Abraham, Sara (2003) An Ethnographic Study of Violence Experienced by
Abraham, Sara (2003) An Ethnographic Study of Violence Experienced by
Abraham, Sara (2003) An Ethnographic Study of Violence Experienced by
Dalit Christian women in Kerala State, India and the implications of this
for feminist practical theology. PhD thesis.
http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2456/
Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author
The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any
format or medium without the formal permission of the Author
BY
SARA ABRAHAM
SEPTEMBER
2003
ii
THESIS ABSTRACT
The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how experiences of violence, which have been
secret in the past, can be articulated that they may become resources for theological
reflection and Christian action. The research technique employed is ethnography, which is
used to uncover the violence experienced in the lives of Dalit Christian women in Kerala
State in India.
Part one of this thesis concerns methodology. Chapter one explores how ethnography can
be used in Practical Theology in order to make the violence visible. The first chapter
explores how the techniques of ethnographic research can be used in order to break
women's silence with speech and to consider their lived experience as a primary
theological resource. This chapter demonstrates how important feminist ethnography is to
manifest women's experience. This chapter argues that there are particular questions that
face researchers who are working amongst poor and illiterate women that are different
from those faced by white 'western feminist theologians.'
Chapter two examines how other women theologians working amongst poor and
marginahsed women from non-western cultures have sought to make women's experience
visible and have emphasised its theological significance. This chapter explores what I can
gain from the work of these women that will help me to develop my own research on Daht
Christian women.
Chapter three describes the research setting by explaining the context for this research, the
researched community of Dalits and the location, where Dalit women gathered together.
This chapter demonstrates my relations, as an ethnographer, to Daht Christian women who
have converted to Christianity from the Pulaya caste. Finally, this chapter justifies the
research strategies employed in this research.
Part two of this thesis contains my field research. Chapter four is about meta-ethnography
generated at a one-day seminar and two Bible studies. In chapter five Dalit Christian
women, who are the survivors of various kinds of violence, tell their life stories in their
own words. In this way Daht women started to uncover the secret and hidden experience
they had in the past.
Part three of this thesis is the analysis of data and conclusion. Chapter six analyses the
significant themes, which have emerged from my research into the life experiences of Dalit
111
women. It demonstrates that Dalit women's experience and the cultural traditions of Dalit
community are important resources for the development of a Dalit Feminist Practical
Theology. Finally, in the light of my research, I make concrete strategies for action that
could bring hope and transformation in the lives of Dalit women who are experiencing
violence.
iv
DECLARATION
I affirm that the thesis 'An Ethnographic Study of Violence Experienced by Dalit Christian
Women in Kerala State, India and the Implications of this for Feminist Practical Theology'
is the result of my own research under the supervision of Dr. Heather Walton in the
Department of Theology and Religious Studies, Arts Faculty, University of Glasgow. It
has not been submitted to any other university for a degree.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I thank God for His provision throughout my studies in the University of Glasgow. Though
the thesis is the result of my own research, it would not have come to be without critical
questions, constructive comments and valid suggestions of my supervisor Dr. Heather
Walton. lowe particular thanks to Dr. Alison Jasper, who encouraged me in the initial
stage to think about the issue of violence against women.
My thanks to Professors David Jasper, John Barclay and Dr. Ian Hazlet for their advice and
help I received as a student in the Department. My thanks to the Divinity Department for
allotting William Barclay, Marian Blair and Findlater scholarships, Mosspark Legacy,
Couper Bequest, Mulloweir Travel Fund and Overseas Student Appeal Fund. Thanks to
Rev. George Chavanikkamannil and Board Members of the Good News for India for
allotting the scholarship from 1998-2003, which covered the partial expense of my stay in
the United Kingdom. I am grateful to Rev. Richard and Mrs. Margaret Gorries for the
financial support from the Kin Craig Trust and Richard's kind contribution towards the
expense of buying a laptop, which was essential for my research in India. lowe particular
thanks to Richard for reading my thesis. Thanks to Marjorie Cowie for her contribution
towards the expense of printing my thesis. Thanks to Rev. C. George for his prayer
support. Thanks to Thomas George and Abraham George for their financial contribution in
1998. My thanks to friends in Anniesland Brethren Assembly and St. Silas Episcopal
Church for the spiritual support I received from them. I am grateful to my friends Bill and
Ann Wilson, Rev. Paul Watson, Rev. Duncan Peter, Ann Morrison and many other friends
whose valuable friendship cheered my family and me throughout my stay in Glasgow.
At last, not least, I am grateful to my husband Mathai Daniel Abraham and our daughter
Ann for their great patience, understandings and adjustments during these years of my
studies. I am grateful to my parents Kallarakkal Chacko Ouseph (late) and Annamma
Ouseph and my parents-in law Pastor Mathai Daniel (late) and Thankamma Daniel for the
love and care I received. I remember our baby Abhishai, whom I miscarried in between my
studies in Scotland.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ............................................................................................................. iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................................v
INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 1
Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 82
My concern towards the Dalits started in 1985, while I was working as a lecturer in a Bible
College in India. I noticed one of my students, who is a jovial Daht Christian, looked very
distressed one day. I called her to my office for a personal talk to enquire what was
troubling her and whether I could be a help to her in anyway. She was bit hesitant to share
her problem but when I insisted she shared it confidentially. As she started to speak she
burst into tears, I reached out and assured her that I was willing to listen to her problem.
She explained that one of the teachers often discriminated and degraded her on the basis of
her skin colour. She said, "Teacher, I am black [I am a Dalit] therefore, that sir [male
teacher] always hurts me by his words and dealings. He is well behaved to white [high
caste and Syrian Christian] girls." I understood her agony as she wept in front of me and I
found it difficult to comfort her in that situation. She was a capable student leader but she
was shattered by the discrimination she experienced on the basis of her caste and colour.
This incident opened my eyes towards the difficulties and discrimination Dalits experience
in India. Since then I became very sensitive to the needs of Dalit students in the College.
This incident raised questions in my mind as to, how can I be a help to Dalits for their
liberation and what can I offer for their liberation. However I decided to challenge the evil
caste system. Therefore I started with encouraging my students to do the same. In 1998 I
joined the University of Glasgow for further theological education. Two course on
Feminist Theology and Practical Theology sharpened my mind to seek a practical solution
for liberating Dalit women, who experience violence, and I decided to do research which
could uncover their hidden experience. This a most significant work from the Indian
context because this thesis explores the violence experienced in the lives of Dalit Christian
women by active listening to their life stories, which have not been written or recorded
previously by academic researchers. My research proves that techniques of ethnography,
which have developed primarily within anthropology and sociology are relevant to explore
the violence Daht Christian women experience so that Dalit women's experience might
become the focus of theological reflection and Christian action in Practical Theology.
The whole thesis is divided into three parts and there are six chapters. Chapter one explores
how ethnography can be used in Practical Theology in order to make the violence visible.
The first chapter considers how the techniques of ethnography can be used in order to
make women's experience visible, to break their silence with speech and to consider their
lived experience a primary theological resource. This chapter finds that feminist
ethnography is suitable to uncover women's experience. Furthermore this chapter
2
addresses particular questions, which face researchers who are working amongst poor and
illiterate women.
Chapter two explores how women theologians Katie G. Cannon, Ada Maria Isasi Diaz,
Kwok Pui-Ian, and Chung Hyun Kyung have sought to make poor and marginalised
women's experience visible and have emphasised its theological significance. These
theologians used ethnographic techniques in their research, when they explored how to use
women's experience as a primary source for reflection in Christian theology. Cannon uses
ethnographic technique in a different way from the other three women theologians by
analysing Black women's literary tradition and exploring Black women's experience. Diaz
uses ethnographic technique by the active involvement and reflection of the participant
Hispanic women in her research. In this way Hispanic women raise their voices for their
liberation and in the process of articulating their own theology, where their lived
experience became the source for their theology. Asian theologians Pui-Ian and Kyung use
techniques of ethnography by listening to the stories of women and considering women's
experience as a resource to develop theology for Asian women. I explore whether I can
gain from the work of these theologians something that will help me to do my own
research on Dalit Christian women.
In chapter three the context of the research is explained by analysing who are Dalits and
then how the caste system has an impact upon the lives of Dalit Christian women. This
chapter also describes a Dalit church at Parippu and explains the settings of the research.
Finally, this chapter explains three strategies I used in the research to explore the violence
Dalit Christian women experience.
Part two of this thesis proves that my research strategies are powerful to explore and
expose the violence Dalit Christian women experience. Chapter four and five demonstrate
that how Dalit Christian women have broken their silence with speaking out in the
seminar, interpreting the scripture in the Bible study groups and telling their life stories.
Their life stories reveal various kinds of violence they experienced in their private and
public life.
In part three of this thesis, chapter six exposes various factors contributing towards the
violence against Dalit Christian women. The caste nature of the society is a basic root
cause for the violence against Dalit women. Firstly, the caste nature of the society has
direct link to the sexual and cultural violence Dalit women experience from high caste
3
men. Secondly it plays a major role in the poverty and discrimination Dalit women
experience. Thirdly, Dalit men are under a lot of pressure because of the caste nature of the
society, which contribute to their poverty and lack of land ownerships and they express
their frustrations in the form of cruel violence against their wives and children. Finally, this
thesis finds that Dalit women's experience and cultural traditions of Dalit community are
important resources for articulating Dalit Feminist Practical Theology. Furthermore, in the
light of my research, I make concrete strategies for action that could bring hope and
transformation in the lives of Dalit Christian women, who are survivors of violence.
4
PART I: METHOD
CHAPTER ONE
MAKING VIOLENCE VISIBLE: THE USE OF ETHNOGRAPHY IN
PRACTICAL THEOLOGY
The concern of this thesis is to explore how experiences of violence, which have been
hidden and secret in the past, can be articulated at last in order that they may become the
focus of theological reflection and Christian action. Therefore this chapter begins by
analysing Practical Theology's conversation between experience and faith.
Although there are many descriptions of Practical Theology, all emphasise that this is an
arena, where personal and communal experience enters in to dialogue with the traditions of
faith. Stephen Pattison and James Woodward offer the following definition of Practical
Theology:
Pastoral! practical theology is a place where religious belief, tradition and
practice meets contemporary experiences, questions and actions and conducts a
dialogue that is mutually enriching, intellectually critical and practically
. 1
trans f ormmg.
For this transforming conversation to take place it is necessary to be attentive to the voices
of those who have traditionally been excluded from theological debate. Sallie McFague
argues that in the formation of our religious traditions women and other marginalized
people have not been able to contribute their insights and understandings. As a result we
need to critically assess the inherited tradition and revision it in order that theology does
not add to the oppressive burdens they carry but can become a liberating practice.
McFague states:
It is necessary for the conversation of our time within the church, within the
academy, and within the world to include as primary partners, setting the
agenda and not merely 'adding to it,' the voices that have hitherto been
excluded. From very different embodied sites will emerge radically different
agendas, agendas which will be for the benefit of a different and more inclusive
1 Stephen Pattison and James Woodward, 'An Introduction to Pastoral and Practical Theology,' in
James Woodward and Stephen Pattison (eds.), The Blackwell Reader in Pastoral and Practical
Theology, Oxford: Blackwell, 2000, p.126.
5
community than those presently In positions of power in the church, the
2
academy or the world.
However, it is no easy matter to move from the situation in which we currently find
ourselves to the one McFague envisions. We cannot assume that those who have not been
heard in the past will easily find a voice or that they will command the attention of those
who currently construct the theology which informs Christian practice.
Practical Theology aims to bring lived experience into conversation with the Christian
tradition in order to engage in appropriate forms of Christian practice. Elaine L. Graham
states that it is necessary to listen to the voices of women in order to achieve greater justice
in our Christian actions:
The pastor and the church have a role to play in listening to women's
experience, in breaking the taboos of silence which surround issues of abuse,
sexuality and nonconformity, and in rethinking harmful and oppressive images
and church teachings in order to achieve greater justice and mutuality.3
The process of active listening to the voices of women is an appropriate procedure to bring
their lived experience into conversation with Christian tradition. Listening to women's
experience can break the taboo of their silence and enable their voices to become a primary
source for articulating practical theology. Therefore, Practical Theology cannot only be a
theology of 'theory' but also a theology of 'practice,' whereby theory and practice exist
together and function in partnership to bring transformation to the community. I think of
feminist practical theology as a theology, through which women's experience comes into
conversation with Christian tradition and scripture to generate a transforming practice. The
process of attentive listening to women's experiences Graham describes is one which
should happen in the ordinary pastoral encounters which take place within the Church.
However, because of the many pressures upon women to keep silent4 it is also necessary to
actively seek out other ways in which women begin to find a voice concerning the realities
of their everyday lives.
2 Sallie McFague, 'The Theologian as Advocate,' in Sarah Coakley and David A. Pail in (eds.),
The Making and Remaking of Christian Doctrine: Essays in Honour of Maurice Wiles, Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1993, p.155.
3 Elaine L. Graham, Transforming Practice: Pastoral Theology in an Age of Uncertainty, London:
Mowbray, 1996, p.126.
4 Riet Bons-Storm writes, "The proper role for a Christian woman is obviously to exist as silently
and secretly as pOSSible, because according to many texts in the Bible, she is possible means
of corruption for proper and pious men." Riet Bons - Storm, The Incredible Woman: Listening to
Women's Silences in Pastoral Care and Counseling, Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996, p.122.
Bons-Storm writes, "Often a woman does not dare tell a pastor what she really feels, fears, or
enjoys. She falls silent about what really moves and motivates her." Bons-Storm, The Incredible
6
Practical Theology has long drawn upon the insights of the social sciences in reflecting
upon human experience and is a deeply interdisciplinary field. As Pattison and Woodward
state:
Theology in itself cannot reveal all one needs to know adequately to respond to
contemporary situations and issues. Thus economics, sociologl' psychology
and other disciplinary findings and perspectives must be utilised.
It will be the concern of this chapter to explore how we might use the techniques of
ethnographic research, which have developed primarily within anthropology and
sociology,6 to make the experiences of women visible, to break their silence with speech
and consider their lived experiences as a primary theological resource. Ethnographic
research is one of the ways to explore the violence experienced in the daily lives of
women.
Ethnography
Woman, p. 20. She argues that hierarchical relationships force people into silence. Bons-Storm,
p.26.
5 Pattison and Woodward, 'Introduction to Pastoral and Practical Theology,' p. 15.
6 Although ethnography is now widely used in such diverse fields as psychology, education,
health studies, business studies and geography.
7 Letty M. Russel and J. Shannon Clarkson (eds.), Dictionary of Feminist Theologies, Mowbray:
Westminister John Knox Press, 1996, p. 92.
8 Mary Maynard and June Purvis (eds.), Researching Women's Lives from a Feminist
Perspective, London: Taylor & Francis Ltd, 1994, p. 76.
9 Russel, Dictionary, p. 92.
10 Jerome Kirk and Marc. L. Miller, Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research, Beverly Hills:
SAGE Publications, 1986, p. 9.
11 Dell Hymes, Ethnography, Linguistics, Narrative Inequality: Toward an Understanding of Voice,
London: Taylor & Francis, 1996, p. 4.
7
The key to ethnography is the construction of knowledge 12 out of the routine interactions
that constitute human existence. Perhaps because so much of cultural behaviour is taken
for granted and accepted as 'normal' or 'natural,' ethnography first developed out of the
fascination with 'alien' and 'strange' cultures which carne about as a result of colonisation,
missionary activity and international trade in the modem period.
Before the development of social sciences the letters, diaries and records of travellers,
traders, missionaries and government administrators provided what information was
available concerning the customs and practices of non-Western cultures. Stocking reports
that most of the early British natural scientists-cum-anthropologists kept a working
ethnographic relationship with missionaries and relied upon information, which they
supplied. 13 Judith Preissle Goetz describes that during the nineteenth century, researchers
collected data from the descriptions of cultures written by travellers, missionaries,
adventures, and natural scientists. Anthropologists and cultural theorists also derived data
from diaries, memoirs, letters, interviews, and materials from questionnaires sent to
colonial administrators on the behaviour of the tribes and peoples. However, these sources
were inadequate to generate enough information. Thus anthropologists governed first hand
field study. However, some field study also appealed to their desire for adventure,
challenge, and mystery. There were disagreements between the early anthropologists on
the goals and the specific investigative methods of their field. 14 However, they all agreed
that the major task of anthropology was to describe cultures. In order to study culture, they
had to examine human behaviour, language, kinship patterns, rituals and beliefs, economic
and political structures, child rearing, life stages, arts, crafts and technology. In order to
gain insights into these areas they had to undertake research and study in the native
language of their participants. It was not easy to become fluent in 'native' languages within
the short time they spent in the field; therefore, they had to get help from interpreters and
hired informants. 15
Goetz argues that ethnography as practised today owes much to its roots in anthropology.
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century cultural theorists wanted to know
about the non-western European world. 16 There were many ethnographers, who went to
12 Hymes, Ethnography, p. 4.
13 George W. Stocking Jr., The Ethnographers Magic and Other Essays in the History of
Anthropology, Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1992, Stocking, p. 20.
14 Judith Preissle Goetz and Margaret Diane Le Compte, Ethnography and Qualitative Design in
Educational Research, Orlando: Academic Press, 1984, p. 14.
15 Goetz, Ethnography and Qualitative Design, p. 15.
16 Goetz, Ethnography and Qualitative Design, p. 14.
8
other countries in order to do ethnographic research. For example, William H. R. Rivers
went to Nilgiri Hills in India, in 1902 and he wanted to do 'intensive study' for six months
among the Todas 17 who inhabited this region. 18 As an outsider he set out to learn the
language and culture of the researched natives. George W. Stockings Jr., argues that this
ethnographic attempt to understand the world- view of Todas through participating in their
lives was the 'concrete' method, which laid the foundations of the 'sound' ethnographic
methodology of Bronislaw Malinowski and others. 19 However, since it is a difficult task
for an 'insider' ethnographer to learn any tribal language and culture within a short period,
how much useful understanding Rivers was able to gain in such a short period remains
open to question. 2o
Constructing a Method
Guy Rocher states that the English anthropologist of Polish descent Bronislaw Malinoski,
who conducted his research between 1915 and 1942, is often credited with the honour of
being the initiator of the modem ethnographic methods of the field research. Malinowski
has also achieved the status of a mythic culture hero of the anthropological method because
of the significance of his contribution, and the romance associated with his life amongst
so-called primitive people. 21 His functionalism represents the first attempt to articulate a
scientific method for the observation and analysis of archaic societies. 22 Rocher writes:
Malinowski taught that it is necessary, first of all, to observe living reality in
the field and perceive it as it is. And he suggested an intellectual approach,
which went beyond the mere observation of facts, by making it possible to
group these facts together and to seek to explain them in a logical way.23
Like Rivers, Malinowski sought to share the life of the 'archaic' peoples that he studied
and was passionate in his conviction that researchers should leave the verandas of the
plantation owners, colonial governors and missionaries in order to engage more deeply
with those whom they were studying. He was convinced that each society is characterised
and distinguished from the others by an original and particular culture and that an outside
It can thus be seen that ethnography began as a research process to observe, record and
study 'other' cultures?9 Michael Agar writes:
The social research style that emphasises encountering alien worlds and
making sense of them is called ethnography, or "folk description."
Ethnographers set out to show how social action in one world makes sense
from the point of view of another. 30
It is easy therefore to understand how the methods used by anthropologists in isolated and
remote areas came to be used by social researchers to investigate those whose lives
appeared unusual, deviant or strange within the dominant culture.
The Chicago School of Sociology, which developed under the leadership of Robert Parks
in the 1930's, used the same processes of fieldwork and participation in the life of 'alien'
people to examine the complex urban society of a modem American city. Attention was
paid to those on the margins of social life; members of gangs, of tightly knit ethnic
organisations and those who participated in jazz and drug subcultures. The lives of these
The Chicago School produced many influential thinkers and decisively influenced the
development of qualitative research within sociology. However, in recent decades it has
been recognised that all forms of human behaviour are complex and significant and that as
much as can be learned from observing the familiar and taken for granted as the strange
and exotic. Consequently there has been renewed attention to the role of the 'outside'
observer and the nature of participant observation and these are issues to which I will
return. Today ethnography is an established approach to social research that is widely used
in many fields of investigation. There is no denying that the development of ethnography
has been shaped by perceptions concerning the nature of social reality that can no longer
go uncriticised today. Nevertheless, the serious attention given by ethnographers to the
attempt to understand the lived reality of those they study remains important and
challenging. As Hammersly affirms ethnography has sought to offer theoretical
descriptions 31 of behaviour and the roles played by actors III social situations.
Ethnographers have sought to observe the daily lives, culture, social behaviour, religion
and ideology of 'alien people' and then describe it from their perspectives to the readers.
Ethnographers have taught us not to regard as absurd or insignificant behaviour that
appears strange to us and they have focussed much needed attention on the importance of
rituals, symbols and folk narratives in cultural life. 32
Gerald Arbuckle is an anthropologist and Catholic theologian, who seeks to use the
insights of anthropology to aid the Church in its mission within contemporary society. In
his famous work Earthing the Gospel he emphasises that effective missionary engagement
requires that Christian pastoral agents and evangelists know 'what culture is' and 'how it
Arbuckle uses case studies that illustrate this theory. His use of people's experiences and
his own experiences from different contexts helps the reader to understand his theory.
Arbuckle's work provides questions for reflection and action, and it is a work in practical
theology. His work provides analytical instruments to help theologians and others to grasp
what is happening to cultures within the first world. Hence it is very useful tool for
theologians and pastoral workers in the third world also. His work gives insights on
mission via the social sciences. He sees cultural changes as an important factor to consider
in mission of the Church. Arbuckle regards inculturation35 as the dynamic, evaluative
interaction between the Gospel/tradition and culture.
Arbuckle argues that in the richness and diversity of human life a symbolic language can
be identified and analysed by the skilled ethnographer. He seeks to make the tools for
interpreting this language available to the Church. Arbuckle writes:
Culture is a 'silent language.' Traditions, values, attitudes and prejudices are
often silent, like the stillness of water for fish, in the sense that people are most
often unconscious of their presence and influence. The unique task of cultural
or social anthropologists is to unearth and articulate clearly and objectively,
what is hidden from the consciousness of people about how they interact with
each other. This book provides analytical instruments from cultural
anthropology to help evangelisers grasp what is happening to cultures within
the First World (and also within many parts of the Third World). With the aid
of these instruments, evangelisers can sit down with people from all levels of
society to listen, with more understanding than ever before, to their griefs,
hopes and joys. As a result of this dialogue there may well emerge new local
theologies that are earthed in symbols, myths and rituals of people's lives. 36
33 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays, New York: Basic Books, 1973,
London: Fontana Press, 1993, p. 89.
34 Gerald A. Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel: An Inculturation Handbook for Pastoral Workers,
Maryknoll, Orbis Books, 1990, p. 7.
35 Inculturation is the gospel entering into very heart of a people's way of life. Arbuckle, Earthing
the Gospel, p. 187.
36 Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel, pp. 1-2.
12
Like Geertz, Arbuckle places huge emphasis upon the ways in which cultures are sustained
through the symbolic work of people in the construction of myths and rituals. Culture has
the power to influence what we see, hear and smell and its power enters into every fibre of
our being. 38 Culture gives us a set of meanings to associate with things around us. We feel
at horne by knowing these meanings and there is a sense of identity and security?9
Arbuckle analyses culture, culture's nature, power and its components: symbols,4o myths 41
and rituals. 42 He discusses the importance of these components in detail. He considers
symbols are as important to us as water is to the fish and symbols help us to think and
communicate with people. 43 He clarifies the nature and types of myths, their function,
how they change, and the importance of understanding how myths can influence us. He
presents historical, psychological, functional and structural theories about how myths
develop.
37 Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretative Anthropology, New York:
Basic Books, 1983, p. 58.
38 Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel, p. 26.
39 Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel, p. 27.
40 Arbuckle writes, "A symbol is any reality that by its very dynamism or power leads to another
deeper reality through a sharing in the dynamism that the symbol itself offer." Arbuckle, Earthing
the Gospel, p. 29. For Geertz 'symbol' refers to a great variety of things, often a number of them
at the same time Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, p. 91.
41 For Arbuckle a myth is "a story or tradition that claims to reveal, in an imaginative or symbolic
way a fundamental truth about the world and human life." Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel, p. 35.
42 For Arbuckle ritual is "the repeated, symbolic behavior of people belonging to a particular
CUlture." Arbuckle, Earthing the Gospel, p. 42.
13
help people become more critically aware of the ways in which they are responsible for the
oppression of others, or are themselves oppressed by structures or institutions.,44 This
work is particularly important in the contemporary context in which social change is rapid
and often leads to the dissolution of traditional cultures and the questioning of many
precious beliefs and practices. 45
Cultural Change
Arbuckle uses his anthropological tools to demonstrate that what is experienced as chaotic
and frightening can also be an opportunity for renewal and regeneration. In adopting this
approach to analysing change Arbuckle is deeply indebted to the ritual theory of Victor
Turner who focuses attention on the psychosocial phases found in this dynamic process,
namely, 'the separation, liminal and reaggregation stages. ,46 Arbuckle explores how
cultural change occurs or how new life can spring up out of cultural chaos and how social
movements in particular influence cultural change. He explains what happens in cultural
change, how it begins, and what occurs when people try to resist it in various ways and he
47
concludes that significant cultural change often takes place out of an experience of chaos.
Arbuckle's three-stage model, which is taken from Turner helps us to understand that all
process of social change must entail a movement from the security of order through the
chaos of liminality to a period in which new social forms emerge. Arbuckle compares life
to a journey, whereby individuals move regularly through liminality48 states. Liminal
experiences help us to confront fundamental questions about the meaning of life and the
purpose of society.49 Arbuckle presents the three stages of liminal experience; the exit or
separation from the world of 'ordinary living', then the liminal experience, which is
unstable, and finally the reaggregation or moving back to 'ordinary living' once more. Each
of these stages may be short or long depending on the circumstances. This is a dangerous
and challenging process but it is integral to social regeneration. Furthermore ritual
In every subculture there is an element that protests against the dominant culture of which
it is part. Arbuckle explains how youth subcultures have emerged and considers youth as a
liminal period. In youth subculture they have their own symbols, heroes, rituals, dress
symbols, and music. The pastoral needs of youth are different from those of adults.
Therefore, Arbuckle writes, "inculturation requires that we pastorally respond to people at
their point of need, not the point of need that evangelisers think they should be at. ,,50
He explains how different kinds of prejudices and discriminations can mislead if we are
not aware of it and how it affects the inculturation process. In his view, we view
unconsciously others culture as inferior, therefore such a sense of cultural and faith
superiority should be confronted. 51 It is essential to be aware of any cultural and ethnic
prejudices in us, which makes us to feel that our ways of doing things are right and other
ways of doing things are stupid, uncivilised and unreasonable. Arbuckle calls this type of
prejudice as ethnocentrism. 52 The assumption is that 'our way of life is the way of life.'53
He emphasises the necessity of self-knowledge because it will help us to understand our
own prejudices and the assumptions we hold against other cultures and ethnic groups.
When Christians become aware that cultural change can be a dynamic and creative process
they will also be less fearful about moving beyond traditions and structures that no longer
serve the gospel. They will also feel more able to engage in dialogue with others as they
become more confident that the vitality of the gospel is not tied to their own customs and
practices. The ability to confidently engage with others is essential in a world that is now
characterised by pluralism, social diversity and the movement of people between cultures.
The final part of Earthing the Gospel looks forward to a Church, which is empowered by
cultural understanding to undertake a profound examination of its own life and work. He
presents a vision of a refounded Church, that is a Church radically reformed but true to its
founding impulse in the gospel. This vision is more fully explored in his later work
Refounding the Church. 54
In this later text Arbuckle draws on the insights of cultural anthropology to explain causes
of the contemporary cultural chaos within the Catholic Church in the late 1960s and early
1970s. This breakdown of the traditional catholic culture, coupled with the changes
introduced by the Vatican II Council, challenged the institutional Church to its very roots.
The fundamental theme in his book is refounding. 55 Arbuckle concentrates on the role of
the authority dissenters 56 in religious congregations. Arbuckle takes religious life as a case-
study57 to uncover lessons helpful for the refounding of the church and he provides case-
study review of contemporary religious life. Arbuckle writes:
A case study is a detailed perception of connected processes in individual and
collective experience of a particular section or group within wider society;
through case study analysis we are able to see quite sharply the tensions and
movements characteristic of the larger group. 58
The use of case studies is an established way of doing ethnographic research in which a
larger social process is interpreted through careful examination of an indicator group. The
method is particularly effective here as religious orders have experienced numerical
decline, crises of vision and changes in structure in similar, but more extreme forms, than
the rest of the Church. Arbuckle's ethnographic skills in analysing religious communities
offer a persuasive account of the many dilemmas facing the Church today. He reflects on
the reasons why religious congregations are sluggish in responding to the call for
refounding and why creative religious leaders rarely experience support for their pastoral
initiatives. Arbuckle emphasises the necessity for the gospel's interaction with
contemporary issues such as secularism, world poverty, and ecological crises. New
methods, organisations and structures of evangelising are the desperate need of the hour.
55 By refounding, Arbuckle means finding and implementing new forms of bringing faith / justice
Good News to the world.
56 Dissenter is the one who proposes alternatives. A dissenter gives birth to new ideas and ways
of doing things, which never existed before.
57 Arbuckle writes, "a case study is a detailed perception of connected processes in individual and
collective experience of a particular section or group within a wider society; through case study
analysis we are able to see quite sharply the tensions and movements characteristic of the
larger group." Arbuckle, Refounding the Church, p. 7.
58 Arbuckle, Refounding the Church, p. 7.
16
in the church because they 'dream' appropriate pastoral strategies and alternative ways for
bridging the gap between gospel and culture. They implement pastoral strategies. Arbuckle
argues that today's church needs hope-filled dissenters at all levels, from the smallest Basic
Christian Community to the highest pastoral positions in the church. Arbuckle makes
chaos appear as a challenge to think about contextually appropriate ways of doing things
and presenting the gospel in the contemporary world.
Arbuckle, again using the framework established by Victor Turner, observes within the life
of contemporary religious communities three stages of culturallindividual grieving brought
about their changed circumstances. In the first stage the culture feels sadness together with
the symptoms of resistance. In the second stage, the liminality phase, a culture feels both
attracted by the security of the past and the call to face the future. This is a risky time
because the temptation is for the culture to cling to what has been lost and simply refuse to
face the future. There is a resistance to reality.59 In the recovery or reaggregation phase,
the bereaved culture is able to look with some marked detachment at what has been lost.
Arbuckle stresses the necessity of acknowledging the pain of loss and the necessity of
grieving because it is a psychological- cultural requirement for healthy and creative living,
and it is a Gospel imperative. The reaggregation phase is important because a grieving
culture or individual must realise their loss and move to face the reality of life in its new
context.
In his case study of religious life, Arbuckle alludes to cultural organisations and the
Church as grown up "conditioned elephants" which are unable to pull the stakes up, though
they have the ability to do it. Young elephants are shackled to stakes deeply rooted in the
ground to be conditioned. Cultures and organisations are once dynamic and mobile as
young elephants and they later become conditioned to the status quo. Ageing cultures and
organisations are conditioned and blinded by the success of the past. Many in the Church
behave like conditioned elephants and unwilling to learn new ways of doing things.6o
Arbuckle presents the idea that the old ways of doing things are not applicable to the
present need of the world and therefore it is necessary to revise old methods, make changes
and explore new ways of doing things. Cultures and Churches which are conditioned, not
The disintegration of the traditional cultures creates chaos, confusion, and tension within
the church or in any organisations in transition. He points out that culture has life cycles
and it passes through the normal problems accompanying each stage. The way to relate the
gospel to the changing world demands a constant searching. Ageing cultures are not
flexible and only leaders of vision can act to stop the ageing process of a culture. 61
Loyal Dissent and Loyal Opposition are useful for Contextual Structural Changes
Arbuckle's examination of how religious orders face change has lead him to place great
emphasis upon the strategies the Church uses to resist change. As in the past a threatened
Church will seek to blame others for its own problems and engage in 'witch hunting.' He
uses the term 'witchcraft' as a theory of causation, to pinpoint the reasons for the chaos in
the church. He uses the term 'witches' to refer to people, who challenge the established
order in the Church. Witches are labelled as the cause of the chaos in society, likewise
persons or groups are labelled as the cause of chaos in the church. He explains why witch-
hunting is so prevalent within the contemporary church. There are people on the margins
of society, creative people, who challenge traditional ways of thinking or doing things,
those who have little or no access to the power structures. They are considered as witches,
who cause chaos in the society. Women are particularly vulnerable to witchcraft
accusations. 62 In the same way people on the margins of society are powerless and most
defenceless. There is a tendency to blame people who are on the margins of society for the
cause of hardship during times of cultural disintegration. This is the same in the
hierarchical Church; feminists and campaigners for women's rights have been seen to be
particularly dangerous by those who are bent on restoring the pre-Vatican II model of
Church. 63 People who are dissatisfied, different or creative are considered an anathema to
totalitarian systems. Nevertheless, they often generate forms of 'loyal opposition' or make
structural changes necessary for the pathfinding dissenters to use their gifts within the
Church. They create a space for the voices of pathfinding dissenters, who are the 'others' in
the discourse.
Arbuckle states that those who head the hierarchical structures of the Church need to listen
to people and their experiences in congregations. Leaders need to be open to dialogue with
people on the margins. He considers that the best way to grasp the power of human
communication is to record what people actually say.64 He refers in his case studies to what
people have reported concerning their experiences in the church and religious
congregations. He stresses the necessity of radically different and new ways of relating the
good news to the pastoral challenges of the world. Furthermore, Arbuckle's case study
method is based upon valuing what people recount about their experiences in the Church
and religious congregations. In these stories and personal accounts Arbuckle discerns new
ways of relating the good news to the pastoral challenges of the world.
In Earthing the Gospel and Refounding the Church Arbuckle presents clear and practical
guidelines for interpreting cultures in change and crisis, which are very important for those
engaged in pastoral and missionary work. He popularises the work of Geertz and Turner,
making their ideas accessible and comprehensible to those who have little knowledge of
the social sciences. However, there are a number of significant problems in offering simple
rules of interpretation, which claim to offer insight into all cultural contexts.
Arbuckle stands firmly within a research tradition, which appears to hold that an observer
who stands outside the context, her/his research can offer a better and more accurate
explanation of what is happening than the people whom inhabit the culture themselves. He
appears to believe that the ethnographer, or cultural observer, can make rational and
objective interpretations through the proper use of 'analytical instruments.' There is little
mention made of the ambiguity and provisionality that marks all forms of qualitative
research. Nor does he engage within the many criticisms that have been made of 'outsider'
researchers who confidently 'code' forms of behaviour, which are entirely beyond their
own experiences. It is very interesting that Arbuckle's work is at its most powerful and
perceptive when he employs the insights of ethnography to research and reflect upon the
context he knows best - the world of Catholic religious congregations.
Arbuckle's work is certainly important and helpful to those who are seeking skills that will
make them more sensitive to the importance of culture. However, many important debates
amongst ethnographers are not addressed within his texts. In the work of Don Browning
we see an approach to ethnography, which is rather different and perhaps more responsive
to some (if not all) of the issues raised above.
Browning asks how, despite their many flaws, can very human institutions be seen as
bearers of a Christian tradition which impacts upon the ways in which they structure their
communal life and act in the world? Browning considers this question in the light of
contemporary philosophy and hermeneutical theory. However, the dynamic quality of the
text owes much to the fact that he also seeks to ground his reasoning in the reality of
congregational life.
To make this a genuinely practical book and not just one about the theory of
practical theology, I will illustrate my points with three rather extensive case
65 See, for example, Caroline Walker Bynum's critique of Turner in Fragmentation and
Redemption: Essays on Gender and Human Body in Medieval Religion, New York: Zone Books,
1992, pp. 33-43.
66 Don S. Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology: Descriptive and Strategic Proposals,
Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991.
67 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 2.
68 Browning writes, "What I refer to as the visional and obligational levels of practical reason
others often refer to as culture, that is, the system of narratives, signs, symbols, and rules that
gives meaning and significance to the actions and practices of a group." Browning, A
Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 121.
69 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 122.
20
studies of congregations. These churches, in various ways, are carriers of
7o
practical reason and exhibit many features of practical theological thinking.
Browning's emphasis upon the importance of congregations owes much to his involvement
in the emerging discipline of congregational studies in the development of which he has
played an important role. Browning has done three case studies of congregations. In order
to answer his central question Browning studied Wiltshire Methodist church an upper
middle class church, the church of Covenant, a middle class- American Presbyterian
Church and the Apostolic Church of God, an African American Pentecostal Church on the
South side of Chicago.
The Lilly Endowment sponsored the research on congregational studies in which the
Wiltshire Methodist church and the church of Covenant had been the subject of study.7!
Anthropologists and ethnographers worked together within the dominant paradigms
established by Geertz and Turner and they analysed the rituals, symbols and narratives that
constituted the culture of the congregations. The researchers used questionnaires and
interviews for collecting data from the members of the congregations. These experts then
proceeded to make their analysis of what they believed characterised the realities of
congregational life. Browning got involved in this project later than the other members of
the team72 and claims that they had already established the research procedures. Browning
was aware of the special skills brought by the social scientists but he is critical of the fact
that researchers had not given due significance to the theological traditions and sacred
stories, which shape the lives of religious groupings. Browning writes:
Most of the scholars in that early study saw the social sciences as more or less
objective and value- neutral disciplines. They did not understand how
sociology, psychology, or anthropology could be seen as hermeneutic
disciplines that fashion their studies on the model of a dialogue or
conversation. They did not understand how their fore-understandings entered
into their work as psychologists, sociologists or anthropologists. All of the
scholars were Christians. They were members of churches. They had their own
theological predilections. Yet they did not ask how these precommitments
entered in to their social science descriptions of the Wiltshire Church. 73
Browning states that we have relied too much on theoretical and technical reason, blind
custom and tradition and we have lacked a clear idea of how practical reason and tradition
relate to one another. He is concerned with reconstructing tradition and learning to exercise
our practical wisdom. In his view myth, story, legend, symbol and metaphor play an
Browning believes that 'psychology, sociology, ecology and cultural anthropology ... [are]
foci within the wider rubric of descriptive theology.' 76 Browning criticised the social
scientist researchers, who analysed the Wiltshire Church and the Church of the Covenant
because they failed to recognise how their own preconceptions influenced their research. 77
Browning finds that social science studies report only one side of the conversation- the side
of the team, which involved in the research. 78 Browning believes that their 'objective'
analysis ignored the fact that the social sciences are conversational disciplines in which
meaning is produced through the relationship between the researchers and the researched.
Browning celebrates the approach to ethnography and religious life found in Robert
Bellah's celebrated text Habits of the Heart. 79 Bellah and his team, which includes four
sociologists and a philosopher,8o were explicit in their acknowledgement that the values
and religious traditions, which have shaped American congregational life are also implicit
in the research techniques they employ and continue to impact upon the researchers
themselves. Bellah argues therefore that all interpretative frameworks have 'religious
dimensions.'81 In Bellah's research both the researcher and the researched are engaged in a
conversational process. Browning writes:
It is for this reason that Bellah and his associates in Habits of the Heart use
what they call the "active interview" as their primary tool for gathering
information on their subjects. It is a method designed to engage their subjects
in dialogue. Bellah admits that he and his team did not come to their
74
Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 5.
75 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 112.
76 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 111.
77 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 79.
78 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 79.
79 Robert N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, Steven M. Tipton, Habits
of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Ufe, Berkely; Los Angeles; London:
University of California Press, 1985.
80 Bellah, Habits of the Heart, p. xi.
81 Browning, A Fundamental Practical Theology, p. 89.
22
conversations empty-handed. "Rather," he tells us, "we sought to bring our
preconceptions and questions into the conversation and to understand the
answers we were receiving not only in terms of the language but also, so far as
we could discover, the lives of those we were talking with. ,82
Browning had to observe these three congregations in order to understand their culture and
context. When he confronted the differences between his own context and those he
researched it helped him to gain fresh perspectives on his agenda. He acknowledges the
difference between himself and the researched Pentecostal Church in the following words:
"It was black; I was white. It was Pentecostal; I was liberal, somewhat rationalistic,
university-educated, and university-employed.,,93 In his dialogical approach to research
Browning understands that there are often spiritual and cultural differences between the
Browning describes the Apostolic Church and its religion as 'experience-based religion'
because Christ and God are represented in highly personal terms. 95 Browning
acknowledges that he is an outsider96 to the researched but he was flattered to be accepted
as fellow Christian and trusted friend. He recounts how the many conversations that
constituted his research were factually informative, confirming his hermeneutical
understanding of the research process, and also life changing. 97 Browning states that
uncovering the personal history behind individual practices is relevant to all hermeneutic
dimensions of fundamental Practical Theology.98 Browning considers personal history or
personal story as human documents, which can be collected by using ethnographic
techniques in order to use them, in Practical Theology:
The interpretation of situations seldom is thought to include the personal
histories that people bring to praxis. This is a significant loss to practical
theology and theological education in the church, the seminary, and the
uni versi ty. 99
Through Browning's case study of the Apostolic Church of God he was particularly
challenged to review his thinking on marriage, the family and feminism. He gained a
positive appreciation of the traditional, role governed but respectful attitudes to
relationships between men and women advocated by the church.
