with mo Robb).
bui lt projects were themselves tan- Neolithic burial was not a final, one-way disposal pro-
sion), such collectively was gramme intended to distance the living from the dead.
munity whose membership
gible reminders of a com such Instead, varied burial programmes created ongoing con-
together and participating in LBK, cemeteries such as
largely defined by living ies near settlements; for the tact with the dead, who were present in daily life and
n’7° can include iriore than
projects.
warfare. There has been Nitra,’69 Bylanv and Aiterhofe who therefore may have had powers for good or ill.’79
Space and identin created , even when people buried
a hundred burials. Moreover
ing the Neolithic as a pacific nt was far more varied. In
For example, keeping skulls and occasionally deposit-
a long tradition of regard their dead, ftmerary treatme
absence of obvious weapon burials were common, but
ing them under houses may indicate a belief in their
time, in part because of the Southern Italy, for instance,
But in any Neolithic skeletal including disturbed burl- inherent power; similarly, in areas where villages were
symbolism (see Chapter 4). we also see other processes,
number of injuries (such as al killings, ritual deposition
ringed by ditches, the dead were often buried in the
collection there are a fair als around sites, possible ritu
bably resulted from viol- earlier burials and skull ditches, implying perhaps a desire to interpose the dead
cranial fractures) which pro of skulls, removal of skulls from
have tried to quantifr the site, Scaloria Cave, people between the village and the potentially hostile outside
ence. When archaeologists caches within villages. At one
as any time in prehistory, the faces, skulls and bodies
\Tofld Secondly, burial was not ustially about repres
rate of injun’, it is as high at stripped remaining flesh from
and there are clearly doc164 umented Neolithic assaults es before depositing them
enting individual status or hierarchy. Instead, it was a
at Tai heir n of the dead to clean the bon way for people to reformulate the commuiii of the liv-
Crickley Hill ( England )
and massacres K villages such as Vaihin
1 66 Neolithic (Figure 24). Similarly, in LB — Stone tools ing after death and to identii the histoiy of the group
arn -Schletz (Austria ) to burials in cemeteries, it
( Germany ) and Asp
63
gen (Germany), in addition
.
and children v167 Spondylus shell ornaments with its specific landscape and territory of the village. It
violence afficted men, women rticularly of children), par-
is common to find burials (pa
injuries such as healed trau in pits and ditches around Figure 25. Aiterhofen, Gerrnan’: LBK burial (origim] image cour marked a new linkage between the history of the body,
It includes many sub-lethal tial bodies and stray bones
clubs, suggesting that attacks y, perhaps most, people tesy ofSylvja CodreanuWindauer Bayerisches Landesarnt ftir Den- the histoi’ of the group, and places.18° This gives us a
mas probably inflicted with villages. This suggests that man kmalpflege, redrawn by Vicki Herring).
not necessarily systematic amongst the houses. Dis context for interpreting a kind of burial found consist-
were common but the goal was were actually buried around and
of endemic low-level raid- fe, with body parts perhaps
ently in small numbers throughout Neolithic Europe
killing. One gets the picture
—
where large numbers of the dea age or refer to idiosyncratj ritual statuses or circum
y, it suggests that a more losure, intentionally broken have led to quite different treatments ofthe deceased. For
theirvillage.’68 Anthropologicall
—
periods. deposit grave goods with the mo n; how - tombs, pots may relate to the ways in which the body was buried face down in a well. If burial rites provided
are very uncom
Neolithic Europe, grave goods
—
sou th- Stistaifled through feeding, the axes to exchanges made the plan of action merging collective identity with the
in areas such as in
The dead
new ways. For ever, they do occur repeatedly with others and amber beads to the ways in which people
the dea d in the latter case, lneinoW ofplaces, such flagrantly different burials were a
Neolithic people rela ted to
to a eas t Eur ope and amongst the LBK’72 In could assemble decoratire items that tied them into other
sent amongst them
such as red ochre, potterY means of excising the people involved presumably for
one thing, the dead were pre
—
ead hod - burials included grave goods Places and times. On a more abstract level, like ritually political or ritual reasons from history, a form of social
much greater degree. The larg
e-sc ale bur ial ofd ornaments such as brace-
flint and bone tools, axes, and
—
usly Par ticu larl y in lets adu lt moflulneI] ts 7as onepart of the broader acts of assembly
widespread than had been seen
previo lly with
Axes were deposited preferentia
.
around vill age s. In Arc lifleS :.t li rnil len,ia BQ provided a focus for socia1iia place Italy and Malta. Figurines are usually found discarded
between houses or in pits and ditches and status, along the
Eur ope and the Cen tral in terms of personal wealth Ne1ltj1C re People
could come together and work to construct and brolceii amid ‘domestic’ refuse. This suggests that
some areas, particularly Cen tral wit h the most things wins’.
of ‘wh oev cr dies
formal cemeter
Mediterranean, such burials evolved into
r
The limits of the body 55
John Robb
Harris, Preston Miracle and
Duan Bone, Oliver J. I.
54
, ..
‘.
S%
N
I
.4
...-
*.
I— - .
I?/
•
I..
...•
T, _
.
