CHAPTER IV

RELIGION AND RITUALS

From the very dawn of culture we see a close association between

power, religion and ritual. It has been all the more so with regard to Kerala.

The following account will give a picture of the complex relations among

these in connection with the Kavalappara and Koodali tarawads as the

institutional base.

The concepts of religion and culture are equally vague and full of

complexities and ambiguities. Thoughts about religion brings to our mind

ideas about god, worship, festivals, belief, rituals etc. But none of these

constitute the essence of religion. Religion is to be understood as a practical

system of belief in something which human beings consider to be beyond

themselves and which binds them together so as to organize their life into

some sort of socio religious community.1

The period under study has been noted for the ascendancy of

Nambuthiri brahmins. The basis of their power and influence was their ritual

and economic status. But along with these brahmins there developed

powerful non-bramin landed gentry in Malabar like the Koodali family and

Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar. By dint of their economic status and association

1
Basil Pohlong, Culture and Religion: A Conceptual Study, New Delhi, 2004, p.
xvi.

105
with the ruling authorities these families enjoyed considerable religious and

ritual powers.

Temples have been the centre of social, economic and cultural life in

medieval Kerala. This continued to be so in the colonial period also. In most

case these temples under the trusteeship of the Nayar families also were the

centres of life and culture in a locality. Infact this aspect is evident from the

history of Koodali family and the Kavalappara.

Through the kavus and temples the Koodali and Kavalappara families

exercised considerable influence over their respective localities. There were

two main categories of shrines in Kerala, the kshetras and kavus. The first

category, the kshetras are dedicated to the superior deities of the Hindu

pantheon, Siva, Vishnu, their consorts and incarnations and to Ganapathi.

The second category of kavu are shrines of the comparatively inferior deities

like Bhagavati or Bhadrakali, Ayyappan, Vettakorumakan etc. These kavus

were also shrines of non-brahmin gods like Kuttichathan, Gulikan, Mundiyan

and the like. Often the kavus would not have roofs and they would be amidst

wild trees and plants.2 This also served the purpose of preserving the

equilibrium in ecology. In course of time structural temples were built in the

place of old shrines. Thus the kavus become synonymous with the temples in

Kerala.

2
Innes and Evans, Malabar Gazetteer, (1908), Thiruvananthapuram, 1997, p. 151.

106
 The religious institutions, mainly the kavus, also furnished as recruiting

centres of the agrestic slaves. The religious centres, from a very early period

onwards, had acted as centres of all human activities. On certain festive

occasions in these kavus, families of agrestic slaves offered themselves for

money.3 The religious centres of the lower castes were under the control of

the high caste brahmin and Nayar landlords.4

The Koodalikavu was also the temple of Daivathar. The deities of the

kavu are Bhagavati and Vettakkorumakan. The Koodali kavu had various

kinds of rituals and occasions of celebrations like pattu, kalamezhuthu, aratt

etc. pattu and kalamezhuthu have been common to the kavus of Kerala.

These are ritual arts presented during festive occasions. It is presented in the

kavus and temples mainly in the mandala kalam (Vrischikam-Dhanu of

Kollam Era). In certain temples it is also called Vrischika pattu as it begins

from Vrischika 1st for 41 days. kalamezhuthu and pattu are conducted as an

oblation in temples. Kalamezhuthu has been the practice of drawing the

pictures of gods and goddesses without the aid of any instrument, with

uncommon speed using five colours of powders.5 The colours are obtained

from natural things like turmeric, leaves of vaga, rice flour, etc. This is a

3
Chirakkal. T.Balakrishnan Nair (ed.), Kerala Bhasha Ganangal, Trissur, 1979,
p.233.
4
K.K.N. Kurup, Aryan Dravidian Elements in Malabar Folklore: A Case Study
of Ramavilliam Kalakam, Trivandrum, 1977, p.10.
5
Venu G "Kalamezhuthu", Samskara Keralam, Book 2, No.2, Department of
Cultural Publications, Kerala Government, Trivandrum, 1985, pp, 4, 7 and 8.

107
ritual art and consists of the drawing the figure of the deities as described in

Kesadipadha Varnana or the description of the body from hair to feet. This

art form is also called dhooli chithra. This art form has been there in various

parts of South India. But now it is mainly confined to Kerala. It is related to

the alpana of Bengal and kolam drawing of Tamilnadu. But only one colour

is used in these. In colour combination dhooli chithra of Kerala resembles the

mural paintings. Usually the kalamezhuthu is conducted in connection with

the festivals in devi temples or during the period of mandala kalamezhuthu is

conducted in the kavus of Ayyappa, Vettakorumakan and in the Sarppakavu

during festive occasions. In certain temples kalamezhuthu is conducted on

almost all days. After the completion of the kalam (the picture), there will be

a pooja and the recitation of song, praising the deity whose picture is drawn.

There will be kalamezhuthu in connection with ritual arts like thiyattam,

kolamthullal, sarppamthullal, mudiyattam etc.6

The drawing of the kalam will be started with meditation infront of a

lighted stand lamp. The kalam will be on the smooth surface inside the temple

near the balikkalpura. Sometimes it will be on the temporary space selected

for the same. On this space a panthal will be built. Whether it is in the

panthal or inside the temple, there will be a ceiling of fresh cloth decorated

with tender coconut leaves and flowers. On the eastern corner of the panthal

6
. Ibid

108
a 'padmam' will be drawn for propiating Ganapathi. A sword believed to be

the representation of the sword in the hands of Bhagavati will be placed on a

tripod on which a red cloth will be spread. A coconut also will be placed near

it as a symbol of Ganapathi. Rice and paddy along with the bunch of coconut

flower or arecanut flower also will be placed there. Usually the kalam will be

9 feet long and 7 feet wide or 5 feet long and 3½ feet wide. There will be an

assistant for the man who draws the kalam. As noted above natural powders

are used for drawing the picture. For black the charcoal of the paddy husk is

used. For yellow turmeric powder and for white rice powder are used. By

adding lime to turmeric red colour is created. The powder of the nenmeni

vaga (Acacia Adoratissima) leaf is used for green.7 The drawing of the

picture will start from the face. First an outline will be drawn. Then it will be

filled with powder. The powder will be taken in the palm and make it befall

through the space in between the fore finger and middle finger.8 The

community of Kurup is specialised in kalamezhuthu9. The sense of colour in

kalamezhuthu is very attractive. The pattu will be along with the beating of

Chenda, Elathalam and Nanthuni. The last rite in the kalamezhuthu is the

kalammayikkal or wiping out of the kalam. It will be wiped out using the

7
S. Guptan Nair (ed). Visva Vijnanakosham, Vol. IV, Kottayam, 1988, pp. 487-
488.
8
Venu G. op.cit.
9
S. Guptan Nair, op.cit, p. 488.

109
flower of arecanut. The kalam will be erased from its feet. The face of the

deity must not be trampled.

In the Koodalikavu the kalampattu used to be conducted in the month

of Vrischikam. There are documentary evidences for the details of the

expenditure incurred in for this.10 The kalamezhuthu pattu needed four nazhi

of raw rice, 12 konghazhi of rice for making rice powder, five nazhi of rice

for making thanniramirth or sweet cake etc, along with the rice used for the

ritualistic purposes like ashtamangalyam offerings to Ganapathi etc.