Building its family ethic on Ephesians leaves the Apostolic Church with at
most with a chastened, tamed and greatly modified patriarchalism-one perhaps
that does not even justify the word patriarchalism to describe it. It also leaves
the church with a family ethic that greatly increases male responsibility, male
self- worth and equal regard between husband and wife. lOo
Browning argues that religious narratives and metaphors can function to enliven, energise,
liberate, and make more effective the workings of practical reason. lOl He emphasises the
outer envelope and inner core of practical reason. He writes:
Browning argues that practical reason always has a narrative envelope. This narrative
envelope constitutes the vision that animates, informs, and provides the ontological context
for practical reason. I03 In his view Christianity has an explicit narrative tradition that
constitutes the envelope for a core model of practical reason.104 In Browning's view
Christian story informs practical reason. lOS
Browning writes:
The narrativists believe that humans are formed by partIcipation in
communities of memory that have powerful stories to tell about their origins
lo6
and destinies.
Thomas explains that there are several fundamental characteristics shared by critical and
conventional ethnography. Critical and conventional ethnographers rely on qualitative
interpretation of data collected 'in the field.' They rely on a set of rules of ethnographic
methods and analysis. They prefer to develop a "grounded theory.',108 However,
conventional ethnography gives importance to the tradition of cultural description and
analysis 109 by 'academic experts' whilst critical ethnography seeks to provoke change in
lived situations of those they work amongst. Thomas writes:
Conventional ethnographers generally speak for their subjects, usually to an
audience of other researchers. Critical ethnographers, by contrast, accept an
added research task raising their voice to speak to an audience on behalf of
their subjects as a means of empowering them by giving more authority to the
subjects' voice. As a consequence, critical ethnography proceeds from an
explicit framework that, by modifying consciousness or invoking a call to
action, attempts to use knowledge for social change. l1O
Interpretive Ethnography
In order to analyse interpretive ethnography I would like to start with a quote from Norman
K. Denzin:
Ethnographic texts are the primary texts given for the interpretive,
ethnographic project. These texts are always dialogical- the site at which the
voices of the other, alongside the voices of the author, come alive and interact
with one another. 1l2
As this quote suggests the ethnographic text always contains a constructed dialogue.
However, there are other actors involved in making the ethnographic text meaningful.
Norman K. Denzin writes:
A reader-as viewer is one who is ready to hear, see, and listen to the voices,
images, and sounds of a text. In so doing, the reader renders the text intelligible
and meaningful. A written text becomes a montage (and a mise-en-scene)- a
meeting place where "original" voices, their inscriptions (as transcribed texts),
and the writers interpretations come together. I 13
For interpretative ethnographers the reader of the ethnographic text is an actor in this
process. For them it is essential to see how the voices of researched I researcher I and the
reader enter into dialogue together. As Denzin explains the reader hears and sees the
sounds and consequences of other's voices and actions and the reader becomes active in
this way.114 In Denzin's view, the modem ethnographic text can be read as a photograph.
Denzin claims that the ethnographic text has meaning through its readers. The
ethnographic text changes along with the readers. He compares ethnographic reading to
travel or a dream. 116 The ethnographic reader is a novelist. ll7 A reader creates a world of
experience by confronting the ethnographic text. JJ8 There is a purpose for all reading.
Denzin writes:
The desire is not to put words or interpretations in people's mouths but to
create the spaces so their voices can be heard, to write (and read) with them,
for them, and not about them. 119
Critical and interpretative ethnographers have frequently ignored the importance of gender
in their analyses and whilst I take their challenges seriously it is to feminist ethnography
that I now tum. Feminist ethnography provides the values and techniques that I will use to
shape my own research into women's experience.
Feminist Ethnography
Researching the Everyday World of Women
Gender-blind ethnography in the social sciences ignores the presence of the 'other' in the
discourse therefore women are treated as the 'other.' Paul Atkinson reports that women
are absent characters and silent figures in urban ethnographies:
Women have major roles to play in the social order but are not represented as
social actors. They are 'objects' not subjects of their own actions in their own
culture. 120
This is what we can see in male-centred ethnography in anthropology and sociology and
Atkinson also proves that sociological texts often use generic male terms, which imply a
universality of experience:
The ethnographer- sociological or anthropological- uses other conventions too.
Frequently we construct 'the-' (whatever) as the object of our discourse: 'the
Nuer,"the drug user,' 'the gang member,' 'the race goer,' 'the Navaho' and so
on. These too partake of the generic maleness of human actors in conventional
texts. 121
Here we can see that whether it is as subjects or objects everything is based on the 'generic
male' terms in anthropology and sociology. This is neglecting, ignoring and degrading the
personalities and presence of women in society. Men are represented as human actors and
women are invisible in these kind of method. Atkinson writes:
The converse of the 'thereness' of women- their invisible presence- is the fact
that the 'hereness' of men is so unremarkable for the majority of our
ethnographic texts, however sensitive they may be to other problems and
· 1e- rea1··
mu1tIp ltIes. 122
Women's experiences are often unrecorded and untold because they do not take place on
the public stage but in the day-to-day world of personal, domestic and private relationships
which are the taken-for-granted-background of our lives. This taken for granted
background is the hardest of all to question. Thomas writes:
[The] taken-for-granted world often seems too confusing too powerful, or too
mysterious to slice beneath appearances, and it is not always easy to see
clearly, let alone address, the fundamental problems of social existence than we
confront daily.123
Liz Stanley and Sue Wise, two of the earliest feminist sociologists, realised the need to
construct a feminist social science; 'a social science which starts from women's experience
120 Paul Atkinson, The Ethnographic Imagination: Textual Constructions of Reality, London:
Routledge, 1990, p. 144.
121 Atkinson, The Ethnographic Imagination, p. 146.
122 Atkinson, The Ethnographic Imagination, p. 146.
123 Thomas, Doing Critical Ethnography, p. 3.
29
Dorothy E. Smith, another important early feminist sociologist, found that women are the
objects rather than subjects of sociological study.126 Therefore, she seeks how we might
begin to explore the everyday world from the standpoint of women. 127 Smith writes:
It is rather a method that, at the outset of inquiry, creates the space for an
absent subject, and an absent experience that is to be filled with the presence
and spoken experience of actual women speaking of and in the actualities of
their everyday world. 128
Exploring the everyday lives of women can break the bonds of their silence and
invisibility. Smith also begins to articulate what will become an important feature of
feminist ethnography, that is a deep concern for the power relationship between the
observer and the observed. 129 The feminist sociologist must be aware of the fact that she
observes things and describes them from her perspective, which may be quite different, or
other, for the observed. Smith warns against the assumptions of ethnographic texts in
which the observed are silenced. 13o Smith writes of the 'unaccountable' ethnographer,
"Her ordinary descriptive procedures in corporate interpretations unchecked by the
experience of those she describes.,,131
Until recently a distinctive feminist perspective has been missing from ethnographic debate
but women researchers are now beginning to make a significant contribution and they
124 Liz Stanley and Sue Wise, Breaking Out Again: Feminist Ontology and Epistemology, London:
Routledge, 1993, p. 164.
125 Stanley, Breaking out Again, p. 170.
126 Dorothy E. Smith, The Everyday World As Problematic: A Feminist Sociology, Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1987, p. 109.
127 Smith, The EverydayWorld, p. 106.
128 Smith, The Everyday World, p. 107.
129 Kamala Visweswaran, a feminist ethnographer, argues that it is necessary for feminist
ethnography to focus on the relationships and power differences between women. Kamala
Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1994, p. 20.
130 Smith, The Everyday World, p. 112.
30
explore the relevant principles for feminist ethnography.
Beverley Skeggs has asked an important epistemological question about the relationship of
the knower to the known in feminist ethnography.132 She concentrated on the feminist
debates on ontology, epistemology and methodology. 133 She argues that feminist research
places emphasis upon the power relations between the researcher and the researched and
their relationships should be non-hierarchical, 134 which is a positive point. The
'ethnographer 'is a woman and the subjects are 'women.' In this approach the relationship
between the knower and the known is closer if the knower and the known are from the
same country, culture and context. I agree with Skeggs that we should avoid hierarchical
relationships between the researcher and the researched but how we can balance power
relations between literate and illiterate women is a matter of concern to me in feminist
ethnography. Any hierarchical relationship could manipulate the voices and views of the
researched women. Although feminist ethnography seeks to be a respectful process where
value is given to women, differences in class, status and education can still impact upon
the research and these social differences can be very complex.
Beverley Skeggs tries to shed light upon how knowledge is produced, and how
ethnographies are the outcome of continual theorising and research practice. Skeggs
expected that it might be easy to understand the young women she studied by entering in to
their 'natural context.' As she spent more time with young women she became more
confused and aware of her own lack of understanding. 135 This is a very good practice to
acknowledge our own failures in ethnographic research. In her view whilst ethnography is
the study of 'others' and focuses on 'other' experiences and practices l36 feminist
ethnography is the study of 'ourselves' and focusing on 'our' experiences and practices
from the perspectives of women.
One of the most important claims made by feminist ethnography is that women talk
differently to female researchers. This is partly because women use language in a different
way to men in male dominated culture. Marjorie L. Devault states that 'since the words
available often do not fit women to translate when they talk about their experiences' and in
this way 'parts of their lives disappear.' 138 The feminist ethnography is woman listening
to woman as woman talking to woman. Feminist ethnographer listens to the voices of the
researched woman, where the researcher and the researched are engaged in formal or
informal conversations. Diane Bell argues that feminist ethnography is 'woman talking to
woman' and such ethnography is feminine and feminist. Bell starts her fieldwork with
talking and listening to women about their lives. 139 Through listening to women Bell
collected women's knowledge, which was based on their experiences, practices, feelings,
thinking and being. 140 In order to listen to women Bell went to the working places of
women, participated in the work of those women and a picture of her with informants in
the working place demonstrates this. In this talking and listening process both researcher
and the researched are empowered. The participant often finds relief and encouragement
that she is able to speak about her experiences whilst the researcher is able to share in the
disclosure of precious information. The feminist researcher who is recording the accounts
of previously un articulated experiences has a duty to present these in forms that are
respectful of their importance and significance. For this reason Devault argues that every
effort must be made to preserve the actual words spoken by women and to present them as
fully and accurately as possible in the form in which they were spoken. Feminist
researchers are suspicious of ethnographic accounts of women's experience in which the
voices of the participants in the research are replaced by the interpretations of the
researchers.
The questions of hierarchy and power addressed by Webb and Skeggs take on particular
forms in the Indian context. Kamala Ganesh, who has done an ethnographic research on
Kottai Pillaimar 141 in Tirunelveli district of Tamilnadu in India,142 faced a problem in her
research that in the beginning women were silent and they felt that they had nothing to
share with the ethnographer. When Ganesh persisted, the women opened up and broke
their silence by speaking.143 This resulted in a close relationship between the researched
women and the ethnographer in which Ganesh could even ask the more intimate
. 144
questIOns.
In her research it becomes apparent that upper-caste women appear, behave and dress
according to the norms and values created by the uppercaste men in the Indian society.
Ganesh writes:
A lone ('unprotected') upper-caste woman with the appropriate behaviour is
more likely to be treated by men with respect. Women from the bottom of the
hierarchy would doubly have to prove their 'goodness,'and even so might be
open to rough treatment. 145
Ganesh claims that as an uppercaste woman ethnographer in India, she gained the respect
and co-operation from the researched and succeeded in her ethnographic fieldwork. She
claims that even men addressed her amma (mother).146 The word Amma is used to show
respect to woman in Tamilnadu. 147 However, there is a problem in this situation. Ganesh is
also likely to collude with men because of her highborn status and respect, which she
gained from men in that area. A female ethnographer's caste identity, education and status
might influence her to collude with men. Therefore, a female ethnographer, who is not
from the same caste and educational background as the women she studies, needs to take
necessary precautions not to collude with men. She must possess a clear understanding of
how caste, social and educational background will effect her relations with others.
141 Kottai Pillaimars are from Vellala caste, which is one of the high castes in Tamilnadu. Kottai
Pillaimar are landlords in Tirunelveli District of Tamilnadu State.
142 Kamala Ganesh 'Breaching the Wall of Difference: Fieldwork and a Personal Journey to
Srivaikuntam, Tamilnadu' in Bell, Gendered Fields, p. 128.
143 Ganesh in Bell, Gendered Fields, p. 136.
144 Ganesh in Bell, Gendered Fields, p. 136.
145 Ganesh in Bell, Gendered Fields, p. 134.
146 Ganesh in Bell, Gendered Fields, p. 134.
147 Even if the word amma is used to show the respect towards a woman she is not treated as
equal to men. M. L. Bose writes, "The ideal of Indian womanhood, as daughter, sister, wife,
even as mother, has never been depicted in terms of equality with men or independence." M. L.
Bose, Social and Cultural History of Ancient India, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company,
1990, p. 97.
33
Kamala Visweswaran's ethnographic work 148 is from the perspective of second generation
American Indian. Visweswaran went to India in 1986 for her ethnographic fieldwork in
order to research on Tamil women's participation in India's freedom movement. She
collected essays, fables and diary entries. She conducted some interviews in which she
faced more failure than victory because women refused to be open up with Visweswaran.
Therefore, she shifted her focus from 'speech' to 'silence' and gave importance to
women's silences and interruptions. She considered women's silence as a tool in her
feminist ethnography.
Ganesh and Visweswaran both did their ethnographic researches in India. Visweswaran
could not break the silences of women, where Ganesh insisted women speak. Ganesh made
very close relationships with women, where Visweswaran could not do this. Visweswaran
became interested in what was being communicated through silence and refusals to speak.
Her work is self-reflexive and interpretative and reveals much about the identity of a
second-generation migrant in her home culture. It is interesting to reflect upon the
differences between these researches undertaken in India by these two feminist
ethnographers; Visweswaran learned from the silence and Ganesh insisted on breaking the
silence of women and then learned from their speech. Ganesh relied upon her high caste
identity and education as status, where Visweswaran claimed her Indian roots, as a second
generation American Indian. Feminist ethnographers have to learn from the silences of
women in certain situations, where women are tight lipped but in order to listen to the life
stories of women it is essential to break the silences of women in feminist ethnographic
research. Although both strategies are useful reflexive ethnography alone cannot uncover
the cultural invisibility of women. I shall now examine how feminist ethnography is
beginning to play an important role in the development of feminist practical theology
through an examination of the work of Riet Bons-Storm.
Riet Bons-Storm is a Dutch Academic Practical Theologian, who has been active in the
grassroots, feminist 'Women and Faith Movement' for many years. Because she stood
with 'one foot in the Women and Faith Movement and the other foot in the theological
department' she became very aware that the issues raised by women concerning life and
faith were not being addressed by Practical Theology. In Bons-Storm's groundbreaking
text 149 she began to question
. why women were largely invisible in the literature on
It is alleged that gender difference and its associated relationships of power transpire in
women's problems not being treated seriously by male pastors. I53 Mark Pryce writes, "To
listen to women is to risk change and even transformation.,,154 Therefore, men are uneasy
about listening to and learning from women. Consequently, many women are reluctant to
speak fearing men will not listen to them.
According to Bons-Storm even though pastors are trained to listen in pastoral care women
155
are not heard and neither believed nor understood. The fear that they will not be taken
seriously can lead to women disguising their true feelings and responding in line with male
expectations. 156 Bons-Storm writes, "Often a woman does not dare tell a pastor what she
really feels, fears, or enjoys. She falls silent about what really moves and motivates her.,,157
The reason for women's silence, Bons-Storm argues, lies far beyond their personal
relationship with pastors and other men in authority. It is also a product of a dominant
sociocultural narrative, which defines the roles acceptable for men and women in society.
However, Bons-Storm considers the silencing of women as an act of violence by a
powerful group against a less powerful one. She argues that hierarchical relationships force
people into silence. 15s Women require a relevant pastoral care in which their voices are
heard and their problems treated seriously. The Incredible Woman is a highly significant
text in Practical Theologyl59 in the Western tradition. It shares much with feminist
ethnography as outlined below. Both share a common emphasis on articulating the
concerns of women in order that changes may be made.
Bons-Storm argues that women's 'incredibility' and its causes are intertwined with
dominant theories in psychology and theology and their constructions of 'woman.' 160 She
believes this is the case, because these dominant theories are written from the perspective
of men. Dominant theories and methods are predicated on the basis of the experience of the
dominant group. They have ignored the voices of the 'others.' 161 Hence women, the 'others'
in the discourse are treated as 'invisible' and 'incredible.' Therefore, we need to challenge
and question dominant theories and methods in order to hear the silenced. Bons-Storm
emphasises the need to listen to the voices and experiences of the silenced women, when
developing suitable pastoral care and counselling for women. She thus seeks to break the
'silence' of women in the Christian pastoral tradition. Her concern is to construct a
feminist pastoral care that will enable women to speak of their own everyday experiences
and problems.
Bons-Storm uses the techniques of ethnography to collect the voices and experiences of
women. She does not take the position of the dominant ethnographer to observe, record
and interpret everything from the perspective and experience of the dominant in the
discourse. She seeks to maintain a balanced relationship between herself and her subjects.
She tries not to treat the researched woman as 'other', 'invisible' and 'incredible'. She has
done her research in her own social and political context. Bons-Storm reflects on the basis
of the lived experience of women in 'Woman and Faith Movement in the Netherlands.'
She is an insider ethnographer, who identifies herself as one amongst the researched
women.
It is interesting that in order to collect data from the lives of women Bons-Storm listened to
the stories of women, she used correspondence with women, conducted interviews and
talked to women, listened to their problems and then she collected their voices. 162 Her
163
communication with Sylvia did not take the form of formal interview. Bons-Storm had a
very flexible method to collect the stories and voices of women and this may have allowed
159 Bons- Storm, The Incredible Woman, In this book Storm draws upon an analysis of the
experience of women in the Dutch 'women's faith group' to argue that women have seen
systematically silenced by pastoral practices which take male experience as normative.
160 Bons-Storm, The Incredible Woman, pp. 31,32.
161 Bons-Storm, The Incredible Woman, pp. 79, 80.
162 Bons-Storm, The Incredible Woman, pp. 37- 45.
163 Sylvia is one of the six women Storm interviewed during her research.
36
women to share their stories without any fear. It created a healthy relationship between the
researched women and the researcher. Her subjects were friends, friends of friends, or
contacts generated through the Women and Faith Movement. Many of the problems
associated with hierarchical power relationships between the researcher and researched
were minimised because of this shared social context. Bons-Storm does not want other
representations or substitute voices in her research but includes the direct voices of the
researched women themselves. She brought the voices of six women directly into her
research. She considered women's stories and experiences as the living documents because
women spoke out of their lived experiences. Bons-Storm did not approach her subjects
with a pre-determined set of questions reflecting her own agenda but she asked them to
share with her their 'self narratives.' The 'life story' approach to social research is one,
which is believed by many ethnographers to be an empowering form of research, and it is
one that feminists have found particularly helpful. Bons-Storm writes:
A self-narrative is a way of presenting a cohesive construction - not a
mechanical recording of events - of the way the self is experienced, telling
stories about events that are seen as formative for the experience of the self. 164
Despite the fact that Bons-Storm offered confidentiality to her subjects many of the
women, who spoke to her, asked her not to re-tell their stories in her published work and
she respected these requests. Bons-Storm writes, 'These stories I heard from the basis of
my knowledge about the topic at hand, although I do not refer to many of these stories
explicitly.,165 Those women, who did give permission for their stories to be used, are not
presented from the perspective of an expert observer, who processes and translates their
concern for the reader. Bons-Storm is determined that she is not speaking on behalf of the
researched women:
To speak 'in the name of somebody else easily becomes an oppressive gesture
of representation, by which a powerful figure reduces a dependent one to
silence ... The women speak for themselves. I retell the stories they told me
verbatim where possible. Their stories provide a living document of the
problem that is the subject of this book. These six women are survivors: they
found a way out of the silence of their closets of shame. Now they are able to
talk and we can listen to them and learn from them. 166
Values Self-narrative
Bons-Storm questions the use of so-called male language in self- narratives. She asks how
women can create stories of their lives by using the so-called male language and men's
words that do not fit women's experiences and feelings. In Bons- Storm writes, "The
dominant group in society assumes that the dominant discourse possesses the right
reasoning and language to reveal the true nature of reality.,,173 Official language in any
group or culture is the language of the dominant group and its sex, class, race, and
ethnicity. One's own language is one of the most important tools for anyone to
communicate in any culture or context. However, the language of the researched is
important to develop a relevant pastoral care. Bons- Storm writes, "As long as the language
of the dominant group is seen as the only discourse that can possibly render "truth,"
persons considered to be outside that discourse- women for instance - cannot be heard as
credible persons when they speak in their own discourse.,,174 This is a reasonable argument
because a patriarchal society considers only the language and the perspective of the
dominant group credible. The language and the perspective of the 'other' in the discourse
are considered incredible.
Graham writes:
In women's preaching, the process of telling others' stories is an example of
conversational practice: matching the personal with the collective; of inviting
the hearers to place their stories alongside those of others. 175
Bons-Storm asserts that socio-cultural narratives define roles for men and women. The
narrator identifies himself or herself with the dominant group in a society.176 In this case
those who are not part of the dominant group are the 'others' or 'objects' in the treatment.
Bons-Storm emphasises that "Sociocultural narratives are expressions of the reigning
ideology in a culture, which in our case is patriarchal.,,177 Women's roles in the patriarchal
sociocultural narrative are always dependent upon men's. In Bons-Storm's view, when a
dominant person is 'the boss,' she or he has more, appears to possess more insight, is more
credible, is more rational than the other in the discourse. 178 The roles of the dominant and
subordinate persons in the socio-cultural narrative are based on power relationships.
Women are encouraged to play the roles allowed them according to the sociocultural
narrative. Women's roles in the patriarchal sociocultural narratives are always dependent
upon and relative to men's:
In the patriarchal sociocultural narrative a 'proper' relationship between a man
and woman .. .is one in which the man is always a little taller, older, wiser than
the woman; he also earns a higher salary and has a higher social status. 179
Race intertwines with gender in this binary and hierarchical system. White women may be
the silenced partner in relation to men but white women can assume dominance over black
people and black women are conditioned to be submissive. 180 When a man and woman
work together man is assumed to be the boss and woman is the secretary or the assistant. 181
Thus, sociocultural narrative that originated from the dominant perspective silences the
'other' in the discourse.
Bons-Storm argues that inhabiting the dominant sociocultural narrative is dangerous and
damaging for women. For example, patriarchal society communicates the powerful
messages that women must 'reshape' their bodies to be attractive to men. 182 Similarly the
dominant narrative encourages women to keep silent concerning the abuse they suffer at
the hands of men as male domination is sanctioned by powerful cultural myths that make
Women's Space as a 'Bird and Its Golden Cage': A Narrow Space in the
Sociocultural Narratives
In Bons-Storm's opinion, women are allowed to develop their identity and self-narratives
from a restricted 'narrow space.' 184 Woman's 'nest,' 'narrow space,' is a golden cage for
her. However, it is necessary to break the patriarchal golden cage and set the woman free
to explore her own space. It is necessary to create enough space for women to stand, speak,
experience and exercise her freedom as a human being. A narrow space always irritates,
mistreats and restricts the freedom of the woman and it never allows woman to enjoy life
in dignified way. Women are in need of equal space to men, in the sociocultural narratives.
Hence, it is necessary to create new narratives and stories to widen the space for women in
sociocultural narratives and in pastoral care and counselling.
A caged bird never sings happily and it is the same with woman in pastoral care and
counselling, woman keeps silence because the male pastor does not listen to her problems.
Women's silence in pastoral encounters speaks a lot about women's caged experience in
traditional pastoral forms. On the other hand, as Bons-Storm remarks, that pastoral
counsellor has to explore with women, what it means to be a woman in her particular
situation, living with a female body in the patriarchal church and in the world. It is a hard
task for a male pastor to understand the feelings of women. 185 Bons-Storm emphasizes
women's need for new models and stories about strong women. 186 Hence, it is necessary
for women to move from 'unstory' to 'self-narrative and to a 'counter-narrative.' The
feminist ethnographic practices explored previously have a vital role to play in this work.
No Hierarchy of Knowledge
According to Bons-Storm pastoral care and counselling in feminist perspective are about
women encouraging one another and giving each other strength, support, insight and vision
to develop themselves and the further the development of women. The aim is to transform
the individual woman and society.188 This encourages women to speak so that women's
voices and experiences become the primary source, out of which to develop a relevant and
suitable text. The voices and experiences of the researched are very important and the
primary source from which an ethnographic text is created. In the same way the voices and
experiences of women are important, when developing suitable pastoral practices with
women. Interaction between the researched and the researcher will lead to further
reflection and it will bring some transformation in the situation of women. If feminist
ethnography is 'woman talking to woman, woman listening to woman tl89 it is particularly
applicable to the situation, where women are in need of pastoral care and counselling.
Through this method a woman pastor can listen to women's experience and talk to women.
In this case, there is no gender difference but it is a hard task to establish an equal power
relationship between the pastor and the client. It is necessary to think of ways to avoid any
hierarchical relationship between the pastor and client woman.
Bons-Storm's book represents a turning point for Practical Theology and shows how
women's experience transforms traditional understandings. It is part of a larger body of
writing in which the following key themes are important:
Breaking the silence of women,
Listening to the voices of women,
Giving importance to the stories of women,
Using women's experience as the main source of knowledge,
The Problems
Bons-Storm has done her work in a western context, where women are more often
educated and independent. Therefore, she has not considered it relevant to discuss the
power difference between the educated researcher and illiterate women, who are in need of
pastoral care and counselling. Women, who are able to express their pains and grievances,
can articulate their frustrations within the feminist pastoral practices of their churches. The
existence of the Women and Faith Movement provided a forum for women to articulate
their frustrations. Bons-Storm ignores the problem of how to listen to illiterate women,
who are unable to articulate their frustrations. The majority of members in the Churches in
India are women and most of them are illiterate and poor. Therefore, it is essential to
explore how to listen to the frustrations of illiterate women, who are also in need of
pastoral care and counselling.
The above principles and key themes are important in doing feminist ethnographic research
in the Indian context but other questions, which have not emerged as significant in the
work of western writers, still need to be addressed. How to listen to the stories of the
silenced and illiterate women in India? How to balance the power relations between the
researcher and the illiterate researched women? Is a formal interview the best way to
collect data about the lives of illiterate woman in India? If not the formal interview what
other method is appropriate to collect data about the lives of illiterate women? Some of the
most important issues for consideration when doing ethnographic research in India are
listed below.
They lack clean clothes, proper food, clean drinking water, and a permanent income. They
live in huts, where there are no sanitary facilities and sleep on the floor at night. In such a
situation a researcher needs to work hard and take care to develop a balanced relationship
with the researched.
2. Is the interview context threatening and too fonnal for the illiterate women?
Most of the illiterate and economically poor women are fully engaged with their daily
labour in the paddy field, or carrying stones and bricks at construction sites, or working in
the houses of rich people. It is difficult for them to arrive on time for an appointment as
planned ahead. It is frightening for illiterate women to answer questions if the researcher
goes with a questionnaire and therefore the researcher must use other, less alienating,
forms of data collection.
4. Will women be afraid to speak out because the culture does not encourage women to
talk anything against their husbands even if they are survivors of violence?
Not speaking against one's own husband is considered as part of fidelity. Fidelity in
married life is equivalent to the western idea of marriage and family life being regarded as
'holy.' In Indian culture, once sati 190 was considered the proof of a wife's fidelity to her
husband. Sometimes survivors of violence might not feel free to talk about the violence
they experience from their husbands because of their cultural practice of not to speaking
out against husbands.
5. Will women consider themselves as persons without any power and identities?
190 Sati (widow burning) was an old practice in India. The wife of the bereaved offers herself to be
burned along with the dead body of her husband. This act is considered very holy and an
expression of fidelity to her husband.
43
Until her death a woman depends upon her father, or husband or son and most of the
women in India accept such male rule without any hesitation. If a stranger visits her house
a woman says, 'nobody is at home' indicating she is not aware of her own identity as an
individual. When a housewife in India says 'nobody is at home' it means her husband is
not at home, or her son is not at home, or her father is not at home. She means that, 'you
come and speak to the man, when the man is at home; I do not have any authority. I am not
the person to make any decisions.' I remember that I myself 'sang this same chorus' in my
childhood, when someone visited my home. Later I started to reason whether it was
appropriate behaviour or not. This might surprise a western researcher but an insider
woman can understand, what it means to feel 'invisible' and 'incredible' in one's own
home. Once I confronted this traditional saying by asking a woman, "If no one is at home,
who are you? Do not you belong to this home?" Hence it is essential to persuade women to
accept the value of their own personalities by reconstructing the 'self- narratives' of
women.
7. How women learned to hide rather than reveal their true emotions?
Women are traditionally taught to hide their true feelings. Women are not allowed to sit in
the living room, when a male guest is present there and many women hide themselves
inside the kitchen and peep through the window to make sure if guest is away from home.
Women are not allowed to sit with the males due to their subordinate status. Since women
are expected to be 'behind the screen' and hide all her sufferings and emotions, women
find it hard to articulate their frustrations.
I have shown how important ethnography is for practical theology and in particular, how
useful feminist ethnography is for uncovering women's experience and developing
feminist practical theology. I have argued that there are particular questions that face
researchers who are working amongst poor and illiterate women that are different from
those faced by white 'western feminist theologians. I now tum to examine how other
women theologians working amongst poor, illiterate and marginalised women from none-
western cultures have sought to make women's experience visible and have emphasised its
theological significance. It is my intention to discover if there are insights that I can gain
from the works of these women that will help me to develop my own research on Dalit
Christian women in Kerala State.
45
CHAPTER TWO
WOMEN'S EXPERIENCE
This chapter analyses how women's experience is used in developing Womanist Theology,
Mujersita Theology and Asian Feminist Theology. Firstly, this chapter analyses how Katie
G. Cannon uses literature as a source of ethnographic data to develop Black Womanist
Ethics. Secondly, it examines how Ada Maria Isasi Diaz uses women's experience to
develop Mujerista theology. Thirdly, this chapter demonstrates how the Asian feminist
theologians Kwok Pui-Ian and Chung Hyun Kyung use women's experience in order to
develop Asian Feminist Theology.
Womanist Theology
Katie G. Cannon
Cannon has an unusual perspective upon doing ethnographic research on women. She does
not employ fieldwork to collect ethnographic data but she locates Black women's
experience, through engaging with the Black woman's literary tradition. She argues that it
is possible to do ethnographic research without fieldwork and work in the field need not be
a requirement for ethnographic research. Cannon writes:
I come from a place where when people talk about fieldwork they literally
mean field work- work in the fields- not ethno-graphic research. I come from a
place where there isn't but one kind of doctor, the person who takes care of you
. k 193
W hen you are SIC ....
191 Katie G. Cannon, Black Womanist Ethics, Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988.
192 Womanist is the term used by African·American women. A womanist is a Black feminist who
transmits the wisdom of Black women's cultural heritage from mother to daughter and from
generation to generation. Alice Walker meant by womanist "grown up, be grown up, in charge,
responsible." Alice Walker, In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens: Womanist Prose, London: The
Women's Press, 1984, p. xi-xii.
193 Katie Geneva Cannon, Katie's Canon: Womanism and the Soul of the Black Community, New
York: Continuum, 1996, p. 13.
46
way to cure the disease. Instead of employing fieldwork Cannon uses ethnographic
techniques to interpret the Black women's literary tradition.
When she develops ethics for Black women, instead theories of values or norms, Cannon
starts with Black women's experience. Cannon comments on her method as follows:
It starts with experience instead of with theories of values or norms. However,
I believe that basic experiential themes and ethical im~lications can lead to
norms lived out in the realities of day-to-day experience.! 4
It is Cannon's concern to develop a relevant ethics for Black women. She challenges the
relevance of ethics developed by whites and black male theologians, who exclude Black
women's experience. Cannon argues that 'ethics,' which emerged from the stereotyped
context of master- servant relationship, is not relevant to Black women and their practice
of Christian life because it ignores black women's experience. Cannon sees a difference
between the ethics and practice of Christianity among black and white. Cannon writes:
When I turned specifically to readings in theological ethics, I discovered that
the assumption of the dominant ethical systems implied that the doing of
Christian ethics in the black community was either immoral or amoral.!95
In order to use women's experience Cannon gives attention to "the real-lived texture of
Black life," and in particular to the suffering of Black women. Cannon states that mental
anguish, physical abuse and emotional agony are the lived-experience of Black people.!96
Cannon writes:
As long as the white male experience continues to be established as the ethical
norm, Black women, black men and others will suffer unequivocal
oppression.!97
Cannon states that Black women are the most vulnerable and the most exploited citizens of
America because their lives are controlled and defined by white people and black men.!98
Cannon explains that a Black female's collections of moral counsel, is passed on from one
generation to the next. Black women's moral counsel taught them how to endure the harsh,
Cannon draws the body of data from the private aspects of Black life and uses the Black
women's literary tradition to interpret and explain the Black community's socio-cultural
patterns from which ethical values can be gleaned?OI As an ethnographer Cannon finds
moral wisdom in the Black women's literary tradition, and then she explores this with
particular reference to the life and literature of Zora Neale Hurston. 202
Cannon believes that the life and literature of Hurston are paradigmatic of Black culture
and black women's lives. 203 Cannon finds that Black women's moral wisdom encouraged
Hurston to "jump at de sun" and not to bend to the demanding will of her critics. 204 Cannon
states that Alice Walker205 is the one who identified Hurston as the prime symbol of
"racial health.,,206 It was in the late 1970s that Walker started to search for information
concerning the life and literature of Hurston. Cannon's interest in the integration of faith
and ethics started in 1960s.
Canon claims Black experience is the source of Hurston's living texts?09 Cannon heavily
depends upon the work of Hurston, but it is a debatable point whether moral wisdom is
more present in Hurston's work than in the work of black male writers. Cannon writes,
"The ethical character of Black folk culture is strongly and unmistakably present in Zora
Neale Hurston's life and literature.,,210
Cannon considers Black women's literature as 'facts revealed through fiction' because their
accountability to collective values in black history and culture allowed Black women to
articulate their lived-reality. Through Black women's literature, she receives moral- oral
wisdom from previous generations and it is her responsibility to pass such wisdom to the
Cannon observes that Black women writers give attention to rural traditions, language,
idioms and folklore and Black women transmit it in oral form from one generation to the
next. She finds that novels, short stories, love lyrics, folktales, fables, drama, non-fiction
of Black women writers reveals psychic connection with the cultural tradition transmitted
by the oral mode from one generation to the next. Black women writers draw heavily upon
the Black oral culture. 218 Recording the oral tradition is a way of releasing the memories of
mamas and grandmamas. 219 In the black community the mamas and grandmamas are
storytellers, who share the oral tradition with the next generation. Oral narrative devices in
the literary tradition of Black women are based on Black women's experience. Cannon
considers Black women's literature as the literary counterpart of their community's oral
tradition.
Cannon considers Hurston as an ethnographer who observed her own community. She
finds that Hurstons's work reveals the strength of Black women, and how Black women
survive in a world of oppression by drawing strength from their own moral wisdom.
Therefore, in Hurston's work Black women's experience becomes the major source for
reflection. Cannon writes:
Black female authors emphasise life within the community, not the conflict
with outside forces. In order to give faithful pictures of important and
comprehensive segments of Black life, these writers tie their character's stories
to the aesthetic, emotional and intellectual values of the Black community.220
Cannon observes that in Black women's literature heroic images are presented of ordinary
women, who received great wealth of knowledge from their female community.222 The
Black women writers concentrate on black community and the human relationship within
their community. The Black women's literary tradition proves how the results of slavery
223
and their consequences forced black woman into their positions as cultural custodians.
Cannon draws ethnographic data from the fiction and non-fiction of Hurston.
Cannon draws data from Black women's fiction because as a Black woman she realises
that this fiction reflects the real lived-context of Black women in America. Cannon finds
Black women's fiction as a new way to express the reality of women's lives. Cannon sees
resource for a constructive ethics in the fiction of Hurston:
Hurston and her fictional counterparts are resources for a constructive ethic,
wherein they serve as strong, resilient images, embodying the possible options
224
for action open within the Black folk culture.
Cannon states that Hurston's fictions give indication of the values the black community
embraces in order to continue living despite the abusive and dehumanising restrictions
imposed by the larger society.225 Cannon argues:
Her fiction bears a plausible stamp of veracity. Hurston created literary types
that are both historically true and morally instructive. Her she/roes and he/roes
learn to glean directives for living in the here-and-now?26
Cannon explores how Hurston's novels Their Eyes were Watching God (1937), Jonah's
Gourd Vine (1934) a series of proverbial sayings, Moses, Man of the Mountain, (1939),
Seraph on the Suwanee (1948), describe quiet grace as truth. Cannon explains what is
"quiet" grace for black people:
In Hurston's fiction the second characteristic of moral agency is expressed in the "never
practised delicacy," which Black women convert into quiet grace. 228 Cannon uses the folk
metaphors of the black community such as mule, spit cut, rut in the road, chewed-up and
discarded sugarcane or sugarcane in developing her Black womanist ethics.
Cannon observes that Hurston's characters hold the quality of "quiet grace" and these
229
characters refuse to become inwardly brutalised. Nor they are cripple by oppression.
Cannon observes that Hurston's characters are the ones who take risk and they function
with prudence. 23o She points out that Hurston introduced characters that knew how to
reduce the enigmas and elusive mysteries of social structures. 231 Cannon finds:
The themes and language in all of Hurston's fiction embrace a moral wisdom
wherein grace and truth constitute each other. They are not fixed, eternal
structures but dynamic and evolving qualities that force consideration of new
232
possibilities.
Hurston's work Mules and Men, presented the good quality of folklore in novelistic
form 233 and helped black women to recollect the stories that they had forgotten. As Alice
Walker read Mules and Men to her relatives, she writes:
They sat around reading the book themselves, listening to me read the book,
listening to each other read the book, and a kind of paradise was regained. For
what Zora's book did was this: it gave them back all the stories they had
forgotten or of which they had grown ashamed .... 234
Walker observes that Hurston immersed herself in her own culture, big old lies, or folk
tales. Walker finds that Hurston and folk tales fit together in Hurston's book on folklore.
Walker writes:
The authenticity of her material was verified by her familiarity with its context,
and I was soothed by her assurance that she was exposing not simply an
Not only was Hurston a novelist she was also a trained anthropologist and Cannon uses the
non-fiction of Hurston because it also reveals Hurston's experience as a Black woman, the
experience of the black community and especially Black women's experience. Cannon
takes evidence from Hurston's collection of folklores and expository discourses to
demonstrate that a character of moral agency is in "unshouted courage. ,,236 "Un shouted
courage" is the quality of steadfastness in the face of oppression. "Grin and bear it" are the
communal attitudes to oppression. In the Black community courage can be only
understood through the development of moral character. 237 The conventional notion of
courage is false in the real-lived texture of Black life. 238 Cannon writes:
The Black woman, in particular, is often required to give careful consideration
to a will not her own. As the historical custodian in her community and in the
society at large, the Black woman is held accountable for many happenings
beyond her control. 239
The observation of Hurston's folklore collection helps Cannon to understand that folklore
records the guides of the black community. The folklore of the black people speaks of
ways in which black folk have tried to answer to the wills and whims of those in power,
over which they have no control. 240
Cannon writes:
The Black community's folklore is the corporate story that enshrines the
interlocking complexities of the beliefs, etiology and practices of the
community, and also constitutes the community's understanding of, and
response to, its own humanity. The oral stories are reappropriations of their
. 241
past expenences.
Cannon refers to the black theological tradition and analyses whether the black male
theologians Howard Thurman and Martin Luther King, Jr. include Black women's
experience in their works. These black theologians are the contemporaries of Hurston and
therefore Cannon looks for further resources in the works of these two men?42
Cannon places the works of Howard Thurman and Martin Luther King, Jr. alongside the
Black women's literary tradition, as she believes that their works provide the most relevant
theological resources for deepening moral wisdom in the Black community. She identifies
key themes in their thinking, which correlate with the situation of oppressed people and
presents the grounding for moral agency that can serve to broaden ethical adequacy in the
black community. It is Cannon's thesis that these two black theologians addressed
precisely the life situations of those individuals in the black community who were central
to Hurston's depiction of black life and experience. Therefore, Cannon argues that the
Black women's literary tradition can be seen to relate directly to theology. Cannon states
that these black theologians concentrate on the nature and significance of humanity and
how oppression makes a difference in the notions blacks use to see and to act in situations
that confront them- exactly the same issues, which emerge in Hurston's work. 243 This is
because, Cannon argues, the cultural and historical support available to Hurston was the
balm of the black religious heritage. Cannon believes that Hurston's life and literature and
the black theological tradition both are important complementary sources in developing an
ethics for Black women but in her observation she finds that:
Neither Howard Thurman nor Martin Luther King, Jr. reflect directly on the
black woman's experience, but emergent in their theologies is the strong
affirmation of the dignity of all black people grounded in God, precisely the
starting point of Hurston's vision. This theme resonates with Zora Neale
Hurston's deepest conviction and what she mirrored as a portrayer of Black
life. 244
In concluding her arguments, Cannon states that implicit in Hurston's literary vision (love
of Black life, her sense of the value of community, her search for truth) is the theological
vision. Furthermore, Hurston's suspicion of the black religious tradition is valid because
black male theologians continue to ignore the victimisation of gender discrimination?45
Nevertheless, she emphasises that the theological ethics of Thurman and King continue to
be important for Black women:
In order to sustain the living out of 'invisible dignity,' 'quiet grace' and
'unshouted courage' Black women today must embrace the formal features of
the theological ethics of Thurman and King because they provide moral
resources for the great struggle that still lies ahead?46
I now tum to reflect upon the challenges and insights Cannon has provided for my own
work. Firstly, as Cannon uses literature a source of ethnographic data for reflection, it is
possible to use Dalit247 literature a source of ethnographic data in my research. Dalit
women's literature will be useful but Dalit women writers and Dalit literature written by
Dalit women are lacking in Kerala State.