A ‘
‘.S
; I’
‘
.,
. ,,
S
i ..,-
;.SS
(b) ,..
-
t
. ••
(a)
•
• 5’
(a) (b)
;
ci Fire 27. Neolithic cave art: Porto Badisco, Italy, males in llunng scene (Graziosi 1974, fig. 157);
(a)
:._::-..‘
J1 “
.t
houses and bodies (Plate VId). Secondly, figurines vary
imiriensely From Greece to Hungary, there is no single
The Neolithic also sees the rise of rock art, some-
thing which will increase in subsequent periods. Although
I
6 - template for representing tile body. At some sites, tile
lower torso is emphasized, the upper body shrunken to a
dating is a major headache for most bodies of prehis
tonic rock art (and we discuss megalithic art in Chapter
Lt
.
simple rod; at others the torso is detailed and the limbs 4 as it dates principally to later in the Neolithic), it is
and head lyiefe nubs; there are three-dimensionaj ‘nattir worth mentioning several art traditioils here. At Porto
‘,,/ (d)
(e)
alistic’ bodies and flattened plaque-like bodies, there are
stiffly rigid bodies and freely gesturing bodies, there are
Badisco in south-easternulost Italy (Figure 27a),19° males
are shown hunting deer, whereas women identified by a
(C) hollow vessel-like bodies and bodies constructed in seg dot between their legs are depicted in a cllaractenistic
ece (Indiana University
dite rran ean Neo lith ic figu rines. A. Franchthi Cave, Gre illents specifically designed to be broken neatly apart. The pose, perhaps dancing. CPrayi,lg figures with upraised
reproduced with fund permis
sion
Figure 26. Balkan and Me nania (Bailey 2005, fig. 3.2,
14) . B. Har nan gia, Ror
lve, Ror nan ia (Ba iley 200 5, act ofabstnactioi1 and schematjsnll$6 needed to go from arms are lUlown in Neolithic tombs on Sardinia, as are ox-
Archives, P00315 Mason). C. Cucuteni/Tripo
glas s Bail ey, figu re drawn by Howard How ard Ma son ) . D Rendina, the body as people saw and experienced it to the body heads. In Iberia, ‘macro-schematic’ cave art also includes
of Dou ley, drawn by
.
Cat ign ano . Ital y (Ro bh 2007, fig. 6). as represented was governed by local tradition and by anthropomorpl1ic ‘praying’ figures. The most remark-
Italy (Robb 2007, fig. 5). E.
.
Southern the ileeds of the particular context; the result was Utter able and justly famous Neolithic art is Levantine cave art
constru ction of gender)85
not of gists know about the varied ithic heterogenejr Obvious as tills sounds, it needs saying, from Eastern Spain (Figure 2 7b) .
191
Images ofmen hunt-
particular purposes but upon a doctrinal, monol
they were important for s, Such a view is also based because it stands in strong contrast to the uniform way mg deer with bows are prominent; as at Porto Badisco,
y may have been used as toy n-
re reminiscent of Christia
particularly high value. The view of religion inuch mo in thich the body was represe,lted a few millennia later in a 5ociey whose subsistence was based mostly upon
agreements, or in rituals.’83 etlinographically in the tn
as tokens of relationships or ity than of anything luiown and it reveals a particular Neolithic understanding of the farming and herding, hunting is shown as an import-
ans, and the great major- s make two important
points
Most figurines depict hum bal world. Balkan figurine body ant male pursuit. Groups ofprobabie women are shown
show females, to judge from thic bodies (Figure 26a—c).
First,
ity of these are intended to for understanding Neoli In the Central and Westenil Mediterfallean the body dancing together. Levantine art also includes scenes of
as breasts and pubic areas. illustration of a theme
which
anatomical references such they provide an excellent appears in vo forms ofprehjstonic art.187 First, figurines yarfare between groups armed with bows and of herd-
males are also depicted.184 edly the interpla y of tec hno
In some areas, animals and y we will encounter repeat
—
are agaifl lUlOwn
throughout Italy, Sicily, Sardinia and ing and other varied activities; some figures wear dab
ly answered why primaril ecially Chapter 4 on
met als
It has never been satisfactori - logy and the body (see esp e Malta thOugh they are found in far fewer numbers than orate costumes such as feathered headdresses and in
e archaeologists and pop hnologies arise, they
pro vid
women should he shown. Som of a Ne o and Chapter 8). As new tec mef l the Balkans (altogethei. about 100 are iulowii in the one scene, a probable woman is shown collecting honey
s as evidence ding the body. Here, as we
ular writers have seen figurine new ways of understan CfltiiJ
Mediterl.alleail), they resemble the figurines dis while bees buzz around her. The body world shown
ciated with the fertility of ology between pots,
hod
lithic ‘Mother Goddess’ asso tioned earlier, we see a hom
c:usSed
eal•ijer. small, clay, female, found around do1llesc which gender is clearly
btful; there is no inherent tech in Levantine cave art is one in
erlain by a shared clay
the earth. This is extremely dou ies, and houses that is und With
1tes, and
evtl.efllel)T heterogeneous in form (Figure 26d enacted through specific activities , particularly hunting
uld have associated crop t in things such as pots
reason why Neolithic people sho nology and made eviden
and e .