Altogether a large quantity of rice was needed which included the

remuneration in rice to the tantri and the man who drew the kalam. A

measure of ghee, curd and sandal at an expense of rupees six panam also was

needed for it.11

Another important ritual and festive occasion in the Koodali bhagavati

temple has been the arattu. Certain documents in the Koodali Granthavari

deal with the expenses incurred in the arrattu of Koodalikavu.12 It includes

the remuneration to various persons involved in it in terms of rice, rice needed

for nivedyam, ashtamangalyam etc; and coconut needed for the rituals, oil for

lightening lamps etc. The dakshina to the Nambuthiries, Embranthiries and

10
K.K.N. Kurup (ed), Koodali Granthavari, Calicut University Historical Series,
Calicut University, 1995, Document No.25, Section E, p. 127.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid, Document No.26, p.127.

110
Nambidi were given in panam. The remuneration to komaram or the oracle,

to Marar, or the drummer, the fire worker, Menoki, the Nayar pilots, Vannan

and the like also were in term of panam.13 The pooram in the temple also

used to be celebrated in a grand manner.

After the pooram the bhandaram will be opened and collected in the

presence of the Koodali Nambiars, Menokkies and the like. It is the Kandoth

Nambiar who opens and counts it in the presence of the Koodali Nambiars,

Menokkies and the like. Bhandaram will be locked and sealed by the

Kunnath Nambiar. The keys will be kept by the Menokki. The money in the

bhandaram will be received by the Kunnath Nambiar and will be given to the

Koodali Nambiar. There is a reference to the ordeal of kaimukku14 in the

documents connected with the opening of bhandaram. The quantity of ghee

needed for the same in specified.15

The performance of the cult of teyyam in the Koodalikavu also has

been famous. Teyyam is the corrupt form of the word daivam or god and

teyyattam literally means the dance of god.16 The performer in teyyam cult is

believed to be the personification of the popular deity. Teyyam has been the

13
Ibid.
14
Kaimukku is a trial by ordeal. For details see P. Bhaskaranunni, Pathompatham
Nootantile Keralam (1988), Kottayam, 2000, p. 746.
15
K.K.N. Kurup,(ed.), Koodali Granthavri, op.cit, Doc. No.27, p. 129.
16
A. Sreedhara Menon, Social and Cultural History of Kerala, New Delhi, 1979,
p.146.

111
admonisher and protector of the various communities of peoples in North

Kerala.17 He gives expression to the mind and the actions of the deity in the

form of measured steps and rhythmic dances.

Teyyam is a very vigorous dance in which the performer wears

resplendent costumes and towering head gear (mudi). The rhythmic beatings

of a number of chendas (drum) and kuzhals (pipe) will add to the supernatural

character of the dance. The performers of the teyyam cult belong to the caste

of Vannans and Malayans.18 The performance of the teyyam in the kavu

added to the prestige of the Koodali family.

In Northern Kerala teyyam has been an indispensable part of the

religious life of the rural people. This art form has been co-ordinating almost

all castes and sections of Hindu society as a lively form of worship with

centuries old traditions practices and rituals.19 The teyyam has been a ritual

dance with remarkable performance owing to many a factor. It co-ordinates

various group of people and their rituals and practices. As such it has been a

symbol of unity among various sections of the society.20

17
Sanjeevan Azheekode, Teyyathile Jathivazhakkam (Malayalam), Kottayam,
2007, p.10.
18
For details regarding Teyyam see K.K.N. Kurup, The Cult of Teyyam and Hero
Worship in Kerala, University of Calicut, 1973, p.54.
19
K.K.N. Kurup, Aryan Dravidian Elements in Malabar Folklore: A Case Study
of Ramavilliam Kalakam, Trivandrum, 1977, p.3.
20
M.V. Vishnu Nambuthiri (ed), Teyyam, Thiruvananthapuram, 1998, p.2.

112
 As noted above the persons belonging to the community of Malayan,

Vannan, Velan, Coppalan, Mavilan, Munnuttuvan, Anjuttuvan etc. belonging

to the lowest strata of the society are performing the art form of teyyam.

They were segregated by the savarnas or the high caste people. But when

these persons come in the attire of teyyam and dance with all the grandeur the

members of the same higher caste bow before them and worship them.21 At

least for the time being it gave these sections of lower caste a self confidence.

Indeed the concept of bhakthi has been used as a safety valve for the unrest

and dissatisfaction arising from the ups and downs in the society.

The teyyam performers had only occasional employment. The

performer was attached to the shrines in which he was to perform teyyam. It

was his 'right'. But actually it was a bonded labour. Through the hereditary

right of performing teyyam, he was fulfilling a social obligation.22

It was believed that such performance would make it possible to get rid

of bad times from the families and the same would invest the tarawad with

peace and prosperity. Teyyams were conducted for general agrarian

prosperity and the public good.23 The performance of the kavu added to the

prestige of the Koodali family. There has been the practice of performing the

21
Ibid, p.3.
22
K.K.N. Kurup, Teyyam a Ritual Dance of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, 1986,
p.21.
23
M.V. Vishnu Nambuthiri, op.cit, pp. 5-6.

113
teyyam of the dead heroes or heroic karanavars in the family. The teyyam of

Koodali Veeran, associated with the Koodali family is performed even

today.24 This Koodali Veeran was Ramar Kutty the Manager of karanavar,

Koran Gurikkalachan. The legend associated with Koodali Veeran is

connected the Mysorean invasion. While the Mysorean army was

approaching Koodali, Koran Gurikkalachan sent his family members to a

place of safety. He wanted the prominent persons associated with the

tarawad to escape and wanted his manager Ramar Kutty to shoot him so that

he can escape from the humiliation of being captured by the enemy. Ramar

Kutty said that he would offer his life instead of killing the karanavar and that

he would defend the karanavar and the invader could not touch him. But

Ramar Kutty was forced to obey the order of his master. He shot him dead

and cremated the body with customary honors. Then, like an oracle with the

sword and shield of the karanavar he rushed to the camp of the Mysorean

army. Within seconds he killed six or seven soldiers in the enemy camp. But

he was soon cut in to pieces by the Mysorean forces. It is in order to

commomerate the sacrifice of the Ramar Kutty that in his tarawad at Nittur

the Koodali Veeran teyyam is performed.25

24
K.T. Kunhi Kelappan Nambiar, “Koodali Veeran” , Manorama Azhchapathippu,
July 14, 1973. p. 28.
25
Ibid.

114
 Tira has been another ritual art regularly performed in the Koodali

tarawad. But once it ended abruptly and it was renewed in 1988. Certain

documents connected with this are kept in the Koodali tarawad.26 Certain

private persons traditionally connected with the tira were invited for the

revived tira Churiyil Kunhi Raman Komaram and Mundayadan Komaram

were invited. The persons who were obliged to give various articles needed

for the tira and enjoyed the right for the same traditionally also were invited.

Pantham, Kalasam, weapons, crowns etc; were needed for the performance of

the tira. Articles like oil, sugarcane, lemon, coconut, arecanut, betel leaf,

tender coconut leaves etc., were also needed for it.27 Along with the tira there

would be a feast also. The family account book of Koodali tarawad gives

details of the expenses incurred in for supplying coconut oil, gingelly oil etc;

for the tira. The Panikkar and Peruvannans who performed the tira were

given remuneration along with rice and items for the feast. The performers

were given Rs. 300/- (Rupees three hundred only.)28

Tira adiyantiram was performed both at day and night. Like the

teyyam performance in the Koodali temple, the tira adiyantiram in the

tarawad also attracted almost at the temple in the locality. The festival in the

Koodali tarawad was called arattu. Document No.26 section E of Koodali

26
Intimation letter dated 10.9.87 to the performer of tira in the Koodali Family
27
Ibid.
28
Account book of Koodali tarawad for the year 1998.