Secondly, Cannon uses fiction to understand the oppression experienced by Black women
and to develop a relevant womanist ethics. Reading Dalit novels and then listening to the
stories of Dalit women will help me to evaluate how far Dalit novels succeed in revealing
the violence and oppression that Dalits experience. If we use fiction as a tool to explain the
violence Dalit Christian women experience, it will add to our understanding and also
protect their privacy. Moreover, if the survivors of male violence find it difficult to reveal
their experiences, fiction can be a medium to reveal it.
Thirdly, Cannon's use of oral narrative devices like rural tradition, language, idioms,
folklore, oral tradition, songs, proverbs, customs, food, medicinal remedies from the lives
of Black people are useful to understand the lived-experience of Black women. Likewise,
the oral traditions of Dalit women keep the folk memory alive and their stories are told
again and again in the Dalit community. Oral traditions are very powerful in the Indian
context and listening to the stories, and old sayings are considered important.
Fourthly, Cannon uses Black female writer ethnographers to discern a moral wisdom in
Black women's experience. Similarly it will be important to discover the survival ethics of
Dalit women, who survive male violence. Dalit women's life stories may reveal their
survival ethics. As Cannon observes the moral wisdom of Black women is passed from one
generation to the next and this is also the case amongst Dalit women. Reading social
reality, the Bible and history from the perspective of Dalit Christian women, through their
tears and wounds, through their struggles and hopes will help feminist practical theologian
to develop a contextual feminist practical theology from their moral wisdom. As Samuel
248 .
R ayan wntes:
Women are persons; they are life-source both physically and psychologically;
they are basic educators, and real economists in the most radical sense of the
247 Dalit means "broken" "downtrodden," oppressed people or low caste people in India.
248 Samuel Rayan is Professor of Theology in Vidya Jyoti at Delhi and he is the editor of
Jeevadhara, Journal of Theology. In 1960 he received Doctorate in theology from the Gregorian
University in Rome.
55
word. Women are the first communicators of cultures, values and the faith.
They are the first, indispensable, God-appointed magi sterium. 249
Fifthly, Cannon demonstrates Black women in America are survivors of oppression and
slavery. Dalit Christian women in Kerala are also survivors of oppression and their
foremothers experienced slavery. Dalit women in Kerala and Black women in the West
both are known as 'Blacks,250 because of their dark skin colour and identity. Dalit women
experienced slavery under the evil caste 251 system in India. Therefore, Dalit women's
slave narratives are helpful repositories for understanding the oppression they experienced.
Although I have found many helpful insights in Cannon's work I differ considerably from
her in a number of ways. Firstly, listening to the folk stories of Dalit women, and using
their literature are both important in my ethnographic study of violence experienced in the
lives of Dalit Christian women. I believe it is indispensable for a researcher to listen to
women's own stories directly. Therefore, a researcher cannot avoid spending time with
Dalit women to listen to their stories and here I differ from Cannon. As Michele Jacques
writes, "Entering into and telling the "truths" of one's own story invites not only a
communal self-revelatory experience, but a potentially transformative one.,,252 Therefore,
the process of researched woman telling her life story and the researcher listening to this
story is significant in my research.
Secondly, Cannon did not go to the field to collect ethnographic data from the lives of
Black women but totally relied upon Hurston's field- work and ethnographic data. Here I
must differ from Cannon because prior to me no one has done an ethnographic research on
violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala. Therefore, the period of
fieldwork in which I listen to the stories of Dalit Christian women is vital in my research.
Thirdly, in order to draw data from Dalit literature, I also use various libraries such as
Indian Social Institute at New Delhi and Bangalore. Indian Social Institute at New Delhi
249 Samuel Rayan, 'Third World Theology: Where Do We Go from Here? ' in Leonardo Boff and
Virgil Elizondo (eds.), Theologies of the Third World: Convergences and Differences, Concilium,
T. & T. Clark LTD, 1988, p. 136.
250 Dalits in Kerala are known as 'Blacks.' Bingley writes: "Brahmans were said to be white;
Kshatriyas ruddy, and Vaisiyas yel/ow, on the other hand Sudras and Dasyus or aborigines are
distinctly referred to in the Vedas as black." Captain A. H. Bingley, Dogras: Class Handbook for
the Indian Army, Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, 1910, p. 3.
251 According to Bingley the term 'caste' is derived from the Portuguese casta, 'family.' The
corresponding Sanskrit word is Varna, 'colour.' Bingley, Dogras, p. 3.
252 Jacques in Grant, Perspectives on Womanist Theology, p. 132.
56
has a Dalit Documentation Center. United Theological College at Bangalore holds some
books and theses on Dalits. Kerala Sahitya Academy at Trichur has a few significant
novels on Dalits and it holds the first novel written by a Dalit tribal. Kerala United
Theological College at Trivandrum has few articles, books or theses on Dalit. Therefore,
using Dalit literature from India is relevant to my research.
Fourthly, Cannon's observation and analysis of the literary tradition of Black women is
useful because she is herself from this culture and she already knows the stories but her
approach omits 'listening to the stories' of contemporary Black women. Cannon's
approach thus excludes the reflections of the black women for whom she aims to develop a
womanist ethics. I give attention to Dalit women's reflections, their voices and their life
stories because I want them to talk for themselves and here I differ from Cannon.
Moreover, it is the first time a female researcher from the same country, who speaks their
language, who was born and brought up in a higher caste family, has gone to Dalit
Christian women to listen to their life stories. Therefore, my research opens the first
platform for Dalit Christian women to speak in their own words.
Ada Maria Isasi-Diaz uses ethnographic techniques in a different way from Cannon to
collect data from the lives of Hispanic women in order to develop Mujerista Theology and
it is to her work that I now turn.
Mujerista Theology
Ada Maria Isasi-Diaz
Ada Maria Isasi Diaz, a Hispanic feminist theologian has used ethnographic techniques to
develop mujerista theology. Mujerista theology came into existence out of the experience
of Diaz and the experiences of other Hispanic women living in the United States. 253
Hispanic women's lived-experience is the source of mujerista theology and mujerista
theology provides a platform for the voices of Hispanic women. 254
253 Ada Maria Isasi Diaz, Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, Vol. 8, No.1, 1992, p. 105.
254 Ada Maria Isasi- Diaz, 'Mujerista Theology's Methods: A Liberative Praxis, A Way of Life,' in
James D. Whitehead & Evelyn Eaton Whitehead, Method in Ministry: Theological Reflection and
Christian Ministry, Kansas City: Sheed & Ward, 1995, p. 123.
57
I am much indebted to the work of African- American feminists who have
preceded us in this struggle to name ourselves. Their use of the term womanist
has indeed influenced me. 255
256
Hispanic women are the victims of ethnic prejudice, seXIsm and classism and their
experiences caused them to struggle to liberate themselves as the members of Hispanic
community. Diaz presents the central concept of mujerista theology: "A mujerista is a
Hispanic woman who struggles to liberate herself not as an individual but as a member of a
Hispanic community.,,257
The central concept of mujerista theology is what the 'community does' because individual
Hispanic woman struggle to liberate themselves not as individuals but as members of a
particular community.
Diaz writes:
Mujerista theology reflects upon and articulates the religious understandings
and practices of Hispanic women. Mujerista theology is a communal
theological praxis that endeavors to Hispanic Women to be agents of our own
history, to enhance our moral agency, and to design and participate in actions
that are effective in our daily struggle for surviva1. 258
In this method each and every Hispanic women is able to take part in the communal
theological praxis and participates in actions and reflections as they articulated in mujerista
theology. I see Mujerista theology as a feminist work with a great vision for the future.
Hispanic women have together constructed the meaning of the term Mujerista as a way of
working together for their liberation as Diaz makes clear: "Our hermeneutical lens is a
liberative one, and this means that we have to be committed to look at all aspects of our
oppression including heterosexism and anthropocentrism.,,259
255 Ada Maria Isasi-Diaz, Roundtable Discussion: Mujeristas, Who We Are and What We Are
About, Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, Vol. 8, No.1, 1992, p. 106.
256 Diaz, 'Roundtable Discussion,' p. 106.
257 Diaz, 'Roundtable Discussion,' p. 107.
258 Ada Maria Isasi- Diaz, 'Mujerista Theology's Methods: A Liberative Praxis, A Way of Life,' in
James. D. Whitehead and E. Whitehead (eds.), Method in Ministry, Kansas City: Sheed &
Ward, 1995, p. 123.
259 Diaz, Journal of Feminist Studies, 1992, p.125.
58
participants of her research. This method included using the direct voices of the researched
Hispanic women. Therefore, Diaz writes: "Instead of attempting to present a universal
voice, our attempt has been to point to the universal by being as specific as possible.,,26o
Diaz draws upon the work of Liz Stanley and Sue Wise, feminist sociologists who use
women's experience, as a source for reflection in sociology. Stanley and Wise argue that
existing systems of thought treat women's daily experiences and understandings of social
reality as unimportant. Feminists are recovering the personal, that is to say feminists are
giving importance to 'women's experience.' It is essential to understand women's
oppression through understanding and analysing women's everyday life. Stanley and Wise
argue that feminists should borrow, and adapt any and everything from anywhere if it is
useful for our project but we have to do it critically and we should never take anything at
its face value. 263 Therefore, Diaz uses conversation, dialogue, and question -answers,
interviews, and free story interviews, case studies and life histories to collect Hispanic
women's experiences. 264 She conducted interviews in two different settings. One of these
was a 'retreat' during a weekend in which women reflected in community. Women were
active in challenging each other and reflecting together in this context. 265 She also
conducted individual interviews in the women's own homes, where she recorded their life
histories. Diaz and the Hispanic women engaged in praxis together and this helped Diaz to
understand their religious beliefs and how those understandings motivate Hispanic women
in their actions. 266 In these ethnographic interviews Hispanic women reflected on the basis
of their lived experiences and women became vehicles to develop their own voices?67
Diaz demonstrates that the lived-experiences of Hispanic women constitute their common
and shared reality.27o By using Hispanic women's lived-experience as the source for
articulating a contextual theology, Hispanic women start from a place outside the dominant
structures and outside traditional theology, which is itself controlled by dominant culture,
class, race, and gender. 271
The process of dialogue between the researcher and the informants became a
hermeneutical circle in Diaz's research method. Diaz started from what Hispanic women
know about themselves, their everyday surroundings and their experiences. Diaz then used
techniques of meta-ethnography to interpret the data: highlighting common and significant
themes as they emerged. The use that Diaz made of the work of Stanley and Wise in her
research demonstrates how feminist work in social science impacts upon Practical
Theology. Not only participant observation, but also the participant's voices and their
reflections are included in this method. The ethnographer is not observing 'someone' and
'someone's culture' but Diaz concentrated on her own community, her own culture and
context. All these factors persuaded me that these are useful methods possible to do
research on the lives of Dalit women.
The methods used by Diaz in developing mujerista theology are transferable to my own
research on the violence experienced by Dalit Christian women. The ethnographic
techniques used and the practice of meta-ethnography can be effective means of drawing
data from the lives of Dalit women and to interpreting this data. If I listen to the realities of
Dalit women's lives, a relevant feminist practical theology can be developed from their
experiences and faith.
I shall now explore how Asian feminist theologians used ethnographic techniques in a
different way from Cannon and Diaz, in order to develop Asian feminist theology. I shall
be assessing whether there are common concerns emerging which will illuminate my work
in the India context.
In this section I will analyse how Asian feminist theologians Kwok Pui-Ian and Chung
Hyun Kyung draw upon research techniques from cultural anthropology to collect the life
stories of women in order to develop relevant feminist theologies for Asia. First, I would
like to analyse the work of Kwok Pui-Ian and how she uses women's experience in her
work.
Kwok Pui-Ian
Kwok Pui-Ian is an Asian feminist theologian, who was born in Hong-Kong. After her
theological education in the West, she began to develop a contextual theology for Chinese
women. Pui-Ian draws insights from cultural anthropology in her labours to 'dig her own
mother's garden' in Hong-Kong and find out the roots, culture, context, and the life
273
experiences of her mothers in order to develop a local theology for Chinese women. I
would like to explore how Pui-Ian uses women's experience and storytelling in order to
develop a contextual theology.
In her work 'Mothers and Daughters, Writers and Fighters,' Pui-Ian starts with her own
childhood experiences and shows how these enabled her to question the legitimacy of the
272 Akiko Yamashita, 'A Review of Asian Women's Theology: From the Perspective of Women's
Life Dialogue in Asia,' In God's Image, Vo1.18, No.1, 1999, p. 4.
273 Kwok Pui-Ian, 'Mothers and Daughters, Writers and Fighters' in Letty M. Russell, Kwok Pui-Ian,
Ada Maria Isasi- Diaz, Katie Geneva Cannon (eds.), Inheriting Our Mothers' Gardens: Feminist
Theology in Third World Perspective, Louisville: The Westminster Press, 1988, pp. 21-23.
61
social system in China?74 In order to use women's experience Pui-Ian draws upon the
stories of her mother, mother-in-law, and 'spiritual mothers.' Pui-Ian evaluates the stories
of these women in her own culture and emphasises the necessity of telling the stories of
Chinese women. She writes:
The stories of these women have seldom been told, and their lives easily fall
into oblivion. Nonetheless, it is these women who pass the wisdom of the
human race from generation to generation, and who provide the context of life
for others. The stories of my mothers drive home to me a very precious lesson:
as women living in a patriarchal cultural system, they are oppressed by men,
but, never contented to be treated as victims, they have struggled against the
forces that seek to limit them and circumscribe their power.275
Pui-Ian values the stories, experiences and writings of her foremothers because she
believes women pass on the wisdom of the human race from generation to generation. She
collects the stories of women from women's testimonies in journals and pamphlets. She
uses alternative resources like songs, poems and myths that reveal women's experience. In
her research she registers deep respect for Chinese women 276 some of which women have
deeply influenced her life. One of them is an ordained woman priest Huang Xianyun,
whom Pui-Ian considers to be strong role model. The influence of Huang Xianyun
encouraged Pui-Ian to stand boldly for Chinese women and to fight against the social-
cultural evils in her own country. Pui-Ian receives mental, spiritual strength and support
from the inspiration of this woman priest277 and other women like her. The influence of
such women on Pui-Ian's life has encouraged her to find out the connection between the
lives of women and Christianity in Chinese culture 278 and to examine the history of
women's involvement in Churches in China.
As she gives importance to the history and life stories of Chinese Christian women she
considers women's experience a major source for reflection. Pui-Ian draws upon the
insights of Carol P. Christ in her use of women's stories. Pui-Ian is also indebted to
womanist thinking as she explores how the stories and experiences of women challenge the
dominant culture and she examines whether there is a specific women's culture that is
marginalised by the dominant culture. She observes that women have brought their
experience to bear on their interpretation of Christian faith and have dared to challenge the
274 Pui-Ian shows that boys are given most of the attention and privileges in the family and
begetting a male child is the most important responsibility of Chinese women. Pui-Ian in Russell,
Inheriting Our Mother's, p. 21. This is the same in India, boys are given more privileges and
begetting a male child is the most important responsibility of a wife.
275 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', pp. 22, 23.
276 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', pp. 26, 27.
277 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 23.
278 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 24.
62
patriarchal traditions of the Church and its treatment of women as inferior to men thus
challenging the dominant culture.
Pui-Ian's use of her own experience, her mother's experience, other women's experience,
the use of her own story, other women's stories and women's histories are relevant to
develop a contextual theology for Chinese women because these elements are based on
their own personal, religious and cultural experiences. According to Pui-Ian, through
storytelling, Asian women develop an oral hermeneutics to reclaim the gospel message for
. 279
thelr own empowerment.
Pui-Ian finds that Chinese Christians constantly dialogue with their rich cultural heritage.
She realises that it is difficult to maintain an identity of being Chinese and being Christian
at the same time because Chinese identity is defined by participation in a complicated
cultural matrix of social behaviour, rites, and human relationships whereas Christianity is
considered to be a foreign religion. 28o Therefore, Pui-Ian explains, Chinese Christian
women exist between two worlds: as Chinese and as Christians. This crisis of meaning and
identity motivates Pui-Ian to move forward through a search for her mother's gardens, in
order to learn more about the cultural identity of Chinese women.
When Chinese Christians started the process of indigenizing281 the Church in 1920 the
concern of Chinese women was to see how Christianity could be indigenized into Chinese
culture. 282 Pui-Ian states that Chinese women saw the necessity of bridging the gap
between Chinese culture and Christianity through integrating the two worlds. Pui-Ian
demonstrates that there were bold women who challenged the patriarchal tradition in
Chinese culture and Christianity283 by denying some of the rites and funeral ceremonies
that were based on patriarchal family ideals. They also questioned the patriarchal bias of
the Bible. One of these women was Zhang Zhujun, a Chinese doctor, who preached that
Paul was wrong when he prescribed that women should keep silence in the Church. 284
279 Kwok Pui-Ian, 'Asian Feminist Theologies,' in Letty M. Russell and J. Shannon Clarkson (eds.),
Dictionary of Feminist Theologies, London: Mowbray, 1996, p. 102.
280 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', P. 25.
281 Self-propagation, self-support, and self-government were three important mottos of
indigenization in Asia. Through these mottos many Asian Churches started to fight against
foreign domination over their religious and political lives. They wanted to get political and
religious independence from foreign domination. They expected a Church which can stand on
its own feet.
282 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', pp. 25, 26.
283 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 27.
284 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers: p. 28.
63
Chinese women organised themselves during the Chinese National Council of Churches in
1922, Ms. Ruth Cheng addressed the assembly and raised the issue of the ordination of
women. 285
In order to use women's experience in articulating a relevant theology, first of all, Pui-Ian
argues for developing Chinese women's Christian identity and creating an inclusive
theology. For this purpose a shift from the Bible and Christian tradition towards women's
stories is necessary for the inclusion of women's experience in theology?86 Secondly, Pui-
Ian argues for a shift from the passive reception of traditions to an active construction of
Chinese feminist theology.287 This entails integrating Chinese culture into theology,
through generating new symbols, concepts, and models that Chinese women find congenial
when expressing their religious visions. She states that women can find their own way of
speaking about God if they are involved in a myth and symbol making process, by learning
to appreciate their own cultural roots and by rediscovering female religious images and
symbolism in Chinese folk religions?88 Thirdly, she argues for a shift from a unified
theological discourse to a plurality of voices and genuine catholicity?89 Pui-Ian expects a
unity that is more inclusive and colourful and a catholicity that is more genuine and
authentic. 29o She welcomes the plurality that will come from women's own way of doing
theology when their stories can be heard and their experiences valued as inspiring
theological imagination. 291
Pui-Ian emphasises the necessity of doing theology from the perspective of Chinese
women because a theology that is based on women's experience, stories, and cultural and
religious identity292 of Chinese women is relevant to their needs. She concludes her article
285 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 28. Dr. R. O. Hall, Bishop of Hongkong ordained a
woman named Li Tim Oi in 1944 but this incident created lot of tension in the Church of England
and Li Tim Oi had to withdraw from the priesthood due to the pressure of the Church.
286 This is the idea of Valerie Saiving. In her article 'The Human Situation: A Feminine View' Saiving
shows that women's experience is excluded from the traditional theology and a theology based
on men's experience is not adequate to human situation because it neglected feminine
experience. Saiving in Christ, Womanspirit Rising, p. 41. It is also significant that Pui-Ian uses
Christ's development of Saiving's work to turn to women's own stories as a means of
supplementing the tradition.
287 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 30.
288 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 31.
289 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 31.
290 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 33.
291 Pui-Ian in Russel, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 33.
292 Stephen B. Bevans writes, " A strong but realistic cultural identity is necessary for a theology
that really speaks to a context in its particularity." Stephen B. Bevans, Models of Contextual
Theology, Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1992, p. 21. It is necessary to understand the
cultural identity of Chinese woman in their own particular context. Kathryn Tanner writes, "
Understanding any particular requires one to view it in its context, anthropological investigation
becomes a form of contextual analysiS." Kathryn Tanner, Theories of Culture: A New Agenda
for Theology, Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997, p. 34.
64
with a poem called 'we are women,293 written by her friend Mary Sung-ok Lee. 294 Through
this poem Pui-Ian demonstrates the unity of Asian women, their identity as the oppressed,
their claims for their stories and the necessity of doing theology from their perspective. For
doing Asian contextual feminist theology, Pui-Ian further argues for the inclusion of voices
and stories of women in worship.
Pui-Ian Conducts Worship which Include the Voices and life Stories of the Oppressed Women
Pui-Ian's article 295 0n 'Worshipping with Asian Women' brings out the necessity of
listening to the stories and voices of women in the worship services of the church. Pui-
lan's liturgy and sermon can be treated as a useful theological text because in her worship
she presents the voices and stories of women from different contexts, cultures and
countries in Asia. Pui-Ian takes a passage from the Gospel of Matthew that tells the story
of Jesus healing the daughter of a Cananite woman. Then she brings the biblical story and
the Asian women's stories into interaction with one another. Pui-Ian allows women to tell
their stories through prayer, poems and speech in the worship service. Therefore, each
voice represents the story and life experience of women in their own context, culture and
country.
Pui-Ian's contribution of worship allows Asian women to pray according to their own
contextual needs. Sadako Kurihara of Japan represented the voice of a witness of the
Hiroshima tragedy that occurred on 6th August 1945?96 A woman from Sri Lanka, Kurinji
Thennavan, contributes a prayer to the gracious Mother297 and describes the stories of
women in Sri Lanka who suffer from poverty, hunger, and homelessness. That prayer
depicts how poverty-stricken women's babies suck at the breasts of mothers without milk,
women beg for food in the streets and they eat the cast-off meals from the garbage. This is
the situation and context of many of the Third world developing countries in Asia. Prayer
to the gracious Mother of this particular country is common in many other countries in
Asia. 298 A Philippine woman, Elizabeth Tapia's voice is a search for the identity of
woman, when she asks the question who am I. 299
293 This poem is a unified voice of women from Asia and it shows their Asian identity.
294 Pui-Ian in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', p. 33.
295 Kwok Pui-lan,'Worshipping with Asian Women: A Homily on Jesus Healing the Daughter of a
Canaanite Woman' in Ursula King (ed.), Feminist Theology from the Third World: A Reader,
London: SPCK / Orbis, 1994, Noda Kesaya, Kim Hee Sang, Paula K. R. Arai and Kwok Pui-Ian,
preached this homily at the Harvard Divinity School Noon Worship on 19th February 1986, p.
236.
296 Pui-Ian in King, Feminist Theology, pp. 237, 238.
297 Pui-Ian in King, Feminist Theology, pp. 238, 239.
298 I have seen the same situation in India, women and children begging for food in the streets,
having no proper clothes to wear, many times eating from garbage. Sometimes I have seen
65
Pui-Ian tries to present a Jesus who can relate to the life situation and imagination of
women in Asia by asking questions like 'Who is Jesus for Cananite women?' and 'Who is
Jesus for Asian women?' Cananite and Asian women are powerless, poor and illiterate.
Women need to relate to a Jesus who can be with them in their own situations and in their
own ways. As the Cananite woman found the same poor, lowly, ragged Jesus, women in
China, India, Korea, Sri Lanka and women in all other countries in Asia want a Jesus, who
knows their situations, cultures and context. Therefore context is an important factor to
consider, when we develop theology. 300
Pui-Ian acknowledges her own debt to Womanist Theology, therefore, in the last part of
her homily she declares that she holds the hands of Alice Walker, who visited China and
wrote a poem for women in China. Then Pui-Ian emphasises the power of poems written
by women?Ol Using Dalit women's poems will be relevant in developing a theology,
which is useful to them.
Pui-Ian highlights that worship which includes the voices, stories, experiences of women,
poems written from the life experiences of women, a contextual prayer from the experience
of woman, biblical passage based on the stories of women all contribute towards
developing a contextual theology for Asia. In her attempt to develop a feminist theology
for Asia, Pui-Ian endeavours to see women's bodies as a sacred text to interpret.
children and dogs searching for the food from the same rubbish and fighting each other for a
piece of chapati (Indian bread).
299 Pui-Ian in King, Feminist Theology, pp. 240, 241.
300 As mentioned in an anonymous poem by an Indian woman,
"God comes to me
in the form of
Two hundred grams of gruel." a poor person can see Jesus in the two hundred grams of gruel,
which she eats daily because this gruel is the only source for her survival in this world and if it is
not available then she may die in poverty. Anonymous poem, " God as Food for the Hungry," in
Ursula King, Feminist Theology, p. 259.
301 Pui-Ian in King, Feminist Theology, pp. 241, 242.
66
attitudes. 302 Women's bodies bear witness to violence and discrimination in patriarchal
society. Women continue to struggle for their survival and wellbeing. Pui-Ian regards slave
narratives as a good depository of the memories, stories, hopes and fears of women slaves.
She observes that American-African women used slave narratives as one of the sacred
sources to construct womanist ethics and theology. This helped American-African women
303
to have a sense of direction concerning where they came from and where they are going
and Pui-Ian believes that Chinese women can do the same.
Pui-Ian states that the use of women's stories in dialogue with the stories of women in the
Bible can enable us to re-create and re-constitute the text based on present circumstances
and the needs of women. She explains that scripture can be a living cultural and religious
artefact if the scripture can be seen as relevant to the religious experiences of women in
their own cultural context. Pui-Ian explains why women are claiming sacredness in their
bodies, lives, stories, myths and legends 304 and she considers this as their protest against
the hierarchical authority in the Church.
Pui-Ian explains how some oral cultures treat men as the powerful speaker and this silences
women. She finds that Hinduism and Islam give importance to the oral transmission of the
scripture but women have no access to authority. Pui-Ian emphasises the necessity of
cross-cultural studies to see how women's authority changes, when oral cultures partially
change to written cultures. 305
Pui-Ian argues that it is necessary to relate the Bible to the present needs of women, their
situation and considering their bodies as a sacred text. Pui-Ian argues that Ivonne Gebara's
work among the poor women in Brazil enables these women learn to relate the Bible to
their life situation and reject the hierarchical authority of the Church and religion. Pui -Ian
argues that the work of Yuko Yuasa is also empowering because she brings the story of the
Ameno uzume in Japan into dialogue with the story of Miriam in the Bible. Therefore, Pui-
Ian presents the works of different women authors who did their work in different contexts
and demonstrates the relevance of relating the Bible to the needs of women. 306
302 Kwok Pui-Ian, 'Reflection on Women's Sacred Scriptures' in Kwok Pui-Ian and Elisabeth
Schussler Fiorenza (eds.), Women's Sacred Scriptures, Concilium, London: SCM Press &
Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1998/3, p. 106.
303 Pui-Ian, 'Reflection on Women's Sacred Scriptures', Concilium, p. 106.
304 Pui-Ian writes, "While those at the centre of power tend to hold on to authoritative claims of
sacred texts to justify the status quo, many women at the margin have deconstructed such
claims and located sacredness in their own bodies, lives, foundational stories, myths and
legends." Pui-Ian, 'Reflection on Women's Sacred Scriptures,' Concilium, p. 107.
305 Pui-Ian, 'Reflection on Women's Sacred Scriptures,' p. 108.
67
Pui-Ian Identifies Cultural and Racial Differences in the Feminist Theological Discourses between Asia
and West
Pui-lan points out that another significant issue of cultural and racial diversity in feminist
theological discourse is that the Asian community is multi- racial, multi-cultural and multi-
religious. The relationship between the culture and the gospel is a crucial issue for feminist
theologians in Asia. 309 Therefore, it is necessary to do theology from this particular
context that is different from the Western context but Asian women need to find out their
own cultural identity 'who they are,.310
Pui-lan acknowledges that women in Asia are forced to live in more than one culture
because of their colonial experience. She agrees with Bevan's theory311 that cultures are
closer in this modem world through advanced technology, mass media, intercultural
exchange, and the market economy?12 Therefore, it is impossible to remain aloof in one's
own culture apart from other cultures. As these cultures meet each other through different
ways in the modem world changes takes place due to interaction. 313 Pui-lan states women
in the developing countries and indigenous people all over the world are forced to live in
more than one culture.
Firstly, just as Pui-Ian use the life stories of Chinese women, Dalit women telling their
stories and the researcher listening to their life stories are relevant to explore the violence
they experience. Telling stories and listening to stories are familiar to people in all faiths
in India. In Indian villages, storytellers keep the stories alive by retelling them. As David
Rubin says, "Some of the earliest (and best) storytelling known to the world had its origin
in India. ,,317 Storytelling is not simply a rural phenomenon but hearing a purana (story) is
a powerful substitute for the highest and most complicated rituals. Puranic recitations
provide a path of devotion, refreshment and inspiration to the lives of busy urban people in
India. There are storytellers who undertake tours, which draw thousands of Hindus to listen
318
to the stories. Storytelling is based on Hinduism but it is part of Indian culture;
televisions even if they live in huts. Watching television helps them to understand global culture
and then changes take place in their way of life, dress etc.
314 Pui-Ian stresses that Asian women lack the language of the erotic because it is unusual to talk
about sexuality in Asia and decent women are not supposed to talk about it in public. There are
many women in Asia working as prostitutes and they are being exploited in the international
flesh trade. Pui-Ian states that a rereading of the Biblical text through the eyes of the prostitutes
is necessary to make changes in the lives of these women. She emphasises the necessity of
rethinking the connection between the language of the erotic, the control of the female body,
and the power over women in its naked and symbolic forms. Pui-Ian, 'The Future of Feminist
Theology,' pp. 72-75. She suggests that the metaphors like 'Church as the bride of Christ,' and
'Adam and Eve as the first couple' should be taken up as a serious theological issue in our
feminist reconstruction. Pui-Ian, 'The Future of Feminist Theology,' p. 74.
315 Pui-Ian demonstrates that inter religious dialogue is an important matter to consider in Asian
context because of religious pluralism in Asia. Pui-Ian describes how Hindu feminists feel they
are excluded if their issues are not given priority. Interfaith dialogue can help women in Asia to
meet each other and share their religious heritage in a pluralistic world. Pui-Ian believes that
interfaith dialogue between women from different religions in Asia can bring changes in the
world religions and women can empower each other by sharing what lies beyond patriarchy in
their own traditions. The Asian women's consultation on interfaith dialogue was held in 1989.
Pui-Ian proposes a dialogue between Jewish-Christian women because Jewish culture is also
patriarchal and it excludes Jewish women from the tradition and leadership roles. Therefore,
Jewish women need to find their own identity with sensitivity to the plight of the Gentiles. Pui-Ian
alludes to the example of Naomi and Ruth, two women of different races and religions who
exemplify the deepest commitment and solidarity between persons. She exhorts that the
wisdom of Ruth is needed to guide women who suffer from religious and racial conflicts. Pui-Ian
'The Future of Feminist Theology: An Asian Perspective,' pp. 69-71.
316 Pui-Ian, 'The Future of Feminist Theology', p. 67.
317 David Rubin, 'The Short Stories of Prem Chand,' in Barbara Stoler Miller (ed.), Asia:
Masterworks of Asian Literature in Comparitive Perspective, London: An East Gate Book, 1994,
p.167.
318 Paul Bowen (ed.), Themes and Issues in Hinduism, London & Washington, Cassell, 1998, p.
109.
69
therefore it is part of Indian Christian culture too. During the festival season temples
organise kathaprasangam that is story telling mixed with lyrics from the sacred texts of
Hinduism like Ramayana, Mahabharata and Baghvat Gita. Many people gather together
to listen to the person, who tells kathaprasangam. Many Churches in India use
kathaprasangam to tell the stories of Christian saints such as St.Thomas and Thomas of
Cana.
Secondly, Pui-Ian searches for the cultural and religious identity of Chinese women living
between two worlds. Dalit Christian women do the same; it may help them to understand
'who they are.' Whether their cultural heritage is based on Hinduism or not, it is worth to
exploring what kinds of identities at offers and what is available for Dalit Christian women
in the patriarchal Church of India. It is essential to dig one's own garden to see and
understand the cultural roots of identity.
Thirdly, Pui-Ian places importance upon contextual worship that includes the voices and
experiences of women. A prayer based on the experience of women and any biblical text
that gives priority to the stories of women can bring an awareness of women's situation in
the world. Pui-Ian uses contextual prayer, contextual voices, contextual Biblical passage
and a contextual order of service when she conducts worship and this is may be helpful
when doing research on Dalit women because it creates an awareness of the violence Dalit
women experience in their lives.
Fourthly, as Pui-Ian considers women's bodies as a sacred text to interpret their stories, the
marks on Dalit women's bodies can reveal the intensity of the violence they experience.
I shall now explore how Chung Hyun Kyung 319 uses women's experiences in developing a
contextual feminist theology for Asia and how she uses ethnographic techniques for this
purpose.
Kyung's Struggle to Be the Sun Again 320 is about an emerging Asian women's liberation
theology and the rethinking of Christianity in Asian context. She seeks to develop a
contextual feminist theology for Asia by concentrating on Asian women's storytelling,
poems, women's experiences and theological writings. Kyung writes:
I approach Asian women's storytellings, poems, and theological writings like a
painter who is witnessing the eruption of a volcano and wants to let other
people know that the volcano is exploding ... With shyness and trembling I share
my rough sketch of the unfinished eruption with my Asian sisters and those
others who can make connections between their own and Asian women's
struggle in this world. 321
Kyung uses ethnographic techniques in her work by giving significance to storytelling and
listening to the stories of women.
Kyung argues that Asian women's approach to the creation of theology is inductive,
collective and inclusive. Attending to women's lived experience, social analysis and
theological reflection are three important steps in this method. Kyung writes that, "It starts
with women's story telling. ,,322 Listening to the life stories of women help us to consider
women's experience as a major theological source. Kyung celebrates storytelling and
makes use of her own personal narratives and recollections 323 and in particular she draws
upon her late mother's stories.
319 Chung Hyun Kyung is a feminist theologian from Korea who was born in 1956. She is a
graduate of Ewha Women's University at Seol, Korea. Her M. Div. is from the School of
Theology at Claremont, California and doctorate from Union Theological Seminary at New York.
Her PhD dissertation is on "The Voices of Asian Women in the Contextualisations of Asian
Theologies."
320 Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun Again: Introducing Asian Women's Theology,
Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1990.
321 Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, p. xi.
322 Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, p. 104.
323 Kyung was seven years old at that time. Chung Hyun Kyung, 'Following Naked Dancing and
Long Dreaming,' in Russell, Inheriting Our Mothers', pp. 54-72.
71
Mom had been telling me stories from her childhood as we were walking-how
she had played in the river and climbed the mountain with her sisters. So when
she came to the river mother's memories came to life and she took off her
clothes and started to bath in the river. .. She be~an singing a song I had never
heard before. She danced while she was singing. 24
In Kyung's life story two events are mentioned as particular important, her exposure to the
Korean student movement and her discovery of a surrogate 325 mother empowered Kyung
to listen to the cries of own people. Kyung explains how the Korean student movement
enabled her to develop her own self-identity and self-confidence in the midst of poverty.
Through this involvement, Kyung developed a new angle of vision to her own life
326
situation.
In 1987 the discovery of her surrogate mother changed Kyung's perception of her personal
history. Thereafter her theological desire changed from a deconstruction of theological
imperialism to the reconstruction of theology; a theology based on the experience, culture
and context of her own people. Listening to the stories of her surrogate mother raised an
important question in her mind, "Have you really paid attention to the culture and history
of the poor in the development of your theology?,,327 Therefore she gave attention to the
culture and history of the poor, when developing a relevant theology. She argues that the
dramatic encounter with her birth mother shifted her whole theological understanding.
Encountering my mother helped me to identify my theological concerns,
especially as they relate to the norm and sources of Third World women's
theology.328
Kyung writes, "My sobbing mother looked like an icon of God through which I could
clearly see what God was telling me about my mission.,,329 Listening to the story of
Kyung's surrogate mother enabled her to discover how listening to the stories of oppressed
women in Asia can lead to the development of a contextual theology.
Kyung considers the personal stories of women as an important source to develop feminist
theology for Asia because personal stories connect with the socio-political and religio-
cultural context of individuals. 331 She states that the listener feels the pain of the oppressed
as they tell their life stories:
When women hear other women's stories, they cry, experience anger, and
console one another. The boundaries between the storyteller and listener
become softened. Listeners feel the oppressed women's pain deeply; their
hearts are touched and transformed when other hearts reach out for healing on
the personal and politicalleve1. 332
Kyung observes that in many Asian countries women join in small groups and share their
life stories. There are women who hold different professions like artists, poets, spiritual
dancers, health workers, and farmers. They share their stories in small group settings; they
are empowered by other women's support and then move away from self-hate, shame, and
guilt. 333 Kyung finds it effective and empowering, when women share their life stories in
small groups.
Kyung uses ethnographic techniques, when listening to the stories of women because in
this process the researcher is a keen listener and learns from her observation. When she
speaks the survivor of violence realises that she is not alone but there are women to listen
to her story. This approach can encourage women to share their life stories with one
another and also to think, discuss and reflect on their own problems in groups. If a
researcher listens to the life stories of women who experience violence, it can create self-
confidence and courage in women to talk about their own experiences.
Kyung Evaluates the Pain, Suffering, and the Broken-body Experience of Asian Women
Through listening to the stories of Asian women, Kyung came to believe that Asian
woman from birth to death fight against 'death-wishes' from male dominated society.
Female children are destroyed in their mother's womb after amniocentesis 335 or after birth.
Female children in Asia are poorly fed and less educated. Kyung points out that Asian
women are the victims of c1assism, racism, sexism, castism and cultural imperialism. 336
Kyung writes, "Asian women have become "no-body" under the body-killing structures of
the powers and the principalities of this world .... "337
Kyung presents the voices of oppressed women from different Asian countries like India,
Philippines, Korea, and Burma because she believes that there are many similarities in the
life contexts and cultures of these women. Kyung writes:
Many poor Asian women in the Philippines, Thailand, Korea, and other
countries have been violated by the men from the First World and also by men
from their own countries. Asian women's bodies are literally tom, choked,
bruised, and killed by men?38
Kyung finds that Asian women out of their broken-body experience search for ways to
survive in the midst of oppression. They became more religious because of the suffering
and pain in their daily lives. Kyung describes how Asian women express their survival
wisdom through their poems, songs and stories and demonstrate that the use of such
poems, songs and stories are relevant when developing a contextual theology.
Kyung observes that women sustain their truth by telling their stories mouth to mouth:
Women's truth was generated by their epistemology from the broken body.
Women's bodies are the most sensitive receiver for historical reality. Their
bodies record what has happened in their lives. Their bodies remember what it
is like to be a no-body and what it is like to be a some-body?39
This is a reality in the case of the victims of male violence because women's bodies bear
the marks of violence and the survivors of violence remember what happened. 34o Women's
bodies suffer from physical, mental, psychological pain, when they experience enormous
violence and oppression.
Kyung observes that how Buddhism and Hinduism can influence women in Asia to accept
suffering and fate as their portion in life. These religious approaches can lead women to
accept suffering and to think that what happens in their lives is something they deserve. 341
As women are considered as 'no-body' there is 'no voice' for women in patriarchal
structures in Asia. Women's 'culture of silence' can be considered as one of the major
oppressions of the patriarchal structures, churches and societies in Asia.
In her explorations of Asian women as a 'culture of silence' Kyung discovers that her birth
mother lived in a 'culture of silence,' in which she was 'totally invisible.' Kyung states that
such silence never protected her mother but kept her in poverty and mental distress. 342
Kyung states that in a 'culture of silence' her mother lost her identity and voice. In the
pains and struggles of Kyung's mother she sees the pains and struggles of women in Asia
because Asian societies treat women as inferior to men. There is no voice, no power and no
identity for women. Therefore, Kyung writes, "To choose the despised women of Asia as
the primary context for my theology means to do theology that is accountable to their
Kyung emphasises the necessity to create theological language, theological paradigms and
theological questions from the life- experiences of Asian women. If women can create
women's culture by speaking out, telling their stories and breaking the 'culture of silence,' it
is useful in developing contextual theological language, theological paradigms and
theological questions from the lived- experience of women. Kyung states that women in
Asia are tired of experiencing a 'culture of silence' and they are looking forward to a
women's culture.