Lake the Balkan figurines, they probably reflect for males and probably ritual dancing for women but in
and there is no other h as faces added to the
nil1,
fertility particularly with females anthropomorphic details suc Uni t5
both ‘a
pafcul context, practice or usage and how an which people participate in a wide range ofpursujts which
ver, this is based upon ls that of the social
evidence for such a cult. Moreo houses whose lifespan paralle rgh l
ext fernel
local com,uni ofpractice read tile body’89 cannot simply be reduced to gender or prestige value
t of what it means lptures me
a universalizing, essentialist concep inhabiting them, and even
pottery scu
h what anthropolo
to be a woman entirely at odds wit
r
The Neolithic body world: boundary between ‘the body’ and its ‘things’.’97 Instead, relations but these distinctions do not seem to have been
of generic, collective ancestral bodies.
—
are ways ofu nde rstanding the body through ic representations we have bodies created through the assembly of dispar organized around specific, recurrent dimensions of social
Bod y wor lds
we not ed prev ious hr, Humians tind ttnimals. Neolith ate elements, each originating in different social relations,
diverse practices (see Chapter 2). As human body. With a difference there was no single costume of power, for
emphasize the humanness of the
—
crea te coh eren t textures of bearing its ovn qualities and stories and making its own example. Material culture is rife with demonstratiois of
although thes e bod y wor lds e are very few human-
t tho ugh t of as rep- few exceptional examples,’94 ther contribution to the whole person. As an ensemble, Neo
experience, they are pro bab ly bes ead, there are far more remarkable skill, yet this effort was not harnessed to some
cou ld dra w, rath er than a animal hybrids in Neolithic art. Inst lithic material culture illustrates well the interdependence rational economy ofinyestment sOme calculus ofpolitical
ertoires upon which peo ple ally speaking, than in
way of und erst and ing the human representations, proportion of things and the bodies using and created by them; the
systematic and homogeneo us themselves are far less advantage; these products were prized, but they were also
lith ic bodies reviewed Palaeolithic art, and animal images social creation of the body was invested in things to a
The evid ence for Neo a fixed category con- created, used and disposed ofby ordinary people in ordin
important. Presenting immans as
—
world.’92
tion lacks reso lution, and greater degree than ever before. ary moments, not accul-nulated as social capital, or dis
summarily in an earli er sec not entirely new (as
ceptually distanced from animals was
—
and chr ono log ical var iati on; the The bOdyspotentiatfor difference The symbolic con- played as trophies. The point seems to have been simply
there is much reg ion al w), but it becomes by
est whe n con tras ted bro adly the Palaeolithic Venus figurines sho text for the human body shifted decisively in the Neo to create the qualities they display and the kinds ofperson
Neolithic picture looks clear far the dominant imagery in the
Neolithic. Burial evid
h Pal aeo lith ic and late r pre hist oric (Chapter 4) ways of al flui dity (as in the Danish lithic, from landscape and animals to the bounded body, with the skills needed to create them. Likewise, although
wit ence ofpotential human-anim
we can rud ime ntarily outline bounded spaces and social networks, and material things. food had an important social role (food linked people
doing thin gs. Nev erth eles s, er) is also generally
of Neo lith ic Eur ope an body Mesolithic examples discussed earli This is a huge transition in human embodimey-t. in these
some very broad elem ents to new economic prac and animals were social valuables), people could have
absent. This shift probably relates qualities, the Neolithic set the tone for all later periods.
agement’ Among produced far more than they actually did; there is little
yorlds. tices which carried new ‘ml es of eng
.
lith ic intr odu ced new rela It is important, however, to consider how the Neoljtl-,jc evidence for centralized storage accumulation, intensi
Bodies in spacc. The Neo often thought of as
hunter-gatherers, wild animals are
, -
s betw een bod ies and place s. If we were to plot rs sentient beings or was unique too. The overriding impression one gets of fication or redistribution, or for the harnessing of subsist-
tionship independent beings potentially pee
,
nified by a range of varied references: physiological ref ebration ofmartiali in grave goods, the development of
female, senior and junior which created new, less
like catt le herding, ritual, and ated relations between people and erences in figurines, gendered activities in rock art, and
gen der spec ific tasks ions between people specialized weaponry distinct from tools or hunting gear,
tially
raw mate rials . Agg regation into egalitarian and less bridgeable divis burial positions, and no doubt many gendered practices
the gatherin g ofd iffe ren t or a strategic choice of victims as opposed to indiscrim
es hounded villages’93 and animals. now Inaccessible to us too. Gender, however, appears
sometimes substantial and sometim er Wild animals remained important
in the Neolithic — mate raiding). Burial, likewise, shows little attention to
t of firm , stabl e insi der -ou tsid not to have been particularly highly politicized. For individual status through grave goods or tomb architec
suggests the developmen providing an alternative mode for und
erstanding anim -
inct ion s base d upo n co- resi den ce. Intergroup raid- ly for non-nutritional example, although weaponi-r and warfare were probably ture, which instead draw attention to ritual circumstances,
dist ality and humanity but gen eral
h groups was not
—
ges ts that hos tilit y betw een suc mat erials such as male things evei-vfiere we see no attempt in art, burial commuifrj5 and places.