115
Granthavari deals with the expenses incurred in the arattu of the Koodali

kavu. The persons intimately connected with the arattu were given

remuneration in terms of rice.

The festival in Koodali temple is from Makaram 12 to 15. It starts

with the kalari pooja. The kalari pooja will be conducted by a member of the

tarawad along with the trainer in the kalari. A cock sacrifice will be offered

to Bhadrakali on the 13th day the tira and it will reach its zenith next day. The

tiras of Bhairavan, Sasthappan, Karuval, Occhitta, and Raktha Chamundi -

the Pancha murthis are performed in tiras. On 15th the kolams of Kutty

Sasthappan, Thekkam Kariyathan, Vettakkorumakan, Vasurimala, Sular

Dhantan, Ghanta Karnan and the like will be introduced and performed. The

kolam of Ghantakarnan is performed by munnuttan and the others by the

Malayans and Peruvannans. The hereditary rights of Komaram and Kalasam

are to the Thiyya community. The occupational groups of carpenter,

blacksmith etc. have privileges and participation in the tira. The Koodali

Veeran teyyam also will be performed at Nittur.29

In 1990 the Koodali family had 150 acres of undivided family property

and 500 members. During 1990s atleast Rs. 40000/- (Rupees forty thousand

only) were needed for the expenses of the utsavam every year. But this entire

expense was met by the members of the family without accepting contribution

29
Chilla Magazine, Kannur, April 1990, pp. 10-11.

116
from the public. The karanavar continues to be unquestioned in connection

with this also.30 According to document No. 26 section E of Koodali

Granthavari a large quantity of rice, coconut oil etc., were needed for the

arattu, in connection with the utsavam the bulk of which were remuneration

in kind to the persons involved in the arattu apart from monitory payment to

all of them.31

The following tables give the details of the expenses incurred in an

arattu.

30
Ibid. p. 11.
31
K.K.N. Kurup, (ed.), Koodali Granthavari, op.cit,, Document No. 26 Section
E, p. 127.

117
 Table 1
Remuneration in kind

Item Measure
Rice for Kazhakakaran 3 Kongazhi
Rice for Maran 15¼ Konghazhi
Rice for Vallichan 35 Nazhi
Rice for Komaram 3 Konghazhi
Rice for Ashtamangalyum 4 Nazhi
Rice for Nivedhyum 4 Nazhi
Rice for Embranthiri 8 Kongazhi
Rice for Kazhakkaran 3 Kongazhi
Rice for Vannathan 13¾ Kongazhi
Rice for Kaniyan 4 Kongazhi
Rice for Komaram 3 Kongazhi
Marumavum Parayunnavark 3 Kongazhi
Number of coconut needed for 6
Kaikkolan
’’ Pallichan 4
’’ Eriyan 1
Rice needed for arattu 25 Nazhi
Aramnambidi
Rice for Embranthiri 4 Kongazhi
Quantity of coconut oil Valiya Changalavattom 1
for embranthiri
For Thirumumpu Cheriya Changalavattom 1
For Kazhakakkaran Cheriya Changalavattom 1
Peruvannan Cheriya Changalavattom ½
Vallichan Cheriya Changalavattom 28

Sources: K.K.N. Kurup, (ed.), Koodali Granthavari op.cit, Document No. 26

Section E, pp. 127-128.

118
 Table 2
Remuneration in Cash (in panam)

Item Money in panam

Embranthiri 18
Varier 18
Marar 9
Vannathan 5
Trichandhanam 4
Chenniyar 33
Ashtamangalyam 4
Vallichan and Kaikollar 25
Lamp 6
Nambidi 10½
For lamp 9
Embran
Varier 9
Thazhathuveedu 24
Ashtamangalyam 4
Kaikollar and Vallichan 25
Rice for the sixth day 42
Ashtamangalum 8
Maruvum Parayunnavark Dakshina 3
Thirumumbilekke dakshina 4
Embranthiri 4
Adippatharamar 2
Thazhathu Veedu 2
For the four nephew Nambiar 3 panam to each
Vannathan 2
Marar 49
Vedikkaran 120
Aram Nambidi 4
Embranthiri 4
Teyyampaddike 4

119
 Item Money in panam
drummer 19
Maruvum Parayunnavark 3
Agathey Karuvathine 3
Menokki 2
Pilot Nayar 3
Komaram 4
Maravithale 10
Vannathan 2
Munnuttan 5
Source:K.K.N..Kurup, (ed.), Koodali Granthavari, op.cit, Doc. No. 26,
Section p.128.

There is a kalari attached to the temple of Daivathar. Kalari has been

a centre of marital arts and the karanavar of the family used the kalari and

shrine attached to it for maintaining his dominant position in the society.

These kalaries were for imparting training in martial arts to the Nayar youths.

They were military training centres. After the completion of training in such

karlaries, the soldier would be admitted to the local militia.32 The term kalari

originated from the Sanskrit word khaloorika meaning a military training

ground.33 In kalaries give physical training in various forms of martial arts to

nayar youths were imparted. This was for keeping the martial spirit of Nayars

intact. This kind of physical training given in the kalaries has been a

privilege of the Nayar caste. Northern Kerala have been famous for the

32
For details regarding kalari see S. Guptan Nair (ed.), op.cit, p. 488-490.
33
M.T. Narayanan, Agrarian Relations in Late Medieval Malabar, New Delhi,
2003, p.68.

120
heroic deeds undertaken by persons of great valour who got training in the

kalari.34 During the early historical epoch there were kalaries in each desam.

They were in connection with the devi temples. The person in charge of

teaching in the kalari was called Kurup or Panikkar. Usually the students

were enrolled in the kalari at the age of seven. The most important

preparation for each student has been the kachakettu and massaging. The

teacher was called asan who made the pupil proficient in Adi, thada,

Chuvaduveppu etc. In big kalaries there will be another teacher called

padavicharippukar who were responsible for such training. There were two

kinds of kalaries the Nalppatheeradi kalari and Arupatheeradi kalari. Each

kalari was atleast six meter long and 4.5 meter wide. On the floor there will

be a pit of 1.8 meter deep. This pit was meant for physical training. The base

of the pit will be polished with mud for training. The student had to come

down to this pit.35 Before the beginning of the training the students will give

dakshina consisting of panam, kazcha, betel leaf and arecanut to the guru.

During the period of training the students and teachers will have only

arakacha or half dress. It will take atleast five years to complete the

training.36 Thus each kara has one or two kalaries and trained youths. The

militia of the King consisted of the trained men from these kalaries.37 With

34
Ibid.
35
S. Guptan Nair (ed), op.cit, Vol. IV, p. 488.
36
Ibid, p. 488.
37
Ibid.

121
the advent of colonialism the kalaries declined. Kalaries were not competent

enough to use the gun powder and guns of the west. Trained persons were

sometimes employed for extracting feudal dues from cultivating groups.

Vadakkan Pattukal include songs depicting the employment of the soldiers for

collecting the areas of the rent. The song Ambadi and the Raja of Pallayi

kotta shows such efforts at realising revenue.38 As in pre-capitalist societies

the land owning groups had even used force for realising the revenue. The

kalaries also have been a symbol of allegiance. At the time of important

functions in the kalari of a tarawad, it was customary to call the naduvazhis

and others to show their allegiance.39 This is proof for the fact that the

tarawads functioned as subordinate agencies of the superior political

authority.40 The Vadakkan Pattukal include songs showing this kind of

subordination. Aromal Chekavar hero of a vadakkan pattu says that at the

time of pooja in the kalari the naduvazhis and desavazhis must participate in

it.41 In course of time the kalaries declined. Still the old buildings of the

kalari along with the temples are seen in many parts of Kerala. There are

place names like padanilangal and padanayarkulangara which are

reminiscent of many institutions of kalari in places like Onattukara,

38
M.C. Appunni Nambiar (ed.), Vadakkan Pattukal, Kottayam, 1983, p.51.
39
M.T. Narayanan, op.cit, p.68.
40
Ibid.
41
K.V. Achutanandan (ed.), 24 Vadakkan Pattukal, Trichur, 1973, p.26.