Kyung Evaluates the Liminal Stage- Asian Women's Exodus from 'Culture of Silence' to 'Women's
Culture'
Kyung's analysis of Asian women's 'culture of silence' demonstrates that Asian women
are carriers of a culture defined by men in power. 346 When Asian women begin to look at
their cultures and traditions, they realise that their male dominated cultures and traditions
are suffocating them. 347 Asian women's struggle for a 'women's culture' and tradition
which is visible emerges from this tension. Asian women need to develop a culture of
their own that is different from the patriarchal culture. Asian women's cultures of silence
keep them as victims of patriarchal culture. They need to speak out to break the culture of
silence that has kept them under age-old bondage. Asian feminist theologians are creating
an environment in which Asian women can speak out concerning what they experience and
share their stories of oppression. At present Asian women are in a liminal stage that can be
described as a 'culture of cry.' Many women do not know how to share their stories, they
lack words to tell their stories, and some women might keep silence forever because of fear
and there might be some, who just burst out in tears instead of speaking. They cannot
remain within this position for a long time and there is no security and identity for them if
they do so. Therefore, it is essential to move forward to face the future by creating
Kyung uses poems written by women in Asia and she employs a poem of Gabriele
Dietrich, a theologian in India, who explored a female image of Jesus Christ through a
poem. This poem emphasises the experience of women under patriarchal society and the
church. Each stanza of this poem starts as follows "I am a woman.,,348 Kyung's use of this
poem is contextual because Dietrich is a theologian from Europe, who teaches theology in
India and her ministerial experience there enables her to understand the situation of women
in India. Kyung also uses a contextual poem written by an unknown woman in India that
explains the poverty of women and how poor people experience the presence of Christ in
the small amount of food that they receive in their poverty.
Kyung makes an extensive survey of secular and theological documents on Asian women's
theology from the 1980s. She finds that, "Since Asian women's liberation theologies are in
the making, most of their materials are more descriptive or storytelling than analytical.,,349
She uses articles and books written by Asian women. Kyung focuses on three major
sources of theological thinking: The Christian Conference of Asia (CCA),35o the
Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians (EATWOT), and the Asian women's
Besides her own experience Kyung uses documents produced by the Korean Association
of Women Theologians (KAWT). She draws on the wisdom of the theological writings
created through All India Council of Christian Women and the Centre for Society and
Religion in Sri Lanka. Her approach to the materials is historical and analytical.
Kyung collects the oral histories of twelve Asian women through interviews. She
interviewed fourteen Asian men and other men in EATWOT, CCA and related
associations. In this work she examines the historical context of the origin of Asian
women's theological consciousness and the contribution of CCA, EATWOT and IGI
towards the development of Asian women's liberation theology. She examines the social
context of Asian women's theology by using the works that originated from an Asian
context.
Kyung demonstrates how women in Asia experience Christ in their contexts and
emphasises the necessity of challenging the traditional images of Jesus. Kyung urges that
a factory worker35I experiences Christ in her context, a poor woman who works in the
market experiences Christ in her context and a poor woman, who does not have anything to
eat except two hundred grams of gruel, experiences Christ in her own context. 352 Kyung
writes:
Asian women think emerging Asian women's spirituality is "Lived theology,
theology in context," which touches the concrete lives of people" .... They think
men have reasoned about the true meaning of spirituality throughout history
but women have lived it. 353
Kyung expresses the necessity of considering women's political, economical, cultural and
psychological situations, when we develop theology for women. She demonstrates the
necessity of considering the total person or 'body and soul in the context of a social
milieu,'355 when we develop theology. Considering the total person is essential when we do
research on women, especially, when we do research on violence against women.
Kyung states that Asian women draw upon sacred sources in their lives to survive their
difficult life situations. Kyung explains how Philippino women use the term Ina 356 for
Mary, which is adopted from folk religions in their country. Kyung presents the story of a
Korean mother who draws on all the survival resources around her when her boy died in an
accident that was the fault of a politician. She did not get justice, when the politician sued
her and imprisoned her through a corrupt trial. Kyung narrates that this woman drew
portraits of the politician, police chief, judge, and politician's lawyer and every morning
she prayed in front of a bowl of pure water. She asked for help from the supreme Korean
deities Ha-neu-nim, Kwan- Woon-Chang-Nim, and Ye-Su-Nim. After prayer this woman
shot each portrait with a bow and arrow. The men, who hurt her became frightened by this
and released her from prison and gave compensation for the boy's death. 357
She writes, "Everyday struggle to survive is the most powerful manifestation of emerging
Asian women's spirituality. ,,358 Kyung states that the collective dimension of Asian
women's spirituality is important because it puts their energies together for social changes
in Asia. She explains three prominent features in the collective manifestations of emerging
Asian women's spirituality. They are the emergence of women's consciousness-raising
354 Mercy Mathew wanted to be a missionary to the poor. She tried to do it through a convent but
she couldn't relate to the poor, as she wanted. Then she left the convent and started her own
spiritual journey. She found a refugee camp, where she could do this work according to her
vision and desire. She spent two years there and then her vision was to work and reach out the
oppressed people in her own country. Mathew gained confidence through her work with the
poor. Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, pp. 89 - 91.
355 Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, p. 92.
356 Ina is the divine mother and Philippines worshipped her. The Divine mother is the ruler of the
world and she is the world. Kyung writes, "This Divine Mother, who has been transposed with
Mary, the mother of Jesus, has been worshipped widely among many people in the Philippines."
Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun Again, p. 96.
357 Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, p. 95.
358 Kyung, Struggle to Be the Sun, p. 96.
79
groups, the growing women's movement within the context of the liberation movement and
the sharpening of women's intellectual reflections within the Asian context. 359
Kyung emphasises that following Jesus is a collective enterprise for Asian women and
because of it women's movements are strong in Asia. Kyung writes, "Asian women join
together in solidarity within the wider context of the people's movement to fight for their
survival right.,,36o Kyung writes:
The sharpening of women's intellectual reflections is also powerful aspect of
Asian women's spirituality. They begin to exercise women's intellectual
critique of the religious, cultural political, and economic teachings and theories
of their respective dominant cultures. 361
Kyung explains how her mother's spirituality linked with traditional Korean religiosity.
Her mothers drew spiritual strength from traditional Korean religiosity. Her mother went to
temple on Buddha's birthday and celebrated with her women friends by drinking and
dancing. 362 Kyung writes that, "My birth mother also visited fortune-tellers in order to
check on my well-being. ,,363 Kyung writes:
My mothers made "chemical changes" in traditional religions by infusing them
with the liberative thrusts of already existing religions. Since women were
excluded from the public process of determining the meaning of religion, they
were free to carve out a religion on their own, without the constraints of
orthodox y. 364
There are different ways of storytelling in India. An individual myth is recreated, when a
story is retold to a child. Hindus call it param-para or unbroken lineage of transmission. 37J
Storytelling to children is part of oral tradition in India and children are the keys to the
preservation of the world of myth. As O'Flaherty points out the contexts for storytelling are
fast dying out as people move from village to cities but there is no change for the context
for storytelling to children. He states that children are the safeguard against the loss of
context because there is a moment to tell stories, when children are washed and made
ready for bed. According to O'Flaherty children in India as in America, ask, "Tell me a
story.,,372 Telling the stories from Ramayana and Mahabharata 373 are important in India
and villagers throng to listen to stories from these epics.
As Kyung's use of Kut from Shamanism, Kathakali,374 which includes dance, song and
body language, is a way of preserving stories in India. In Kathakali, storytelling is an act
performed by a man. Arundhati Roy writes, "Kathakali discovered long ago that the secret
Marggam Kali, the wedding dance of the Syrian Christians is another way of preserving
storytelling among Syrian Christians in Kerala State. In marggam kali participants tell the
story of St. Thomas and how he preached the Gospel in Malabar. All Syrian Christians are
familiar with this story from their childhood onwards. 377 There is a wedding custom
among the Syrian Christians in Kerala, where a panan or a Dalit arrives at the end of
wedding feast, greets people and sings songs about Mar Thoma, the Apostle. That
traditional song is known as 'Veradian Pattu.' Man, who sings, receives money, cloth and
double portion of food as a reward for his work?78 Storytelling, listening to stories and
dancing are prominent in India among Hindus and Christians therefore listening to the
stories of women can help the researcher to develop a contextual theology for India.
As Kyung uses poems written by women in Asia, poems and novels written by Dalit
women in India can help the researcher to understand their life situation and stories but as I
mentioned earlier such sources are lacking from Kerala State. As Robin Jared Lewis
analyses Anita Desai's novel Fire on the Mountain, and explains the plight of an Indian
widow Nanda Kaul,379 it is useful to analyse poems on Dalie 80 women because it can help
the researcher to understand the struggles of Dalit women for their survival. Dalit women
are the most oppressed, unprivileged, illiterate and poor human beings who do not have
any access to express their needs and voices. A research beginning with them, listening to
their stories, using their poems, can help the researcher to understand women's struggle
and oppression in the bottom of hierarchical structures in India and it can give insights to
develop a relevant Practical Theology.
375 Arundhati Roy, The God of Small Things, London: Flamingo, 1997, p. 229.
376 Roy, The God of Small Things, p. 230.
377 L. W. Brown, The Indian Christians of Sf. Thomas: An Account of the Ancient Syrian Church of
Malabar, Cambridge: At the University press, 1956, p. 197. Brown worked as the former
principal of Kerala United Theological Seminary at Trivandrum, Kerala State, South India.
378 Brown, The Indian Christians, pp. 195, 196.
379 Robin Jared Lewis, 'Anita Desai: Fire on the Mountain and Games at Twilight' in Miller (ed.),
Asia, pp. 149, 150.
380 M. E. Prabhakar, a lecturer at United Theological College, Bangalore, includes in his work,
poems on Dalit women. M. E. Prabhakar (ed.), Toward a Dalit Theology, Delhi: SPCK, 1989.
Dalits are the downtrodden and the oppressed people in India. The Dalit movement started in
India in 1980s as a liberation movement of the downtrodden people. Dalit women in India are
the 'Dalits of the Dalits' or the most oppressed people in the world. Poems on Dalit women can
help the researcher to understand their struggles for survival.
82
Kyung's evaluation of the broken-body experience of Asian women, their spirituality and
their life situation and the same methods are relevant when we do research on women in
India because illiteracy, unemployment, poverty, lack of resources for survival,
degradation of females, male domination, patriarchal structures and patriarchal culture are
contributing to women's oppression in India. In most of the religious gatherings in the
Churches and Temples in India, the majority of participants are women, who have much
religious devotion and seek God's help in their struggles for survival. It is necessary to
evaluate how their life situation and struggles create their spirituality.
As Kyung explores the 'culture of silence', it is useful to evaluate how the 'culture of
silence' renders dumb the survivors of violence and constructs women as 'invisible,' 'no-
body,' and 'no-voice,' human beings.
Conclusion
I prefer to highlight one significant key theme listening to the life stories of Dalit Christian
women because it can reveal the violence experienced in the lives of Dalit Christian
women. As Pui-Ian and Kyung give importance to listen to the stories of women I would
like to listen to the life stories of women. Moreover story telling and listening to the
stories, is a cultural phenomenon in India and casting women in the role of storyteller and
story- maker is common.
Story-telling through Kathakali, Kathaprasangam, recitals of poetry are some other ways
of storytelling. As Scott writes:
83
The position of storyteller, however, is a privileged one. The "voice" the teller
adopts influences what is emphasised within a setting, who is heard from a
community, and correspondingly what themes are silenced or neglected ... The
ethnographer often seeks to represent the worldview of his or her informants
while writing for an audience that is, for the most part, composed of those
outside the community studied. 381
Engaging in informal talk with Dalit Christian woman in order to listen to her life story can
help me to understand the violence she experiences. Listening to the life stories of Dalit
Christian women can help me to collect their life stories and to present it to the readers in
the voices of the researched. Their life stories can reveal the violence and oppressions they
experience in their daily lives as 'women' and as low caste human beings. Engaging in an
informal conversation with Dalit Christian woman will be more relevant than conducting
formal interviews because illiterate Dalit women feel free to talk in an informal
conversation. Listening to their stories and observing their facial and body languages,
giving attention to the words they use in the conversation are important. It is useful if the
researcher records the conversations first and then transcribes and translates them later. As
the researcher listens to the recorded voice of the participant again and again she can
experience the strong bond between her and the researched. As far as possible I would like
to present the life stories of Dalit Christian women in their own words because their voices
are important in making changes in their lives. Therefore I do not want to distort their
words. The following chapters will prove that how far these lessons I learned from various
sources were useful, when I was among Dalit Christian women.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH SETTING
The word Dalit literally means "broken" people at the bottom of India's caste system. 382
Dalits are people, who are 'broken to pieces. ,383 The word Dalit means ground down,
downtrodden, and oppressed. The people at the bottom of the caste hierarchy of India, in a
spirit of pride and militancy, use the term Dalit. Eleanor Zelliot writes:
The name Dalit is not only a rejection of the very idea of pollution or impurity
or "untouchability," it reveals a sense of a unified class, of a movement toward
equality. It is an inclusive term that can draw in any who feel they have been
384
harmed by caste or gender barriers.
N. K. Jose states that Brahminical supremacy is the cause for the imbalance of power
between Dalits and non-Dalits in Kerala:
Two powers were/are opposed to the Dalits in Kerala. The first one was / is the
Brahminical supremacy. No other state in India has been affected so much as
Kerala has been by the introduction of the Brahmin culture. Though the Aryans
who entered Kerala were very small in number, their ideology soon spread far
and wide and they became a sovereign power. 385
382 Human Rights Watch, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's "Untouchable,"
Bangalore: Books for Change, 1999, p. 2.
383 Women Worldwide, 'Dalit women - Broken to Pieces,' in Catholic Woman, Quarterly newspaper
of the National Board of Catholic women, Issue No. 22, Winter 2001 /2002, p. 2.
384 Eleanor Zelliot, 'The Dalit Movement' in Dalit, International Newsletter, Vol. 1, No.1, Waterford:
February 1996, p. 1.
385 N. K. Jose, 'The Punnappra-Vayalar Struggle and the Dalits,' in A. M. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel
(ed.), The Dalit Desiyata: The Kerala Experience in Development and Class Struggle, Delhi: I.
S. P. C. K., 1990, p. 32.
85
Jose states that Aryans, who were powerful, destroyed the Indus Valley culture, which
belonged to Dalits?86
The destruction of the Indus-Valley culture made many people scatter hither
and thither. The Dalits are the descendants of these men who were made to run
away and scatter. 387
The invasion of the Aryans and the destruction of the Indus valley culture made Dalits
powerless and the Aryans powerful therefore Indian society started to function on the basis
of such hierarchy. Padmanaban explains how Dalits became the victims of systemic
oppression of the Brahmanic religion:
Before the Aryanisation of India, i.e. up to about 600 BC the Dalits appear to
have lived a normal communal existence like any other people in India. The
Brahminic interpretation of Varnashrama Dharma and the Manu Smriti
changed all that. They were progressively marginalized and denied access even
to the barest minimum conditions of a civilized existence. Full of hope, over
the centuries they successively converted to Buddhism, Jainism, Islam,
Sikhism and Christianity. But Casteism had spread its roots even among those
religious systems, and whatever their respective doctrine and theologies may
have asserted, the practice did not match any doctrine or the claim?88
Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya highlights that caste has had its origin in Brahmanical
legislation. 389 The Black Paper390 states:
The ingenious character of untouchability as a control mechanism receives
sanction from Brahminic religion whose purity-impurity polarity serves to
exclude, alienate, discriminate and subjugate the Dalits to the vested interests
of the dominant castes. In fact, the 260 million Dalits are the only people in the
world whose discrimination, going beyond the boundaries of race, colour and
region, is legitimised by religion. 391
Ambedakr's statement is relevant today to the situation of the Dalits in India. 395 For
example, Kavitha Johnson one of the participants in my research, describes how Dalits had
to be careful not to pollute the high caste people while they walked on the road:
As it happened in the olden days, there was a broom tied on the backside [of
the Dalit], the spit should not fall out of the mouth while talking. There was a
vessel tied in front, when [the Dalit was] talking the spit should fall only in the
vessel and it should not fall on the floor. The broom is tied behind because
while walking the marks of the foot- steps should not remain on the soil, the
broom sweeps it as the person goes by. It is not just simply said, that India is
the seat of superstitions and wrong rituals?96 Ma. Victoria Cabrera-Balleza
confirms how Dalits are discriminated: Higher caste Hindus avoids Dalits like
plague. They will avoid having a Dalit prepare their food, gather their water or
even enter their homes lest they become "polluted." ... In upper caste
households, family members sprinkle "holy" water to purify anything that has
been touched by their Dalit servant's hands. 397
Dalits are not only subjected to discrimination based on their caste but also they are
subjected to poverty and material deprivation. Economically poor Dalit women get into
393 Ambedkar is known as 'Babasaheb"; he was a hero, guide and guru to the oppressed class
people in India. Ambedkar's motto was to "educate, agitate, and organise." He gained BA from
the University of Bombay, PhD from Columbia University at New York, DDS from the London
th
School of Economics. He passed the bar and earned the title of barrister. He died on 6
December, 1956 at Delhi. A statue of Ambedkar has been erected at New Delhi facing the
Indian Parliament building. Eleanor Zelliot, 'The Dalit Movement' in Dalit, International
Newsletter, Vol. 1, No.1, Waterford: February, 1996, pp. 8-12.
394 'Dr. Ambedkar's Thoughts on Human Rights' in Thamukku, Newsletter of the Dalit Resource
Center, Vol. 2, No.1, 2, September- December 2000, p. 5.
395 Mariamma Abraham, an eighty-two years old Dalit Christian woman is a retired Head Teacher.
In her youth, when Mariamma went to a high caste family for work, they served food in a pit for
her. In the morning when the Dalits went for work they had to dig a pit in the courtyard and then
they had to cut and keep a plantain leaf in the warm sunshine. When they returned for lunch,
they had to take that plantain leaf, which became tender and put it inside the pit. Then high
caste people served food in the leaf in the pit for Dalits and Dalits were not served food in the
plates. High caste people in Kerala State keep plates for their dogs but they are hesitant to
provide food on plates for Dalits. Mariamma Abraham remembers how she was treated in the
school as a Dalit student. She received her seat right at the back of the class and there were
separate sticks to beat Dalit students and high caste students. If teachers used the same stick
to beat the high caste students and Dalit students high caste people believed that it could
pollute the high caste children. I tape-recorded Mariamma's conversation but it is not
transcribed because Mariamma did not attend one-day seminar or Bible study groups I
conducted. Mariamma Abraham'S daughter Resli has done her BD & MTh studies in United
Theological College at Bangalore. Resli rejected Christianity because of the caste
discriminations she experienced within the Church of South India in Kerala. Cassett of Informal
Conversation between Mariamma Abraham and Sara Abraham in her daughter Resli
Abraham's Residence at Mavelikkara on 4th December, 2001.
396 Transcript of Conversation between Sara Abraham and Kavitha Johnson, 27'h November 2001 ,
New India Bible Church, Parippu.
87
prostitution in order to provide daily bread for their children. The National Commission for
Women reported, "Almost all women in prostitution in the country are from either dalit
. . or th
communItIes b aI groups. ,,398
e 'tn
Veena Poonacha states that majority of the prostitutes chose prostitution because they are
the survivors of rape:
According to a survey conducted by the Indian Housewives Federation 80%
prostitutes came into the profession in the first instance as victims of rape. The
rape victim loses her social respectability forever-if single no one is likely to
marry her, if married she is likely to be disowned by her family.399
M. Gangadharan finds that 92.1 percentage of Dalit Christians in 1968 and 1969 were
401
people who did not have their own land. Many Dalits in Kerala do not have their own
land and this is a major cause for the grinding poverty among them. This situation has not
yet changed and now also many Dalits are landless people, who work in oppressor's land.
Gail Omvedt is right in her observation:
Dalits in Kerala are apparently more limited to the agricultural sector and are
more landless than elsewhere in India ... 77 percent of dalits in a~riculture in
Kerala were landless, compared to 63 percent at an all-India leve1. 4 2
Caste
Varna (colour) and jati403 are two words usually used in India for caste. The Brahmans,
who are considered as the highest caste, were called upon to give the community its
priests, thinkers, men of letters, legislators, scholars, religious leaders and guides. 404
People, who believe in the caste system and its hierarchy, believe that Brahmans, who are
Touching these human beings, who are involved in these categorised jobs, might pollute
the high caste people. This is the traditional understanding of the high caste people.
Therefore James Heitzman writes:
With every drink of water, with every meal, and with every contact with
another person, people must ratify the social hierarchy of which they are a part
and within which their every act is carried out. .. eating, drinking, bathing,
touching, talking-and that transgressions of these rules, whether deliberate or
accidental, are seen as having immediately polluting effects on the person of
410
t he transgressor. ...
The privileged people in the high caste maintain the caste system in order to dominate over
the 'other,' who are underprivileged, Dalits. Syrian Christians in Kerala too collude with
the high caste Hindus in their attitude towards caste.
Among the high caste people and Syrian Christians in Kerala, Dalits are known as
karuthavar (Black) or mattavar (other). Bandu states that the one who face sun and moon
and lives in harmony with nature becomes black. Women are involved in agriculture, they
work under the sun, and their skin gets dark. Nature has given that Black colour to them.411
Alexander states that Dalit Christians address Syrian Christians as thampuran (lord):
The Pulaya Christians have to address the Syrian Christians by such honorific
titles as Tampuran and Panikke, whereas Syrian Christians add the suffix
Pulaya when addressing a Pulaya Christian. For example, a man named
Thoma is called Thoma-Pulayan and a woman named Maria is addressed as
Maria-Pulakalli. 414
John C. B. Webster too confirms that caste system is strongest in rural Roman Catholic or
415
Syrian congregations in the South India.
Even though some Pentecostal denominations in Kerala accepted Dalit Christians as their
members the caste system is predominant there too and Syrian Christians hold all
leadership positions in the Church, Christian institutions and organisations. The members
of such Pentecostal denominations do not use the word Pulaya when they address a Dalit
Christian by name but they use the word sahodaran (brother) or sahodari (sister) along
with the name of low caste, for example, Daniel-sahodaran. The word sahodaran is used
not because of the intimate brotherhood between the high caste Christian and Dalit
Christian but they use it purposely to acknowledge that Daniel-sahodaran is a Dalit
Christian. Padmanaban's evaluation is right in relation between the touchable and
untouchable Christians:
The Christian community is a composite community. In some places it is
divided into touchables and untouchables. In all places it is divided into high
class and low class. This educated class being detached from the lower or the
untouchable class of Christians is not charged with the wants, the pains,
416
cravings, desires, aspirations of the latter and does not care for their interest.
412 The word putuchristani means literally the one who is a new convert to Christianity. Even if
many Dalits were converted to Christianity many generations ago, their descendents are called
putuchristani. The word putuchristani is not used to refer any recent high caste people who
converted to Christianity. Syrian Christians in Kerala purposely use this word to degrade the
Dalit converts. The Syrian Orthodox Jacobite Church at Meenangadi in Wayanad District, which
is my mother Church from the time of my birth till 1979, does not have any Dalits as its
members.
413 K. C. Alexander, 'The Neo-Christians of Kerala,' in J. Michael Mahar (ed.), The Untouchables in
Contemporary India, Jaipur and New Delhi: Rawat Publications, 1998, p.155.
414 Alexander in Mahar, The Untouchables, p. 155.
415 John C. B. Webster, 'Who is a Dalit?' in S. M. Michael (ed.), Dalits in Modern India: Vision and
Values, New Delhi: Vistaar Publications, 1999, p. 74.
90
I expected Dalit Christian women from all communities to participate in my research
therefore, I did not select any particular community but when I was with them for the
research I understood that Dalit Christian women who participated in my research are from
Pulaya caste. This particular community of Dalits are known as Pulayas, Cheramar or
Cherumakkal.
My informants are Dalit Christian women, who were converted to Christianity from the
Cheramar caste. 417 According to Kaviyoor Murali,418 one of the Dalit writers, Pulayas are
419
also known as Kuziyan, Mulayan and Thudiyan. The word Pulam means the paddy field
and Pulaya means man of the field. Pula means pollution, therefore, Pulaya means
polluted. Pulayas are known as Cherumakkal, cher means mud and makkal means sons.
42o
The word Cherumakkal has two meanings, little children and the sons of mud. Pulayas
were not allowed to use the word "I" but instead of it they had to use the word adiyan,
which means "your slave," when they spoke to high caste people in Kerala State. I noticed
that Annamma Devasya, one of the participants in my research used the same word adiyan,
when she referred to Dalits. Pulayas had to keep their hands on their mouths while
421
speaking to high caste people, in order that their breath shouldn't pollute them. Pulayas
had to plough the land, sow the seed, transplant the seedlings, regulate the flow of water in
the field, and remove the weeds. It was the duty of the Pulayas to cut the crops, carry them
to the bam, separate the corn from the stalk and winnow it. 422 Pulayas worked in the field
day and night, during the rainy season and in wintertime and as they worked under the hot
Parippu is an under developed village at present and many of its inhabitants are Dalits, who
are poor, illiterate and unemployed. Parippu is the adjacent village of Olassa and every half
an hour a private bus leaves from Kottayam town to Parippu village. When I was doing my
research at Parippu, I travelled through Olassa, which is eight kilometres away in the west
of Kottayam town and there I saw a CMS High school established by CMS missionaries in
1870. Rev. Henry Baker, a missionary from Essex in England, who arrived in India in
1817, worked as a priest in Olassa Church from 1844-1857. As he was working at Olassa,
he opened a school for the Dalit slaves at Kottayam in 1845. Baker Memorial Girls High
School in Baker Junction at Kottayam is an English medium school. Baker worked hard to
stop slavery in Kerala State. He died at Kottayam, when he was seventy-three years old.
His eldest son Henry Baker, who arrived in Kerala in 1843, continued the ministry of his
father. 424
As I walked from the New India Bible Church to its left side along the muddy path on the
banks of a deep canal, I observed huts belonging to Dalits and in the opposite side of the
canal there are constructed houses belonging to high caste people. When the canal
overflows, during the rainy season, water floods inside the Dalit huts. Their huts are very
fragile because those huts were made with hay or coconut leaf, bamboo, timber or clay.
They do not have toilets or bathrooms in their huts. In front of huts naked Dalit kids were
playing in the mud. Dalits keep chickens, hens, cats and dogs as pets in their huts.
When I first visited the interior part of the village an old Dalit man, who was only half-
dressed came opposite to me with a small cane basket in his hand in which he stored two
fishes caught that day and tried to sell these in order to get few coins. None bought them. I
saw Dalit women and men rowing in a canoe, I saw a big canoe filled with hay and a few
Dalit men and women were in it. I saw a man canoeing with a basketful of duck's eggs and
I understood that he was taking it to the Kottayam town for a sale. Another day I found a
man with a small stationary shop in a canoe travelling through the canal. Occasionally, I
heard the hom sound and it was a man travelling on the bicycle to sell sea fishes to
villagers. One day when a postman was walking through the muddy path in front of the
93
Church, one of my informants, Annamma Yohannan, who is an elderly woman, and myself
were sitting on the floor in front of the Church, talking to each other and waiting for the
Church to be opened. She told the postman, "Sir, we are sitting here." I observed and
understood that what she meant was that she wished to stand up as her respect to the
postman, who is from a high caste, but since she was sitting and talking to me it was
impossible for her to stand. After two minutes, I found another Dalit woman canoeing the
postman across the canal. There are huge fields on two sides of the canal but they belong
to people from a high caste and the Dalit women are labourers in it. While I was doing my
research work at Parippu, a day's harvesting work was available to Dalit women.
Dalits at Parippu are economically poor and they live below the poverty line. When I
visited the Dalit huts, I understood their huts are basically bare and they live in severe
poverty. They lack basic essential items such as food, proper clothes, vessels and plates,
sheets, beds. They sleep on the floor in a piece of cloth or on thin mattress made out of a
certain reed leaves. They do not have any drinking water facility in their huts. They have to
fetch drinking water from the wells or pipes, which are away from their huts. Their only
means of survival is by the daily wage labour, which is available in the paddy field, during
the seasons of seeding or harvest.
I selected New India Bible Church at Parippu as a venue for conducting the seminar and
Bible studies. Rev. Thomas Philip,425 is the founder of the New India Bible Church
denomination, which has many local Churches in Kerala State. The New India Bible
Churches and the New India Bible College (NIBC)426 are closely associated in their
functioning. The building site for the Church at Parippu was a gift from one high caste
family in Parippu, who belong to the Catholic Church. Philip contributed money to
constructing the Church building as a memorial for his late daughter. The members of New
India Bible Church at Parippu are converts from Cheramar caste. 427
425 Rev. Thomas Philip is the President of New India Bible Church, a denomination, which has its
headquarters at Paippad, Changanacherry, Kerala State. He is the vice Principal of New India
Bible College at Paippad. He is a committed person who works to uplift Dalit Christians in
Kerala State. He is not a Dalit but his ministry is among the Dalits.
426 Late Dr. Abraham Philip was the founder of New India Bible College. NIBC trains young men
and women for Christian ministry. Rev. Thomas Philip is the younger brother of late Dr.
Abraham Philip.
427 v. C. Yohannan a convert from Cheramar caste, who holds MA & BD degrees, is the Pastor of
the Church.
94
Thirty-two women participated in the one- day seminar. 428 They came from thirteen
Churches and they belong to various Christian denominations. Fifteen women were from
New India Bible Church at Parippu, which is a local Church. Four women were from the
same New India Bible Church at Tiruvanjoor. Five women belong to five local Churches
of the New India Bible Church denomination at Kottayam town, Manganam, Parampuzha,
Kavanattinkara and Kozhimala. One woman belongs to Calvary Baptist Church at
Manarkadu, two belong to Church of God Full Gospel India at Gandinagar, another
woman belongs to Church of South India, two belong to Assemblies of God at Olassa, one
belongs to Akilendya Daivasabha, and another woman is a member of Indian Pentecostal
Church of God at Kumbanad. I asked in the registration form their 'Background before
conversion to Christianity.' Thirty-two women filled in the registration forms for
attending the seminar and twenty-two of them were courageous to answer directly, that
they are converted to Christianity from the Cheramar caste. All the other women answered
indirectly because three women did not mention their caste, one answered that she is a
nominal Christian, another answered she is a Christian from the time of her birth, two
women answered that they are from Catholic background and another has written Brethren.
One woman answered she is from Jacobite Church background and one woman from
Syrian Christian background. However twenty-two women confirmed that they are
converted to Christianity from Cheramar caste and among them nine go for daily labour
429
kuulippane. One does kuulippani and sowing, another woman does sowing, three do not
have any work, five of them are housewives, one woman does Christian ministry, another
answered Gospel work and one woman's husband is pastor therefore by mistake or not she
has written her job as Pastor. Among these twenty-two Dalit Christian women, nine of
them do not know their date of birth. None of these Dalit Christian women came to the
level of graduate studies. Twelve out of twenty-two Dalit Christian women could not even
complete their school education. Ten Dalit women came up to the level of Secondary
School Leaving Certificate, two among these ten women passed SSLC and one among
these two joined for Pre-Degree Course but did not mention whether she passed or failed in
the course. Among these twenty-two Dalit Christian women one is a divorcee and another
is a widow, two are unmarried and eighteen are married. 43o These Dalit Christian women
were silent and invisible in the past. My research strategies were intended to break Dalit
428 More information about the one-day seminar is given in this chapter and the following chapter.
429 Kuulippane is the seasonal work Dalit women get during harvest or seeding time and they are
paid daily for their work.
430 All these information are based on the registration forms, which are filled by women who
partiCipated in the seminar.
95
Christian women's life long silences and allow their VOIces to begin to enter the
mainstream discourse of theology in India. Mary Daly writes:
Overcoming the silencing of women is an extreme act, a sequence of extreme
acts. Breaking our silence means living in existential courage. It means
discovering our deep sources, our spring. It means finding our native
resiliency, springing in to life, speech, action. 431
Dalit Christian women, who participated in my research, are the survivors of violence and
oppressions based on their caste, colour, gender and religion. Socially, Dalit women are
considered as a low caste. Caste is considered as a social mark in Indian society. Dalit
Christian women are the converts from the lowest castes and they are considered as
untouchables because of their caste status. The marriage between a low caste Christian and
a high caste Christian is unusual in any of the Churches in India. If a high caste Christian
marries a low caste Christian, it is viewed as unsuitable and both are treated as 'low' even
in the Church. It is unusual for high caste Christians to eat or drink in the house of any low
caste Christian.
Culturally, Dalit Christian women are considered inferior to men and they experience
cultural degradation, which started long ago. Male domination took shape when Dalits,
blacks and women were defeated. Dalits were defeated from B. C.1500 onwards. 432 Ruth
Manorama, the founder President of National Dalit Women's Federation at Bangalore
explains that Dalit woman experienced more freedom and less dependence. They had
physical might and capability for hard work. There was no dowry system, child marriage
and sati among Dalits. No one discouraged divorce or remarriages among Dalits. Dalit
women's previous position was destroyed by the influence of Hinduism. 433 Later, Dalit
Christian women experienced cultural oppression due to their caste identities, for example,
the "Breast cloth controversy,,434 proves that high caste people resisted, when Dalit
Christian women started wearing small jackets to cover their breasts.
The patriarchal structures always consider men as people who have power, authority, and
freedom to do anything they like. Catherine A. MacKinnon states how men exercise their
power over women:
It's hierarchical, it's dominant, it's authoritative. You're listening, I'm talking;
I'm active, you're passive. I'm expressing myself; you're taking notes. Women
are supposed to be seen and not heard. 435
The patriarchal system empowers men to give command and women to obey men's
command. Therefore it is unpleasant for males to listen to the ideas of Dalit Christian
women and accept or approve their ideas.
beaten and imprisoned. The earlier decree allowing Dalit Christian women to wear upper
clothes was cancelled and then Christians were ordered to obey all the old caste laws. The
same issue arose again in 1858 and a persecution continued until July 1859. However, in July
1859, Sir Charles Trevelyan, who was the governor of Madras, declared a proclamation,
allowing members of the lower castes to wear clothes over their breasts and shoulders. There
followed a large ingathering of converts. J. Waskom Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in
India: A Study with Recommendation, New York: The Abingdon Press, 1933, pp. 41,42.
435 Catharine A. Mackinnon, Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law, Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1987, p. 52.
97
treat women as weak vessels and fragile personalities. All these views have a great impact
upon the lives of Dalit Christian women, who are at the bottom of all kinds of hierarchy.
Dalit Christian women are born as women and therefore they expenence violence
oppression on the basis of their gender. Dalit Bandhu states that all women in India
including Brahmin women are Dalits because they experience oppression and they are the
slaves to men because of their gender. A female is the slave of her father until her
marriage, she is the slave of her husband after her marriage, when she becomes a widow,
then she is the slave of her son, this is what the canon of the Brahmin or Manusmriti
declares. 436 Therefore, power imbalances based on gender can invoke violence against
Dalit Christian women. Kumari writes:
Violence usually accompanies power and is used to maintain power. The aim is
always to induce the subordinate group or individual to comply with the wishes
of the stronger. 437
The power imbalance based on the caste hierarchy and the power imbalances based on the
inequality of gender affect the daily lives and practices of Dalit Christian women therefore,
they are more vulnerable to various forms of violence and they are silent survivors of
violence. Dalit femaleness is a form of powerlessness in the higher caste dominated society
in India. MacKinnon is right in pointing out that maleness is considered as a form of
power:
Looking at the facts of the abuses of women all at once, you see that a woman
is socially defined as a person who, whether or not she is or has been, can be
treated in these ways by men at any time, and little, if anything, will be done
about it. This is what it means when feminists say that maleness is a form of
power and femaleness is a form of powerlessness. 438
When the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) released the Black
Paper439 on 8th December 1999, it uncovered what rights are denied to Dalits in India.
The National Campaign Manifesto states, "Every hour 2 Dalits are assaulted; everyday 3
Dalit women are raped; everyday 2 Dalits are murdered; everyday 2 Dalit houses are burnt
Gail Omvedt writes about the social violence against the lower caste women: "They are
more subject to social violence (or "social patriarchy")- molestation, rape, murder by local
goondas, landlords, contractors, political bosses, and so on.,,441
Dalit women experience inequality of power through the sexual violence they experience
from the high caste men. G.S. Bhargava442 and R. M. Pal 443 write:
Sexual violence may be a general problem from which women in general
suffer; in the case of Dalit women, it is far more intense and widespread.
Because of lower social attitude towards Dalit women and their economic
dependence, they become victims of the high caste sexual violence, on a scale
far greater than that of the non-Dalit women. Between 1981 and 1986 about
4000 Dalit women became victims of rape. In 1993 and 1994 this figure rose to
798 and 992 respectively. This means annually about seven hundred Dalit
women fall prey to the sexual assault by high caste people. 444
Carol 1. Adams argues that threats of violence are common experiences In women's
lives 445 regardless of their social context. However, I learned that the threats of violence
are more common in the lives of Dalit Christian women. They are the survivors of violence
in their own families because of their low economic status, illiteracy and the joint family
system. They are the silent sufferers in Christianity because of the teaching of the church
to 'suffer' in silence and to 'forgive' the violators. They are the survivors of discrimination
within the Church because of the domination by Syrian Christians and other high caste
Christians.
It can be noticed that the so-called traditional Christian theology in India has been
formulated from the perspectives of high caste Christian men, and it does not consider
Dalit Christian women's experience a source for reflection. Even Dalit Theology focuses
th
440 National Campaign Manifesto: Dalit Human Rights 10 Dec. 199B-15th Aug. 1999,
Secunderabad: 199B, p. 26.
441 Gail Omvedt, Violence Against Women: New Movements and New Theories in India, New
Delhi: Kali for Women, 1990, p. 7.
442 G. S. Bhargava is a senior columnist. He has written widely on human rights issues.
443 Dr. R. M. Pal is Hon. Editor of PULL Bulletin, published by the People's Union for Civil Liberties.
He was Hon. Managing editor of The Radical Humanists, a journal.
444 G. S. Bhargava & R. M. Pal, Human Rights of Dalits: Societal Violation, New Delhi: Gyan
Publishing House, 1999, p. 165.
99
on the perspectives of Dalit Christian men and it ignores the experiences of the Dalit
Christian women. Therefore, it can be argued that the Dalit Christian women's experiences
are excluded by theologies in India. Moreover their stories are untold and ignored by the
so- called orthodox Christian theology in India.
For the Dalit Christian women who participated in my research, their stories were untold
stories. One reason why Dalit women's stories are 'untold' stories is because there was no
one to listen to their stories. Shame prevents Dalit Christian women from being open about
their experiences in tightly knit communities and there was no one from outside
demonstrating an interest in listening to their stories. The fear of social isolation within
the community and the threat from in and outside the community too prevents Dalit
Christian women from telling their stories. Their space was constricted, their mouths were
shut, their life stories were unrecorded, and their voices were not heard in the dominant
discourse. My research among Dalit Christian women and the strategies I used for the
ethnographic research created a platform for Dalit Christian women, a space, where they
told their untold stories.
Carol J. Adams emphasises the importance of hearing women into speech, "Hearing
women into speech shifts the episteme and intersects with a basic feminist theological tenet
of starting with women's experience.,,446
In my research listening carefully to the speeches of Dalit women was important because it
gave space for their voices to emerge. I gave full attention to the person who spoke,
observed the person and listened to the speech and because I wanted to learn from them by
hearing into speech. When I listened to their speeches and their life stories, I learned from
their lived experiences and their 'theories' constructed out of situated knowledge. My
listening gave them the courage to talk, reflect and share their life experiences because
they realised that there was someone showing an interest in their voices and their life-
stories.
445 Carol. J. Adams & Marie M. Fortune (eds.), Violence Against Women and Children: A Christian
Theological Sourcebook, New York: Continuum, 1995, 1998, p. 13.
446 Adams, Violence Against Women, p. 29.
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Giving Significance to Experience and Recording it
Dalit Christian women's life stories are based on their lived-experiences and their
experiences are an essential source to construct feminist practical theology. The informal
conversation with my informants helped me to collect their life stories.
A Dalit woman's story is based on her daily experience; space and time have shaped
experience. For example, in the case of a Dalit woman, who is a survivor of rape, we need
to understand where the rape took place, when and how, and the significance she gives to it
in her own 'self narrative.' The context of the experience shapes a Dalit woman's story. I
observed that Dalit Christian women are eager to tell their life stories, to tell the stories
they have lived, as Atkinson states:
Most people are eager to tell of their experience, to tell the stories they have
lived, because they are what they know best and are also what are of most
interest to them. 447
Dalit women's life stories are personal documents and they can be considered texts as
Atkinson emphasises:
As a personal document, a life story is a text like any other document or story
in any other field. It can stand on its own because, like a novel or poem, it
automatically and immediately evokes certain individual responses based on
the experience it describes or the perspective of the reader. 448
Dalit Christian women's life stories are a fresh text constructed through my ethnographic
research through a listening and transcribing process.
The way the researcher may transform stories is an important issue in ethnographic
447 Robert Atkinson, The Life Story Interview, Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: SAGE
Publications, 1998, p. 22.
448 R. Atkinson, The Life Story Interview, p. 70
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research on violence experienced by Dalit Christian women. Since a life story is a personal
oral testimony, the researcher needs to be very careful not to make any changes in the
words of the informant. When the researcher carefully transcribes and translates the story it
is as if the voice of the researched is heard through the words and sentences constructed by
the researcher. Therefore, if the researcher narrates the life stories of Dalit Christian
women in their own words, such an approach can allow Dalit women to speak for
themselves. Therefore, I tape-recorded the conversation, when I listened to their life
stories. My informants and I spoke in the Malayalam language, which is our vernacular.