ing sug
niti es par tici pati on in col reasons: they were a resource for raw goods or material culture to suggest that to be a success-
infrequent. Wit hin com mu -
tion of colours and What we get out ofthis discussion is mostly a texture
antler, fur and feathers, and for cita
,
ge ditc hes and mo num ents hil meinbe,- of society in other contexts, a male had to
lective projects such as villa Hence hunting is ofp ract ice, a set ofsocial reflexes. Juxtaposing all of these
ily wor k; yet con stru cted qua lities such as wifdness or danger .
gend
ambigui do not imply that Neolithic people did
territory than previously and a iously s1d1f’’1 at hand. It is the body’s potential for difference which is
exploited in the plethora of ostentat
.
the dead’s remains were retained for body was created stabl ewidely acknowledged gender definitions, socially productive.
nt of Neolithic things. Moreover, the social
ate highly visible monuments. Moreover, the poi
r
much in our Palaeolithic examples. world centred around the body’s pote
ntial for difference. any clear point of inflection. In fact, the rnultimodaj_ social life, technology and economy cannot be logically
of the evidence which
data is limited by the patchiness In Chapter 9, we return to the impo
rtant issue of why it)’ of culture means that wild animals remained syrn prior to the body. Instead, technology is embodied (see
and idlometres; it is
is spread over thousands of years the nature ofmultirnodaliw itselfchanges
in the different bolically important in many Neolitl-ijc groups long after also Chapters 2 and 8). The transition to the Neolithic
rences really existed
hard to tell whether apparent diffe time periods we encounter.
hunting lost its economic centrality and most hurnai affords a concrete example ofthis. Ifwe ascribe changes in
within groups or are because of historical difference animal relations were redefined in completely different beliefs about the body to sedentisn or farming, we then
occasional hints
between groups. However, there are al process ways. have to answer the question: why did foragers decide
obvious example is Conclusion: The body in historic
of multirnodal contrast. The most Secondly, this chapter provides a classic example of to become sedentary farmers? It is hard, however to
y human figures
the polarity henveen the unambiguousl twO of the classic scale effects (see Chapter 2) a picture ofchge which ansTef this question Witliotit involving em bodied logics
li-i this chapter, we have considered
—
e a stylized, nor-
of the Venus figurines that emphasiz Upper Palaeolithic looks clear and distinct when seen at the largest scale and landscapes of action.
nsional humans ‘revolutions’ ofhurnan prehistorv: the
mallv faceless corporeality, the nvo dime
-
ins ofcognition’) and the looks blurry and patchy when we look close up at mdi We can demonstrate this using both modes of look-
sketched upon bones and stones that emp
hasize the head ( sometimes heralded as the ‘orig ing life. Both have vidual pixels. For example, there are always discrepancies ing at causality proposed in the preceding chapter. In a
it’v between Neolithic beginning of sedentary farm
and face in profile, and the fluid perrneabil but they both between a homogenized picture drawn across Europe and ‘contingent causation’ view, the world is seen as a net-
other images and rightly been critiqued as origin myths,204
humans and animals suggested in ngst both for- a particular case: foragers may be sedentary or use pottery, work of relations, each ofwhich contributes to structur
capture important social transitions. Amo or farmers may remain largely mobile or persist in creat
practices. were not given ing the others at each point in time. Hence the future
human body agers and farmers, the limits of the body
Different modes of understanding the gh practice and ing human/anji-aJ hybrids. Is this a problem? Ifwe view results from the ensemble of felations in the present
Neolithic; here hut were defined and sustained throu
—
are more clearh’ detectable during the rise ofnew forms of history as a Newtoniai clockwork mechanism with a frmnc an array of relations to which the body is ftmndarnentai
Neolithic body ritual. We argue that both involve the
the evidence becomes more concentrated. Upper Palaeolithic tional or deterministic logic, such slippages benveen scales For example in asking how economic changes related to
We have already men- embodiment. It is not at all clear that
worlds abound in contradictions. to use language or mean we have either drawn our generalizatio;5 wrong or understandings ofthe human body, we have black-boxed
an-a nima l relations foragers were the first hominids able
tioned the dual forms which hum gical record really collected our data incorrectly. But history is not a clock- ‘economy’ and ‘the body’ as bounded, distinct known
social valuables to think symbolically; what the archaeolo
took; whereas domestic animals were actin g systemically in work mechanjsn- turning out rigid stereotypes. To a more quantities; we assume that ‘the body’ is constant in all
d, wild animals shows us is humans thinldng and
be controlled, circulated and consume es, burying bod thoughtful reading, the play between large-scale patterns ways except those which are proposed as potential effects
and symbolic an embodied way ornamenting bodi
were principally sources of raw materials
—
es, relating bodies and such ‘discrepancies’ are actually informative about of change and we assume that these potential effects of
anim als could ies, categorizing and representing bodi
resources. At the same time, domestic time This was a how historical processes unfold They tell us, for instance, change do not simultaneously feed back reciprocally into
to animals and landscapes for the first
.