122
Karappuram, Kuttanadu, Kozhikode, Tulunadu, Kadathanadu etc.42 Attached

to the Koodalikavu, there is a kalari. The karanavar of Koodali or the

Gurikkalachan was the head of the kalari also.

Even after the decline of kalari system, the kalari and its temple are

maintained in the Koodali tarawad for ritual purposes. One Nambiar is

appointed for lightening the kalarivilakku (lamp in the kalari) daily. At

present Sreenivasan Nambiar is appointed for this purpose.43 Apart from the

kalari Bhagavati and Koodali Daivathar there is a deity installed in a

permanent room at Koodali Thazhathu Veedu. This deity is the Uchitta

Bhagavti. There is a permanent lamp in this room.44 The kalari Bhagavti

also had a velichappadu or oracle. This Velichappadu also would address

Koodali karanavar as Adiyatheruthu or Yeshmanan etc. At the time of giving

oracles the Velichappadu would address the karanavar as karthavu and senior

female member as Akathuttu karthavu. The kalari Velichappadu when he

was 'possessed', and dancing would first address the karanavars.45

The temple acted as an administrator of justice and as the custodian of

temple the Koodali family enjoyed this prestigious position. Oil ordeal had

been observed in this temple to prove guilt. In the Koodali Granthavari there

42
S. Guptan Nair (ed.), op.cit, p.489.
43
Interview with K.T. Kunhikrishnan Nambiar, Komath, a senior member of
Koodali tarawad, dt. 12.10.2009.
44
Ibid.
45
Interview with Meledathu Kumaran Velichappadu,Koodali,dt. 6.4.2009.

123
is a document related to the case in which a particular property of a family

was attached as a compensation for an offence committed by one of its

members.46 Here that piece of land was given as a gift to Koodalikavu. This

was like a forced gift. Such practices of forced gift were prevalent in the pre-

colonial period in Malabar. In all ages donations to temples and other

religious institutions have been a matter of prestige. Donations to temples

increased the social status of individuals.

As the custodian of the temple the Koodali family played a leading role

in the cultural life of the locality. Here it was like other Nayar feudal families

of Malabar like the Kavalappara Nayar family of South Malabar. Through

the rituals and festivals of the temples these feudal families themselves were

elevated to the pivot of the cultural life.

The presence of the karanavar or the head of the family of Koodali

tarawad was indispensable for many a ritual in the temple. This is best seen

in the kalamezhethu ritual in the temple. In fact, the trustee of the

Koodalikavu, the Gurikkalachan controlled the social and religious affairs of

the locality.47 The performance of the teyyam cult in the Koodalikavu is

famous. The patronage of teyyam by the Koodalikavu can be compared to

46
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Koodali Granthavari, op.cit, Document No. 53, Section B.
47
Pushpalatha. K. “Nayar Feudal Families as Trustees of Temples: A Case Study
of Koodalikavu in North Malabar”, Proceedings of South Indian History
Congress, Bangalore, 2006, p. 508.

124
that of the Tholpavakuthu or the shadow puppet play in the Aryankavu temple

under the trusteeship of Kavalappara Nayar family.48

Temples in Kerala have been the centre for the re-distribution of

resources. They had important economic functions. They served as banks

also.49 The Koodali family has been the trustee of the temple and in that

position it had control over the landed property of the temple. There are

reasons to believe that originally the Koodali family was one among the

trustees. In course of time it became the sole proprietor of the shrine.50

The oldest document related to the Koodalikavu is the Koodali

Granthavari itself and it is related to the economic functions.51 It is about the

credit of 800 Cannanore Puthiya Panam, a coin in Malabar to one

Neithalacherry Narayanan Madhavan at the rate of 5%.52 It seems that for

about 300 years there was no change in this rate of interest. Every transaction

related with the temple was recorded in writing by the Nizhal Menoki the

accountant of the family. There are a number of documents in the Koodali

Granthavari related to the mortgage of land. It was the wet land suited to

paddy cultivation that was more coveted than dry lands. Wet lands used to be

48
Ibid.
49
Vijayalekshmy. M. "Temple as a Consumer" paper presented to the International
Seminar of Kerala Studies, Thiruvananthapuram, 1994 (unpublished).
50
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Koodali Granthavari, op.cit, p. xi.
51
Ibid, Document No. 1, Section B, p.4.
52
Ibid.

125
mortgaged to the temple for particular amounts of money. Until such lands

were redeemed the ownership of such lands would be with the temple and as

the custodian of the temple, with the Koodali family. Such lands would be

given back to the tenants for cultivation to who would pay rent to the temple.

In the case of Koodalikavu mortgaged lands do not seem to have been

redeemed for centuries, with the effect that such lands were like those under

absolute ownership.53

Interest in terms of paddy was called Neppalisa. The rate of Neppalisa

also was 5% which also remained constant for about three centuries. Later it

was raised to 10%. The surplus realised as rent made the temple a profitable

financier who accumulated large quantity of paddy for further re-distribution.

Here the kavu was like a feudal lord. In fact the cultivable lands were almost

monopolized by a few feudal families of medieval Kerala.54 There were

litigations for the ownership of the village temples in Koodali by other feudal

families related to it. But the claims of these families were defeated.55

As the custodian of the local kavu, the Koodali family influenced the

social and economic life of the area. An attempt to cumulate political,

economic and religious power in one and the same hand can be noted here.

Apart from being a centre of worship, art and culture, the kavus had also

53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid, p. xiii.

126
functioned as recruiting centres of the agrestic slaves. In the Madayikavu the

slaves belonging to various castes assembled at the time of pooram festival.

Folk songs related to the Madayikavu show that people from different

religious came to this kavu to procure agrestic slaves.56

The kavus and temples functioned as institutional base for the

establishment and consolidation of the dominance of their custodians over

rural people. Same was the case with the desavazhi or the ruler of the

desam.57 As noted above there were litigations for the ownership of the

Koodali temple by other feudal families related to it. But the claims of these

families were defeated. There was the dispute between the Koodali family

and Maniyur Kazhakam on the janmam right of a property. The elders settled

the situation. If the janmam was with the Koodalikavu, it should pay hundred

panam to Maniyur family and its kavu. If the janmam was with Maniyur, it

was to give 800 panam to Koodali.58 It is to be noted that here property is the

same but the payment varies. This variation is according to the status of the

proprietor. It was not the court of law that settled the affair, but the elders.

The installation ceremony of the karanavar of Koodali family,is called

Padathilirikkal. On this occasion the head of the family or the karanavar will

be made sit on his official chair. All the members the family were expected to

56
M.T. Narayanan, op.cit, p. 133.
57
Ibid., p. 189..
58
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Koodali Granthavari, op.cit, Document No. 14, Section B.

127
be present on the occasion.59 There are a series of rituals connected with the

death of karanavars. There is a separate cremation ground for the members

of the family. After the cremation of the karanavar the bones will collected

and will be kept beneath a jack tree in the compound of the Koodali tarawad.