When my informants started to tell their stories, they introduced themselves and then
shared their stories. I listened to the tape-recorded conversations each evening, when I
returned to my room. Later I transcribed them, when I returned to Glasgow. It took months
for me to listen to the cassettes and transcribe all the conversations of my informants. I
wrote it down in the same Malayalam language of the informants. Some bits of the
conversations are lost; where the words or sentences of the conversations were not clear to
me then I had to leave a blank in the text. I did not seek the help of third person to record it
because I wanted to protect the privacy of the informants and wanted to keep the
conversation confidential. When I translated the conversations from Malayalam language
to English language I took extra efforts not to make any changes in the words and
sentences of my informants because I wanted my informants to speak to the readers
through the text. When I translated the conversations into English in certain places I had to
add my own words in order to make sense to the reader and I put my words and my
sentences in square brackets. This difficult, painstaking process of transcription took over
half a year.
The Reasons for the Ethnographic Research among the Dalit Christian Women
The first reason I did an ethnographic research among Dalit Christian women is because
they are the most oppressed, invisible, silent and marginalised women of the caste based
society and Churches in India. Secondly, I wanted to explore how much violence the Dalit
Christian women experience in their lives and how they cope with this 'violence.' Thirdly
from the knowledge gained I would like to challenge the Church to develop alternative
responses to the needs of Dalit Christian women in India. Fourthly, no one has previously
done research on the violence experienced by Dalit Christian women in Kerala State.
Lastly, I hope that a contextual feminist practical theology relevant to Dalit Christian
women can be constructed through this research. Dalit Christian women's experience, their
life stories, and their slave narratives are the best available repositories for understanding
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violence against women. A research beginning at the bottom of the hierarchy, and listening
to the life stories of Dalit Christian women will reveal the violence Dalit Christian women
experience and value their experiences as a basic source for developing Dalit Feminist
Practical Theology. My research demonstrates that Dalit Christian women experience
extreme forms of violence in their lived context, and theological forms which do not
acknowledge this are irrelevant to their needs.
Myself as an Ethnographer
My First Contact with My Informants
My first contact with my informants was on 14th November 2001 in a meeting in the New
India Bible Church at Parippu. The Rev. Thomas Philip introduced me to the audience as a
former lecturer of New India Bible College, who is doing PhD research at the University of
Glasgow. I was given time to preach in the meeting and I preached on Hagar's experience
based upon Gen.21: 14-16, and then referred to women's experience. At the end of the
th
meeting I was asked to announce about the forthcoming seminar, which was on 19
November 2001. After the announcement, when I asked those women who were willing to
attend the seminar to raise their hands, four women raised their hands. Philip announced
th
the same with an addition, "There is no registration fee for the seminar on 19 November,
no offering will be taken in the seminar, there is no need to pay for the food and there will
be delicious food given free.,,449 After his announcement there were thirty-seven women,
who raised their hands 450 and they gave their names to Ramani Yohannan, who is the wife
of the local Pastor. This was my first contact with my informants. The next section
analyses the role of the researcher as an ethnographer to Dalit Christian women.
My social research style was different from early ethnographers because I did not
encounter alien worlds but my research took place in my own cultural context that shaped
my own subjectivity. However, when I explored the violence experienced by Dalit women
in Kerala State I was both an 'outsider and an insider,' ethnographer within the research
setting. I am not a Dalit by birth therefore I was an outsider ethnographer to the Dalit
Christian women. Dalit women do not accept me as one amongst them because my skin
449 Rev. Thomas Philip, Meeting on 14th November 2001, New India Bible Church, Parippu.
Providing free lunch helped Dalit Christian women to relax. Most of them are very poor and
they enjoyed eating delicious food at lunch break. During the lunchtime all women sat on the
floor in two rows face to face. It was a nice time for Dalit women to talk to one another and
enjoy a lunch together.
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colour and my caste differences made them to consider me as an 'outsider' to their caste.
However, I was also considered as an insider because I am a Christian and I speak the
same language Malayalam, as my informants. I felt like an 'insider,' whenever Dalit
Christian women spoke about their experience as women, in bus journeys. For example, I
remember two of them shared their experiences of how male passengers behaved
indecently to them in the bus. Since I was born and brought up in Kerala, I too sometimes
experienced the indecent behaviour of some men in the crowded buses, while I travelled
there.
Power Differentials
I wanted to minimise the power differentials between my informants and myself but I
knew that it is impossible to eliminate these altogether because of my status as a high
caste, educated and married woman. In order to curtail domination by myself, I planned
new strategies for exploring the violence experienced in the lives of Dalit Christian
women. I was very cautious not to dominate over my informants. I tried to reduce power
differentials between my informants and myself, by being with them, sitting on the floor
with them, or asked them to sit on a higher seat whilst I took a lower place. I patted on
their shoulders as an expression to comfort them, when some Dalit women cried and told
their life stories. When I visited their houses to listen to their stories, I ate the food offered
by them, drank the tea prepared by them, sat in the same seat in the bus and travelled with
my informants; thus I broke the taboo of caste rules. 451 One important way I reduced
power differentials between my informants and myself was by working with groups of
Dalit Christian women rather than always with individuals. I addressed Dalit Christian
women as Ammama (elder sister) or Ammachi (mother) to show my respect to them. I
received a kiss from a Dalit child and gave a kiss to her in return even with these
significant gestures power differences continued to exist between my informants and
myself because it is not easy to break the boundary lines of caste, colour and educational
differences. For example, Kavitha, a Dalit Christian woman, who participated in my
research, told me that she cursed her skin colour and questioned God why he had given her
a black colour. She told me that even a stranger could realise that she is a Dalit by looking
When Kavitha became a close friend, she told me about a conversation, which took place
prior to my arrival at Parippu. When they heard that a lady was coming to their Church
with Rev. Thomas Philip, the Dalit women commented, "He will come with white skinned
[Syrian Christian] ladies.,,452 When they saw me, they understood that I was not a Dalit
and they realised my caste status by looking at my skin colour, which is a bit different from
theirs. There were questions in their minds about why I had an interest in the dark-skinned
Dalit Christians who are deprived, and degraded by Syrian Christians in Kerala. When the
Dalit Christian women understood that my research could expose the violence they
experience, most of them expected that my research could bring some practical changes in
the lives of their future generations. They co-operated well when they understood that why
I was there among them but they constructed their own narratives of me that I must be
economically rich enough to study in the West. Some of them even expressed their
expectation to get financial or material help from me but I was unable to provide any such
assistance.
Ethnographic Settings
the Dalits, touching them and eating the food offered by them. When I did these things, I
detached myself from our age-old family tradition and caste rules.
452 Transcript of Conversation between Sara Abraham and Kavitha Johnson, 2ih November 2001,
New India Bible Church, Parippu.
453 Malayalees are people of Kerala State and whose vernacular is Malayalam language.
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brought up in the same State. For these reasons there was no need for me to spend several
months or years with my informants but I spent a short span of time with my informants.
Personal Relationships
Dalit Christian women trusted me within a very short span of time and they were confident
to share with me the secrets of their lives. When I listened to their stories and problems,
they recei ved relief and healing through that process. They sought guidance and
counselling from me and I was asked to pray for them. They believed that prayer changes
things and God answers prayer. One of my participants, who was the wife of a Pastor,
gained very special strength through my ethnographic research work. She told me, "This is
the first time in thirty-three years I am sharing my experience .... I could have received
some peace if I had shared my experience but there was nobody [to listen to me].,,454 Alice
Mathai another participant in the research told me, "I have been looking for a person with
whom I can share my painful experience confidentially.,,455 My ethnographic work
amongst them created friendships between the Dalit Christian women and myself.
When I went to India for my ethnographic research there were questions in my mind
"Would Dalit Christian women share their stories with me? What will I do if they do not
break their silence or if they are afraid to share their life experiences? Would it be possible
for me to win their confidence?" There were sleepless nights while I was doing my
ethnographic research among the Daht Christian women because their stories made me to
think all night and kept me awake. When I returned to Glasgow, I could not return to my
normal life for few weeks because what I had heard from Dalit Christian women was still
ringing in my ears. It took some time for me to cope with my own family life because the
stories I heard from the Dalit Christian women were fresh in my mind, it has had a great
454 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and Sara Abraham in Leela's Residence at
th
Kottayam, on 28 November 2001.
455 Transcript of Conversation between Alice Mathai and Sara Abraham in Alice Mathai's
th
Residence at Kalatheppadi, on 26 November 2001.
106
impact upon my life as a researcher. Dalit Christian women were pouring their grievances
from their hearts while they spoke about the violence and discriminations they
experienced. My listening to the stories of Dalit Christian women helped me to understand
the violence they experience in their lives as Dalit women.
The next section deals with my research strategies.
My Research Strategies
I would like to point out why I conducted a one-day seminar on "Women's suffering." The
one-day seminar on "women's suffering" has created an awareness of how women suffer
in their lives and it was a tool for generating information concerned the violence Dalit
women experience in their lives. It was the first forum for the Dalit Christian women to
talk about the violence they experienced.
The one-day seminar enabled me to make contact with Dalit Christian women and raise
issues of concern with them. It was an eye-opener for Dalit Christian women enabling
them to think about their own suffering, analyse their own lives, reflect and raise issues
related to their own lives. It provided time for them to explore issues together through
group discussions and informal chat.
The semmar also functioned as a means of gaining information about Dalit Christian
women and their informed consent to participate in my research. There was no registration
fee for thirty-two women, who were present in the one-day seminar conducted on 19th
November 2001, at New India Bible Church in Parippu. They could not attend the seminar
if there had been a registration fee. Not only that when they came for the seminar they lost
one day's work and wage. All the participants were asked to fill in the registration forms
for two reasons. First, filling in the registration forms was to get an initial understanding
about the participants in my research. Second, when the participants were asked to sign in
the registration forms, their signatures on the forms gave me permission to use the
information they provided for my research. Those who were unable to read or write were
107
given explanations and assistance to fill in forms and they signed the forms. The one-day
seminar also helped me to identify a few survivors of violence, who became participants in
my later research.
This important day event was intended to start a group process of allowing Dalit Christian
women to gain strength and insight. I circulated questions for group discussions, divided
the participants into three groups, and requested three Dalit women to lead their own
groups in discussion. I divided my time listening to each group's discussion and their
reflections. I visited the three groups and cleared their doubts and explained the questions I
was asking. They discussed all the questions, explored issues related to their lives, and
then wrote down their answers on the sheets provided. They evaluated their own life
experiences on the basis of the questions provided. The group discussions encouraged
them to speak out with self-esteem and courage. When Dalit women discussed questions
and answers in groups, such group discussions gave them strength and insights. When I
read through the question and answer sheets filled by participants, I found that some of
them wanted a private talk with me. Therefore, I could identify a few more survivors of
violence. I did not record the discussions of three groups but I kept my tape-recorder in one
group to record their discussions.
The seminar was conducted with the purpose of enabling Dalit women to share their
experiences voluntarily in public. While I spoke on "women's sufferings" I referred to the
experiences of women, who survived violence and this gave them courage to share their
experiences voluntarily in public. In the afternoon session seven women shared their
experiences voluntarily. I sat in a comer on the floor opposite to the women to observe
them, to listen to their speeches and to record their speeches. Finally, six women reflected
by sharing their opinions about the one-day seminar.
My second strategy was conducting participatory Bible studies amongst Dalit women.
Conducting Bible studies for Dalit women helped me to focus my research on Christians.
In order to explore the violence Dalit Christian women experience, I started the Bible study
groups with two selected Biblical passages, which centred upon the violence against two
women. I expected that these particular scripture portions might provoke the thoughts and
reflections of Dalit Christian women and could encourage them to interpret the scripture,
108
co-relate it to their own lives and lead them to talk about the violence they experience. I
expected Dalit Christian women to interpret the scripture from their own perspectives and
to evaluate their lives on the basis of the scripture studied. My other purpose was to
encourage them to talk about violence against Dalit Christian women and to make them
courageous to unfold their own experiences of violence.
I conducted two Bible studies in New India Bible Church at Parippu on 21 sl and 23 rd
November 2001. Nineteen women participated in the first Bible study and the text was
taken from 2 Samuel 13:1-19, about the rape of Tamar. None of them expected a Bible
study based on 2 Samuel 13: 1-19 and few of them mentioned that it was the first time they
used this scripture portion for a Bible study. The questions given for their reflection were
"If you were in the place of Tamar what would have been your response? What do you
think about this story?"
I refrained from sharing my ideas with them in order to listen to their imaginations and
responses that are contextual. Literate women participated in reading the scripture,
illiterate women and women who could not read without using spectacles listened to the
reading. Dalit Christian women broke their silences by interpreting the scripture, reflecting,
sharing their imaginations, thoughts, and experiences. Thirteen women participated in the
second Bible study conducted on 23 rd November 2001 and the scripture portion was taken
from Judges 19:1-30, which was based on a Levite and his concubine. After reading the
scripture, Dalit Christian women interpreted the scripture from their perspective.
Bible studies were conducted to uncover the violence Dalit Christian women experience.
The use of scripture gave Dalit Christian women authority, power, confidence and courage
to uncover the violence they experienced. It is unusual and indecent in Kerala to talk in
public about sex or sexual violence but scripture enabled them to talk about the sexual
violence, cultural violence and domestic violence they experienced. These thought-
provoking passages encouraged them to share their views and to talk about their Ii ved
experiences. Their memories went back to their childhood, youth and present experiences
and recalled the discriminations and violence they had experienced in their private and
public lives.
The process of Bible study was understood in Dalit Christian culture. Singing is part of the
DaIit culture and Dalit Christian women are good singers. They use their singing talents,
when they gather together in the Church. They clap their hands according to the rhythm.
109
Singing is part of the Dalit culture and it is part of their Christian practice. They release
their tensions and agonies through singing. Elsamma Babychen a survivor of domestic
violence comforts herself by singing Christian songs. 456 Annamma Devasya interpreted the
457
scripture by singing a song that emphasises the desires of women. Kavitha Johnson sang
a seedling song that emphasises the wisdom of a Dalit girl Neele, who escapes from her
young landlord. Dalit women are capable of communicating through songs.
Those present at the Bible studies interpreted the scripture from their perspective. Kavitha,
one of the informants, emphasised the necessity of understanding the meanings of words
and phrases when we study the scripture. 458 She interpreted word by word and asked
questions, for example, "What does it mean in that context?" They interpreted the
scripture, shared their imaginations and thoughts on the basis of the scripture read in the
group. Their daily 'Christian practice' is their biblical commentary and this helps them to
interpret scripture in contextual ways.
The two Bible studies opened up a forum for Dalit women to talk in public of the violence
they experienced and proved that Dalit women have immense knowledge and resources for
survival. Their knowledge and survival resources are based on their daily experiences and
their theories come out of their lived experiences. Illiterate Daht women also had
something to share from their life experiences and they used their wisdom when they
spoke. It is a usual practice for Dalit Christian women to refer to the Bible as they talk with
Christians. They evaluate their own lives and actions, in the light of the scripture they
know.
My third research strategy was to engage in informal conversations with Dalit Christian
women.
These informal conversations were private talks between my informant and myself. I
preferred to use informal conversations instead of formal interviews because if I set out
with questionnaires, it would have threatened the Dalit women and made them resistant to
talking because of their lack of education. When I used informal questions in between our
Two informants requested me not to mention their name or address when I referring to
their experiences and it is essential to protect their privacy for safety reasons. These
informal conversations with Dalit Christian women were simple and straightforward. For
example, when Annamma Devasya approached me in the Church for an informal
conversation, I asked her, "How did you come today? Did you tell a lie today also?" When
I switched on the tape, Annamma started to answer my question, which was informal and
straightforward. She stated, "If I tell the truth, they will not send me to attend this Bible
study.,,459 She told me that she came for the first Bible study by telling a lie to her master.
Her work is washing vessels in the house of a high caste family.
Annamma Devasya's body bears the deep scars of what has happened in her life. In
between our conversations she showed me a scar on her leg and explained how her
husband had attacked her. Although I could not witness the violence she experienced I
realised the depth of domestic violence she went through by observing her scar. Annamma
tried to commit suicide twice because of the violence she suffered. In one instance, she
hung herself by using a borrowed sari and in another instance, she poured kerosene oil on
her body and tried to set fire to herself but she was saved.
Susamma James was silent for a long time in between our informal conversations and I
could learn from her silence that she was holding an unbearable burden. She was very keen
to listen to each footstep outside and when she was sure that there was no one listening to
458 Kavitha Johnson explains the necessity of knowing the meanings of word like "concubine" and
phrase such as "there was no king in Israel." Kavitha Johnson, Bible Study conducted at New
rd
India Bible Church, Parippu on 23 November 2001.
459 Transcript of Conversation between Annamma Devasya and Sara Abraham at New India Bible
rd
Church, Parippu, on 23 November 2001.
111
her from outside then she spoke about the violence she experienced and about the rape her
teenage daughter had experienced. 460
The informal conversations with Dalit women were to enable them to share their life
stories. Robert Atkinson explains why the life story is so important:
The life story as a narrative form has evolved from the oral history, life history,
and other ethnographic and field approaches. It is a qualitative research method
for gathering information on the subjective essence of one person's entire life.
It begins as a recorded interview, is transcribed, and ends up as a flowing
narrative, completely in the words of the person telling the story. It uses a
methodology that is transferable across disciplines and from one researcher to
another. 461
Listening to the life stories of Dalit Christian women is very important in the Dalit context
because allowing them to tell their life stories enables them to be heard, recognised and
acknowledged by the researcher and readers.
As Atkinson writes, "A life story is the essence of what has happened to a person.,,462
Listening to the life story of a Dalit woman is important in my research because she tells
what has happened to her in the past, what is happening to her at present and what she is
expecting to happen in the future. When a Dalit woman tells her life story, her every
460 Transcript of Conversation between Susamma James and Sara Abraham in her Residence at
th
Olassa, on 28 November 2001.
461 R. Atkinson, The Life Story Interview, p. 3.
462 R. Atkinson, The Life Story Interview, p. 8.
112
expenence is shaped in a particular time and space but it is often difficult for her to
remember the exact date and year when things happened. For example, when I asked my
informant Annamma Devasya when she got married, she replied, "I am not remembering
which year." Although marriage is part of her life story and part of her life history she is
unable to remember the date of her marriage. It is impossible to draw a line between life
story, life history or oral history of a Dalit woman because what she remembers is her
'experience.' A Dalit woman's life story or life history is not a written source but it is oral
history and the researcher gains access to this through informal conversations.
Listening to the life stories of Dalit women is also to recognise that these provide a major
source for reflection in Practical Theology. When the researcher listens to her life story, a
Dalit woman has broken the silence and the researcher can learn from illiterate Dalit
Christian women. In order to articulate a theology based on the experiences of the Dalit
Christian women it is important to listen to their life stories.
As Stephen L. Schensul writes:
Narratives and storytelling permit interviewees to speak from experience about
situations that illustrate points important for the researcher's study. Researchers
use narratives to obtain information from the informant's perspective about
. d es f rom b
eplso · · to en d .463
egmmng
Conclusion
The strategies I used in my ethnographic research were very effective in uncovering the
violence Dalit Christian women experience in their lives. However, when I used these
strategies for my ethnographic research, I am not merely observing but also intervening in
their context. My ethnographic research was a call for Dalit Christian women's action and
they started to break their silences by speaking out in the seminar, Bible study groups and
then sharing their life stories with me. In the next two chapters Dalit Christian women
speak for themselves, interpret the scripture from their perspective, explore issues related
to their lives and talk about the violence they have experienced and how their faith has
sustained them and enabled them to survi ve.
CHAPTER FOUR
ONE-DAY SEMINAR AND TWO BIBLE STUDIES
This chapter will present the data generated when Dalit Christian women broke their
silence by participating in the one-day seminar and Bible studies.
th
The one-day seminar (described previously) was conducted on 19 November 2001 at the
New India Bible Church at Parippu. When the Dalit Christian women gathered for the
seminar they covered their heads with the edges of their saris and sat demonstrating their
devotion as if they were sitting in church at a traditional Sunday service. As my intention
was to develop an informal and participative atmosphere I tried to reassure them about the
nature of the day said, "You do not have to cover your head, sit freely: you do not have to
sit with fear.,,464
I began the semmar by speaking about the authority of women's knowledge and
experience and referring to the life-stories of some women who had experienced violence.
In the concluding part of this address I said:
Some of you, those who are here might have gone through different kinds of
experiences from your childhood onwards. I do not know what kinds of stories
and experience you have only you know it. Now, some of you might have a
kind of fear in your mind. 'How can I share my experience in front of these
many women? Is it not bad?' You do not have to be afraid, I will give my ears
secretly for you [listen to you], and whatever you share will be in confidence.
If you want I will not let another person know your name, place, and where
you are from; I will use it only for my research purposes. If you have such
expenences, if you share it, and I listen to it, it is a great help for my
research. 465
After my brief introductory talk, the participants were divided into three groups. Three
Dalit women were asked to lead these groups and questionnaires for the group discussions
were provided for all participants. I divided my time moving between groups and listening
to their conversations. Illiteracy was a problem. Therefore Kavitha, one participant, asked,
464 One-Day Seminar on "Women's Suffering," at New India Bible Church, Parippu on 19th
November 2001.
465 One-Day Seminar, 19th November 2001 .
114
"Auntie, those who do not know how to write, could we write for them?,,466 I encouraged
illiterate women to seek the help of women who could read and write.
In one group, I heard the wife of the local pastor giving traditional instructions to a woman
on how to please her husband: "Prepare the curry that Achayan467 likes and prepare the
food he likes.,,468 Traditionally, like all other women in India, Dalit Christian women are
taught to obey and please their husbands and these conventions are practiced in all spheres
of our society. Gradually, however, Dalit women began to move beyond these traditional
roles and silence in sufferings and began to speak about the violence and abuse they had
experienced.
Dalit Christian women had been frightened to speak before about the experience which, as
Kavitha stated:
We are unable to open up, about what we experienced from [the time of] our
childhood because [I] experienced sexual violence in the childhood itself. We
do not have the courage to tell it to others. 469
Alice Mathai, who does not have her own house, described the violence she experienced
from her brother-in-law, when she stayed with her married sister:
[I experienced] my elder sister's husband's violence and there were many days
I could not sleep [because of the fear that he would attack me]. How can [I] tell
it in the Church? How can [I] tell it in the society? How can [I] tell it to
friends? How can [I] tell it to [my] parents? [I am unable to talk about the
violence to my friends, parents or anyone in the Church or society] If I tell
[my family members] there will be fighting between my siblings. [Their
attitude is] "You forgive" [it].47o
She recalled how she stayed awake for many nights, while others slept at night, because of
her fear of violence:
This experience [physical abuses happened] in many nights, [so] while others
sleep, I am awake. "Are you reading books?,,[they] ask. I read books. I read
books and lay down [so that] no one should touch my body until my mother,
brother or other sisters arrange a marriage for me and give me to a man. It is
my responsibility [to protect my body from the attack of my brother-in-law],
that is why I do not sleep at night. I sleep while others sing and pray. [My
Dalit women experience various kinds of violence from their childhood onwards. For
example, a bus conductor from a high caste molested Kavitha, when she was travelling by
bus to her school:
While I was standing behind everybody, the conductor came; there was a
pencil in his hand and I still remember it. He poked [on my breast] with that
pencil (showing action on her breast). If I say the truth [now, I was ashamed at
that time because] all students those who were sitting behind me saw it [what
the conductor has done]. I am unable to tell [explain], what difficulty I had
[experienced] at that time. I hit him with the box I had in my hand, I gave him
one [slap] because of that sorrow. 472
Kavitha took courage to beat the conductor, who abused her by poking her breast with a
pencil. In response to Kavitha's story, Alice Mathai, another participant in the research
group, also described how she fought back against male abuse in the bus:
Often, in different situations [I experienced] poking and touching [on breasts or
buttocks], [but] I am unable to tell it openly; therefore, I go backward or go
forward [in order] to avoid it [the disturbance by men]. Why do women not
talk [about] the [abuse they experience in the bus]? [Women are afraid
because] people might comment 'She is not good [her character is not good]
that is why [men poke or touch her], we are travelling in the bus [but] why do
men not poke or touch us?' When they ask [this question], [women] those who
tell it openly do not have space in the society and that is [what] today's
situation. When we talk about [the abuse we experience], when we talk about
the society, they think [society consider] that, 'That is our life style [allowing
men to poke or touch in the body].' When I travel in the bus, I stock a safety
pin on my churidhar,473 skirt or sari. It was before my coming to [Christian]
faith. There is a reason to tell [keep] it [safety pin], they [men who are standing
in the bus] lean on [women] and stand [near women] but when the different
parts of man's body is [purposely] touching our body, it is an allergy for us and
in such situations, we [get irritated]. [Once] I poked on the kundi [buttocks] of
a man, even blood came out [from his buttocks] and I did it. I did it because
these kinds of experiences [man touches or pokes woman] are [there] in our
lives. 474
Kavitha shared how Dalits are discriminated against on the basis of their skin colour:
Kavitha argues that discrimination on the basis of the skin colour is the greatest violence in
the society. Physical violence is visible through the scars in the body but psychological
violence is not visible although it causes confusion, mental agony, sadness and loss of self
worth. High caste people treat Dalits according to skin colour and if a Daht woman has
fair skin she might get better treatment than the darker Dalit women. Kavitha states:
Ramani Ammama, our Pastor's wife, these are our caste [Cheramar or Pulaya],
but she is white [light skin colour], and 1 experience that difference
[discrimination], when we get [together] in to the bus. Those who are bom-
again from Syrian Christian background, they won't show it to her and in that
place they will not look caste [but] there they look [skin] colour. That is one of
the biggest violence in today's society. If we can challenge it with this small
[one-day] seminar, or by my Holy Spirit's testimony, 1 am grateful to God. 476
Kavitha complains that high caste Christian women do not respond well to her, when she
greets them:
When 1 go to Kottayam in a bus if 1 see spiritual people [Christians] 1 say
sthothrum or smile but many times 1 murmur to God [when they do not respond
well] "Why did you [God] give [me] this [black skin] colour? But from opposite
477
side they might say sthothrum or anything else.
As the day progressed the women became more confident, when talking about the abuse
they suffer not only at home or in public places but also in Church. Alice Mathai explained
that she is scared, when male pastors keep their hands on her head and pray for her:
1 am scared when [male] pastors keep their hands on head and pray [for me].
Some pastors close their eyes [and some keep them open]. When 1 worship, 1
keep my eyes open and sit [because] we [1] do not know through which
direction the attack would come. Once a pastor, I am not humiliating or
ridiculing him, [when] 1 [looked and] said sthothram to a sahodari,478 [a male]
pastor [was] pampering her from bottom to top. 1 have seen it by my own eyes,
and [he was] speaking [praying] in the midst of the congregation [while others
closed their eyes and praying]. [When 1 saw the pastor pampering her] 1
changed my place and moved to the back because 1 am scared [if he comes and
put his hands on me for such a prayer]. How to tell this kind of topics? How to
tell it to others? The women, who speak openly, they do not have space in the
society. There are many women here, who experience violence [but they are
afraid to tell because if they tell, then they will not have a space in the
society].479
The personal impact of socially sanctioned abuse can be devastating for women. Women,
who are childless, are often humiliated by insults and this is another cultural problem
women face in India. Babykutty explained how she was terrified, when she was unable to
produce a child after her marriage:
I lived in my [married] life for four years without [having] any children. In
those days I faced many difficulties from my husband's people. I had much
oppositions, pains and despairs in my life and often [others used] different
kinds of words [to] hurt me. I was grieving much [inside] and there was a time
I could not bear it anymore. 480
Annamma Devasya was so devastated by her experiences that she tried to take her own
life:
My brother purchased [a land for me at Thiruvanjoor]. Then my husband and I
were living there as a family. Even if we lived [together], it was not a good life
[because] there was no happiness and peace. There were beatings, wrestling,
everyday [we] quarreled and [then] I thought not to live [anymore]. One day
when he went somewhere I told a neighbor sister [lady] that 'I don't want to
live in this world.' She told me that 'Peace is not from here, God will give it [if
you] come with us for prayer.' I went with them to pray for two or three days
but I did not get any peace. I said, 'I do not want to live in this world, I want to
die.' There was not even an old cloth for me to wear (crying) I used to cry and
request [my husband to] buy a kailee 482 and I used to quarrel for it because no
one bought anything for me (crying). I went to a Christian house nearby,
borrowed a sari and I told them that it is [I need a sari] to [wear and] go for
prayer. I [used it, when I] went for prayer for two days. After two days there
was quarrel [between my husband and me]. I said that I do not want to live
again. When he went outside somewhere [I tried to hang myself] on the roof of
that house, it was a small house, and its doors were made out of coconut leaves.
I sent my child outside. I closed both doors [and then] I tied that sari [on the
roof] and hanged myself. When I hanged myself, my child was running around
the house outside. A sister in the neighborhood heard [child's] call 'amme,
amme. ,483 She ran and came but could not open the door, [then] she cut it,
pulled it, I do not know how she [managed to] pull and open it. Then she
caught my both legs and lifted me up, I do not know how [she did it], and then
she untied me. I was unconscious by that time [and then] she gave me water
and helped. Later I recovered from it. 484
th
479 Alice Mathai, One-Day Seminar, 19 November 2001.
480 Babykutty, One-Day Seminar.
481 Machi is a derogative term used in the Malayalam language for a woman, who is unable to give
birth to a child.
482 Kailee is a piece of cotton cloth with stripes to wrap around the waist.
483 Amma is a word in Malayalam, which means mother. When a child calls mom the word Amme is
used in Malayalam.
th
484 Annamma Devasya, One-Day Seminar, 19 November 2001.
118
I was encouraged by the courage of Dalit women beginning to share together their
experiences and how their confidence developed during the day. The one-day seminar
made me acutely aware of the various forms of violence they had experienced and how
these were related. This knowledge was very helpful to me, as I planned two Bible studies,
which were also important occasions enabling me to know the women better and hear how
they reconciled their everyday experiences of violence with their Christian faith.
This study was conducted on 21 st November 2001. I reached the church at Parippu at 9.30
a.m. I saw Kavitha in a dirty nightgown sweeping the church, her husband was dusting the
mats and their little girl was crying for her mother's attention. At 10.00 a.m. Kavitha's
husband left the church with the child but Kavitha was still walking around in the
nightgown. I expected her to get dressed and be ready for the Bible study therefore; I
reminded her that it was time for the Bible study. She understood what I meant and replied
that she had brought her sari and then she went inside the toilet, which is without roof and
door. There she managed to put on her five and half metre white colored sari and came out
within a few seconds.
When I had met Kavitha for the first time at the one-day seminar, her manner and
behaviour revealed her to be a brave, smart and powerful lady. I therefore requested her to
help me prepare for the bible study by purchasing some milk and tea powder. I gave her
the money to buy it. When she returned the remaining coins to me she confessed, "Auntie,
I did not buy milk for a long time, when my baby saw me boiling milk, she started to cry
for getting it. [Then] I took a glass of milk from that because of my child's crying.,,486 I
remained silent in appreciation of her honesty and my realization of the great struggle of
Dalit mother to buy a glass of milk for her little gir1. 487
When Devasya stopped the prayer, all participants said together Amen and then they sang a
489
Malayalam song Anugrahathin adthipadiye, ananthakripa perumnathiye. Praying and
singing are customary practices in the Church but I did not want to follow the traditional
patterns of Bible study.
Dalit Christian women are used to hearing devotional reflections on the Bible after which
they are asked to apply the word of God to their lives by making a personal commitment or
decision. I did not expect my participants to make any traditional commitments or
decisions but I wanted them to talk, reflect and interpret the scripture from their
perspective and explore their own experiences. Therefore, I said in my introduction:
Today's Bible study is a very special kind of Bible study. All of us will read a
scripture portion; we read it in a very different way because I selected a
scripture portion, which was an incident. Therefore, we are not going to read it
as if we read the scripture on Sundays. We need to read it in the same way that
we read a story that happened. 49o
I did not want my participants to follow the traditional way of reading the Bible because
such readings are with much devotion and fear. Women cover their heads, when they read
the Bible in the Church on Sundays. I asked them to read the selected scripture portion as
they would read a story or an incident. I was looking forward to learn from Daht women
488 Annamma Devasya, Bible Study at New India Bible ChurCh, Parippu on 21 sl November.
489 God is the source of all blessings and grace is flowing like a big river.
120
how they interpret and relate the scripture to their own context and how they would
uncover the violence they experience in their own lives.
I made it clear that it was their tum to talk about the particular scripture portion: "I am not
going to teach anything today. You need to talk about the concepts and thoughts in your
heart that relate to this scripture portion.,,491
I informed my informant that I had come to share with them through listening to them and
learning from them: "I came to learn from you. I came to listen to everyone of you" and "I
. more tIme
am usmg . to l'Isten to you. ,,492
I had chosen a scripture portion that vividly describes women's experience and which had
been neglected by male pastors and preachers in India. 493 I said:
We selected a scripture portion, which has not been used by pastors or priests.
As I mentioned earlier, this Bible study is only for ladies. Our Bible study and
seminar are related to a very special topic that is why such a special scripture
portion is selected for today's Bible study. So we have to concentrate fully on
that scripture portion. When you tell your opinion it is better not to go to any
other area. This is not the time for evangelization. Therefore, we have to
concentrate fully on this scripture portion. 494
When I announced the text for the Bible study, "Today's scripture portion is taken from II
Samuel chapter 13 verses from 1_19,,,495 some of them immediately realized that a
neglected scripture portion had been chosen for Bible study. All the participants were
asked to read the scripture portion in rotation as we read a story.
All participants except two women took part in reading the scripture. When the readings
With reference to the sexual relations between relatives in the story of Tamar Remani
Yohannan, the wife of the local pastor, pointed out that even brothers are also men with
feelings:
In my imagination, if I tell my opinion, men, and even if it is my brother he is a
man .. .I can share the experience from my life about my children. I make them
to sit and study and when it is time to sleep, my daughter says, 'I will sleep
with achachen [my brother],' [then I said] 'no daughter you sleep with me.'496
Remani emphasizes that when men are emotional they do not think about the identity of
their victim:
[I think] in my heart suddenly, that these men always have feelings
immediately. For women it is, I do not know how to tell, yes they [women]
have controlling power, but men do not have it. Therefore, man will not think
whether it is mother or sister in that situation, when his feeling is up
[higher].497
Ramani tells that a girl needs to be very careful, when she mingles with men or male
relatives:
It may be [their] own uncles, [who are] mother's brothers, even if it is near
uncles, sister's daughters should not mingle, sit together, talk, or get involved
[with them] in food matters more than a certain limit. 498
Ramani suggests that a daughter must be careful, when she goes to her father's room, when
he is alone:
Beside a husband [she can go to her husband without permission], [but] a girl
should not go to a room without permission, when [her] father is alone, or any
men [alone], father or brothers [when any of them are alone in a room].499
Ramani's advice is not to go to any male's room, when he is alone, but it is impossible to
practise this in an educational and working set up or even within the family environment.
If a daughter avoids going to her father's room, it might damage the trust and harmonious
relationship between the father and daughter.
Ramani finds women's words and their dealings are the causes to attract men. However, it
is impossible for women to be dumb and lifeless objects in order to avoid the attraction of
men.
Ramani states how important it is for a woman to use her insight in her daily life:
One Pastor comes and asks [you] 'Sister, how are you?' At that time there is no
one [no male] at home. Then [the woman replies], 'Brother [husband] is not
here.' [In that situation] there will be change for [male's attitude] and woman
must have the insight to see it, therefore, she can avoid such traps. [For
example] I am telling something about my daughter, I listen to the fourteen or
fifteen years old girl's talks, her make-ups and her walk. If brother and sister
talk a lot, I listen to [their conversations]. Few months ago my elder sister's
son was with us. One day my two children and sister's son, three of them
stayed [in our house] for one night, [when] we were conducting a service [in
the Church]. We returned on the same night after the service. I was worried
because both are sons, and sister's son is [as] my son but I had something in
my mind. I thought, 'if there is an immediate feeling in his mind, my child, my
daughter [becomes a prey for it].' Therefore, I did not stay anywhere [but] we
returned. Therefore, women must have abilities to understand this kind of
movements. If we understand it then we can find ways to escape [from such
traps].501
There is nothing wrong if an unmarried girl talks to a male but it might be worth it to
understand what kind of personality he is; and, then a woman can decide whether it is safe
for her to talk much to him.
Annamma Devasya told a story of how a brother became attracted to his own sister:
All [of you] are saying that they are brother and sister [Amnon and Tamar], it
is right [they are] brother and sister but he does not think in his mind that it is
[his],sister,' [but] he sees her as a prostitute. If you ask 'why,' he asked [her]
to make a cake but he was not hungry for the cake, his hunger was for her; I
st
502 Annamma Oevasya, Bible Study on 21 November 2001.
124
desire [for woman] to live after it. Then if it [rape] is by her brother certainly
either [she becomes] a mental patient or there will not be any desire [for her] to
live thereafter. All of you said that 'Tamar could do 'this' or she could do
'that." It does not mean that Tamar did not do anything and if we read one
more verse we will understand it. " My brother do not do it, do not humiliate
me, do not do this wickedness, this is not suitable in Israel." Then at last it [is
written], he was [physically] stronger than her, therefore, he did balalsangam
[rape] by balalkkaram [force]. It is not told outside clearly, whether she kicked,
beat or punched him, but it is said briefly. 503
Omana states, "We do not know how she [Tamar] reacted to [Amnon]. Could we think
that she said happily 'no problem let us have it [sex]'?" Omana meant that the survivor of
rape would not tell everything in detail and no woman gives consent for rape. For
example, a survivor of sexual violence might not explain what she did to prevent the rape
but usually tells the incident briefly because she is upset and ashamed due to the rape she
experienced. Therefore, survivors of rape or sexual violence do not like to reveal every
detail of the incident to others.
Omana explained how frustrating was the situation of Tamar after the rape:
[When] he [Amnon] hated her later young men sent her out and locked the
door [behind her]. Tamar put ashes on her head and she tore her robes then she
kept her hands on her head, cried and walked. [It was the practice] in Israel to
put ash on head, when there was dee~ sorrow, and when a person keeps hands
on head, that time itself we know it. 5 4
Keeping the hands on head proves that the person is in deep sorrow or danger.
Omana gave the Dalit version of the incident:
He [Amnon] has fever and he wants to drink some water. Achayan [father] told
that 'Darling you take it [water] and give it [to him]. He is [your] brother.'
[Then do we respond to father that] '[No] he will rape me therefore I am not
going [to give water]' then brother could be such a wicked person [to rape a
sister]. It is not said [written] here that he was a wicked man or he should be
such a [wicked] person. It does not mean that such kinds ofgeople are not there
[there might be wicked people, who rape their own sisters]. 5
Omana's view made it clear that Tamar never expected that her brother Amnon would rape
her if she prepares food for him.
Amnon's weakness was desire for the female body and he was determined to get Tamar's
body to satisfy his sexual desire. A man might use any kinds of plans, when he desires a
particular female or when he is unable to control his sexual desires. Remani explained the
feelings of Amnon:
[Amnon] became weak not because of mental sickness, she uses a word for
that, what is that verse? Yes 'mal' he became sick because of mal. He had
feelings about his sex life [therefore], even if it is wife, mother or sister he
wanted to experience the pleasure in his body. When he did not get a person for
that purpose, then he became sick and his body started to become weak. That
time he said the fact, 'it is like this for me,' [Amnon explains his desire for
Tamar], when he said 'it is like this,' then that person [Amnon's friend] gives
an advice, 'You do one thing, this is a suitable way for it, you pretend as if you
are sick, when you are pretending sick all will come to see you. That time you
will get the food you like, when the person comes with the food you like, [take]
little from that.' [Usually] it is woman, who makes food; therefore, when she
comes with food it is a suitable time [for sex]. We understood this many things.
We have to understand that this is the life experience of Amnon. 506
King David did not understand the trap behind his son's request to ask Tamar to come and
cook the food for him.
Kavitha Johnson argues that even David was mistaken, when he sent Tamar to prepare
food for Amnon:
When he asked for food from the hands of a young girl, ten or eighteen years
old Tamar, we need to understand the bad thoughts [behind] it. Not only that
even David was mistaken; he could have saved his daughter. Saving means that
father could have asked [him], 'Son what is your sickness? Why do you need
Tamar to come here? Why do not you tell [ask] it to the young men [to prepare
the cake]?' If [David had asked these questions] such portions might have
been included in [the scripture] but David without [asking questions] sent his
daughter for [Amnon's] deceiving, that is my opinion. 507
Kavitha explains that Tamar did not use her reasoning, when she was asked to go to
Amnon's house for preparing food:
When the king told her, she could have thought that 'Why should I go to
Amnon's house?' Or she should have prepared the food and send it through the
young men [instead of going to his house], 'Why should I go or stay?' Tamar
did not think it. 508
Shame and secrecy are associated with rape or any kind of sexual violence.
Survivors of rape keep the incident as a secret because of the shame, therefore, Kavitha
declares:
Submitting herself means it is not by [her] own will, but a woman submits to
[man because of his] might [force]. Certainly if such situation happened, I
would keep it as a secret even without letting my brother Absalom know it.
God knows the heart, but I would not tell it in front of others because of the
shame. If I were stronger than him I could have escaped from his hands [by my
physical strength]. If I got involved in it by force, I could have kept it as a
secret; this is what I could have done if I were Tamar. S11
Sisly too thought she would keep silent if she were raped as Tamar was:
If such an incident happened I would not tell it to anyone. If our brother did it
we would not tell it to anyone. We would tell it briefly to our mother [but] we
would not tell everything. Sl2
Shame is the cause for secrecy in the lives of the survivors of sexual violence because
society or the one who listens to the survivor's story might degrade her or insult her later.