s of their human
also be understood as the corollarie
—
ed to animals as that although we can define general historical tendencies, the proposed causes of change. But this assumption is
201
ther in burials world offluid and mobile bodies that relat
counterparts , their bodies mixed toge to transform into what happens in a given situation reflects local contin probably false. Many aspects ofeconomic practice would
hip.202 Human co-species and had tlie potential at times
or used as metaphors for human ldns eolithic art but in gencjes rather non-determiitistjcalJ Moreover the rela have changed the body and how it was understood. The
com munities within them, a potential found not only in Pala
bodies belonged to bounded local Vir, the statues of tionships underlying these general tendencies are not ‘Neolithic demographic transition’ is an obvious example;
but they were the fish/human boulders of Lepenski
which their social identity was defined, wing at Vedbaek. tight functional determinism5 but elective affinities. For though archaeologists and demographers tend to regard
boundaries and Göbekli Tepe, and the baby on a swan’s
ornamented witl traded objects crossing viours is evid example, in both Neolithic groups and foragers such as such things as abstract population models, we are talking
People killed each An even broader range of embodied beha
incorporating the lure of the exotic. rent approach Natufians and in the Danube Gorges, sedentisn often about women’s and men’s reproductive biographies, life
violence within ent in the Neolithic, which reveals a diffe
other in warfare, raiding and probably le understood seems to lauj-ch a decisive change in how the body in risks, and potential breadth and depth of social relations
glorified in mater- to understanding the body. Neolithic peop deatfi j used to relate people to places. Yet this is not a
groups, but fighting per se was not the social rela through children and marriage partners 205 New forms
a fact which gives rise to their bodies in less fluid ways, through
.
ial culture, burial or art . It was more often Unlllersal either/or relationship not all sedentamy farm- of gendered labour (such as herding or making pottery)
tions they had with their communities
—
—
and the Spanish Levant suggests that hunt Ybryd images by human images, yet this shift in imagery
—
scape would 1Ot have bee have embodied sinlilar tile Neolithic Near Fast has recently been reallalyseCi by Gamble 1999, 28$.
hunlans and aninlals, which nlav 25.
avai1able but upon probably demonstrably dit}rent things.
In
which plentiful land \vas Liualities but ‘erc now
( fl)uCller (20 1 2 ) For the Iron Gates, see Bori ( 2002; 26. lerol-GorIrillIl 1993.
of action such as pastora
hsm and play . und er-
nale-oriented forms forces ar e at 2005a; 2005b; 201 1 ). Ihe best single authored o’eniew 27. Grinllll 2000 Roux Dcii, aIld l)ietrich 1995.
both cases, e\’eIl as other causal
iflOdels of Neolit1iic eXpailsion ntial condition of how
minting; hence ccononic standings of the body torn l an esse ()ftlle LUR)pean Neolithic is undouhtedJ Whittle ( I 996); 2$. isltissi 200() 361.
se of space wottid ha\’e had a oncai hut see also Whittle (2003 ). Finaily, tile most theoretically 29. GaIhlhle 1999, 334. Ill all excellent account of
which are based upon a sen y change Unfolds. Fhe body is
a generator of 1iist nlatet-ials
. Likewise, redefining the bod i111)\’Ocative ‘‘ork en tile body in all tile periods covered aIld illeir properties Ill tile Upper Palacoiitilic, Cliantal
gender dilfleflslOfl as well ups process.
tie it to local landsca pes and gn) by tills chapter is Galllbie (2007). Conneiler (201 1 , 45 ) points out tilat Aurigilaciall heads
il-i such a vav as to
Jllanv inlportant Neolithic 2. Aibrethsei1 and Brincli Petersen 1 976; Nil55011 Stutz lllade fronl stone and ivory s\ere produced in tile Sallle
fornled the precondition ibr
s. As such 2003. Illanner even \Vilen this llleallt that tile Illaterials became
g-distance trade netxvork
iflStitutft)flS such as lon NOTES
the body’ show, it is ditti 3. For a more detai]ed take on tile chronology ofthjs period Illuch ilarder to \“Ork. It would llave been simpler to
nintencIed consccuences of 1 At tile start otcach ofour case
-study chapters, we include see l)eh1x)eks et al 2000). Illake tile heads ditirelltiy Out of i\’ory hut people act-
ses affectl1lz tile body, as give the reader a sense of
.
cult to distinguish external cau a short bibliographic footnote to 4. Bailey 2008; Bailey and Spikins 2008 ively chose Ilot to do SO tilere were set bodily fllovemellts
h which such causes act are material co\’ered in tills
the forum of action thR)Ug the key literature on the ficid. The :l. cf Gallihie 2007. WllCll it cane to tile lllaking Ofparticular kinds of heads.
er safe to black-box tile tctres, which reflect tile
themselves embodied . It is nev chapter fails between several iitera h. ( )f course, tilere are real differences hens-cell tile leso 3t). Sillciair 1995
. I’he study ofthc body
body! conceptual partitioning c)fthe field ililhie aild tile Palaelitilic ( Jot least Ill tile environnle]hts 31. I)ohres 2000.