This jack tree is called Asthi plavu. It is believed that there is no need of

going to places like Tirunelli or Tirunavaya for further rites if the bones are

placed beneath the Asthi plavu.60

The Koodali family maintained a thannirpanthal. This was for serving

the way farers who were given Sambharam freely from here. This

thannirpanthal has been near the entrance of the present Koodali high school.

One Kannan Nambiar used to distribute Sambharam from here for a long

time. It has been helpful for the students also.61

The Kavalappara Nayar had many temples under his control. As the

naduvazhi the Moopil Nayar has both rights and obligations in connection

with them. If the Koodali family maintained their rituals through the temple

of Daivathar, the Kavalappara enjoyed such status over a number of temples.

59
Interview with K.T. Kunhikrishnan Nambiar, present karanavar of Koodali
tarawad ,on 10.6.2008.
60
Ibid.
61
K. Balakrishnan, "Kerala Paryadanam, Koodali", Desabhimani Weekly, Sept. 14,
2002.

128
 At the heights of its power the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar had control

over 25 temples.62 Of these five where in the territory of Cochin. Some of

these temples were under the exclusive control of the family and these were

the temples of Eruppe thevar and Trikkangode.63 Temples of Eruppe, Aryan

kavu and Anthimahakalankavu were the most prominent ones.64 the

important ceremonies in connection with these temples were Utsavam,

Varam, Pooram, Kalamezhuthupattu, Darikavadham pattu and Talappoli.65

The most famous temples under the control of Kavalappara family

were those of Eruppe, Aryankavu and Anthimahakalankavu. The temple of

Eruppe about a hundred metres off the Kavalappara Kottaram was dedicated

to Lord Siva. The Aryankavu temple is a Bhagavati temple at Aryankavu.

The Anthimahalakalankavu is at Kulapully near Shornur. Originally the

number of Kalangals or temples of the Kavalappara Swaroopam in the

Valluvanad and Palaghat taluks was eighteen. Attached to these kalams there

were temples over which the Kavalappara family had supervisory powers.

Among these were the temple of Krishna at Pazhampalakode, Kunnekkatkavu

at Thennilapuram, Anthimahakalankavu at Chelakkara, etc.66 The Mooppil

62
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, p. XL.
63
Ibid.
64
Certified copy of the deposition of Appukuttan Unni alias Karakkat Mooppil
Nayar, DW 14, OS No.34 of 1919, Sub Court, Ottapalam, dt 1-10-1922.
65
Ibid.
66
Letter of Appunni Nayar, Mooppil Nayar of Kavalappara to Professor K.K.N.
Kurup dt 4-11-1982.

129
Nayar is designated as Vadakkum Nambidi (Nambidi of North) in connection

with the Chelakkara temple. The title Thekkum Nambidi or the Nambidi of

South is of the Maharaja of Cochin.67 It is to be noted that it is with the Raja

of Cochin that the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar shared this title. The

Vadakkum Nambidi and Thekkum Nambidi used to conduct the annual Vela

in the Anthimahakalankavu in alternate years in rotation. This arrangement

continued until the time of Kochunni Mooppil Nayar. There is no separate

property attached to Eruppe temple and the expenses in connection with the

temple are part of the expenses of the Kavalappara family. In 1922 the annual

expense was about Rs.1000 (Rupees thousand only). The Utsavam is the

most important celebration of the Eruppe temple and there will be an arattu

on the 8th day since the beginning of the Utsavam. On 7th day of the Utsavam

there is a Pallivetta which is a symbolic ritual of royal hunt. Pallivetta

included a procession of about hundred metres. On the fifth and sixth days of

the Utsavam hundreds of people used to assemble in the temple premises.68

For rituals connected with the festivals of temples like Aryankavu and

Eruppe, the physical presence of the Mooppil Nayar was indispensable.69

The power and influence of the Kavalappara family grew more in

connection with the festival of Eruppe temple. The mock fight between two

67
Ibid.
68
Ibid.
69
Interview with Advocate Mohan Kumar, Receiver of Kavalappara Estate, on
20.10.2008.

130
large wooden horses or the kuthirakettu as it is known is as important item in

this festival. This mock fight is in the form of competition between two areas

of Eruppe. Large decorated wooden horses will be carried by the young men

of each area and brought to the temple accompanied by a procession. The

people of two areas will act as factions. These two areas are Karakkat and

Kavalappara and they will have their own horses. It will be the healthiest

young men who make a show of strength. This is reminiscent of the occasion

when young men were selected for military training. At the temple of

Eruppe, in connection with the thalappoli in the month of May oracles

belonging to the Paraya caste had certain privileges. This is continuing even

today.

The expenses of the utsavam are met by the Mooppil Nayar. The

public would not contribute towards it.70 Apart from this utsavam there is a

varam called Chakkavaram in this temple. On the day of Ashtami Rohini the

birth day of Lord Krishna there is another celebration.71

The Aryankavu temple also doesn't have any separate property. The

accounts of the temple formed part of the tarawad accounts. The temple is

about two furlongs away from the Kavalappara Kottaram. It is a kavu and

the idol of bhaghavati is exposed to nature. In front of the temples there is a

mughamandapam. There is no nalambalam.

70
D.W. 14, in O.S. No. 34 of 1919, Sub Court, Ottapalam, dt. 1.10.1922, op.cit.
71
Ibid.

131
 The most important celebration in the temple is the Pooram in the

month of Meenam (March-April). Before the Pooram there will be a Vela of

five days. During the Mandalam period there will be a kalamezhuthu pattu

and a Darikavadham pattu. The expenses of the kalamezhuthu pattu is met

by the tarawad and that of the Darikavadham pattu by the public. There will

be thalappoli at the end of mandalam and the expenses of this also are met by

the tarawad. In the month of Kanni (September-October) also there will be a

thalappoli. Women will take thalam in this festival.72

The thalappoli at Aryankavu temple is a festival of the locality as a

whole. As at Eruppe the kuthirakettu is an important item of celebration as at

Aryankavu also. Important kavus had its own thattkam which may be

explained as the area of ritual jurisdiction. As in the case of human beings

gods and goddesses also are supposed to have relations like sisters, brothers,

fathers, mothers etc. It is reflected in the rituals in connection with the annual

festivals in temples. The Anthimahakalankavu of Koonathara and Kulapully

are thus related to the Aryankavu temple.73 From the Anthimahakalankavu

the bhaghavati of Aryankavu is brought in procession in connection with

festivals.

72
Ibid.
73
N.M. Nambuthiri (ed.), Vaniyamkulam Panchayat Vinjaniyum, Part 1,
Thiruvananthapruam, 2001, p. 193.

132
 On the eve of the festival horses from the different desams of the

thattakam of Aryankavu would come to the Aryankavu temple. These horses

are the Pannayur horse, Thrangali horse, Mannannur horse, Kavalappara

horse, Karakkat horse, Shornur horse, Thrangali desam horse, two

Koonathara horses, Velliyad horse, Corottur horse and the Mundayakodichi

horse. Horse is the symbol of Kavalappara.74 Different communities have

rights and privileges in connection with these artificial horses of Kavalappara.

The chief of the Thandan family of the desam will give the bamboo and the

hey needed for the construction of the horses. Cloth will be supplied by the

Mannan. The Thandettan Nayar, the Palanquin bearer of Kavalappara also

has privileges connected with this.