Sometimes it is difficult for the survivors of sexual violence to produce the proof of the
violence they experienced. Even if they produce any proof, the survivor is still blamed for
the incident and she does not get proper justice. Therefore, a Dalit Christian woman sees
prayer as a solution or comfort for the mental agony she experiences due to rape. If a
brother rapes a Dalit woman, she might keep it secret because she considers the security of
the family.
Leela (not her real name) explained how important it is to secure the family status by
keeping the incident a secret if a brother raped a sister:
If Tamar's situation were in my life, I would try my best not to tell it to others.
As ammama [points out to Remani] said, men have more feelings. She [Tamar]
went to her brother, when there was no one around. When he comes to know
the feelings [sexual pleasure] from sister instead of knowing it from another
woman, then he had more hatred towards her. Sister also hated him. Then such
an incident will not be repeated [because they hate each other after their sexual
relationship]. [This is what] I am thinking. I would not tell it to others because
I think of the society and think of our family.513
When Leela spoke, I saw her facial expressions and that her eyes were filled with tears.
Therefore, later I made an appointment to speak to her personally and to listen to her life
story.
Sheeba explained how she would react if she were in the place of Tamar:
If I was in the place of Tamar and I was asked to make cakes, I would think
[first] it is my brother and I would make cakes for him. After making the cake,
when he asks [me] to bring it inside the chamber, I would think, [then] I would
go and give it inside. When I would be asked to lie down, [then] suddenly I
would think, 'Why is he telling it, asking [me] to lay down?' 'He is my brother,
I did not see him in that way until this time,' 'what is he telling? Why he talks
like this? 'I am not like that, I saw him as my brother.' I would tell [him] 'It is
not possible [I am not willing to lay down with him].' If he tries to defeat me, I
am unable to escape and there is no way to escape. If he defeats me and
destroys my life whom can I tell it openly too? What can I do? My life is
destroyed in this way. Then I hate my brother, and then I would come back to
my house and sit sadly. My family members would ask 'what is the matter?'
but I would not tell the matter to anyone. I would take some decisions in my
heart and I would not desire for a married life because my life is destroyed and
I would not deceive any man [by marring him because my brother raped me
and I lost virginity]. Therefore, I would not marry, and if there were marriage
proposal for me I would tell that I do not need a marriage. I would tell my
brother that my life is destroyed now [hereafter] we will not have any more
relation between us [even as brother and sister]. [Prior to that incident] I
considered [him] as my brother, [but] why this kind of behavior to me [why did
he rape me]? Therefore, I do not need a marriage, but I would not tell to
anyone what my brother did to me, if I tell others it would become a trouble for
[his] life and [my life].514
Sheeba tells that she would try to keep her experience a secret and protect her brother if he
raped her. This shows that Dalit women are hesitant to reveal rape within the family circle
because they are afraid of how the society would treat the survivor and the violator, both of
If a woman uses her wisdom to understand what is in a male gaze or what does it mean
when male stare at woman, then she can be alert any danger or confront the person.
Sisly states woman needs to have the insight to observe and understand what does a man
mean by his particular look at her:
If it happened in my life, whomever it may be, I observe people, when I talk.
Even from long ago in my life, when someone talks to me, I observe whether
the person is looking at my face. We need to observe it whether it is brothers,
relati ves or brethren's because when they look, we can understand from their
looks, we will understand whether their looks are for attracting us. When it
comes like that then we need to avoid it [we need to avoid them if their looks
are for attracting women]. When there is a look we can ask him directly, 'Why
are you looking [staring] at me?' When we ask [this question], he will
understand that 'She understood something, the meaning of my look.' In my
life, when any man of my age or [any man] elder than me speaks, it is my
nature to observe him. sls
It is a cultural practice in India, when woman talk to any male, who is not a relative or not
a husband, she tries to avoid direct eye to eye contact with the male. However, as Sisly
argues, if women are careful in observing the look of men, it might help them to
understand the motives behind men's gaze, glance or look. Women need to be courageous
to read the lines behind the male gaze, glance, look or wink.
Education about sex is lacking among the Dalit girls. Remani gave an example concerning
her ignorance about how a woman becomes pregnant:
When I was studying in class ten, there was an essay on "Indus valley
civilization" to study in Social Studies. There were eight or nine paragraphs for
the Indus valley civilization essay. I was studying for the SSLC exam. [My]
name in the school is Elykutty, and there was a friend named Aleyamma.
When I saw the essay she was reading and enjoying, when three or four
[paragraphs] were over, I told her, 'Give me that in my hand,' she told me
'No,' and she did not show it. [Again] I requested 'Please give it,' however she
gave it. When I read three or four paragraphs, the fourth paragraph was a letter
written to her lover. There was no knowledge for me in those days. I told my
Many Dalit girls are not aware how a woman gets pregnant and it could lead them to
unexpected pregnancy if any rape or sexual contact takes place in their lives, when they are
young.
There is no freedom for a Dalit or non-Dalit girl to write a love letter to a boy who loves
her, before the marriage. Love marriages are not encouraged in Kerala culture. Parents in
Kerala are strict especially with their daughters and they consider that if a girl writes a
letter to her lover before the engagement or marriage it is immoral. When their freedom is
restricted then girls find their own ways to write and pass letters to lovers and sometimes
handing over the books is the medium for exchanging love letters between them. If parents
gave freedom to their daughters and sons to love and marry the person whom they choose
then their human rights for selecting and marrying suitable persons are not denied to girls.
It might take many years for parents in Kerala to become tolerant in allowing their children
to have their own choices in marriages.
Dalit mothers could train their children at home. Remani affirms that it is the duty of
mothers to train the children in the right way:
Each and everyone of our houses is the best training centre to bring up our
children in good ways in their family lives. In our houses we mothers need to
deal with wisdom. Wisdom is the most important route. In the same way along
with Tamar's experience, mothers, I understand one thing, for any reason
except for a job, children should not be allowed to live away from their mother
. 518
be f ore maITlage.
Dalit women think that if mothers control their children and keep them with mothers, such
control might keep the children in the right track. Therefore, Remani listens to the
conversations between her daughter and her son:
516 Edi is a word in Malayalam language, which is used by villagers to call a female, and it is not a
respectful word. Penne means female, and this word is not used by civilized and educated
people in Kerala.
517 R. Yohannan, Bible Study on 21 st November 2001.
518 R. Yohannan, Bible Study on 21 st November 2001.
130
I have a son and a daughter, I tell few things to my daughter [such as] 'do not
talk much,' and children also should not talk beyond a certain limit. [If they
talk much] mothers listen to it, what they are telling. I listen to it, when they
both [daughter and son] talk, my daughter knows that I listen to it, and she is
scared of me. Therefore it is in our mothers' hands [It is mother's duty to listen
to their conversations].S19
Remani considers that the mother has a great role in training the children at home in the
right way.
Remani suggests that housewives need to be careful, when they have sex, and children
should not see parent's sexual relationship:
Housewives, when they 'do' family life [sex], children even if it is three or two
years old; they should not see 'it' in any case. I hope that you understood what
I said. [If they see parents having sex] it will be there in their mind, that is why
five years old, six years old, seven years old, ten years old and twelve years old
children are like this as we said in case of Tamar, what 'mal' that. Therefore,
we need to be careful in what we have to be careful. S20
It is difficult for Dalit women, who live with their children in the one room thatched huts,
to have any privacy for their sexual lives. Darkness in the one- room hut is their only
privacy to keep sex away from the sight of their children.
When the Bible study ended Kavitha commented, "You deceived us."
When the Bible study was over and we had tea together, Kavitha a wise Dalit woman said
in loud voice: "Auntie [Sara], you deceived US."S21 I was embarrassed and asked, "Why do
you say that?" Kavitha replied, "We came for Bible study to learn from you, but you are
learning from US."S22 Then, being a researcher I kept on asking myself, "Did I deceive my
participants? Is it a plot if I conduct Bible study and learn from them?" However, my
conscience convinced me that I was not deceiving since I made it clear to them that I was
there to listen to them and learn from them but I cannot deny the reality that as an
ethnographer I had set my own agenda to identify the survivors of violence, when I
conducted Bible study. I informed them that I am recording the Bible studies and
conversations. I am aware that I conducted the Bible study against the traditional Bible
study, where usually the person who conducts it does all the talking and those who attend it
The second Bible study focused on a Levite and his concubine and it helped to unfold the
experiences of violence Dalits experienced.
I planned a Bible study based on Judges Chapter 19: Verses 1-30 and hoped to encourage
Dalit Christian women to think, reflect, interpret and evaluate their own lived experiences
on the basis of the scripture studied.
As I walked along the mud path on the bank of the canal to reach the Church at Parippu, I
met Elasmma Babychen and Yamuna Babu, who were coming from the opposite side.
Elsamma told me that she was unable to come for Bible study because she was going with
Yamuna and Yamuna has asthma. They told me that Remani, the wife of the pastor,
predicted that there is kaivisham inside Yamuna and her sickness is due to kaivisham.
Therefore, they were going somewhere for praying for the deliverance from kaivisham.
Then Elsamma requested me not to pass this information to Remani regarding, where and
why, they are going. I agreed to their request and then walked forward to the Church. I
arrived at the Church at 9. 35. a.m. for conducting the Bible study from 10. 00 a.m. to
12.00 afternoon. Kavitha opened the Church before 10. a. m. and then seven women
arrived by 10.55 a.m. As with the first Bible study, the second Bible study also began at a
later time because Dalit women were slow to arrive and therefore, I had to wait for them.
At last there were fourteen women including me, who gathered at the New India Bible
Church for a Bible study based on the story of the Levite and his concubine. All of us sat
on the floor in a circle and a tape recorder was kept in the middle for recording the Bible
study. All the participants read loudly one verse each in the first round and the remaining
verses were read by a few in the second round. Later participants were asked to think over
the scripture portion and I asked them to give more attention to the concubine in their
thoughts. They were asked to introduce themselves, when each person shares her thoughts
and reflection.
Dalit Christian women give much importance to tradition such as fasting prayer on Friday
and reading a Psalm, when they gather together in the Church. Therefore, Aleyamma
Mathai said:
I could not come day before yesterday. I could come today [because]
I came for Friday's [fasting] prayer, I never avoid fasting prayer [on
524
Friday], when I came for it, it is this [Bible study]' I am very glad.
I go for Friday's prayer without avoiding even a single prayer, but I do not
know how to talk in a [Bible] class like this. My daughter told me that 'Amma
[mother] don't come [because] there is a class.' I don't avoid any Friday
prayer; therefore, I came by my compulsion [all are laughing when they heard
. ] .5'25
It
Reading a Psalm when gathering together in the Church is important to Aleyamma Mathai,
therefore, she requested: "We came here, let us read a Psalm .... ,,526 I was silent, when
Aleyamma's requested me to read a Psalm because we had to focus on the scripture
portion read in the group.
Dalit women reflected and responded by sharing their views and interpreting the scripture
from their perspective. Alice Mathai explained the context of the event: "It was the time
when there was no king for Israel, no ruler to rule and anything could happen to a country,
where there is no ruler.,,527
J ayamole explains the context of the incident a period of violence because there was no
king or ruler to rule the nation: "When there was no King in Israel, it was a time of full of
injustices and violence." 528
Alice makes a connection with the previous Bible study and compares the context of the
two incidents:
Today's thinking is from the book of Judges chapter 19. In the previous class,
life experience of Tamar made it clear about the wickedness in Israel. This
wickedness should not happen in Israel, if it happens, then it is punishable.
When we see [Tamar's experience], there it happened under the rule of a king
but here [in case of the concubine] we are unable to see a kingly rule or
government rule. In such a time there was that wickedness [happened],
Alice gave her own version of how a concubine's father prevented her from going with the
Levite: "You do not go with him, stay here.,,53o Alice pointed out that concubine did not
like to stay with the Levite and she was a woman who was unable to make her own
decision:
She may not desire to stay with a man, whom she doesn't like, even if we
understand that she liked and desired her husband, she did not want to go [with
the Levite] because of her father's will and word. She had relationship with
other men. She was unable to put in to practice her own decision or her own
opinion. Her future is destroyed because she is defeated by the word of
531
others.
Alice stated that determination is important to achieve any goal: "We can have such a
journey and reach into the destination if we have our own decisions and courage.,,532 It is
important for a woman to have determination and her own decision making in order to
achieve any goal.
When Alice spoke about the concubine and the context, she spoke as a Dalit girl, who
experienced various difficulties in life:
She was taken out, many [people] attacked and humiliated her therefore she
was at the edge of disa~Eointments and came to a decision that there was no
use of Ii ving [anymore]. 3
The plights of Dalit women and their lived-context are clear in this statement, when Alice
spoke about the concubine. When I had my informal conversation with Alice, it was clear
to me that what Alice interpreted in the Bible study group was the reflection of her own
experience as a Dalit girl because she herself is a survivor of violence.
When Kavitha explained the context of the incident she gives emphasis to what was
happening in that land and finds homosexuality as a bad practice:
A farmer received them [Concubine and Levite] in a house; certainly he was a
good man. He certainly knows about the wicked actions of the people of that
land, therefore, he called them to his own house. I think it is [recorded] in the
Epistle of Romans; there is a verse that they exchanged natural intercourse for
unnatural, men committed shameless acts with men [Romans: 1:27].
[Interruption by the child continued, when the child cried, Kavitha took the
child on her lap, opened her blouse, started to breast feed the child and at the
same time continued her talk. Therefore, other participants laughed at her
Kavitha's scriptural knowledge enabled her to point out where the reference was about
homosexuality. Kavitha was bold and proud to breastfeed her baby in front of others as she
spoke to the audience.
Dalit Christian women find that Pastors and preachers avoid this particular scripture
portion, when they conduct Bible studies or preach in the church.
Pastors and Preachers avoid this Scripture Portion, When they Prepare Sermons and Preach
Two participants complained that pastors and preachers avoid this particular scripture
portion, when they prepare sermons and preach. It is essential to explore why this text is
not accepted as a suitable text in the Churches for exploring the violence women
experience. Kavitha stated that preachers never preached from this particular scripture
portion:
We do not know the meaning of many things in this chapter 19, not only that
until today I have not heard anyone preach a sermon from this chapter [Judges
Chapter19]. If some one did it we would have some concepts in our mind, but I
never heard a sermon based on this chapter 19, therefore, I believe that it's
disadvantages are there. 535
Aleyamma Mathai emphasized that it was the first time she listened to a Bible study based
on this particular scripture portion, within her eight years of Christian life and she
appreciated the Bible study:
I am attending this kind of class for the first time. It is now eight years, I have
been baptized but no one taught us this kind of [Bible] class. Usually [we] read
Psalms, I never heard this Chapter 19, and I am not remembering any sermon
based on it. There should be this kind of classes in this kind of gathering. First
of all I am unable to read, I am unable to read even one alphabet [because] I do
not even have spectacles. I would like to tell one thing, if it is like this [Bible
study]' [for] people like us [Dalits] this is a very good time to get [receive] and
give good opinions in our lives. As this auntie [Sara] did, people like her
should come forward, at least visit us once in a month, [then] we will join with
you, this is my opinion. This kind of conference is the best for people like us,
and people like me. Now I am fifty- four years old, it is good for people like
me to listen to this kind of knowledge that is what I have to tell. 536
Aleyamma considered the Bible study as a good time to receive knowledge and give
knowledge.
Dalit women found the answer for why this particular incident is included in the Bible.
This incident is included in the Bible because cutting away one tribe from the other eleven
tribes in Israel is considered as a great event. Kavitha explained why one tribe is cut off
from the other eleven tribes:
Certainly, for all the bad acts of the Benjamin tribe, there should be a proper
response from the Israelites, it was because of that desire he [Levite] made her
in to twelve pieces and sent twelve pieces to twelve tribes. When we read
chapters 19, 20, and 21, they promised in the name of Yahweh that they
[Israelites] should not give their daughters in marriage to Benjaminites and
neither marries the daughters of Benjaminites [Judges Chapter 21: 1]. We can
see that there was a situation, when they say that there is no more such a tribe
in Israel [Judges 21: 6] and this [particular] incident made them to take such a
decision. He [Levite] cut his wife [concubine] into twelve pieces and then sent
it to the tribes in Israel because he wanted to question their injustices; he
wanted to make known to them about their evil acts, so that they would not do
such acts again. The Benjaminite tribe was cut off as revenge [punishment for
their evil acts]. When we read another chapter if [anyone] marry the woman of
Benjaminites [Judges 21: 18], among the Israelites, they keep for marriage the
woman, virgins who come for the festival at Shiloh [Judges 21: 19-22]. There
are other eleven tribes in Israel but they did not take anyone from this
[Benjaminites] tribe as wife. s38
Secluding the Benjaminite tribe from the other eleven tribes in Israel was because of the
wickedness by Benjaminites.
During the time of this Bible study I noticed the practical problems Dalit women have in
reading the scripture.
I observed two practical problems, which prevent Dalit women from reading the scripture.
There are Dalit Christian women, who are illiterate and it is necessary to teach them how
to read and write. Sometimes literate Dalit women are unable to read because they do not
have spectacles and they cannot afford to buy spectacles due to lack of income for their
livelihood. When they struggle for their daily bread, buying spectacles is not the basic need
for them. One Dalit woman, who did not introduce herself, was illiterate and what she said
was" [I] cannot read," and" First of all I do not know how to read." She could not tell
Dalit Christian women repeated in both Bible studies their opinion about mother's role in
the upbringing the children.
Mother's role and father's role is described as different in upbringing the children.
Annamma Devasya too pointed out how important is the role of a mother:
If there was a mother she [concubine] couldn't have gone through the
wrong way, even if she was mistaken, mother should have told it to her
[giving her proper advise], father is unable to tell those kinds of words. 540
Annamma described the role of the mother and the role of the father as different. A mother
is keen to observe the ways of a daughter, and a mother gives moral advice to a daughter.
Even if the daughter made a mistake mother is willing to correct and advise the daughter to
live in the right way.
From a Dalit woman's perspective, Annamma Devasya gave her own explanation why
women become prostitutes.
Annamma states women's desires for various things and money encourages them to get
involved in prostitution.
In order to describe the character of the Levite I would like to bring together extracts from
Kavitha's conversation. Kavitha describes the Levite: "Levite who came and lived in the
interior part of the hill country of Ephraim in Judea.,,543 "He and this woman a concubine
[who lived] at Bethlehem.,,544 Kavitha assumes that the Levite married the concubine:
When it is said that he came again to call her, certainly he might have married
her and accepted her as his wife. That is what we can understand from this. He
is a Levite, even if he stayed in the interior part of the village in Israel, when
we read this chapter, we can, and I understand that he was a good man. 545
Kavitha describes that the Levite accepted the concubine as his wife even if he knew about
her bad character and then he tried to bring her back to his home:
He accepted her, even though he knew that she was a concubine but she was
not faithful to him, the Holy Spirit emphasizes it there, and it is written that his
concubine violated him and committed adultery. But even if his wife was such
a person, he had the desire and love to bring her back, which is what we can
understand [from this]. He had with him servants and couple of donkeys;
therefore certainly he had the desire to bring his wife back. 546
541 Pottu is a mark made on the forehead of Hindu woman by using colorful powders or
sandalwood powder.
rd
542 Devasya, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
543 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
544 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
545 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
546 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
138
Annamma Samuel too considers the concubine as the married wife of the Levite. She holds
traditional views and urged Dalit Christian women to obey their husbands: "If a woman is
married she should obey her husband and live according to his desire." She thinks that after
marriage the husband is to lead and a wife is to follow. She thinks that the concubine
received the right kind of punishment for her evil life because she did not obey and please
her husband and not only that she had sexual relationship with other men.
Kavitha finds that Levite did not care for the concubine:
Whatever problems it may be a person, who loves his wife or forgiving her
mistakes and living with her, certainly should not have given her outside.
When we read from 'there' onwards, her master woke up and opened the door
and came out to go on his way, he did not care for his wife. He did not open the
door with a desire to see where his wife is, he is going on his way and he did
not consider her. 547
Kavitha states that listening to the words of concubine's father deviated the Levite's own
plans to set off:
He should not have stayed there even if that father-in-law compelled him to
stay. There he should not have become a child in his wisdom; he was like
children in it. If he did not have listened to that father's words each day, if he
ignored those words and started his journey early morning, he could have
548
reached his village soon.
Concubine
Annamma Devasya believes that unhappiness in married life could be a reason why the
concubine did not stay with her husband. Annamma points out that:
Even if she was married, there was no desire and mind to stay with her
husband, she returned to her previous life, when she did not get the happiness
in her married life. That is why she returned to home, when her father called
her. 549
Kavitha describes the personality of the concubine: "His concubine was unfaithful to him
and she committed adultery." Kavitha perceives the concubine as a woman unhappy to
receive the Levite when he came to call her back:
When she sees her husband after three or four months, she is not happy. She
accepted him in her father's house, but it is her father who received him
happily. It is not written that when she saw her husband she was glad enough.
rd
547 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
548 Johnson, Bible Study on 23 November 2001.
rd
549 Annamma Devasya, Bible Study on 23 November 2001. Annamma's life story reveals that
what she reflected and shared in the Bible study group was based on her own lived experience.
Therefore, I see a close link between Dalit women's reflection in the seminar and Bible study
group and their daily life experience. Annamma returned to her own home because of the
violence from her first husband. She experienced violence in her married life.
139
Therefore, she did not even have the happiness her father had, when he met the
Levite. 55o
Kavitha argues that the concubine was not satisfied with her life with the Levite: "Even if
he was a righteous man, she couldn't lead a satisfied life with him previously. Secondly
this woman is a person who walks in wicked ways.,,551 Kavitha considers the house, where
the concubine lived, as a place of wickedness: "My opinion is this, that house itself was not
a right house. She did all evil things when she stayed in that house.,,552
Jayamole emphasized that the concubine was not sincere and faithful to the Levite:
When she was living in thonnyavasam [as she likes], that Levite married her.
After marriage also she lived in other ways, he bore much. That is what I
understand from this. Even if she lived thonnyavasam, he forgave and bore
[everything] because he loved her. When she was going home, and when her
father came to take her home, she did not say anything against it. Her husband
sent her home with the expectation that she would become good. She was sent
home but she did not return, therefore, he went with servants to bring her back.
She did not express her love, when he reached there but her father behaved
well and loved him. She did not behave in a loving way to him [Levite].553
Jayamole's interpretation is from Kerala culture because in Kerala State married women
are allowed to return or visit their parents' homes only with the permission of their
husbands. A father, mother, brother, elder sister, son, husband or in-law accompany
women, when they go anywhere away from their husband's home. Sometimes a husband
sends his wife back to her home for character formation and to be disciplined if she is not
good in her dealings and behaviour.
Kunjumani Babu described the concubine as a woman, who had own husband but still
lived as another man's concubine. It was not by her own wish the concubine was given to a
group of men but the old man instead of giving the man, who was inside his house, offered
the concubine. 555 She meant that instead of giving a man to men for homosexual
relationships, the old man gave the concubine to the men for heterosexual relationships.
Kavitha considers concubine's experience of rape and death a punishment from God: "God
punished her for her evil ways in the same way, that is what I understand from this.,,556
Ramani also sees the concubine's death as a punishment from God: " At last for what
purpose she had given her body (sex with other men), she was ridiculed by the same cause
in front of others.,,557 Ramani meant that the concubine was a woman, who had sex with
many men therefore she was punished by the same action and a group of men raped her
and then she died due to rape.
Ramani reasons that the concubine was punished to cause the people in that land to repent
from their sins:
There is no other punishment for God or any court to give them more than this;
it was done like this therefore, the people in that land were afraid. Not only that
if we read the Bible, it is [punishment given to the concubine] a fear for the
following generations because if this chapter was not written in the Bible, we
would not have thought this much about it. Therefore, what we can understand
from this chapter is, along with that punishment, in those days whole people
manasantharappettu [confessed or repented]. Later, we, the following
generations, the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, the people who live until
today, those who read the Holy scripture everyone has an inner fear.
Therefore, my opinion is this; it is very good that this truth Holy Spirit
recorded [this incident] in the Bible. 558
Remani finds that the punishment given to concubine was the most suitable one and such
punishment became a cause for others repentance. Remani claims that the sinner must be
punished according to the law.
What I understand from this Chapter is, first of all children of God should not
leave the laws of God. When Moses received the commandments at Mount
Sinai, 'you should not commit adultery, you should not desire anything which
is your friend's, you should not swear,' if we speak the reality, these three
commandments were for the Israelites to put in to practice. They did not obey
it. Secondly, another thing to understand from this is, in Old Testament times
even if there were no Kings or no other authorities to rule over them, there is a
God at heaven, who has authority over them. Even if it was the situation of
warfare without a leader, God had given pramanam [rules and regulations] for
them and they forgot that pramanam. They could not believe in that pramanam
therefore, the sin after sin increased. At last her own husband made that woman
in to pieces even if she was the concubine and the husband is the one who did
it. Therefore, whether it is father, mother, wife or own daughter whoever it
may be, if a mistake is done against the pramanam, he or she should
experience the punishment; there is no exemption for anyone from that
Dalit Christian women give importance to obey the laws of God and in their view there is
no exemption from the punishment for anyone, who disobeys the laws of God.
Dalit women co-related the Bible study to their practical life. Aleyamma Mathai makes a
link between the Bible study and the practical life of Dalit women:
That girl was brought up in a place, where there was no mother for her,
children without father and mother, mother is the refuge. Not only that never
send girl out, if he was a right husband he could not have send her out. Even if
he sent her out he could have watched for her suddenly what they are doing. If
someone is sent from our home we need to watch, it is not during the dawn
time to watch. Was it not because of it there was such a scenery [incident]? Our
women, I was disturbed when I heard it, we also have girls, we give them in
the hands of these kinds of good people, if the girl is bad, what we think when
we give her to someone. In return when we hear this kind of news what a
difficulty [dilema].560
The Bible study on a Levite and his concubine provoked the thoughts of Annamma
Devasya and she explained how Dalit mothers in the past suffered slavery and became the
survivors of sexual violence by the landlords. Annamma Devasya pointed out:
I would like to tell one thing because when I listened to this class, my thoughts
about the olden days were overwhelming in my mind. What our parents
experienced in olden days, in those days they lived as adiyanmar [slaves] in the
houses. Our mothers and grandmothers all suffered, that means [there are]
difficulties that come in the lives of slaves. In those days also our ladies were
beautiful. In those days the landlord of the slave cast out the slave [man] and
then he creeps in to the house of the slave because our ladies were beautiful. 561
Dalits were slaves in Kerala State and the previous generations too experienced slavery
even if slavery was stopped according to the law. Annamma keeps the fresh memory of
how her parents suffered slavery under the landlords in the Kerala State. Dalit women were
treated as objects of sexual pleasure for high caste men.
Landlords used the female Dalit slaves for their pleasure by sending their husbands away
from their huts. The present generation is not aware of what happened to the Dalit female
Dalit women, who did not have any source of income to provide food for their children,
submitted themselves to the sexual exploitation of the high caste men. Annamma Devasya
shared her experience of poverty and she witnessed Nayars, one of the high castes, visiting
her hut for sex with her widowed mother, who was poor:
I am telling my own experience. When I was twelve years old my father died.
When I was twelve years old, those days I may be in class four, I did not know
much, there was no wisdom to go to school. Then there was no kanji,563
sometimes my mother purchased one parippuvada564 for me and took me to
school. Why is it I am telling it clearly now, you don't think anything bad
about it [what I am speaking now]. My mother. .. in those days my mother did
not stay for it [sex], now only it is coming clear in my mind, those times we
stayed in the place of Nayars, and their melaru [elder] came and sat on our
veranda. You do not think anything [about what I am telling], it is clear in my
mind now [I have a clear understanding of it now], and if I had today's wisdom
in those days, he would not have sat there (Women burst into laughter), if I tell
he would not have sat there means ... [incomplete sentence]. In those days our
livelihood was because of removing the coconut from his coconut trees [Dalits
were paid for removing coconut from the tall coconut trees]. Today it is not
possible [Dalits are not ready for this kind of job]. Whatever coconut [double
meaning] he gives, we will not accept his [coconut]. [If he comes now for sex]
Annamma Devasya explained that Dalits were not allowed to go to school in olden days:
In those days we could not study. If we wanted to study [it was not possible
because] it was the time of pollution [untouchability]. If we wish to go to
school our children were allowed to sit one mile away [from high caste
children], but we could learn only by listening [hearing] to the voice [of the
teacher]. Then, Ambedkar, during the time of Dr. Ambedkar [there was change
for that situation] why, it was because of the education, and in those days, they
[Dalits] sat seven feet away from the school, what they heard from the school
they wrote it down, they learned and got educated [Once Dalits never had the
privilege to go inside the class room to study but they could stay away from the
school some where out side, listen to the voice of the teacher and learn in that
way]. I heard from others, my mother never had the chance to go to school, my
father also did not go, and in those days it was impossible to go [to school].
Only those who are very brilliant could learn the lesson of class one. Today we
got the authority [permission] to go to school, we got the authority to study,
and we got the authority to wear clothes. 566
Dalits were put down in their education and in their way of dressing because of their caste
identity and such treatments by the high caste people were inhuman. Even if now things
are different from the olden days but still there is a long way to go forward for a complete
transformation in the situation of Dalits in India. Transformation could take place if some
high caste reformers and Dalit leaders challenge together the evil caste system. If Dalits get
the full support and co-operation from the reformers, who are fighting against the evil
practices, it can create awareness in the society that Dalits are humans created in the image
of God.
Forcing Dalit women to be bare-breasted was another kind of cultural oppression in Kerala
State.
Annamma tells that Dalit women were bare-breasted by compulsion: "In those days we
were not allowed to wear any dress, then we wear something above the knees." Annamma
explains why Dalit women were bare-breasted: "We could not wear clothes in those days
because they wanted to see our breasts, that is why they did not allow us to wear clothes;
they wanted to see the breasts of the slaves."s67
Dalit female slaves could not cover their breasts because the evil system did not permit
them to do it. Masters treated Dalit slaves as animals and used them as bullocks to plough
the land. They could use their slaves for any purpose because slaves were powerless
human beings, where masters were powerful Lords over the slaves.
Alice Mathai explains that the society hates the sinner but God forgives the sinner: "No
government, no rule or even no Church [forgives the sinner], when this kind of people
commit sins, God only forgive them."s68 Alice is right because when a Dalit woman gets
involved in prostitution due to poverty, society and church exclude her and consider her
sinner but they do not evaluate why she went for such job. God is the one who forgives the
sinner and understands the situation of Dalit woman, who goes for prostitution.
Conclusion
There were mixed responses from Dalit women to the scripture portions studied in the
Bible study groups. The one-day seminar and two Bible study groups started to uncover
the violence Dalit Christian women experience. Dalit women interpreted their everyday
experiences on the basis of the scripture they studied and discussed in Bible study groups.
I would like to refer briefly to a few of the significant lessons apart from what has been
explored throughout this chapter. I learned from the Bible study groups that the sexual
violence, domestic violence and cultural violence has a great impact on the lives of Dalit
women.
First of all I learned that Dalit women are the silent survivors of the sexual violence.
Secondly, some Dalit women might try to commit suicide because of the shame and
disappointment they experience due to rape. Two unmarried girls stated that if rape
happened to them they would commit suicide. I learned from their comments how
important it is to explore the reasons behind any Dalit woman's suicide.
Some Dalit women, who are the survivors of sexual violence might tum as criminals in
their lives. Alice Mathai told that she would have revenge forever and she would try to kill
the person who raped her. In certain cases Dalit women might tum to criminals or
violators due to the sexual violence they experience. Therefore, I learned that violence
might lead to another violence, where survivor of violence turns to a criminal or the person
who takes revenge.
Some Daht girls might avoid marriages because of the rape they experienced. One Dalit
girl commented that she would stay unmarried if someone raped her. Her comment made
me understand that there could be unmarried Dalit women, who avoided marriages because
of the rapes they experienced. They avoid marriages because of the fear that husband,
family members or the society might humiliate them, when they come to know about the
rape taking place.
Some of these women find that it was a right punishment given to the concubine because
she was an unfaithful wife to the Levite when she had sex with other men. There were
women who thought that the Levite was not a faithful lover to the concubine. One woman
responded that the concubine was unhappy in her married life with the Levite. That was the
reason she did not want to stay.
However, Dalit women's life stories in the next chapter reveal in details that they are the
survivors of violence.
146
CHAPTER FIVE
LIFE STORIES
This chapter is based on the life stories of six Dalit Christian women, all of whom are
survivors of violence. First of all this chapter recounts the life stories of two women, who
are survivors of sexual violence within the family. Secondly, it deals with the life stories of
three women, who survive domestic violence, such as wife battering, at home. Thirdly, it
analyses the life story of a woman, who is the survivor of cultural violence.
Leela569 is a Dalit Christian woman from the Cheramar (Pulaya) caste, who is thirty-three
years old, married to a Pastor, and the mother of two children. Leela studied up to
S.S.L.c. 570 and is now a housewife. 571
When she was asked to tell her life story Leela started with a story of the violence she had
experienced in her childhood. She pointed out that it was the first time in her life that she
had shared this experience with anyone:
Within these thirty-three years it is at this moment I am telling it. I have a case
that bums within me today also. When I pray in the presence of God, always I
have a thought that 'I am a sinner.' Let me share it openly now. 572
The joint family system can be a seedbed for nurturing sexual violence against female
children and women. Leela told me that her experience of sexual violence originated in a
joint family arrangement:
My parent's family was a Jomt family. My father's family included
grandfather, grandmother, father's brothers and sisters. It was a family that
lived with difficulties and I had its [setback] experiences because of the joint
family. If I had today's knowledge in those days it [sexual violence] would not
have happened. When I was in class three or four, from that time onwards my
father's brothers [used me]; they [the uncles] are elderly people now and I hate
569 Leela is not the real name of the participant; name is changed for safety reasons.
570 Secondary School Leaving Certificate.
571 Leela, Registration Form, One-Day Seminar on ''Women's Suffering," Parippu: New India Bible
th
Church, 19 November 2001.
572 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and Sara Abraham at Leela's Residence in
th
Kottayam on 28 November 2001.
147
to look at their faces. He is my father's brother, now he is nearly fifty years
old. In those days I was in the age of studying in class three and his age at that
time might be thirty or thirty-five. In those days we were living a joint family,
when my parents were not at home, I was attacked, attacked means sexually in
every way and I am unable to tell it to others because at that time I lived by
depending on all. There was no love between my father and mother. They were
not in good tune because of doubting each other. They hated each other
because of the difficulties in their lives. Therefore, from my childhood
onwards, I was careful to avoid such situations [any quarrel], that is why [I
had] this kind of experiences from my father's brother. My father's brothers,
both of them one after another used me. Now, when I think about it, what had
happened in my life, that troubles me. Those time and now also I do not tell it
in order to avoid quarrel. 573
Leela could not talk to anyone about the sexual violence she experienced because her
violators threatened her life. Leela states that the sexual violence by her uncles continued
even after she moved away from the joint family:
[Uncles] had sexual relationship with me. I know that. I was attacked. They
used me as they liked and I was scared. If it were today, I could stand and
speak it straight away. In those days, it was impossible to utter even a single
word against father's younger brothers due to fear. It was not possible to tell
anything because of the fear. When they come back home at night after work,
there was no separate room for anybody but all [of us] used to sleep together
[in the same room]. I slept with father and mother but there were occasions
[uncles could do anything to me], when my parents went for work and they
were not at home. If uncles could not go for work, they would do wicked
things [sexual abuse] to me according to their age. They did whatever they
wanted to do to me. After that I was threatened not to tell it to anyone. 574
Leela describes how the sexual violence by her one uncle continued even after she left the
kuttukudumbam Goint family):
When the youngest uncle came home I used to run and hide; my parents and
others did not know about it. I was told that if someone comes to know about
it, he would kill me or he would do that or this [he would do any kind of harm].
I was scared when I heard it. One day while I was having bath inside the
thatched bathroom I knew that he is back [at home], then there was no sound of
pouring water [I did not pour water on my body in order to avoid any sound]; I
controlled my breath and stood still. He came in and called me and did
everything [sex], as he liked; it was inside the bathroom. He took the bath
towel by force from my hand and pushed it inside my mouth. [My] father and
mother had gone to the field for work. My four brothers used to go [out] and
play; two [of them] are elder to me. My own brothers did not know that their
own uncle would do such things. They [uncles] are of my brother's age. One
day this disturbance was stopped. My father and mother used to quarrel always,
therefore, there was no peace; in such a situation how can I talk about this
matter? As I was sleeping at home [with my family], my younger uncle was at
home. When it was midnight he got up and drew near me. I knew it was him
when [I felt his] breath. When some one comes home, I get worried because I
The sexual violence Leela experienced in the childhood demonstrated that the joint family
could be a context for sexual violence in the lives of female children. Leela's ignorance
about sex was another contributing fact leading to sexual violence by her uncles.
Leela came to know about sex when she had her first menstruation. Leela's mother advised
her to be careful and explained what sex was and how babies are born. When Leela
listened to her mother, she realised that what her uncles had been doing to her was sex and
then she was afraid of pregnancy:
It was not a touch but a proper [penetration] in all the way. When I began to
menstruate my mother told that if female and male join together in this way,
babies are born. When this much was told, then I understood [what sex is] and
then there was a great fear in my mind [whether I would become pregnant].
Oh, God it did not happen, what would have been my life in such a
situation?576
Leela is not yet relieved from the psychological effects of the sexual exploitation she
experienced in her childhood.
Leela experienced difficulty adjusting to life with her husband after her marriage because
of the sexual violence she had experienced from her uncles. After the marriage she could
Although Leela's family is in financial difficulties and she fears the bank will confiscate
her house and belongings if they are unable to pay back their debt,579 Leela explains what
troubles her more than everything at present is her childhood experience:
I have peace now, if it [house and property] is going, let it go. I depend on the
word of the Lord. I will see the new sky and new earth and I comfort myself in
that way. We may loose everything we did by our own hand [house and
property] but still I [keep] smiling and get comforted ... My husband has a bit
of an angry nature but he loves me more. This debt is not a problem for me but
my childhood experience is still threatening me. 580
Until I listened to her story Leela had not found anyone, with whom she could share her
experience of sexual violence that continues to threaten her daily.
Leela gained courage through talking about the experience of sexual violence and started
to overcome the fear and insecurity, which had prevented her from sharing her experiences
of sexual violence with her parents, husband, pastor or any friends. She feared that if she
disclosed it to others her uncles would do all kinds of harm to her. If she shared it with her
husband, he might accuse her and despise her or their relationship would be damaged. If
Even if Leela is leading a happy family life 581 at present she thinks it is wise not to share
her experience with her husband:
Some times I think that why do not I tell it, why do not I tell it to Babuchayan
[husband]? Then I think is he not a man? If he gets something in mind, then he
will behave accordingly. When man [husband] gets angry, he could humiliate
me by 'referring to what I tell,' and using 'this' is enough. 582
Leela finds that fear prevents her from disclosing her experience to anyone:
These kinds of experiences [experience of sexual violence] are unable to be
shared because of fear. I should have told my family and avoided such things
but we lived by depending one another because of the joint family. Therefore,
if I tell, it would affect my mother by thinking that I did not tell it. If I tell [it to
anyone] my father's brothers are rowdies [and they might harm me].583
Leela explained that her parent's quarrels and father's violence against her mother also
damaged the peace of her childhood. Leela explained how she tried to kill herself because
of her unhappiness:
When my parents returned after work, I am at home. When they return, the
reason for their quarrels are [silly] like 'Did not go to shop' or 'Did not
purchase things.' [Father] tell one thing and for the second saying [he takes
sickle]. I can be proud and say that there is no other good man like my father
but he has this kind of bad habit taking the sickle suddenly. He gets angry. It
might be due to my mother's voice and words; I can't say that it is not because
of it. .. I decided to die because I did not want to see my parents fight. I decided
581 Leela tells: "Now [we are happy] and there is no problem." Transcript of Conversation between
Leela and S. Abraham.
582 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and S. Abraham.
583 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and S. Abraham.
584 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and S. Abraham.
585 Transcript of Conversation between Leela and S. Abraham.
151
how to die. I took a thorthu,586 my house was on the banks of a canal, and there
was some field and a pool. I went there and sat with thorthu. I pushed that
thorthu inside my mouth. At that time one of our neighbours, who likes me,
called. I thought that I would go inside the canal in the struggle to die. There is
mud [inside the canal]. I expected to go inside the mud in the canal. She saw
that my eyes were bulged and then she took me. Then she asked, "What did
you do? Why do you bother if father and mother are doing like this [quarrel]?
You should not do this kind of work [do not kill yourself] by thinking that
[about parent's fight]." I had that kind of experience, and in such occasions
[whenever I try to kill myself] some one comes and saves me. 587
Leela finds strength and guidance by reading the Bible. The scripture became a source of
strength for her survival while Leela faced difficulties at home:
There was disturbance from parents and there was no peace at home but I had a
thought to do Gospel ministry. I desired to have a Bible. When I started reading
the New Testament, I asked for a [full] Bible. When I got the Bible I wanted to
go for gospel ministry.588
Prayer, singing and reading the Bible are the sources of strength for Leela's survival. Leela
declares that:
I will not tell any other human being these difficulties I experience now.