Ilie other xa’ to approach cau
sality is to devise tra ill archaeolog’ has beco
iiie increasingh’ popular in the last I Iley explOJed aJld exploited ), and authors such as Zvelehii 32. White 1993.
ratives which ascribe cau
sation
tWo decades, enlerging
out of a conlbinatlon of interests 2009 ) have argued powerfui1’ for a consideratloil of tile 33. It is worth noting tilat tllcre are no lcm)wn huriais tllat
ditional explanatory nar
rather than diffusing it gen
erally ); Nordbladil and Yates
tO particular flctors in P°51 -structuraiisiii ( I—c)wier 200t \ lesolithie Oil Its O\Vll tefllls. At tile scale at which we are date to tile earliest part of tile Upper Palaeolitllic prior to
ence of Foucanit par
thR)ughout a network otcircuinst
ances — lit to do SC) tree I 990; Ibonlas 2002 with the influ ‘5 orking, however, tllere are clear cc)ntilluities between tile tllis point (Pettitt 2011).
nisn l Giichrist 1 999
social life must be struc ticuiariv notable, gender and fbnli W() pellods, lilcltiding cOnl]lhoflaJities of 34. Vanllaelen and dErnc() 2005; see also Calllhle 20t)7,
from preconceptions about ht)\\
t
f)rager iifeways
994 , iliie v 2t)t) Ihonas
opean Neolithic, hunlan and phenonlenoiogv (Tiiiev I Ild Clllderstalldillgs of huillan bodies. 144—150
tured. F)f example, Ill tile Eur ored the bod both as a
ion tend to be replaced by 2002 ). These studies have expl cttitt 2t) 1 1. 35. Galllhle 2007, 146.
animal hybrids in representat lay and expression an
bounded hunlan bodx’ at s\fli[)OliC Iliedlun) for social disp ‘ e.g. Meliars and Stringer 1 989; Mithell 1996. 36. (Talllhle 1999, 405; Oiiva 2000.
inlages hrnllv toregrounding a via nore experiential accounts ofe nlb odi nlen t ( Boric aii 0 Ileidegger 1962; Merieau-pc)Ihty 1962. 37. Galllhle 1999 IIllla I 98$; Svohoda, Lozek, and \1eck
start herding domest
about the same time as people 1)bb 2t)t)$; Hanlhiakis, Pluc ienn ik, and fario w 2002
1‘ .L. lllgold 2t)00, chapter 2 1. 1996.
ward to regard tills as a and Josc
icated animals. It is straightfor FIC)UStO1l, Stuart, and Tauh
e 200 6; IIesk eii
11 Clark 1997. 3$. Gallible 2007, 197.
n aninlals becanie property e acro ss case 5tUtJ
functional conlpatibiiltv: whe 2t)t)3, Petrv and Joyce 2t)01 ). They rang 12 2006. 39. e.g. Peresani et al. 201 1.
ls
of ininlans, they ceased
being potential peers and trai les fJ01ll tile old \VOrid and the new, bridg ing topic s suc
13 LOld 2000. 40. e.g. \‘anhaeren and d’Errico 2005
tormations. But in the hist
ory of the Neolithic transition as the Classic is1a’a aii
Anci ent Egyp t, Neol ithic LUrC )t
I IllfX)rtailt as x’ell tO ilote tilat eveil Wilere evidence is 41 . We ‘ill see ilOw Illetais too [lecallle incorporated in sur
compatltlhiities tend to be e 20t)5 ) prov ides a reid
as a whole, such functional and Bronze Age roclc art. Joyc ( I!lg for tile lcillds Of hod’ W’C)Iid we see Ill tile Upper lacing ti’e hod)’ ill Chapter 4.
tically, and the tct that they ively recent and useful sun]nlarv.
i\Iost of these acou 42. Connelier 201 1 ; Ingold 2007; VJhite I 997, 95.
assembled gradually and elas ,iet)iitilic and IC5OJitllic tills does not lhecessariiy inlpiy
and interpretation
1
not necessarily tell us how they tend to deal with the descripti on hsellce of tilese killdS of Cllgageilleilt (ct \IcBrearty 43. Fo\\7Jer 2004a.
exist at one point does ld telir
begin to sec a symbolic of a body \vorld, as ve wou 44. Witlhoclt \\ islhhllg to suppress tile differences betweell
1articCIllr aspect
arose Iii earlier periods. Thus ve that body worl d canie to b
body in Natttfian figur and rarely engaged in ho nyc Gaulble (2t)07) lla so ciearl’ denlollstrated, tills Palaeolitllic and McSOilthic, as discclssed in an earlier dId
locus ilpon the bounded human cog niti ve evol ution ’ and
ore the first sheep or goa
t x’as lot the debate on .