Festivals in temples had their political phase also. In connection with

the kuthirakettu at the Aryankavu, the chiefs of each community in the desam

also will be identified. It is indirectly the practice of recognizing the chiefs of

each community of each desam. The festival is also an occasion for

proclaiming the prominence of the Kavalappara Nayar in the area. The

Mooppil Nayar will have its Nilapadu or seat in a particular venue at the

festival. There before the Mooppil Nayar the horses and the bullocks will be

played as an act of acknowledging the supremacy of the Mooppil Nayar. The

74
Ibid.

133
cherumars will have kalavela along with this and they would ensure their

right for ploughing on this occasion.75

The kuthiravaravu or the advent of horses and Velavaravu or the

advent of bullocks are symbols of the centralisation of power. This power

was centred on kavus. Here we are not seeing the influence of the brahmins.

In the thattakam of Kavalappara there is no powerful brahmin village. The

brahmin villages of Ongallur (Isana mangalam) was on the boundary of the

realm of Kavalappara.76 Among the pooram horses that come to Aryankavu

is the one that belongs to Melarkkot. Melarkkot is a branch or tavazhi of

Kavalappara.

As part of the festivals in connection with the ceremonies of the annual

festival of the Aryankavu temple Tolpavakuthu is staged. Tolpavakuthu is a

shadow puppet play and has been an important art form in certain parts of

Kerala. The Kavalappara family has been the most important patron of this

art. Tolpavakuthu shows legacy of the cultural contact between Tamilnadu

and Kerala. The theme is the story of Ramayana of Kambar, the great Tamil

poet. Puppet play is performed in order to propitiate goddess bhadrakali in

the Aryankavu temple.77 There are legends regarding the staging of

75
Ibid.
76
Ibid.
77
Pushpalatha. K, "Leather Puppetry and Ritual Status – A Case Study of a
Landowning House in Kerala", Paper presented to the Indian History Congress,
67th session, Farook College, 10-12 March 2007 (unpublished)

134
puppetry in AryanKavu and near by temples and they are related to the

puranic Kali-Darika Story. Once upon a time there was a very powerful and

wicked demon called Darika. He used to harass and torment everyone

without distinction. Even gods were not spared. In order to destroy him Lord

Siva created goddess Bhadrakali from his third eye. Bhadrakali came to have

confrontation with Darika. In the battle that followed he was killed. The

fight between Bhadrakali and Darika took place at the same time when the

Rama-Ravana battle was going on. Bhadrakali thus missed the thrill of

witnessing Ravana's end. In order to make up for this, the encounter between

Rama and Ravana is re-created for her alteast once in every year through

Pavakuttu.78 In Kerala the Puppets are modelled after Kathakali character.

Eventhough the story enacted in the Tolpavakuthu is that of Ramayana,

the full story of Ramayana will be enacted only in the Aryan Kavu temple.79

It is a symbol of the ritual superiority of Kavalappara family over other

subordinate or lesser feudal families in the area. The Kavalappara family had

the material wealth for supporting this art form and artists. Leather puppetry

is a theatrical art and will be staged in a Kuthumadam.80

78
Venu. G, "Tolpavakuthu", Mallika Sarabhai et al (ed), Performing Art of Kerala,
Ahmedabad, 1994, p.1163.
79
Chummar Choondal, "Moonnu Naden Kalaroopangal" (Malayalam),
Mathrubhumi Weekly, Annual number, Calicut, 1977, p.142.
80
This Kuthumadam is different form the traditional Kuthambalam of Kerala. In
the Kuthamabalam there will be space for the spectators also. But in leather
puppetry the spectators will be sitting outside the Kuthumadam.

135
 Leather puppetry shows mixed culture of Tamil and Malayalam. Just

before the beginning of this play there will be a Kelikottu or announcement of

the beginning of the play. This Kelikottu is a band music using instruments of

Chenda, Madhalam, and Elathalam, with other traditional musical

instruments of Kerala. Following this there will be a Ganapathi Pooja,

Vandhanasloka for saluting Ganapathi, Saraswathi and Narayana, Vanakkam

or salutation performed by children characters or the Pattupavakali and

salutation to the teachers and worship of gods by puppets. Following this

there will be an oration called Akavan.81 Following this, the theme of the play

will be explained.

The expenses of the play of each day would be borne by persons or

families as an offering to the temple. There will be salutation to the persons

who conduct the play. This is called Sadyavazhthal.82 The Kuthumadam

usually 42 feet long and 12 feet wide and 12 feet high itself shows artistic and

scientific skill. It is like the stage part of an open air theatre with the

spectators squatting in the front.83 The three sides of the stage will be closed

and will be completely draped in front, the upper part in white and lower in

black curtain. Kuthumadam will be outside the temple. At the time when

temple entry was not allowed to the members of the lower caste, this

81
Chummar Choondal, op.cit, p.141.
82
Ibid.
83
M.D. Raghavan, Folk Plays And Dances of Kerala, The Rama Varma
Archaeological Society, Trissur, 1947, p.38.

136
facilitated people of all castes to come and see the performance. The figurins

of puppets are attached behind the white screen and held them in position by

fixing them with pins. Below the figures and just above the black curtain is

arranged a long row of lamps. The light employed are in coconut shells fixed

in a long bamboo. The light of the lamps brights up the white screen on

which the puppets are disposed. Usually the Tholpavakuthu would be from

11'O' clock in the night to the dawn. In temples other than Aryankavu in the

locality the puppetry will be staged for 14 days and in such temples the story

will begin from Pancavati only. But in the Aryankavu under Kavalappara as

noted above the play will be for 21days and the full story from the birth of

Sree Rama to the coronation will be enacted.84 This has been a privilege and

monopoly of the Kavalappara family. It has not been questioned. The

supremacy enjoyed by Kavalappara family continues even after the decline of

the family as a feudal landlord. The performance of this art form is a token of

the ritual status of the ruling family of Kavalappara. The physical presence of

certain members of the family in the temple, the rights and privileges enjoyed

by them in the temple, the performance of Tholpavakuthu etc., made the

people aware of the supreme position of the family in the locality. Even now

it continues and make the people aware of the great status enjoyed by the

84
K.K.N. Kurup, (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, p. xiv.

137
family through centuries. Even now the right to light the lamp of

kuthumadam of Aryankavu temple is a privilege of Kavalappara family.85

Legends show that the Kavalappara family has been responsible for the

introduction of the puppetry in the area. Once the Raja of Kollamkode at

Palakkad happened to have no heirs. Then as an offering to goddess they

conducted Pavakuthu at the bhagavati temple at Purattiyar, Pailoor, Palakkad

district under his patronage. For forty one days the Pavakuthu was

conducted. Following this he was blessed with a child and it was believed that

it was the result of propitiating the goddess through conducting the

Pavakuthu. Once the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar also happened to have no

heirs. Then as per the advice of the Raja, the Mooppil Nayar arranged for the

performance of Pavakuthu in the Aryankavu temple. This had the desired

effect. Then the Kavalappara Nayar approached the Poothur Sangham of

Tolpavakuthu artists and asked them to come and settle down in his area for

staging the puppetry regularly in the temples of his realm.86

These Pavakuthu artists came from Tamil speaking areas and were

Saiva Vellalars. They were traders and used to accompany the Vaishnavites

also. In the wake of their travels they would be staying in the premises of

temples at night. They would recite Ramayanam songs as Adalpattu. The

85
Interview with K.K. Ramachandra Pulavar, famous Tolpavakuthu artist, on
28.2.2007.
86
Ibid.

138
story contained in the songs would be enacted as Pavakuthu in which the

puppets were made of palm leaf. It was in a later period that the puppets

came to be made of the skin of deer. They came and settled at Koonathara

near Ottappalam in Palakkad district. These artists continued to be supported

and patronized by Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar. Through the years the

conducting of this art form became a matter of prestige for the Kavalappara

family. These artists used to perform the kuthu in the other temples of the

area also.87 The families of these artists were supported by the Kavalappara

family. In effect this art form became a medium for expressing the prominent

status of the Kavalappara family in the area. In the beginning of the puppet

play the artists recite poems praising its patron.88

It is the community of Pulavar who are the artists in the Pavakuthu.