Whenever there are problems in my life, I tell it in the presence of God. This
morning also there was a talk between us [Leela and husband] that 'Why do we
have to tell our matters to others?' We need to make peace and we need to
comfort ourselves, even if we tell it to anyone, there will not be a solution. I sit,
pray and cry in the presence of God, I find peace by doing this and when I sing
a song my troubles are gone. 589
Kavitha Johnson
The next survivor of sexual violence is Kavitha Johnson. She is a twenty-six years old
Dalit Christian woman from the Cheramar caste. She studied up to class eight and her
present partner is Johnson Thomas, who is thirty-eight years old. Both of them are daily
wage labourers and they have one child. 59o Kavitha's childhood was difficult because her
parents lived in the joint family and there were also quarrels between her parents.
Kavitha's father had the heavy responsibility of looking after his own wife, four children,
his parents, a sister and her four children, and his father's brother. Kavitha explained how
she went to her mother's home:
Therefore, looking after these many people, this heavy responsibility was on
my father. There is nathunporu591 between the in-laws in our Kerala State.
Therefore, they did not like it when my mother was there. My father has two
sisters and they gave bad reports about my mother. What I am telling now is
the knowledge I got through the sayings of my mother and mother's people.
They all said that my mother's character was bad, therefore, my father doubted
my mother and started to beat her, and in that way he took the four of us to my
mother's house. 592
Kavitha shares her memory about her childhood how she lived in a 'culture of quarrel':
My mother has four brothers, two younger sisters, and one elder sister; they
are eight children, parents and we were in their midst. If my mother's sister
was sent away by marriage, my mother's one brother married and brought one,
[including her] three, they have one child, the eldest one is of my age, my
uncle's daughter. When we lived there, father's sister and children were a
burden, but when we came here, we became a burden for my mother's brother
and children. They did not have their freedom there [at home] because these
many members were there, they are eight, [including] mother and father ten,
[including] daughter-in-law eleven, [including] their child twelve, and we are
four, [all] together [there were] sixteen [people]. Was it not necessary to feed
sixteen stomachs? Therefore, there [all] experienced the difficulties of it in the
li ves. It was the house for their freedom but we were a burden there. Therefore,
they quarrelled with each other over every single item. 593
Rich and high caste men, when they get involved in sex with Dalit women, ignore caste
and untouchability. Kavitha explains how rich people sexually exploited Dalit women and
how her mother became part of this degrading system:
When I became grown up, I understood one evil thing; that there was an office
of a rich man in the eastern side of our house. There was his office and [he] had
about hundred acres of farm. My grandfather was the guard for that farmland,
and my mother used to work there. She worked there day and night. During the
harvest time, they had to collect grain, clean it, and do many other things. Yes,
I have seen the situation, where they worked without any difference between
day and night. The people, who come there for the agriCUlture, were Christians,
Nayars, Kuruppans and high caste people. Then there were other people
[Dalits] for all other work except the work in the paddy field. There was
591 Nathun means sister-in-law and poru means fight. Nathunporu is a Malayalam word, which
means the fight between sister-in-Iaws.
592 Transcript of Conversation between Kavitha Johnson and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New India
Bible Church, 2ih November 2001.
593 Transcript of Conversation between Johnson and S. Abraham.
153
friendship with such people. But later I understood one thing. There were so
many people who come from far away for this work, and they make
[temporary] house to stay. There were many acres of land for harvest and
seedling. When they stay there, rich men go in for physical relationships with
the [Dalit] girls who come there and they are brought for that purpose [sex],
but outside [in public] it is said that they are brought for work. That is one side.
It is right that they are brought for work, but, in those days, I did not know
things clearly. Later many told of it. I am speaking this on the basis of what I
saw at that time. Therefore, my mother also was a slave to that bad custom. My
mother's people speak about her innocence, mother was innocent, and my
father left my mother because of their [own family's] pressure and the pressure
f rom h·IS ·
SIsters. 594
Dalit women, who are treated as 'untouchables,' may consider the sexual contact of the
high caste men as a privilege to break the untouchability.
Poverty and financial difficulties are other factors encouraging Dalit women to have sex
with high caste men. Kavitha said that her mother used to talk little to own children and
Kavitha could not understand the personal difficulties of her mother:
My grandfather, mother's father constructed a house in five cents [of land]; it
was on the eastern side of the canal. I started to go to school, when we were
staying in that house. In those days my mother used to speak very little at
home, if I say 'very little,' that is she spoke [to us] only when it was very
595
necessary. I did not understand what she experienced in her private life.
Kavitha explains the incidents she witnessed and how an Ezhava Hindu male visited her
mother at night for sex:
There was an incident when I was studying in class eight and I was studying at
Kumarakkam. One-day night, when I was studying, I did not know what was
the time but I know it was midnight. I saw a person opening the door of the
room, where we were laying down, and he came in. Then I did not know
personally anything about it [why did he come in]. I thought 'why has he come
in, who might be he, what might be it.' I heard about bhuutha pretha
pisachukkal [devil, the soul of the dead person, and Satan] that came first in to
my mind. After sometime, I heard the sound someone knocking on the kitchen
door. Next day again at the same time [he] came. I saw [him] on the following
day also. I have seen him on those days, but I did not know why this person
came. It was over, and then I did not think much, when I was studying. I did
not know that he comes like this [for sex] and I did not know anything about it.
When I heard from others and my friends about the things that happen in
different places, I started to think. Then I thought about it, 'there is an incident
like this in my house, I need to find out what it is, I need to find out it' and this
thought was there in my mind. One day it happened [again] and I have seen it
by my eyes. When the door was opened, he opened the door and came in, I
saw, when my mother lifted the lock of the door. When I opened [again] my
eyes and [my mother] opened the door, there was nice moonlight outside
therefore I saw the person, who came out. He was sent for switching on the
When Kavitha came to know that her mother was involved in the sex business she started
to hate mother.
In her childhood Kavitha confronted her mother concerning her involvement in the sex
business. However, Kavitha's mother's life style had developed because of the financial
difficulties she faced. When she had sex with men, it brought in some income to rear her
children. However, Kavitha could not understand the life style of her mother. Later
Kavitha kept a knife under her pillow to attack the man who came for sex with her mother:
I kept a knife, which [I] used for harvest, under my head. [I will kill him] by
one cut if he [Ezhava man] comes again. When he knocks [the door] and calls,
I will do as my mother did [opening the door] and then I will take the knife and
cut him. I took that decision in my mind to cut and kill him but it did not
happen [he did not visit] for many days. One day the door was opened but I
was unable to do anything. Even if I thought like this and lay down, I could not
get up or call my mother; there was no strength for it. The strength I desired in
my mind was destroyed. I became very sad and did not tell anything. After
sometime he left. I told my mother, 'Amma [mother], I know everything now.'
She did not say [reply] anything. I said that 'Thirteen year old me understand
everything that I see.' She asked me 'What did you see?' Then she disliked me
and there was revenge. She asked 'What did you understand?' I asked her, 'Is it
not because of this [evil habit] my father left you and you are staying here?' I
cried so much on that night. On that day my elder brother and sister were [not
at home, they] went to my father's house. Once in a while, my father's people
came and took them. We little ones were with our mother. I asked my mother,
'Amma, was it not because of your bad character, you are brought and left here
and we are ridiculed in front of others? Is it not because of your character we
are humiliated by others?' I cried so much on that day. My younger brother
also cried. I told my mother, 'I do not want to live anymore, I will go and die
somewhere, you gave the space for others to talk about you, it is a shame. If my
friends come to know about it they will not mingle with me.' Not only that the
person who came his daughter is one of my close friends; her name is Sandhya.
Therefore, I was disturbed much. I spoke and cried much. Then my mother
replied, 'I did not have this character in early time, I had a good character, but
your father made me like this, I never went to anyone. I went because such
situation came and it was a burden for me to bring-up all of you. I could not
send you to others, that is why I have done this.' Later that man did not come
to our house. When I saw him next day, there was a long and big iron rod in
our house. My grandfather used that long and flat rod for grinding the
murukkan, 597 it is long and thick rod. I took that iron rod and showed him,
when he was coming in front of our house. My mother was at work. After
Kavitha's boldness prevented the Ezhava man from continuing his sexual relationship with
her mother.
Later when people came to know about her mother's character, they were ostracised by the
society. Kavitha tells about the seclusion:
Everyone slowly came to know my mother's matter, what had happened
secretly for many years. When it was widely known among people in that
599
locality, they stopped co-operating with US.
Kavitha then shared how the isolation led her to develop her first love affair with an
Ezhava boy:
Like that, at that time [while we were living in seclusion], a man named Aji
used to come to our house. He used to come to a house, where my Auntie is
related. He used to come and stay in our house too. Gradually, I began a love
affair with him. Some times we were in deep love but he did not do anything
[no physical contact] and did not tell it to me. I became the centre of his life.
There was no co-operation for me with my mother, then there was my younger
brother, there was no co-operation with the people in the locality, in such a
situation I got him as a companion, therefore, and I loved him sincerely. I was
unable to leave him but I could not understand the evil and deceiving, which
exists in the hearts of people. I understood that the one who smiles at me [Aji]
loves me. Today I understood the wickedness and deceiving in it but I could
not understand it at that time (Crying).6oo
Kavitha explains that she could not understand the hidden agenda of Aji, when she eloped
with him:
When I come to know that he is going to marry someone, I was so much [sad]
then I thought [if he marries someone] there is no meaning in living. He will
marry someone, then I do not have any co-operation with local people, there
was not even that much co-operation with my mother, even if I talk to her I am
detached from her mentally; it was a wide gap and we could not co-operate. I
was sad because she [mother] was hiding everything from me. There was none
to love us, as is a mother's duty, usually a mother loves her children but my
mother spoke to us rarely. If I do anything opposite, I have the love towards
my youngsters; I loved three of them. In such a situation I thought when this
man loves me sincerely, [I would elope] with him, then I went with him. He
was very loving to me at that time; I could not understand any deceiving. He
took me to his house in a loving way.601
Later Kavitha discovered that her lover was a drug addict and that his love for her was not
real:
Later the physical relationship [sex] was like animals. Therefore, I hated [him].
My hatred to him increased day by day. One day I went to wash his shirt, then I
saw a packet, I took the packet, opened and looked it. There was something
like small round seeds, it was dried, it had the colour of cumin, it was not
coriander seeds and there was a packet of it. I took some in my hand, there was
his elder brother and wife, and [their] children went to school. [When] I bite it,
there was a sensation in my tongue. I asked chettan [his elder brother], 'Chetta
what is this? Is it anything for seedling? Is it the seeds of any vegetables?' He
took it from my hand, he pressed it with his finger and he looked at my face for
sometime and then he was crying. I did not go to his [partner's] house, this is
his eldest brother [we were staying in elder brother's house], and he lives with
their three children. Then chettan told me, 'This is kanjavu [drugs]. He uses it
regularly. This [drug] is the cause for his character changes and he is a slave to
it. He has been using it for many years. Even if we tried we could not redeem
him from this character. We thought that he would be redeemed when you
[Kavitha] are here. Therefore, we did not stand against his wishes. We agreed
thinking that there would be changes in his character when you are here but
there is no change for his character. If you have not changed his character, it
will not change in your lifetime. ,602
Kavitha had to survive the violence of her partner and physical attacks from two other men
living in the same house.
An Attack by Relatives
When Kavitha shared her plan to leave violent partner and return home, her partner's
604
brother desired to live with Kavitha. When her brother-in-law requested she go with him
Kavitha replied: "No chetta [brother-in-law], it is not possible to be the wife of two
Kavitha experienced the physical attack of her partner's brother-in-law because her partner
permitted him to do anything to her:
His [partner's] younger sister and husband came home and stayed. She made
some problem in her house and could not agree with her mother-in-law. Later
there was a day of violence [I experienced violence]. She used to go for work
in the morning and come back at nine at night. His mother goes for work and
comes back by 7.00 p.m. Even if his father is there [at home] he is unable to
see and cannot hear. My person [partner] also goes for work. Then his chettan
is there, he also goes for work; sometimes there is work and sometimes no
work [for him]. Then this aliyan [one who married a sister] he is a great
disturbance [to me] and he used to catch me by force. If I sit inside the house
somewhere, he runs and comes to me, embraces me and kisses me by force.
Then he leaves the house suddenly [as if nothing happened therefore] no one
doubted it. There is a wife for him therefore, none will agree [understand] if I
tell it [about what he did]. I told him one day "If you do like this again, I will
tell Aji when he comes. There will be killing here, do you know it? Girija and
Manoj will not be allowed to stay here." His name is Manoharan and he is
called Manoj. He told me then, 'If your man comes to know it, he will not do
anything to me, I am doing all these things with his permission. ,606
When Kavitha witnessed her partner's physical relationship with another woman, she was
shocked:
There was a chechi [elder lady] named Pushpam, she used to come to our
house often. Mother [mother-in-law] told, 'Do not get bored by sitting [at
home], you go there to talk with Pushpha.' When I [went there and] looked, all
doors were closed, she told me that morning she would be at home. She told
me that she is not going anywhere, 'I am at home, and you come there.' It was
eleven a.m. when I went there, all doors were closed. When I called, there was
no response. When I went and opened the window my husband and she were
lying down in an embrace on the bed. The door was locked. When I called and
when they did not respond they thought that I might return by thinking that
there is no one in. They never thought that I would peep [in]. I thought she
might be sleeping. Her children went to school, her husband is a person who
sells fish and he returns late evening. There are no neighbours for them. They
thought that if they kept the doors closed I might return. When I opened [the
window], I saw this incident. I was so sad, I am unable to tell and I returned
home. He is a deceiver. 607
Kavitha's partner's brother also used to catch hold of her. 6os Kavitha continued her
description of how two relatives of her partner attacked her:
Chettan embraced me. I did not permit beyond a certain limit [laughing]. He
touched me, pampered me and tried to kiss me and when it was more, I left and
It was difficult for Kavitha to continue in the same house because of the wrong attitudes
and abuses of three men, who lived under the same roof.
When I asked about the sexual relationship between Kavitha and her partner, she
explained:
In the midnight after drinking he goes to the houses of his companions, then he
comes to me at twelve in the night or by 1.00 a.m. He takes bath and then if he
feels hungry, he eats if I give rice. Then he gets up by morning 4.00 a.m. Then
he behaves like an animal; he is only concerned with his [sexual] pleasure. He
did not mind me. He was not willing for [sex], as I like. I do not have any
sincerity because he deceived me. I stayed there because I am in his trap. I
forgive him that much [as long as I stayed there]. I forgave [him] much, for a
long time I bore [everything], and sometimes I kept silent. 611
Kavitha lived with him for five to six months and was lucky not to become pregnant within
that short period. 612
Life was not easy for Kavitha when she left her partner and returned home. Later she
turned to Christianity. Kavitha explains how she became a Christian:
I returned home after six months. I shrank to myself, none co-operated with me
from outside. I desired help from others, [but] I did not go to anyone. I went for
work. I brought money and gave it to mother. Everything takes place. Then
there was no desire in me to live. In the past, I did not achieve anything in my
life. I was disappointed always and [my] only desire was to die. In such a
situation I experienced salvation. There was a convention here. [It was the]
time I desired to die ... Then she [a friend] said that we couldn't achieve
anything by death. She was in [Christian] faith at that time. She is [the member
of] a Church in the western side; it is our New India's [New India Bible
Church]. I went there for prayer. She also had hope and faith. Then she told me
that 'There is no achievement by death. If we know the Lord [Jesus Christ], he
will give peace in our life. Therefore, you do one thing. Come with us for
prayer. God will give you a good life and you believe it. Come for prayer
today.' When she told it I did not have a mind to accept it. I did not believe it. I
went for convention for seven days. When I went there one evening, the
present minister, [Y ohannan, a Pastor from Pulaya caste] spoke. The
convention was on 5th of April 1997. When I went there, from the word of
God, he spoke about my past life. I thought that this is about me, this is told for
me, this is the path where I walked, I thought. Then he told me that 'God can
make changes in your life. Today you desire to die. But if you die, you cannot
achieve anything by your life. If you die, there is no use for others. If you live
for Christ, God can change you from your sinful life. Therefore, if you accept
Christ as your Saviour and believe it in your heart, he will wipe away your
sins. You confess it by your mouth.' I got up and stood, then confessed it by
mouth. I told that I am confessing my sins and accepting Christ as my
Saviour. ,613
Kavitha became a Christian and later she took a Dalit Christian man as her partner.
Kavitha's mother died due to tuberculosis, jaundice and fever. After her mother's death
there was no one for Kavitha to depend on. 614 Kavitha recounts that she relied on a sickle
for her safety, while she spent nights alone at home and then how she met Johnson her
present partner:
At night, when others [men] knock at the door, then I depend on a sickle. Even
if I sit holding a sickle, could I do anything when two or three people come?
That time Johnson was the member of the Church at Kanakkal.. .He knew
everything about me ... Then I told Johnson that I am going through suffering
Kavitha explained that there was no marriage ceremony, when Johnson took her to his
house both of them were not welcomed in the family and in the church:
[Johnson] did not marry me but he told his sister that he was bringing me to
their home. When I went there, they also did not like me. Johnson and his sister
live separately. There was godly happiness and peace in [my] heart. I did not
know that what I did [going with Johnson] was wrong. We were unable [not
permitted] to attend [services in] the church or give testimonies [because of
staying together without marriage]. Even if I sat at home, I used to sing songs
and pray. Then Pastor came and said, 'Sister, do not sit like this here [please
come for the worship services but] you are not allowed to give testimony in the
church, that is the law of our church. What you did [coming with Johnson
without marrying him] is wrong.' Will not God forgive it? Does God know that
I did it in my ignorance? We should not become children in wisdom. Then we
both came here for the worship. After that our marriage was conducted in this
616
church. Now we are living happily, we are leading a happy family life.
Kavitha considers caste discrimination and colour discrimination as violence against Dalit
Christian women.
Kavitha points out caste and colour discrimination occur within Christianity in Kerala:
"But the violence in the Christian life is the colour discrimination and caste discrimination.
I am sad to tell that it exists today.,,617
Kavitha confessed that the Dalit Christian women did not like it, when they heard that
Thomas Philip was to visit their Church with his wife Mercy Thomas, cousin sister Mercy
Varghese and me. Generally they do not like high caste Christians because of the caste
discrimination they experience within the Church and society:
Then we told 'Oh he is bringing white madammas618 Sarakutty, Mercy
Varghese, Mercy Thomas [He brings white skinned ladies Sara, Mercy
Varghese and Mercy Thomas]; this is what we told (laughing). I am not joking.
This is the truth. We do not have to separate you [from other Syrian
Christians]; because what we have seen is like that [usually he brings only
Syrian Christians or high caste Christians with him]. Now I am speaking what
we experience in the society. I am telling this not because of any personal
revenge [to anyone but] we see this evil [caste system] in the society. If we
Kavitha explained how one of the Pentecostal Christian denominations in Kerala State is
di vided in two on the basis of caste:
Sir [Rev. Thomas Philip] cannot get angry to us. He is unable to show any
caste discrimination to us because only we [Dalit Christians] are there in the
New India Bible Church. Christians [Syrian Christians] are limited number and
countable by using the fingers. The rest is Sambavars [Paraiahs] and we
[Cheramar], who came [converted] from the low castes. If such thing [caste
discrimination] happens [within the New India Bible Church], we all will go to
Division. 62o Look at it; it is divided as the Church of God Division and the
Church of God State. Whites [high caste Christians] are in the State and blacks
[Dalits] are in the Division. Could we tell these things in front of the gentiles?
Even if it is spiritual [even if this caste discrimination is there in the Church],
we pray. Such things [caste and colour discriminations] are there [within the
Church of God]. There are Gentiles [non-Christians] but we will not talk to
them about the caste discrimination within the Church. We should not give
time for others [Gentiles] to criticise us [Christians]. Why am I telling this is if
they show caste discrimination in the earth then certainly my Lord will ask
them [they are accountable to God]. Otherwise [if not] I will tell on that day
[judgement day] that God is partial. God will show [the same to them], is it
not? Your opinion [may be] God will not show it. The one, who is partial, God
also will be partial to them. 621
Kavitha complained that Dalit Christians are discriminated by the leaders in the Church:
Those who are sitting in the hierarchy, show this discrimination to the ones
who came to the Lord [Dalit Christians]. Did you understand? Still there is a
Kavitha has a solid knowledge about the existence of caste and colour discrimination
within Christianity and within society.
Since Kavitha became a Christian she has found strength in her new faith in Christ and she
is leading a Christian life:
I came here in 1992. Therefore, from that time onwards, I am leading a good
life. When there are mistakes in my life, I confess it to him [God] and ask
forgiveness. This [living with Johnson without marriage] happened in my life
because of my ignorance. I did not know much about the word of God. If I had
that word [of God] in my mind, and if I know that coming like this [coming
with Johnson to his house without marrying him] is wrong, I should not have
come like this. But at that time I thought about my safety and I came. But until
today I did not have a failure in my Christian life. God helped me to lead a
good faith life and helped me to be a good housewife. God kept us until today.
God gave a daughter after eight years of waiting. 623
624
Kavitha sincerely desires to lead a good family life and enjoy peace, love and happiness.
Annamma Devasya is a fifty-year-old Dalit Christian woman, who does not know her date
of birth. She converted to Christianity from the Cheramar caste. She studied up to class
five and is a daily wage labourer. 625 Annamma gets a thousand rupees as salary per month
for washing vessels in a house. 626 Annamma explained that her family was unable to
provide any dowry when she was married at the age of sixteen and her family's primary
concern was to settle her with a male no matter what kind of person he was:
When I was married and sent out at sixteen years old, they were not capable to
give anything [dowry]. Their thinking was to send me out with a man ... that
husband [first husband] was deaf and he was sick. In those days I had no
knowledge [I agreed to marry him in my ignorance] ... After marriage, even for
one year I did not stay there [in husband's house] because he could not hear. I
was bit smart in appearance therefore; he doubted [me] if I talked to anyone. I
Annamma Devasya explains how she experienced violence from her husband:
One day in the evening, late evening, after a day's job I returned with my
mother-in-law, others, elder sister-in-Iaws and younger sister-in -laws. When I
came back, he beat me. At home, I had not suffered in this way. After that I
628
stayed for a year in my home.
Although Annamma went to her home, again she was sent back to her husband. Annamma
explained how her husband's violence against her continued:
Six months after my mother's death I was sent back to my husband. When I
went there, I had the same experience and I had no freedom to talk to anyone.
He used to watch over me every time. Someone would tell him that 'Eda, she
will go away leaving you behind.' His ability was to listen to what others said.
If I talked to someone, he strained his ears and after that he used to beat me.
After that, oh, my God, a knife, he grinds rock and sharpens the knife, and he
keeps it under the pillow. I do not know why he keeps it. Later in the night he
makes noises saying that 'someone came and caught her.' So it became
unbearable to me. His father and mother told him, "Boy, do not say false words
against her. You are a sick person. You have got a good girl; she will work and
feed you as long as she can. Do not trouble her." I stayed there by bearing all
629
those difficult experiences and we had two children.
Whenever Annamma faced violence from husband she returned home. There was no other
alternative for her except either to go home or to continue stay with her violent husband.
Annamma explained how husband chased her:
One day when I was pregnant with our second child, he chased me with a
sickle. Then, I ran to our neighbour's kitchen, who was a Christian, living
down side of our house. The thampuratti 630 of the house asked 'Who is that?'
Then I said 'thampuratti he is coming to cut me. Please save me.' I fell at her
feet. She closed the door and waited. After two days, she told her husband, 'We
should bring her out of this house after finding a solution.' The next day
morning she called and told my mother-in-law, "Katri, she was brought in her
youth, send her back to her people, wherever they may be." They were troubled
because of me [my presence in their home]. Then I came back to my home
with my children. Even if I went home, again I returned to my husband. Then I
had three children. 631
Eventually Annamma ran away with her children in order to escape from her violent
husband. She explained how she struggled to take care of and provide for their three
children:
Later my elder sister allowed me to stay with her. She told me that, "I had told
you earlier to be separated from this relationship. You should not have this
alliance. You walk in the street with three children. Now we cannot take care
of you." Then I thought like this, 'what shall I do? Where shall I go with these
[three] children?' I requested my sister, "Auntie, please do one thing. I will go
for the servant job anywhere. I will feed my children. You do not need to give
anything, just allow us to stay [in your home]. I will not do any harm. There
are lots of jobs in the field. I will bring up my children. Just your permission
[to stay here] is enough." Then the eldest sister said, "I told you this, not to be
distressed, but who will look after those three kids?" Then I told my Auntie
[sister] that I would do a job and feed my children. 632
Annamma described that later her husband's relatives took her three children to their home
but Annamma provided clothes and books for the children:
After staying one year in my sister's house, then my husband's mother's
[mother-in-Iaw's] elder sister's children took away my children. My mother-in-
law's sister's children took my three children. Then I was left alone at home. I
worked in my elder sister's house and bought clothes for my three children and
[met them] every week. When it was time for schooling, I used to buy
schoolbooks and give these to them at schoo1. 633
Annamma was informed the death of her first husband Joseph and she visited his home. 634
The family arranged Annamma's second marriage even though she was hesitant about a
union with her new husband Devasya. Her response was: "I have three kids; I will bring
them up some how. Even if by begging or by doing work I will rear them up. Again I do
not want a marriage. ,,635
The relationship between Annamma and Devasya deteriorated, when Devasya had a new
affair with their neighbour, who is a widow. 636 Annamma described how she experienced
violence from her second husband:
Annamma believes that when she is away from home, the neighbour lady comes home for
sex with her husband. 638
Annamma depicts her husband as a good man and considers the other woman as a cause of
damage in their good marital relationship:
We have good relationship. We have no problem but she is coming in between
[us] [and] making him to lay flat. He is not such a wicked man. My husband is
not such a wicked man. If one person is coming to him, would he leave
[her]?639
Annamma's sources of strength for her survival are Christian faith and the word of God.
Annamma explains how she survives: "Let me tell you now, I am living on by depending
only on the word [scripture]. I am sustained by the word.,,64o
Annamma believes that the Christian sacrament of baptism is another source of strength
for her survival, therefore, she explains:
I asked Pastor, in those times, I thought if I accept baptism, I would have
deliverance from this. In the midst of the day, I told Pastor, please baptise me,
Annamma not only uses the scripture as a source of strength but also she urges her
husband, who is her violator, to use the scripture in order to change his bad character.
Annamma points out that: "I take some scripture verses from this book (showing her Bible)
and asked him to read it. That time he used to say 'I know everything better than you
do. ,,,642
Eisamma 8abychen
I now tum to the life story of Elsamma Babychen a forty-year-old Dalit Christian woman,
who does not know her date of birth. She studied up to class seven, is married to Babychen
and they have three children. Elsamma converted to Christianity from the Cheramar caste.
She and her husband are daily wage labourers. 643 When Elsamma shared her life story she
cried continually.
After her mother's death and her elder sister's marriage Elsamma's father became sick.
Then it was Elsamma's duty to take care of her younger brother and sickly father.
Elsamma explains:
While my father was sick, there was a marriage proposal for my sister, and
then she was married and sent off. After her marriage this burden came [to me]
and there was a situation, which 1 could not bear [manage]. 1 was in a
circumstance that 1 had to [find out resources for my] living; look after the
family and my father. My younger brother is not capable of [doing] anything.
There is a nunnery at Kidangoor and someone put him in that nunnery.
Thinking that 1 could make ten paise by [his] work, 1 sent him to the nunnery.
Later my father and 1 were living alone at home. After some days [I] went for
threshing sheaves. 645
Elsamma explains that it was not safe for her to sleep in a house, which is not constructed
properly, when her father became unconscious:
Later he became unconscious and was totally bedridden. What should 1 do?
There was none to help me. Then there was none to help me and especially am
1 not a young lady? 1 am at home and father is unconscious. 1 do not have good
house and when [we] stay like this some one might attack [me]. To whom will
1 tell that he is in an unconscious state? 1 spent many nights without sleep
[because] 1 was afraid to lie down [sleep]. Even if it is our neighbours how can
we believe them or bring them inside [my home] to sleep? For many days [I]
could not sleep.646
Elsamma's marriage was registered in the registry and she got married before becoming a
Christian. 648 Elsamma explains how her husband started to doubt and attack her:
Yes, he doubts [me]. My husband doubts me. Then many times when we
discuss various matters [he] says like this 'Haven't [you] gone in such a way
[immoral way]?' 1 remained faithful to this man; but he has no insight to see it.
644 Transcript of Conversation between Elsamma Babychen and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New
India Bible Church, on 27/11/2001.
645 Transcript of Conversation between Babychen and S. Abraham.
646 Transcript of Conversation between Babychen and S. Abraham.
647 Transcript of Conversation between Babychen and S. Abraham.
648 Transcript of Conversation between Babychen and S. Abraham.
168
When [he] goes outside anywhere, even ifI am alone at home before he returns
1 do all domestic work neatly. When he returns, he views the house and
comments, 'Oh what happened today to do this much work brilliantly? You
might have got some good luck, someone might have come here today to talk
and do anything as you like.' [He] could not understand my heart. He could not
call and ask me straight away. He beats me, kicks me as he likes. Then there
was none to say a comforting word to me. Perhaps my neighbours might think
that she might have gone in bad way that is why he says so. Therefore, 1 do not
go to anyone to tell anything. 1 cry in loud voice and [this is] the reason 1 bear
it. When 1 sob my sadness will not be off [but] when 1 cry [loudly 1 get some
relief from my sorrow].649
Elsamma suffered because her husband doubted her and was hesitant to take her anywhere
even when there was a death, anniversary or marriage because of the presence of other men
at such occasions:
The reason why 1 was not taken [anywhere] is not because of the limited space,
[but] there are boys [and] grown up men. Men means [he] does not think that
whether [they are] elder or younger [to me]. Now if [I] go to sister-in-Iaws
house, there are many [men] and because of such reasons 1 was not taken [to
such occasions]. 1 was not taken for [the occasions of] a death or death
anniversary. If someone is inviting for a marriage, they invite the whole family,
or [they ask for] 'one person to come,' or [they invite] 'one person and the
child to come,' or [they invite] 'no all of you must come.' If someone forces
[invites the family], he makes ready the child. Then the child asks 'Are we not
taking mother?' 'If mother comes, let her come' [he replies]. Could 1 go
without he tells [his permission]? 1 can get ready only when he asks to 'get
ready.' Then our child was very sad. 'chacha [Dad] please take amma
[mother].' Then he replies, 'Tell her to get ready'. When 1 hear it, 1 think that
'Now he asked [me] to come then if 1 sit at home that is a problem. Yes [we]
will go.' Then 1 get ready with dislike [to go] and we reach there. After the
marriage and the feast he asks the child 'Where is mother? [Let] us go.' Then
we return. On the way he questions [me], 'Why did you stand aside and smile
at [so and so]? Who was it? Who is he to you? Do you not [have any] previous
relationship with him? That is why you smiled at him. Do you think that 1 did
not watch it?' Truly, there was no such thing happened [I did not smile at any
man]. 1 was tired of this [kind of doubting character]. There are many
experiences like this in my life. 1 was tired of experiencing beating and
kicking. When 1 hear these false accusations, 1 thought like this even though 1
was not a Christian believer, 1 had knowledge that there is a God who sees my
experiences. 1 understood it. Oh God, did 1 commit anything wrong to
experience it [violence]?650
Elsamma experiences violence from her husband although she does no wrong. She
describes how she survived an attack, when she was present in her neighbour's house, after
a man had died:
One uncle [man] died in our neighbour's house. It was evening. 1 am glad to go
and sing songs in the house, where the death happened. As 1 have the talent for
singing 1 liked to go and sing in that house. When 1 went there they were
Elsamma explains how her husband's abuse and violence had lead her to try and commit
suicide:
Then I thought, 'God, in my life there will not be a [good] time.' So 1 have no
desire to live. Even if 1 have to live leaning on a stick, 1 will not go for a
wicked life. [1] heard about it. [Then 1] decided to live no longer. One-day
night 1 took the child and [went to] courtyard then [1] went to the side of the
canal, 1 know swimming. Then 1 thought 1 would jump into the water but as 1
know swimming, in the struggle for life 1 might come out. Then 1 thought if 1
threw the baby into the water it will drown [first] then when I see it I could
jump into the water and die. After my child's death could 1 be alive [how could
1 live after my child's death]? 1 thought to do as 1 planed. When 1 stood there a
thought came to my mind that 'why should 1 destroy a child's life?,652
It is hard for Dalit Christian women to find out a way of escaping from their violent
husband because there are no shelters or counselling centres, where they could seek help or
advice in their crises. However, loyalty to their children encourages them to struggle on
and overcome the thought of committing suicide.
Elsamma became sick because of the violence and abuse she experienced from her
husband:
I was sitting alone in my solitude thinking all these things. No one is there
either for comfort, for any thing or for [any] helps. Then Babychen's family
Elsamma explains that there was no freedom for her to eat the food her husband brought
and then she worried about it:
After doing job, he used to bring enough things [food items], but I could not
make it or eat it in a peaceful way. He used to bring good food but he will not
talk to me. He brings good things and keeps it at home. I used to cook it, when
it is prepared he used to serve for himself and eat. When I eat, he used to
comment, 'Eat well. I bring it by working hard. You go for wickedness and
drink, as you like.' That is another talk [talk with hidden meaning]. Then I
thought, I have no peace if I eat, this is what he says. I have no peace in any
way. I was sitting worried thinking these. 654
Elsamma explained she had seven years secluded life because of her husband's accusing
and violence:
I have not given an occasion to crack jokes with others. I experienced this kind
of punishments for seven years in my life and stayed in my house. I have not
spent time with any human beings, with my friends, with my age group,
neighbours and ladies because if there is gladness then only we can talk to
neighbours. Since I am always depressed what can I talk to my neighbours?656
Elsamma shared how she and her husband came to know God by attending prayer meeting
and then how there was change in the situation of her life:
While we were living like this there was a prayer meeting nearby. I had no
permission to go anywhere until that time. I have no permission to go
anywhere for the last seven years. I was comforted when I hear prayer meeting
in the evening. I have heard prayer and I used to stand outside. Then I thought
in my mind that if I go there I might get peace and comfort, quietness to my
head, [solution for] all my problems. I thought like this many times. After
thinking like this I asked. 'Oh even if I ask, there is no use, I will not be
allowed. Why should I desire like this?' Like that there were many occasions
came to my mind. Once I asked 'Could I go for the prayer meeting there?'
When [I] asked, he gave [me] permission to go. Then immediately I took the
child and went for prayer. When [I] came back after prayer, [he] did not speak
to me. On the other hand, [he] did not show any dislike. That was over. I do not
know anything but I had a desire to go for [prayer] next week also. Then I felt,
hereafter it is not good for me to go alone. Even though it is difficult, I asked
him whether he could come with me because I am alone. 'Ha [yes], then I shall
come' then he came with me. In this way we started going to prayer group.
That is the way we come to know God. But before that while I was having
great suffering, these seven years I had to live in the house. 657
Elsamma explained that attending the church and prayer meeting brought change in their
lives and at present her husband takes her wherever he goes:
When we continuously started to attend the church, God brought a complete
change [in him]. When this sickness of doubt has gone completely, our family
life became happy and [now] we live happily. Wherever [he] goes, [he] will
not go without me. 658
Elsamma explained that knowing God and attending the Church helped her to experience
peace and joy in her family life:
I am happy to share my experiences because I have joy in knowing the Lord.
After knowing God, wherever he goes, he will not go without taking me. My
children quarrel and when they get angry they tell, 'Wherever dad goes, he
drags mum also.' Then he tells, 'you are children; you go there [do not get
involved in our matters]. Even if you go for a party, what can you tell?'
Wherever he goes, he takes me. We come together in the Church on Sunday;
we come together (crying). I have three children now; I praise God now
(crying). The dress that I wear, and my children wear all these things are
[purchased] because of his [husband] work. [I have] a sari. If I buy a sari by
giving 250 rupees, [when it becomes old and tom] it is folded up, and its [tom]
side is kept up, there is no use [even] after ironing and coming [stitching] it. [I
use] one sari for a year. The dress is kept neatly to go for prayer. Then I
thought there is nothing important in dress [no need of worrying about the
dress I wear].659
She explains that her knowledge that there is a God, who sees everything, helped her to
survive the violence:
When I hear these false accusations, I thought like this, even though I was not a
Christian believer, I had the knowledge that there is a God, who sees my
experience. 661
It was a great comfort for Elsamma when she thinks of a God who understands her.
She finds joy and comfort in telling her life experience; she gives thanks to God by doing
it:
I grow in faith and I have happiness in my heart. I will not tell outside all these
things I told [you]. I thought to come here and to tell all about it in order to
give thanks to God and there is joy in my heart. When I tell these experiences
there is a great comfort in my heart. 662
Mary Babu
Now this chapter turns to the life story of Mary Babu, who is a forty-two years old married
Dalit Christian woman and the mother of four girls. She is from the Cheramar caste. She
studied up to class four and is a daily wage labourer. Her husband is forty-four years old,
and his job is selling sand. 663 She was born and brought up in a Christian family belonging
to the Church of South India.
Mary Babu did not have freedom to select her life partner. She was married to a man from
a Catholic family against her wishes:
An arranged marriage against her wishes resulted in clashes and enmity between Mary and
her husband.
Mary tells how she lacked clothes after her marriage: "If I wet [wash] the clothes I wore,
there was no second pair [for me] to wear. That was the situation from that day.,,665 Mary
tells how she depended on her husband or her parents to purchase clothes for her:
I am not going for any work, therefore, I have that difficulty also. If he brings
any clothes for the children and for me then only we have it. Even for him
clothes are brought from my home. 666
Dalit women are poor because they are not educated, not employed and they do not have
any land in their names to cultivate anything. Why Dalit women are illiterate in a State that
boast hundred per cent of literacy, is a debatable issue. Poverty, illiteracy, unemployment
and lack of the ownership of the land are some of the contributing factors to the violence
experience in the lives of Dalit Christian women.
Mary Babu describes that her life was not comfortable after the marriage:
My husband was a drunkard, one who plays cards and lived in evil ways. He
was in relationship with ladies. When I see it [his relationship with ladies], I
have pain in my heart. I did not tell it to anyone, but I used to tell my husband
[when I speak about it to my husband] those times these kinds of people [those
who lead evil lives] get angry. I suffered very much. He used to beat me, punch
me, hit on my head, beat on my cheek, he did much, and I was living like
that. 667
Her husband's relationship with other women was a cause for his violence against Mary.
Married women, who live in the joint family, are more vulnerable to violence because of
the instigating mother- in- laws or in-laws. Mary Babu tells how her mother-in-law
instigated her husband to beat her:
664 Transcript of Conversation between Mary Babu and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New India Bible
Church, 1sl December 2001.
665 Transcript of Conversation between Babu and S. Abraham.
666 Transcript of Conversation between Babu and S. Abraham.
667 Transcript of Conversation between Babu and S. Abraham.
174
His mother used to instigate him to beat me because I went to my home for the
delivery ... His mother was a mother who fights much. She speaks with double
meanings and by speaking like that she instigated him to beat me. 668
Mary Babu's husband does not listen to his wife but he listens to the advice of his mother.
The mother has authority and power over a married son and his wife. Some married men
are unable to detach themselves from the power and authority of their mothers because of
the joint family system; therefore, they do everything to please their mothers at the risk of
their wives' happiness and peace. Mary tells:
He did not send me home for one and half years. I was not sent home because
he listens to his mother. If I request, I received beating, kicking and hitting. 669
Mary describes an incident in which her mother-in-law instigated violence that flattened
her to the floor:
Once I wanted to go home for Christmas, it was soon after our marriage. There
was harvest in one place. I was planing to go that evening. Therefore, I washed
and kept my sari to dry, I wanted to wear the manthrakodi. 67o He was drinking
kanji in the morning. I have the sari that I brought from my home but I was
wishing to wear manthrakodi, when I go home. I was going to put it outside for
drying, that time his mother came and asked 'Hey, boy why does she wears this
sari and go? I said that when I go there I would be mocked [if I was not
wearing manthrakodi]. 'Why do they mock? They will not tell anything' [His
mother said]. The one who desires to buy [another sari], buys and gives [Mary
said]. When I said it mother and son did not like it. He ran and came, he is very
healthy, and he gave me one hit on my back, now also I have that difficulty
inside my chest. I fell down at his one blow. I could not get up. I lay down
[was flattened] in the same position for sometime. Then he did not drink the
rest of the kanji; he left it, washed his hands and went away. He went to
Parippu and threshed the grain from the barn ... He returned to see me, that time
also I was lying down because I was unable to get up, it was such a [hard] hit.
This mother instigated him to hit me. 671
Mary Babu explains how a mother-in-law, who experienced violence from own husband,
can instigate her son to beat wife:
Each day this mother [instigates to do violence], she experienced more
suffering from her husband. This man did not have anything [anger] to his
children but he is angry with their mother. It was his second marriage. She died
by experiencing so much suffering, she was afraid to sleep in the house
because she was scared of her husband. She could not sleep because of the
disturbance from him; she experienced such kind of suffering. She desired to
Mary's mother-in-law who experienced violence from husband does not wish her
daughter-in-law to enjoy life with her son.