isit 1011 CJJ1 he seen 110t as a revolutioll htlt as part of a Ilote, we do agrie tilere 15 enough silllilarity to draw 011
nies and burials, long bef jer Palaeolithic transition
in Lun)t
al less on lVIiddle to t cr111
directiona] change in how ilunlans Ltllderstf)od sllared concepts aroulld tile Ilulllan hod’, as revealed Ill
r Fast. Ifthere is any caus re
domesticated in tile Nea 989 and the niore
see I\Iei)ars and Stringer ),
C 1 orld and tileit bodies. His account takes all even
that redefining the symbolic
‘
tills exaniple
tO be Iearned it has to be i1eilars et ai. ( 2t)07 ), ?\1it hen ( I 996 ) and Zili lio (20(’
tClllpoiaJ perspective than ours, alId “here we clif 45 .Conneller (2004 ) draw’s inspiration tronl ulhdersralldillgs
( t
animal bodies formed a
boundaries between human and hic art, the best gei ti
1—or French and Spanish Paiaeolit ft Ierpretati11 111 places we have heell illspired by his of perspectivislll conlllloll ill North and South Allierica
on of aninlais, not tile nfeld ( 1967 ), aithoi h
precondition fbr tile domesticati handbook renlalns Lckc ) and Rose hli1Ilgillg and Stilllulating account tlhat we touched 011 111 tIle last cllapter (See lilgoid 2000;
lbolisnl trigger tl7e Nco at Chacive
reverse. So did shifts iii body svn this piedates the spectaccilar discoven’ C
1 6 1; ,j 997 Illgoid 2000; Myers I 986. Vl\eiros de Castl-o 199$ ). Ratller tllan hold tilat tile phys
narrative, hO\VeVer, is ps and Hiiia ire ( 1996 i\ii 17
lithic? Perhaps. The elasticity ofthis Chauvet, Brunel 1)esc hanl ical hod’ is Sxed \Vllilst culture is Illalleable, Mesolitihic
.
PPNB, so the rela tion s betw een hunlan and aninlal bod been svnthesised by Pettitt t 20 1 1 ). C
‘\
hot lllcafl to iIllplv a categorical difference hets-veen to tra1lsf)rlll itself to reveal its inner deer-tless by wearing
( 1 999 ); and f
hekii fepe and oiogy of the PaiaeOiithiC, see Galilbie
t
ies came under scrutiny Oil the pillars of(o bodies, nor between bodies of JIarticrllar kllldS of nlaslcs.
IC5 alid their tile
8 and tw’
\lesoiithic, see BaiIe’ and Spikens (2t)0 )
I
cnski Vir illustrates ii ilcI)ds and tllose of Prelhistoric f)Iles. Illstead 46. Pettirt 2011.
tile \valis of çata1hovülc. Perhaps Lep son et ai . 200 3 ; 1\Ic( a I
collectlc)ns of pape (rs I,ars
a conipicmentary scenario, that
of foragers Vh() (like the ICIL llt lclllds of evidence 110111 I1Icilistoly Illean ‘e 47. Pettitt2t)1l, 3$.
al 2t)t)9 ). Ibere is a huge
literature on tile i\fes II
hj5 all the 4$. Aldll()rIse-(reell aild Pettitt I 99$; Oliva 2000 Pettitt
ike the Natufians) 011 Strallds Otevidence available to us
Natulians ) became sedentary, hut ( unl
IlL
Neolithic transition in hur ope . For general models \i
20 1 1 ; Svohoda, lozek, alld \Tleck I 996
transformable isidcring tue tlody.
held firmly to a forager ‘iew’ C)i a fluidly 1 and Rohb l
‘‘
s. 93. Alhrethsen and Mummert et al. 2011. 181. Whittle 1996, 243.
ofthe Ital ian site n 1989.
(Oliva 2000) and some and Meikeljohn 2003; Larsso 143. Bocquet-Appel 2002; 2009; Bocquet-Appe] and Bar- 182. Bone 2010; Forty and KUchier 1999; Harris in press;
1, 211— 214. 3.
52. Pettitt 201 94. Nilsson Stutz 200 Yosef200$ Bocquet-Appel and Dubouloz 2004. Rowlands 1999.
s 200$.
53. Gamble 1999; Spikin 95. Nilsson Stutz 2003, 173
.
144. e.g. Hedges, Saville, and O’Connell 2008; Jackes, Lubell, 183. Bailey 2005; Beihl 2006; Chapman and Gavdarska 2006;
0. 200 3, 310 .
54. Mussi 200 96. Nilsson Stutz and Pvleiklejohn 1997; Lightfoot et a!. 2011; Richards Talalay 1993.
Con wv 200 1, 51. 4a.
55. Rowlev- 97. Fowler 200 2000. 1 84. Male figurines dominate at some exceptional sites, as in
56. Pettitt et al. 2003. n 1993.
9$. Fowler 2004a; Larsso 145. Different Neolithic groups may also have modelled their the recent exca\ratiois at PavlovacCukar in Serbia by one
200 9; Jon es 200 7. a.
57. Harris 99. Fowler2004 understal-idings of kinship on those that existed between ofus (DB)
5$. Pettitt 2011, 14. Petersen 1976, 8—9.
100. Albrethsen and Brinch their cattle herds (e.g. Ray and Thomas 2003), and on 185. Meskell 1995; Tringham and Conkey 199$.