The term Pulavar means 'scholar'. The Pulavar scholars composed poems by

themselves in order to praise their patron. Thus it was a sort of advertisement

and acknowledgement of the supremacy of the chieftain in the area. The

Kavalappara family has their own puppets for such performance.89

The Pavakuthu in the Aryankavu temple is scheduled to begin on the

first day of the month of Meenam (March-April). Now the entire expense for

87
Interview with K.K. Ramachandra Pulavar, famous Tolpavakuthu artist, dated
28-2-2007.
88
K.L. Krishnan Kutty Pulavar, Tolpavakuthu: The Traditional Shadow Puppet
Play of Kerala, Vol. I, Thrissur, 1987, p.14.
89
Interview the Ramachandra Pulavar, famous Tolpavakuthu artists, on 28.2.2007.

139
the performance of the kuthu on that day is borne by the senior lady of the

Kavalappara family.90 This right is enjoyed by them as a monopoly. Any

other person belonging other families will not conduct kuthu on that day even

if he wished it, respecting and fearing the divine sanction which is believed to

be behind it. The rites connected with the kuthu of the 9th day also is a

monopoly of the family. The expenses for the niramala (decoration of the

temple with garlands) on that day will be met by a junior member of the

family. The right of conducting the functions of the 18th day is the exclusive

right of Mooppil Nayar.91

On all days the functions connected with the kuthu start from the

sunset. The puppets will be carried along with Nagaswaram, Thayambaka,

Kombupath, Madhalapath and other forms of orchestra to the stage.

Orchestra will continue up to the time of the entrance to the kuthumadam and

it will be by 10'O' clock at night. The procession including of certain temple

functionaries led by the oracle will circumambulate the temple thrice. Then

they enter the kuthumadam. The oracle will bless the stage and ensure that he

will see that the kuthu will be conducted successfully with all paraphernalia.

All the instruments for the band music that have been carrying in the

procession would be placed before the kuthumadam.

90
Chummar Choondal, op.cit, p.142.
91
Interview with K.K. Ramachandran Pulavar, op.cit.

140
 At the zenith of his power the entire play for forty one days was

conducted under the auspices of Kavalappara family.92 The performers were

patronized by the family. The right to perform Pavakuthu belonged to the

community of Pulavar. Their remuneration includes the money in the form

of Chattupanam, Pathupanam etc., which were given in the form of offerings.

The public also would make offerings in connection with Tolpavakuthu.

They are meant for the betterment of their agricultural farms, cattles, poultry

farms, etc., and for the general progress of the family. The cost of an offering

varies from Rs. 3000/- to Rs. 4000/-. The money goes in favour of the artist

of Tolpavakuthu.93 Then devotees would give dakshina also in the form of

money to the artists. Even now the Pavakuthu is the traditional occupation of

the Pulavar.

Some of the outstanding artists of leather puppetry are Koonathara

Krishnan Kutty Pulavar, V. Sankara Narayanan, Koonathara Pazhanikutty

Pulavar, Nadesa Mundali and Sankaran Ezhuthazan.94 These artists are

known for their outstanding proficiency in singing and explaining the story.

They have performed this art form in many foreign countries.

The land owning family of Kavalappara enjoyed its ritual and

economic status through establishing its superiority through the control of

92
Chummar Choondal,, op.cit, p.142.
93
K.K.N. Kurup, (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, Document No. 46, p.51.
94
Chummar Choondal, op.cit, p.142.

141
Aryankavu temple. The performance of puppetry was also carried out to

establish superiority over other landlords and tenants of the locality. Here one

can see the interrelationship with temple and land monopoly. The epics like

Ramayana was also used for exerting authority over tenants and others. The

exclusive right of the entire performance is enjoyed by the family helped them

to retain the ritual as well as the superior status. Even after the decline of the

land lordism, in the rural areas such ritual superiority of the former landlords

continued as on in a historical past.

Even though the head of the Kavalappara family ceased to be an

independent ruler he retained many of the ritual powers of a chieftain. One

among this was the Thandettam or accession to power. It was also called

Ariyittuvazhcha.95 The Thandettam was performed in the temple of

Aryankavu dedicated to bhavavati the tutelary deity of Kavalappara family.

The Kavalappara Nayar figures in the ceremonies and rituals associated with

the installation of the Thachudya Kaimal, the officer in charge of the

administration of Koodalmanikyam temple at Irinjalakuda, Trissur district,

Kerala. It is called Jathakavarodham.96 The Kavalappara Moopil Nayar used

to participate in the installation ceremony of Thachudaya Kaimal.97

95
K.K.N. Kurup, (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, Document No. 84, p. 104.
96
Ibid, Document Nos. 110 and 111, Also see V.V.K., Valath, Keralathile Sthala
Charithrangal, Thrissur Jilla (1981), Thrissur, 2003, pp. 136-179.
97
For details about Tachutaya Kaimal see S. Guptan nair (ed), Viswavijnankosam,
Vol. 7, Kottayam, 1989, pp. 249-250.

142
Nambuthiri brahmins had a very important part in the installation ceremonies

whether it was that of a king or feudal chiefs. At the time of Ariyittuvazhcha

the priest would strew rice, flowers etc., on the head of the ruler, chanting

hymns. Ari means rice and it is from this strewing of rice, the entire

ceremony is called Ariyittuvazhcha. At the time of this accession to power

the king would take a pledge that he would protect cows and brahmins and

that he would not do anything against wishes of the subject and if he did

anything like that the people had the right to depose him from power.98 The

Ariyittuvazhcha of the Zamorin has been typical of the coronation ceremonies

of the rulers of Malabar.99

On the occasion of the Ariyittuvazhcha there would be no crowning or

enthronement. In fact the crowning was a ceremony introduced by the

Portuguese in Kerala. Ariyittuvazhcha in the formal inauguration of the reign

with the blessings of the brahmins.100 The ruling powers used to interfere in

the succession problems of their neighbouring principalities and attend the

ceremonies associated with the accession to power etc., as a device to

establish their supremacy over the realm. For example the Ariyittuvazhcha of

98
P.C. Kartha, Acharanushtanakosam, Kottayam, 1998, p.45.
99
For details see Pushpalatha. K, "Coronation and Installation ceremonies of the
chiefs of Kerala and their Implications", Paper presented to the 69th session of
Indian History Congress, Kannur University, (unpublished paper), December,
2008.
100
K.S. Mathew,"The cornonation ceremonies of the Kings of Cochin and the
Portuguese", Paper presented to the National Seminar on Cochin, St. Alberts
College, Ernakulam, November 15-16, 2008 (unpublished).

143
the Vettathu Raja was to be under the auspices of the Zamorin of Calicut. He

was to be physically present on that occasion.101

The installation ceremony of the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar, the

Thandetam, was performed in the temple of Aryankavu, the shrine of the

tutelary deity of the family. It was celebrated with much pomp. It has been

so even during the British period. Like the installation ceremonies of the

other chiefs the Nambuthiries performed the rituals in connectin with this.

Among the rituals of the Thandetam was the Pasu Danam or the gift of cows

to the Nambuthiries. In the Thandetam of 1910 twelve Nambuthiries

belonging to Kummini Mana, Thiyyannoor Mana, Chittatiyoth Mana,

Mannanambatte Mana, Thekkeppattu Mana, Matangath Mana etc., were

gifted cows. Onapudava or new cloths would be presented to the deserving

person on the eve of the Thandetam ceremony. An extract from the accounts

showing the expenses of the Thandetam of 1910 gives details of the purchase

of thekkan charakku (clothing materials) meant for the use of and presentation

(onapudava) to the sthanis (holders of places and ranks) Avakasis (Claimants)

and to various dignitaries, officers and so on who participated in the

function.102 The ceremony of Thandetam starts from Menakathodikkalam.

From this place the Mooppil Nayar would go to the Anthimahakalankavu.

101
Scaria Zacharia, Anjuru Varshathe Keralam: Chila Arivatayalangal (Mal.),
Changanacherry, 1999, p.54.
102
K.K.N. Kutup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, Document No. 83, p.101.

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From there he would go to Aryan Kavu temple in a decorated palanquin kept

in the Kavalappara Kottaram. The right to bear the palanquin was vested with

certain families.103 The Nayar will wear his traditional ornaments like anklet,

bangle and chain (mala) connected with the celebrations of Ariyittuvazhcha.

The whole ceremony would be presided over by Kallakkat Mana

Nambuthiris. These Nambuthiris have been the traditional guru or preceptor

of the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar in the use of arms.

As the former feudatory of Palaghat Raja, the Kavalappara Mooppil

Nayar would be invited to attend certain ceremonies connected with the

Palaghat Raja. Certain documents in the Kavalappara Papers reveal this.104

In 1902 when the Palaghat Raja died, an invitation letter was sent to

Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar inviting him to attend the Sanchayanam (the

ritual of collecting the bones of the dead after cremation). The Sanchayanam

takes place on the 7th day. The bones are collected in a new pot, and

deposited at the foot of a big fig or jack tree, and then at the next convenient

opportunity, removed there form and thrown into the waters of a sacred river.

103
Interview with Indira Nethiyar, a senior member of the Kavalappara family on
20.9.2009.
104
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, Documents Nos. 80 and 81.

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 As a naduvazhi the Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar has been associated

with the caste tribunal of Smarthavicharam.105 Request for conducting

Smarthavicharam used to be forwarded to the Mooppil Nayar. It is he who

gave order for conducting the trial. There are documents showing the

requests for Smarthavicharam and sanction given by the Mooppil Nayar.106

The Smarthavicharam in the family of Allampilli Mana and Cheruvattur

Mana were conducted under the official auspices of the Kavalappara family.

This shows that even after the loss of political power as a naduvazhi

Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar enjoyed traditional rights. Being a naduvazhi

the Mooppil Nayar had certain privileges in connection with other Rajas and

naduvazhis. The Mooppil Nayar officially participated in certain rituals in the

family of Palakkad Raja. The Mooppil Nayar would be invited for the ritual

of the Sanchayana pada of Palakkat Raja.107 Formal royal letter or theettu

would be sent to the Mooppil Nayar inviting him to the Sanchayanam (bone

collection ceremony after cremation). Palakkat Raja Sekhari Varman seems

to have sent such a letter dated 25 May 1890 to the Mooppil Nayar.108 Along

with the Sanchayanam there would be the installation ceremony of the next

105
Smarthavicharam has been a caste tribunal in which the Nambuthiri women
suspected of adultary was tried. The entire trial was under the leadership of a
Smartha or a learned Nambuthiri and hence the name Smarthavicharam.
106
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, Document No. 92-102.
107
Ibid, Document No. 76, p.93.
108
Ibid.

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Raja. In the letter it is specified that the Kavalappara Nayar must come to the

ceremony "according to the old custom".109

The Kavalappara family maintained two Oottupuras, one for brahmins

and the other for non-brahmins.110 Giving feast to the brahmins and giving

gift to them were considered to be holy rites that brought welfare and wealth

to the donor. The wealthy chieftains used to maintain Oottupuras for

brahmins where they were given lunch. The Kavalappara family maintained

five thannirpantals (watersheds) where arrangement were made for giving

water and sambharam to way farers.111

The Kavalappara family also had its own kalari or military training

centre. Among the obligations of the feudal lords in Kerala was the supplying

of soldiers to their overlords. The Mooppil Nayar has been a feudatory of

Cochin Raja and in this position he was to command a force of Ayayirum

Nayar (five thousand) soldiers. The chieftains also were in need of trained

soldiers for the protection of their realm, as bodyguards etc. So attached to

the feudal families there were kalaries. The Kallakkat Mana Nambuthiri has

been the traditional instructor in arms of Mooppil Nayar. Even after losing

the powers as a naduvzahi, the Kalari of Kavalappara is maintained. Slowly

109
Ibid.
110
Interview with Venkiteswaran Embrandiri, aged 80, the present priest of Eruppe
temple, on 22.3.2010
111
For details of Tannirpanthal see S. Guptan Nair (ed), op.cit, p.259.

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it ceased to be a military training centre, but it's ritualistic importance

continues.112 Earlier the kalari with its instructors, trainers, hospital facilities,

worshiping centre etc., was a visible symbol of the power and authority of the

naduvazhi. In the Kavalappara kalari it was the Nayar boys who were given

training in the use of arms. Like in other kalaries along with physical

exercises the use of sword, spear, bows and arrows etc., were taught to the

students. The main kalari of Kavalappara family is at Kavalappara itself and

is known as Kallakkat kalari. Now the family of kalari Panikkars of

Kavalappara has become extinct.113

Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar has been a patron of temple arts like

Kathakali, Chakkiarkuthu, etc., also apart from the Pavakuthu detailed above.

Like Pavakuthu, Chakkiarkuthu also was regularly performed in the temple of

Aryankavu. The famous kuthu orator Chachu Chakkiar was patronized by the

Mooppil Nayar's family. The Kavalappara Mooppil Nayar has been a patron

of Kathakali also. Under their patronage there were many a great Kathkali

artist of whom the most important was Chilambaka Narayanan Nayar known

as Kavalappara Narayanan Nayar who was famous throughout Kerala. It was

for Kavalappara Narayanan Nayar that the Kavalappara set up a

112
Interview with Advocate Mohan Kumar, Ottapalam, Kerala, Receiver of
Kavalappara Estate, on 20.9.2009.
113
Letter of the Appunni Nayar, Mooppil Nayar of Kavalappara to Professor
K.K.N. Kurup dt. 4.11.1982.

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Kaliyogam.114 It was Kavalappara Narayanan Nayar who has staged the

largest number of raudra vesham (ferocious actor).115 Appukuttan Unni

Mooppil Nayar has been a patron of Carnatic music and famous musicians

like Venkata Krishna Bhagavathar, Kutty Rama Panikkar, Tondiculam

Ananda Rama Bhagavathar, Palakkad Rama Bhagavathar and Ernapalam

Venkata Rama Bhagavathar enjoyed his patronage.116

The foregoing accounts show the ritual status and powers of the two

Nayar tarawads under discussion. They had lost their defacto ruling authority

under colonialism. But they continued to have their tutelar powers even

under colonialism. This is very much relevant with regard to Kavalappara

Nayar. Even though the Nayar had no defacto authority over the political or

economic aspects he continued to be the overlord of people of his realm

through the observance of the rituals and the celebrations connected with the

temple festivals, patronage of temple arts etc. The act of the colonial master

in permitting him to have these rights and privileges has been diplomatic as

the same was pacifying both the chieftain and his subjects to an extent.

114
Kalamandalam Krishnan Kutty Poduval, Melappadam, Kottayam, 1982, p.161.
115
Ibid, p.1.61.
116
K.K.N.Kurup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, op.cit, p. XLIII.

149