59. Gamble 2007. 101. Fowler 2004a, 144. occasions created contexts in which cattle and humans 186. Bailey 2005
60. Pet titt 201 1. 102. Bonsai] 200$, 23$. became equivalent (see Harris 2011 for a discussion of 187. Rohb in press a.
Con nell er (20 05) for discussion of the British evid
61. See 103. Bone 2005a. one such moment) 188. fugazzola Delpino and Tine 2003; Holmes and White-
le. fanovié 2009.
enc e for exa mp
taiw ske leto n of a 104. Bone, Raievié, and Ste 146. Robb 2007. house 1998; Robb 2007.
of the fi-ag men
62. This burial is made up ual 105. Radovanovié 1997. 147. Marcinjak 2005; Robb 2007; Russell 199$. 189. Wenger 1998.
com plet e adu lt female. This latter individ 2.
chil d and a 106. Cristiani and Bone 201 148. Gamble 2007; Hodder 2006; Renfrew 2007. 190. Graziosi 1974; 1980.
ologies, including ones that
suffered from various path 107. Bone and Ste fan ovi 200 4.
149. Bori 200$, 121. 191. Fairén-Jiménez, in press.
her behaviour in life (Porr
would have potentially affected ary 10$. Bori20 05a . 150. It is an interesting aside (although one we do not have 192. Bourdjeu 1977; Thomas 1996.
goods are quite extraordin
and Alt 2006). The grave h, a pol 109. Borié 2010. the space to explore here), whether those areas where 193. Or, in other parts of Europe, the constructioi of enclos
e from animal teet
and include fifty pendants mad 110. Bone 2005a, 59. clay was used solely for pottery and not for figurines (e.g. ures where such gatherings could happen at particular
bone ofa crane used as a case
ished stone axe and the long 111. Bori 2005a. Mesoljthjc Ertebølle groups in Scandinavia and Neolithic times.
toliths (Porr and Alt 2006, gham 2000; cf. Bonsall 200
8.
for thirty-one well-made mic 112. Bone 2002; 2005b; Trin groups in Britain) had different conceptions of the body 194. Hof}nanr and Whittle 200$; and further recent discover-
396). 113. Bone 2011. as a result. ies by one ofus (DB) at the Serbian site ofPavlovacCukar
7;
nge r 198 9; Zilhão 2007. 201 1 ; Robb and Miracle 200
63. Me llar s and Stri 1 14. Cummings and Harris 151. With obvious exceptions, e.g. Ingold 2000. 195. Ingold 2000, 75.
64. Rice 1981. Rowley-Conwv 2004; 2011. 152. Robb 2007, chapter 5. 196. This in itselfwas not entirely new, ofcourse, but was built
65. McDermott 1996. 115. Gamble 2007. 153. Boric 2009 on and expanded a range of existing practices that had
66. Leroi-Gourhan 196$. 116. e.g. Chiide 1942. 154. Chapman 2000; Chapman and Gaydarska 2006. existed in the Palaeolithjc and Mesolithic as we emphasize
67. Fiedorczuk et al. 2007. 1990; 2006; Renfrew 2007.
9. 1 17. Cauvin 2000; Hodder 155. Hofmajn and Whittle 200$. later u-i the chapter.
Van div er et a!. 198
6$. Soffirr Ct al. 1993; 11$. Ingold 2000, 61. 156. Robb 1997. 197. cf. Webmoor and Witmore 2008.
69. Sofferetal. 1993. 119. Boyd 2002. 157. Bejiiilce 1985. 198. Bailey 2005; Holmes and Whitehouse 1998.
Pettitt and Balm 2003.
70. Clottes 2000; but see also 120. Gamble 2007, 267; Till
ey 1999.
158. Mallegni and Fornaciari 1980. 199. In this respect, it was probably similar to the “Great
71. Sieveldng 1979. ley-Conwy 2001.
121. Boyd 2005; 2006; Row 159. Bone 200$; Halstead 1999; Souvatzj 200$. Man “ societies described ethnographicayr in some areas
72. Mithen 1990. . 122. Boyd 2006, 173. 160. Stevanovic 1997. of Melanesia (Godelier 1986). In such societies, people
see the following discussion
73. Lewis-Williams 2002 and 123. Byrd and Monahan 199
5. 161. Robb 2007. can gain prestige fi-om a widc range ofactivities garden-
—
and Haidle 2006. A recent alternative interpret- 202. Ray and Thomas 2003.
$4. cf. Barrett 1994. Venhoeven 2002.
systems collided as 134. Croucher 2010; 2011; atlon views Herxheim as an episode of mass cannibalism 203. Harris and Robb 2012.
risi ngl ’, whe n the two ll 201 1.
85. Not surp 135. Hodden and Meske (‘oulestin et a]. 2009). 204. Gamble 2007.
ans beg an to colo nize the globe, colonial govern- 6; 199 $. 17 2. Br1
Europe
foragers by making 136. Rollefson 1983; 198 fnoti1 in press; Hothann and Whittle 2008. 205. Collard et al. 2010; Bocquet-Appel and Bar-Yosef 2008.
merits typ ical ly trie d to con trol mo bile ven 200 2, 338 for two examples 173
fixed iden tiw . 137. Though see Venhoe Midgley 2008. 206. Robb in press b.
le,
them settle down and adopt a sing Nevali Con.
174
POWler 2004a. 207. sensu Latour 2005.
$6. ing old 200 0, 71.
13$ . Rodden 2006; cf. BoriC 2007.
old 200 0, 423 ; Vil aca 200 5; Viv eiros de Castro 1998.
$7. Ing