Violent Husband
Mary Babu lost two teeth because of the violence she experienced from her husband and
later she became sick due to starvation and the violence. 673 She explains about the most
recent violence:
Other day when I spoke about child's education, he scolded me and dragged
[me] inside the house. I keep quiet now because of experiencing such things. I
suffered more than that but I forgot. I experienced so much violence and there
is no end if I tell. Now also my mind bums and bums. I am worried about the
children, and their education. They are growing now; if we have money, it is
not a problem, but we do not have money.674
She is worried at present because her four girls are growing to marriageable age and she
does not have a proper house except a hut. 675
Mary Babu has the whole responsibility of educating the children and whenever she speaks
about their education there is row between herself and her husband. Mary explains:
When it was time for sending the child to school, he could not do it, he wanted
me to take the child to school, therefore, I sent my second child to my home.
They saw my sufferings and difficulties, therefore, the child stayed at my home
then they sent her to school and she studied up to class eight. After that the
child was brought here for an year but the necessary books or textbooks were
not purchased ... Re expects me to send the child to school and there is
competition for it...Then I sent the fourth child also to school and he is sad to
spend any money [on the children's education] .. .! have the desire for my
children to study as much as they can. 676
Mary Babu's eldest daughter's education was affected, when Mary became sick and had
surgery. Then her eldest daughter had to take care of Mary:
She made hot water in the morning and gave me a bath. She bought milk, gave
short bread and milk to me. Then she had to make kanji and curry before she
Mary's second daughter failed in class ten (SSLC) and she is unable to send her daughter
to study and prepare for the re-examinations because of the financial difficulties in her life:
Now we have to give Rupees 3000 as fees ... There is no money to pay the fees
therefore, she is not going now. It is a pain for me ... The day before yesterday
when 1 spoke about the child's fees, he tells 'If you can, you give money, 1 am
not giving money, why should 1 give, no need of writing exam.' ... What shall 1
do? If 1 could do it [educate the children ... ] 1 am unable to make this much
money. When 1 go to the field, if 1 get sixty-five rupees per day how many days
do 1 have to work in order to make it 1000 rupees? When 1 think all those
things, 1 wish to die. 678
Mary's survival strategy is prayer and she is praying that God will grant wisdom and a
good attitude to her husband. She believes that there is strength and deliverance in prayer
with tears. She prays while she lies down on her bed: "I always pray, pray with tears,
therefore, there is deliverance.,,679
Mary's another source of survival is the ability she received from God to forgive her
violating husband and she said: "God has given me the ability to forgive all these.,,68o
Another source of strength for survival is forgetting the violence she experienced. Mary
believes that God has hidden the violence she experienced:
If 1 tell the truth, 1 forget everything. 1 do not know, because many years
passed. 1 am unable to make known what 1 have experienced that is the
situation. Now 1 forget everything. 1 believe that the God almighty has hidden
it. 681
Mary Babu lacks words to describe the violence she experiences. She fears that if she talks
about the violence it will not bring any relief to her and she states:
I forgot to tell what I experienced; I suffered very much. I do not know how to
tell it now. God Almighty has given me ability to forget it. There is no use for
us to think about it now. 683
Cultural Violence
Annamma Yohannan: Survivor of Rape and Cultural Oppression
Now this chapter turns to the life story of Annamma Yohannan, who experienced cultural
violence. Annamma Yohannan is a seventy-one year old, illiterate Dalit Christian woman
and a widow, who lives without any income. She has been a Christian since her birth. 684
Annamma Yohannan shares the story of her difficult childhood:
[In] the house, where I was born and brought up before marriage, were great
difficulties. When I was ten or fifteen started to go for the work, for plucking
the weeds from the field. Sometimes others call me for the daily wage labour.
There was a place where I could carry mud and stone, I worked and lived with
the wage I got. 685
When Annamma was nineteen years old she got married to a widower, Yohannan. It was
his third marriage. Annamma explains that when Yohannan's former wives died "he
decided to marry any woman, who lacks something.,,686 Annamma was a member of the
Brethren Assembly and Yohannan was a member of CMS (Church Missionary Society)
Annamma had a very good relationship with her husband Yohannan. She does not
remember the exact date of her husband's death but she told me that he died in 1970s due
to rheumatism. 689
Annamma is sick at present and she lives with her married daughter and she described her
present difficulties:
The opening of my anus is got closed almost, unable to pass pooh ... that is a
big [difficulty]. My uterus is pushed out little, these two are the greatest
sicknesses, and I have to experience many sufferings ... Beyond it even if she is
my daughter, she quarrels because I am unable to help. Now I am living in
great suffering because of all these difficulties. 69o
Annamma experienced rape when she was a girl. Annamma's life story reveals how easily
a man from another caste can rape a Dalit girl. Her rapist was a man from Ezhava691 caste.
Annamma described her experience of rape:
I used to go to remove mud because of the difficulty gaining a livelihood at
home. In those days a man called me and told that there was a one-day job
available, I was alone at home when he called. He was my neighbour. He
called me and I went for the job. There was no problem during the first day, a
second day also passed, on the third day he told me that 'We have some work
up there' [in a different place from where I was working] and [he] called me.
He was a married man, who had children; I did not know that time whether he
was a married man or not. He caught me with his might, I cried, shouted there
and asked him 'Was it for this you called me for the work?' What do you know
about me? Am I not young? I spoke to him angrily but he did not agree [listen].
As we read in the Psalm 'The man, who is stronger than me,' could we hold the
man who is stronger than us? Then what. .. mine ... did [he raped me]." [I was]
eighteen years old at that time. 692
Annamma remained the silent survivor of this particular violence and did not disclose her
experience to anyone.
Annamma's life story demonstrates that she is a survivor of cultural oppression in other
forms. As a Daht woman she was formerly not allowed to wear any clothing above her
waist. As a Daht child she went to school wearing only a thorthu, which is a small piece of
cloth around her waist. As a Dalit girl she survived the rape by a man from Ezahava caste.
Dalit Christian women were not allowed to cover their breasts even after their conversion
to Christianity and this is a form of cultural oppression intended to degrade Dalit women.
However, many Dalit women did not develop a negative attitude to such degradation but
they survived it by walking courageously bare-breasted. Annamma talks about her bare-
breasted experience:
We were not allowed to wear chatta. 694 It [chatta] was not allowed [to wear], I
do not know what is the purpose, but in those days nobody wears. I have not
heard that anyone scolded and telling [me] not to wear it but was not worn
chatta. I do not know whether it is a law or not. People, those who were in my
age none wore chatta .. . after I delivered a baby girl who died, and then I started
to wear chatta, now it is about forty years, that's all. Walking bare- breasted
was not shameful. 695
Annamma told me some stories she heard from her parents, which told how low caste
people in Kerala, were oppressed culturally:
During the time of my father and mother, we could not get good clothes to
wear. Muthalalemaru [rich men] used turban and we were not allowed to wear
turban. It was not possible [permitted for a Dalit] to wear a turban in those
days. If you were caught wearing a turban, it was confiscated and then you
would be beaten and sent away; the one who married me also told [confirmed]
this. There was a rich man named Kurisummudu, he lives on the banks of a
lake at Veluru. It is about three miles away from Kottayam. He owns a boat, a
motor to dry the water and many canoes. [People] from our caste were not
Paul Chirakkarod, a Dalit Christian author from Kerala, confirms that Dalits were not
allowed to wear clean clothes. Chirakkarod writes, "When a Dalit rarely gets a cloth, he
was allowed to wear it only after making it dirty by applying charcoal and mud.,,697 Dalit
women and men endured this kind of cultural oppression and they wore dirty and smelly
clothes because their status denied them the right to wear clean and nice clothes.
Dalits in Kerala State were treated as animals not as human beings. Annamma recalls the
plights of Dalits through her singing of traditional folk songs, which recall these sufferings:
"I remember one or two lines. Then ... one song is there, that is in olden days human beings
were tied with buffaloes and bulls to plough the land, when they were unable to walk, they
were kicked, beaten, killed and buried. I know two or three songs. ,,698
Annamma sang to me a song in Malayalam language, which describes the cry of a Dalit,
who was treated as animal:
Ayayo kelkename [ayayo699 please listen]
lee papeyude nilavelikal [to this sinner's cries]
Kalayodum pothenodum inachukettee [tied with buffalo and bullock]
Nilamuzuthe [and ploughed the field]
Nadakkan vayya thanghumbol [can't walk when kicked]
Idechadichu konnu kuzhichumoodum [kicking, beating, and will be buried after
killing]
Ayayo kelkename [ayayo listen please]
lee sadhukade muravilekal [to this poor one's lamentation].7oo
696 Transcript of Conversation between A. Yohannan and S. Abraham at New India Bible Church,
Parippu 2th November 2001.
697 Paul Chirakkrodu, Dalit Christhavar Keralathil (Dalit Christians in Kerala), Tiruvalla: Christhava
Sahithya Samithy, 2000, p. 92.
698 Transcript of Conversation between A. Yohannan and S. Abraham.
699 Ayayo is a word in Malayalam language, which expresses the pathetic situation of a person.
This word is used in the times of sorrow, despair, failure, death, grievance, pain and cry. This
word has no particular meaning therefore, it is difficult to translate it to English language.
700 Transcript of Conversation between Annamma Devasya and Sara Abraham, 2th November
2001.
181
Ayayo kelkename, sadhukade muravilekal [please listen to the lamentations of
poor]
Kalayodum, pothinodum inachhu ketti nilamuzhuthu [tied with buffalo and
bullock and ploughed the land]
Nadakkan vayyathakumbol pidichadichu kuzhichu moodum [when it is unable
to walk caught beat and then buried]
Nadakkan vayyathakumbol adichidichu kuzhichu moodum [when it is unable to
walk beat and hit then buried]
Ayyayo kelkaname sadhuvinte muravilikal [please listen to the lamentations of
the poor]. 701
Annamma believes that this song was written from the tragic lives of Dalits. The
experiences of the past were appalling for all Dalits but especially degrading for women:
This might have happened during the time of my grandfather and I heard it
when they said it. [Dalits were] killed. In their [Dalit men's] childhood when
they [get] married, they were not given the girls whom they married. In those
days there was no good house [for Dalits] to lie down, it was in the madam
[Dalit's hut]; muthalai [rich man or landlord] reaches there before dawn [When
it is dawn the landlord enters in to the hut of Dalit to use Dalit woman]. He
drinks [alcohol] and goes there, then sends husband [Dalit man to the working
place], it was impossible not to go. [Dalits were] not allowed to take care of the
infants; they had to leave the infants and go. Otherwise [he] had to go with the
muthalai. It was such violent days. In those days it was not safe for good girls
[beautiful Dalit girls] to walk anywhere. If the children were born, they [Dalits]
were not given their children. It was such a wicked-action's days. [Daht
women] were separated from husbands. Now, if some one asks [a Dalit girl]
'Who are you?' then she replies 'What do you want?'[This shows the courage
of the present Dalit girls]; today's girls are like that. Today [Daht] girls will
slap, if they can give two slaps [they will give it]. In those days [they] were not
allowed to talk anything about it. Even if they [high caste landlords] did evil,
we had to obey and stay other wise they never allowed [Dalits] to hve. 702
Slavery in Kerala
Annamma shares the story of a Daht couple, who experienced slavery and bondage, in
Kerala:
One mother [Dalit woman] delivered a baby. She had to leave that child, a
small child who had started to crawl and then [mother] went for work. If she is
not going for work muthalali would not allow it and she had to go for all work.
[Someone referred to this story while] preaching from the Bible, [I] heard [it]
when [I listened] to preaching in the Church. I forgot all those things. The child
cries and crawls, crawls and reaches [follows the mother], but the mother was
not allowed to tum, look and corne back; the mother goes [for work]. The
mother and father went to different places [for work]. The mother was not
allowed to breast feed the baby, when it is mid-day. Only the elder child is
there [at horne] and [elder child] follows the baby for long time [to take care]
then [the elder child] fell down in the fire and then died in the pit. Other [baby]
child creeps and creeps then it reached in to the group of ants and the child died
Annamma continues to tell the story of Dalit parents whose children died when they were
away for work:
I told about the children ... one [died] in the water [fire] and the other [died] by
the bites of ants. [When] father and mother saw that ants ate child's eyes and
[they] cried. When the landlord came and scolded [them], they [Dalit couple]
said that they would not go [for work because of sorrow]. [Then the landlord]
asked them to go to any other hut [there was no permission to continue to stay
in the same hut given by the landlord if they would not go for work]. They
might have eaten something that night, slept or did not [sleep] the~ had to go
for work next day. That was how the life [for Dalits in those days].7 4
Annamma then further detailed the plight of the Dalits who experienced slavery in Kerala:
Another person could buy [slaves] and go after paying rupees. Where to go
because of the fear? [Slaves were scared of masters and they could not escape
from the hands of masters]. They [slaves] were destroyed there itself, it was
like this in those days. [It is said that] if there is a dog [for Dalit woman], that
dog is husband [for her]. [There was no difference between a slave husband
and a dog]705
Annamma considers her baptism as a source of strength for her survival. She survived the
agony of rape because of her strong faith in God and she tells: "I was baptised. This
incident [rape] happened after my baptism.,,706 Annamma believes that God is the one who
gives comfort, when there is suffering. Her Christian faith does not allow her to question
why her comfort did not last for a long period. Annamma tells: "Once I experienced so
much suffering. The Lord [God] gave me comfort later [but] I could not experience it until
the end.,,707 Another source of strength for her survival is a close relationship with God.
She reported that she tells her difficulties and problems to God and receives healing and a
way forward. Annamma depends up on God for everything. Her strong faith and intimate
relationship with God helps her to survive in this world even if she experiences difficulties,
Conclusion
These life stories of Dalit Christian women exposed the violence they experience in their
lives. They were the silent survivors of violence until they started to speak out in the one-
day seminar, two Bible studies and their informal conversations. The next chapter
analyses the significant issues emerged from the research on violence against Dalit
Christian women and explores how a relevant Practical Theology can be developed which
reflects the experience of Dalit Christian women and suggests the strategies for
transforming action in their lives.
In this chapter I shall first analyse the significant themes, which have emerged from my
research into the life experiences of Dalit women. I shall then show how these, together
with the cultural traditions of the Dalit community, are important resources for the
development of a feminist practical theology which is relevant to their lives. Finally I shall
make concrete suggestions for the development of a programme that could bring hope and
transformation in the lives of Dalit Christian women who are experiencing violence.
Significant Themes and Issues, Which Have Emerged from the Research
Dalit women, like all women, have violence as the context of their lives. The life stories of
Dalit Christian women in the previous chapter demonstrate that the Dalit women, who
participated in my research, experienced sexual violence, domestic violence and cultural
violence. They experienced these kinds of violence in their everyday lives and this is
related to the same issues of power and gender as anywhere in the world. As Adams
states, " ... but as women, we live in harm's way: everyday, everywhere ... and we are
statistically more at risk at home than in public. Physical and sexual violence is the context
of our lives.,,709
The perpetrators of sexual violence are high caste landlords and sometimes husbands and
relatives from the same Dalit family. When a man purposely poked the breasts of Kavitha
and another man poked on the buttocks of Alice they were humiliated in public as they
travelled. Kavitha resisted such humiliation by slapping the conductor who poked her
breasts and Alice resisted by pricking with a safety pin the buttocks of her violator, these
courageous Dalit women used their own self-defence in order to stop the actions of
violators. Sexual violence takes place within the private circle such as one's own family
home. Dalit women are raped in the working place such as landlord's garden or farming
land.
Firstly, violence is physical force, which produces visible wound or marks on the body of
the survivor. For example, Annamma Devasya, who experienced domestic violence,
showed me the marks of violence in her leg. Mary Babu explained to me that with physical
force her husband smashed two teeth.
Secondly, violence is verbal abuse, destructive behaviour and derogatory language, which
create mental distress in the survivor. For example, Elsamma Babychen experienced not
only physical violence but also mental agony due to her husband's verbal abuse and
tormenting such as 'You go for wickedness.' He also engaged in destructive behaviour
such as watching to see whether she smiled at or talked to any men. Mahoney points out
that "Psychological abuse is much more common than physical or sexual abuse in intimate
relationship.,,7l2 Psychological wounds in the mind of the woman survivor heal more
slowly than the physical bruises in her body. As Elsamma suffered continuous beatings,
she became sad, upset and psychologically depressed. She became sick because of the
710 Jeanne Stevenson Moessner (ed.) Through the Eyes of Women: Insights for Pastoral Care,
Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996, p.193.
711 Russell, Dictionary, p. 307.
186
mental agony she experienced due to her husband's violence. The medication could not
heal the psychological agony in her.
Thirdly, violence is discrimination based on caste, skin colour and gender, which produce
severe invisible harm throughout the life of the survivor. For example, a high caste
conductor in the bus poked the breast of Kavitha Johnson, when she travelled with her
schoolmates. High caste children did not make friends with Kavitha because of her dark
skin colour and caste. Syrian Christian women do not respond well when Kavitha greets
them and the reason for their reaction is due to her skin colour and her caste. Kavitha
experienced male violence from her partner, partner's brother and partner's brother-in-law
and these three violators are from Ezhava caste, which is higher than her own.
Discrimination based on caste, skin colour and gender keep on harming the survivor
mentally and there is no end for such harm. She cannot change her caste identity and
neither she can change skin colour. Such discrimination made Kavitha believe that her
colour is ugly and her caste in not worthy. Being a researcher among Dalit women, I
consider this discrimination is a kind of violence against Dalit Christian woman because it
keeps on wounding the survivor. Any violence against Dalit woman's family members also
affects her life. If Dalit woman's hut is burnt down, or if her husband, father or son is
murdered it certainly affects the well being of Daht woman.
Gender analysis can reveal that Dalit women experience violence and discrimination based
on their gender. My research proves that Dalit women experience physical and sexual
violence by men because they are women. Carol J. Adams and Marie M. Fortune's work713
is a gender analysis of violence against women and children and what they refer from the
Western context is relevant to the lives of Daht women in Kerala State:
Physical and sexual violence against women, usually committed by men, is
pandemic in our culture and the high rates of violence against women and girl
children make it clear that we who are female are particularly vulnerable to
violence simply due to our gender. We live with the reality that theologian
Mary Hunt has described: violence is the context of our lives rather than
separate, individual episodes in our lives. 714
Daht women, who participated in my research, are expected to behave according to the
expectations of their husbands or other men in the society. Annamma Devasya and
Elsamma Babychen's husbands expected them not to talk or smile at any other male and
these women were treated as their husband's property. Men are permitted to use their
As MacKinnon writes: "All the ways in which women are suppressed and subjected-
restricted, intruded on, violated, objectified- are recognised as what sex is for women and
as the meaning and content of feminity.,,717
Dalit Christian women are women and untouchables therefore they are vulnerable to abuse
and violence from their own men and high caste men. Being Dalits, being women and
being poor, they are expected to be submissive to the power of men in all castes.
MacKinnon writes:
Paying attention to every detail of every incident of a woman's violation they
can get their hands on, women attempt not to be her. The problem is,
combining even a few circumstances, descriptions, conditions, and details of
acts of sexual abuse reveals that no woman has a chance. To be about to be
raped is to be gender female in the process of going about life as usual. Some
things do increase the odds, like being Black. One cannot live one's life
attempting not to be a Black woman. As Black women well know, one cannot
save it that way, either. 718
Stereotypes become standards in the society in which Dalit women live in the midst of
various oppressions. For example, 'woman's place is in the kitchen' is one of the
stereotypes used in Indian society. It is assumed that the duty of woman is to bear and rear
children, prepare food, wash pots and pans, fetch water and firewood, wash clothes, sweep
the home, and provide food and pleasure to husband. These kinds of stereotypes are
changing slowly in the lives of high caste women as they become educated and gain
professional jobs but they are imposed on all Dalit women, who are poor, illiterate and
unemployed. Men from her caste and men from higher castes exercise power over Dalit
woman on the basis of these existing stereotypes. If a high caste woman's place is in the
kitchen a Dalit woman belongs to the paddy field, garden or kitchen of the so- called high
715 Catharine A. Mackinnon, Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law, Cambridge:
Harvard University press, 1987, p. 8.
716 Kumari, 'Crime Against Women' in Sharma, Crime Against Women, p. 145.
717 MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified, p. 6.
718 MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified, p. 7.
188
caste people. 719 My participants in the research are daily wage labourers, who work in the
paddy fields or in the kitchens of the high caste people.
Dalit women are silenced as Dalit females. Caste hierarchy in India compels Dalit women
to accept the ideas that they are stupid, their experiences are unspeakable, their ideas are
not valid, they are filthy, they are untouchables, they are the 'others,' they are 'blacks,' and
they are 'ignorant.' They are not suppose to talk or laugh loudly, they are asked to keep
their hands on their mouth as they talk because they are Dalit women. MacKinnon points
out this kind of gender discrimination women experience in their lives:
Women have been silenced as women: we have been told we are stupid
because we are women, told that our thoughts are trivial because we are
women, told that our experiences as women are unspeakable, told that women
can't speak the language of significance, had our ideas appropriated by men,
only to find those ideas have suddenly become worthy, even creative. Women
have been excluded from education as women.720
From my research I understand that the caste nature of the society is based on the
Brahminic religion and the violence Dalit Christian women experience has a direct link
with religious traditions, which sustains the caste system in society. Dalit Bandhu writes:
Aryans oppressed Dalits thus far in the name of god; they used god. The god of
Aryans said that Dalits are born from below the foot of god. That infrastructure
made Dalits, Dalits. 721
T. M. Yesudasan refers to seven Dalit novels, which describe the role of religion in
pushing Dalits in to the 'pit-hell.' These novels in the Malayalam language expose the
caste nature of the society and its effect on Dalit life. 722
Pulaya (cheramar) Dalit women's identities have fallen below that of slaves because of the
Brahminic religion as K. Panoor, who worked as the special officer for the colonies of
Scheduled Tribes, or (Adivasis) who are Dalits, writes:
Paniyan, Adiyar, pulayar [Pulayas] these names are fallen below the word
slave- their status, honour and personality everything got destroyed. Their life
histories are for centuries can be written in one sentence. Born beside the
719 According to Sarita Ranchod, more than 80% of Dalit women work in the agricultural sector and
Dalit women in urban areas work in informal sector such as hawking, scarp collecting and
domestic work. She highlights that 31. 6% of Dalit girls are child workers. Sarita Ranchod,
'Highlighting Dalit Women's Rights at the WCAR'.
720 MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified, pp. 56, 57.
721 Sandhu, Dalit Daivasasthram, p. 27.
722 Those novels are Paul Chirakkarod's five novels Pulayathara, Mathil, Nizhal, Velicham, and
Avaranam, C. E. James' 'Samvalsarangal,' and D. Rajan's 'Mukkani. Yesudasan, Dalit
Swathavum, p. 117.
189
agricultural land, live inside the mud of the field, after a long time's poverty
and suffering becomes the compost for the soil. This situation continues even
today.723
I have explained in chapter three how the caste hierarchy started in Kerala State. The
invasion of the Aryans and the destruction of the Indus valley culture made Dalits
powerless and the Aryans powerful, therefore, Indian society functions on the basis of such
hierarchy. Dalit Bandhu states that all women in India including Brahmin women are
Dalits, deceived, oppressed and they are the slaves of men.724 In this case Dalit women are
more vulnerable to all kinds of degradation by men because they are women and they are
Dalit women. Rape by the landlord, and rape by the nearest relatives are common among
Dalit women. Radha Kumari writes:
Crime against women agricultural labourers by the goondas of landlords and
gang rapes of tribal and dalit women are being used as weapons in the hands of
dominant class and caste forces. In fact, many of the crimes are committed by
the guardians of law and order. 725
Kavitha, in her life story, explained how Dalit girls, who were brought for harvest were
used by high caste men for sex. Such sexual abuse or rape in the working places can be
considered as landlord rape and caste rape. All 'landlord rapes' are the exercise of power
and also 'caste rapes' because dominant people use their power to rape women, who are
considered as powerless beings. Radha Kumar points out other two types of rape 'rape by
those in authority' and 'caste rape.' Kumar writes:
There is the category of 'rape by those in authority,' comprising the exercise of
power within the workplace to rape women employees or juniors. There is the
category of 'caste rape,' in which caste hierarchy is exercised to rape lower-
caste or outcaste women (such as 'tribals,).726
Men, including Dalit men, want to prove through violence that they have power over Dalit
women. Annamma Yohannan's neighbour from the Ezhava caste used his power to rape
her. High caste male power is used over the sexual exploitation of the economically poor
Dalit women. Dalit women experience violence because of the power imbalances and
power is associated with the dominant so-called 'touchables' in a society where
'untouchables' are considered as powerless human beings.
Untouchability, therefore, is not merely a social evil resulting from the deviant
behaviour of one social group (upper caste) against another (Dalits) to be
723 K. Panoor, Kearalathile Africa (Africa in Kerala): Travel Notes on the Tribals of Wynad, Sahitya
Pravarthaka Co-operative, Kottayam & National Sook Stall, Kottayam: 1963, p. 23.
724 Sandhu, Da/it Daivasasthram, pp. 11, 12.
725 Kumari in Sharma, Crime Against Women, p. 147.
726 Kumar, The History of DOing, p. 128.
190
corrected through education and obliterated through urbanization. It is rather a
. dema
systemIC . 1 0 f ng
. hts to access resources an d power. 727
'Touchables,' high caste people, use their power to exploit the balance of power between
high caste and Dalits. Meyer Wilmes refers to the Fourth World Women's Conference in
Beijing in 1995 for defining the violence against women:
By violence in relations between the sexes we understand any kind of violation
of physical and lor mental integrity which is connected with the gender of the
victim and the perpetrator and which is exercised by exploiting the balance of
. .. 728
power between men an d women present m eXIstmg structures.
Power associated with the dominant people in the caste based society shelter violence
against Dalits.
The economic position of Dalit women is very poor because of unemployment, low wages,
lack of resources, lack of education and most of them are landless people. My research
enabled me to understand that the violence Dalit Christian women experience is linked to
their poverty. My participants in research are pressed with financial difficulties and
poverty at home. A. Padmanabhan too points out the economic problems of Dalit
Christians:
The Dalit Christians constitute about 75% of the Indian Christians and they
have their own serious socio-economic problems. They are spread out in
villages like Hindu Scheduled Castes. The Non-Scheduled Caste Christians and
the Church do not treat them equally. The Christianity too has its casteism. 729
Annamma Devasya and Kavitha Johnson explained how their mothers became objects of
sex for high caste men due to the grinding poverty they experienced. Sex is a major
emotional outlet in contexts of grinding poverty and this results in the exploitation of Dalit
women by their male counterparts. 730 Sexual exploitation by high caste men is also
worsened because of the poverty and lack of income of Dalit women. Sexual exploitation
and rape takes place when economically poor Dalit women go to high caste people for
work or when they seek any help from high caste men. Dalit women who are economically
poor may get into prostitution in order to provide daily bread for their children. The
Material deprivation plays a great role in the violence against Dalit Christian women and
they experience certain practical difficulties in their lives because of it. Dabt women are
unable to afford to have nutritious food and they survive with poor meal kanji (cooked rice
and water). They cannot afford to buy milk, meat, fish and fruits. Dalit adults are adjusted
to their poverty somehow but such poverty is harming the growth and health of their little
ones and Dalit parents are unable to provide the minimum needed food or milk to their
children. Kavitha Johnson told me that she did not give milk for her little girl for a long
period and the little one cried, when she saw her mummy boiling milk because she wanted
it so much.
Dabt women do not have proper clothes to wear and sometimes no second pair of clothes,
when the clothes they wear, are wet from washing. Mary Babu, Annamma Devasya and
Elsamma Babychen reported that they experienced these kinds of difficulties. Elsamma
uses one sari for a year and when it is tom then she stitches the sides of the sari and then
reuses it. Two Dalit Christian women expressed their need and expected me to provide
saris for them.
Dalit Christian women do not have properly constructed houses to live in. They dwell in
one-room huts, which have no proper doors or roofing and leak during the rainy season.
There are no sanitary facilities in their huts. They take baths in the open canal. I found it
difficult to get inside Kavitha's hut because there was a rough shaking stone instead of
concrete steps and while I came out from the hut and slipped on this stone. When I
observed the belongings in the hut I understood that brave and intelligent Kavitha is
economically very poor. Twenty-six year old Kavitha wrote a letter to my address in
Glasgow expressing her sincere desire to continue her education but her financial struggles
prevents her studying.
Most of my informants are landless and work in the agricultural sector. When there is no
work for them, there is no other income for their livelihood. Dalit women face all these
difficulties due to lack of resources and lack of their own land. This situation makes them
weak to stand and challenge the male violence and power used against them. Gail Omvedt
writes:
731 National Commission for Women 1995-96, Societal Violence on Women and Children: A
192
The basic economic dependence of women, their propertylessness and
resourcelessness, renders them fearfully weak in standing up and challenging
the violence and power that is used against them in the society.732
They are vulnerable to all kinds of violence because of the poverty in their lives.
The Black Paper affirms the reason for the poverty among Dalits:
However, the most crucial factor is poverty caused by unequal distribution of
various forms of resources. This systemic imbalance needs priority attention in
Dalit women's empowerment and fulfilment of their livelihood rights. 733
This is correct in my observation because four of my informants lived in huts that exist on
a few cents of land on the banks of the canal and their huts get flooded in the rainy season.
Dalit women are labour dependent, which means they have been deprived of land as a
resource. 734 The National Campaign Manifesto claims:
In order to restore dalit rights the Indian State must provide constitutional
guarantees for the restoration of land to the dalits and for the redistribution of
land so that all dalit families will have the means of living, which will embody
their right to live. 735
Unemployment among Dalit Christian women is another cause for the violence they
experience. Many Dalit girls do not go to college after their school education and they
stop their education due to the financial difficulties at home. Mary Babu experienced
violence from her husband whenever she spoke about the need for finance to enable their
girl to continue education. Mary Babu's girls do not have money to pay their tuition fees. If
they are unable to get enough educational qualification they cannot get employment in the
future. Unemployment creates tension within the family. There is no other way for
progress than education. The Black Paper argues that Daht girls are forced into labour for
their survival:
Due to lack of permanent and secured income in the family, the girl child is
forced into a situation where she not only has to substitute the labour of parents
at home, but also supplement the family income as a girl child worker. 73
Annamma Yohannan, who survived the rape of the neighbour landlord, went for work
from the early age because of financial difficulties and poverty at home. She could not
continue her education because of the financial difficulties at home. She is living in a hut
with her married daughter and she faces poverty. This proves that there is a link between
Mary Babu in her life story describes how she has to work many days in order to get the
necessary money to pay the fees of her daughter. Dalit women, who are discriminated on
the basis of their gender and caste, have no choice of work. They have to accept whatever
work is offered and whatever work is available to them. The Black Paper states that Dalit
women's low wages in various areas of work contribute to their poverty:
In urban areas, Dalit women also fill the unorganised, self-employed sector as
hawkers, scrap collectors, petty traders and house servants. They also earn their
livelihood in wage work: domestic workers, construction workers, earthwork,
beedi / agarbatti manufacture, candle making, garment/jari, embroidery works.
All these sectors of employment are characterised by low wages, irregular
work and wage, absence of social security, sexual harassment and dependency
738
on the whims of middlemen and employers.
The Black Paper supports the conclusion that Dalit women experience discrimination in
work and payment on the basis of their gender: "Dalit women labour is labelled as
unskilled, and, therefore, unrecognised, underpaid, and even unpaid.,,739 Later in this
chapter I refer to a Dalit story, where a Dalit woman received meagre wage, a basketful
husked rice for a day's labour. Black Paper affirms that:
It is only when labour is recognized as that of a human person, irrespective of
caste and gender considerations, can there be a situation for Dalit women to
have access to resources and income, and to facilities and opportunities for
740
such access.
The discrimination against Dalit women is obvious in Kerala and Dalit literature testifies to
Dalit women's life experiences. As Jyoti Lanjewar writes, "Scorching life experience is the
price of Dalit Literature.,,741 Paul Chirakkarod an educated Dalit writer refers to Divakaran
Kadavanthra's hand-written poem Vayalarikel Oru Dalit Sthree (Beside the Farm a Dalit
Woman). Through referring to Kadavanthra, Chirakkarod recounts how powerful landlords
expressed their cruelty to Dalit women who laboured in their fields:
If a Dalit woman who produces grain for the landlord takes a bit of rest the
landlord will scream like a tiger; not only abusing her but also beating her. She
does not have the freedom even to breast-feed the infant she has delivered. As
Divakaran Kadavanthra explains in his poem how a Dalit mother cries when she hears her
infant's cry and is unable to breast feed her infant because the cruel landlord does not
permit her to do so. She not only prayed to the mountain to be with her child but she also
asked the eagle, which flies in the sky, to give a bit of shadow to the child. She begged the
landlord's permission to feed her crying child but he showed his big rod to her. At last the
Dalit mother became impatient and tried to come out from the farmland. She was hit on her
head and then there was a river of red blood. When she became conscious at evening she
crept and reached the child and she kept close to her breasts the remains of the body eaten
by ants. 743 In the last stanza of the poem Kadavanthra refers to a big field at Chathangeri
near Thiruvalla in Kerala State and writes, "If you go today through the varanbhu [small
thin paths] in the Chathangeri field and listen, a cry is heard perthum, perthum,
perthum.,,744 This poem gives a clue that this particular incident might have happened in
Chathangeri. Annamma Yohannan too told a Dalit story, in which ants ate a Dalit infant,
when the Daht mother was away for work. I see similarities in both stories in which a
powerful landlord is cruel to a Dalit woman.
The impact of caste-society upon Dalit men also plays a role in the violence against their
women. Domestic violence, such as wife battering, is very common among the Dalits. Five
among the seven Dalit women with whom I had informal interviews reported that they
suffered violence from the hands of their husbands and one among these five suffered
violence from the hands of an unmarried partner. Patricia Mahoney, Linda M.Williams and
Carolyn M.West define battering and its impact upon women:
Battering is a term used to describe a pattern of behaviours through which one
person continually reinforces a power imbalance over another in an
intimate/romantic relationship context. Typically, a batterer uses both
742 Paul Chirakkarod, Prof. M. Sathya Prakasam, Dr. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel, Dalit Kavithakal: Oru
Padanam (Dalit Poems: A Study), Tiruvalla: CLS, 1992, p. 56.
743 Divakaran Kadavanthra, 'Vayalarikel Oru Da/it Sthree' (One Dalit Woman beside the Farm) in
Paul Chirakkarod, Prof. M. Sathya Prakasam and Dr. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel, Da/it Kavithakal:
Oru Padanam (Dalit Poems: A Study), Tiruvalla, CLS, 1992, 191, 192.
744 Kadavanthra, in Chirakkarod, Dalit Kavithakal, p. 192.
195
assaultive and non-assaultive behaviors, which, over time, have the effect of
dominating, controlling, and inducing fear and lor subservience in the
relationship partner. 745
Elsamma Babychen, Annamma Devasya and Mary Babu suffered violence at their homes
from the hands of their husbands. Elsamma not only suffered violence at home she was
also hit by her husband in front of the crowd gathered at the house of a dead neighbour. It
is hard for Dalit women to find a place of safety, when their husbands are violators and
their homes are dangerous places for them to live.
Dalit men assault their partners for a number of reasons. First of all, Dalit women are
beaten when they ask their husbands to provide money for their children's education. Mary
Babu's husband attacked her, when she asked for the money to pay the fees for children's
education. Dalit men get irritated if they are unable to provide for the needs of their wife
and children. Even though I did not listen to the life stories of Dalit men, what I heard from
Dalit women enabled me to understand that Dalit men express their frustration in the form
of cruel violence against their wives and their children. I understand that Dalit men are
under a lot of pressure because of their poor economic situation and unemployment. Dalit
men are unable to meet the basic needs of the joint family in which they live with their
wife and children. When Dalit joint families lack basic items such as food, clothes that
creates tension. In such a situation 'a quarrel culture is developed' within the joint family.
Pulamadathile pulambal (the complaints, cries and quarrels inside the hut of the Pulaya) is
a traditional saying among the high caste people in Kerala State. The financial difficulties
of a life of poverty and debt are burdens on the shoulders of Dalit men. Leela, Susamma
James and Mary Babu spoke about the financial difficulties and debts they have on their
shoulders.
Secondly, Dalit women are beaten, when they are not behaving as their husbands'
expectations. Elsamma's husband expected her not to talk or smile at any other man.
Annamma Devasya's first husband expected her not to talk to any man including any little
boys. Dalit men's violence against Dalit women is due to their suspicion whether they have
any relationship with other men as their wives smile at members of the opposite sex.
Elsamma Babychen and Annamma Devasya experienced violence from their husbands
because of their husband's suspicion. When Elsamma's doubting husband returned home
after a day's work, if the hut was kept tidy and she prepared good food and if she was in
745 Patricia Mahoney, Linda M. Williams & Carolyin M. West, 'Violence Against Women by Intimate
Relationship Partners,' in Claire M. Renzetti, (eds.), Sourcebook on Violence Against Women,
(pp. 143-178), p. 145.
196
good attitude, he doubted whether any male visited her or assumed why she did all these
things at home. He assumed that some male visited her and spent time with her, and then
he started to accuse, abuse and beat his wife. Annamma Devasya's husband doubted her,
when she returned home after a day's work and then attacked her. Traditionally, this is
what happened in the past because the powerful landlords visited Dalit huts for sex with
Dalit women, when their husbands were away for work. This thought is inherited in Dalit
men from father to son and from generation to generation. This doubt can be getting
cleared only, when Dalits are treated equal with all other castes and when they are given
equal access to all resources, education and employment.
Thirdly, Dalit men are violent against their women because they understand that other men
including landlords use their power to sexually exploit Dalit women. Mahakavi M. P.
Appan's Muthumala (pearl Chain), a poem that describes the life story of a Pulaya woman,
shows how Dalit a husband uses his power over his wife. Appan explains in this poem that
an artist loved a Pulaya girl and drew her picture and sent it to a competition. He won a
prize for that picture and so he presented a Muthumala to his old lover. It created anger in
her Pulaya husband who then did not believe her sincerity and chastity. Later the Pulaya
husband killed her cruelly.746 Paul Chirakkarod explains why Dalit husbands are cruel to
their wives:
The Dalit woman is living in different situations. She receives very little
pleasure and safety from her husband. She has to live alone in the work place.
Naturally this prepares the way for [husband's] doubt. The Dalit man is unable
to keep her beside him. His life is full of lack. It turns to apakarshatha (guilty
conscience), poison of doubt and murder. 747
Dalit husbands are aware that the landlords use their power to sexually exploit Dalit
women. Dalit men are unable to express their anger to the powerful landlords, who use
their wives but instead of that they express their severe disappointments and anger in
cruelty to their wives.
A fourth reason for a Dalit husband to be violent against his wife is when she is suspicious
whether he loves or is having a sexual relationship with another woman. When Dalit
woman confront her husband, he has the power to respond with violence to silence her.
Mary Babu doubted her husband's relationship with his cousin sister. Kavitha Johnson
doubted her partner's relationship with the prostitutes at Alapuzha (Alleppy).
Dalit girls do not have right to choose their partners. As in Mary Babu's case there is no
freedom for Dalit girls to choose her own partner. Mary had to agree to the marriage
arranged by her parents and marry a boy from Catholic Church even though she did not
wish for it.
The economically poor Dalit girl Kavitha eloped with a boy but she suffered violence not
only from her partner but also from two other men in the same family. Poor Dalit girls
such as Kavitha are unable to get married and their parents find it very difficult to produce
enough money to give as dowry. A girl becomes a commodity for exchange in arranged
marriages in India because the bridegroom's family bargain for a dowry and gold along
746 Veena Poonacha (ed.), Understanding Violence, Bombay: Research Centre for Women's
Studies, nd., p. 1.
198
with the girl. If a girl's parents are unable to provide the amount of a dowry and gold asked
by boy's family, that marriage might not take place. Then the boy's family go to another
proposal to get the same amount of dowry.
Annamma Devasya's family selected husbands for her first and second marriages. She did
not choose her partner but she had to agree with her family when they selected a boy who
was deaf. Annamma got married to him and suffered much violence from his hands. After
his death her family chose another man and now she suffers violence from her second
husband. She still lives with her second husband, who tortures her.
Dalit Women's web of Relationship with Joint Families is a Cause for Violence against them
Kavitha Johnson and Leela are two survivors who suffered much difficulties and violence
in Daht joint families. Both of them witnessed the drawbacks of the joint family system,
which caused in fights and violence between their parents. Dalit women live between three
families, her parents' family, her husband's family and her own family. She has
responsibilities and obligations to all three families. She lives in her husband's joint family
with married and unmarried siblings, parents and grandparents. If she returns to her family
that is also a joint family. A Dalit woman has a web of relationship with her own joint
family and her husband's joint family and her own family, which includes her husband and
their children. It is difficult for Daht woman to meet all the expectations of the members in
these families. Maintaining good relationship with all these members is an added burden
on her shoulders. She needs to share food, money and clothes in between all these
members. If she is not sharing relationships can deteriorate. She has to provide for parents
and parents-in-Iaws, and she and her husband have to provide money for the marriage of
their sisters. If a Dalit woman gives more affection to own parents, her husband might not
be pleased. If she is unable to please her parents-in-law it can provoke her husband to be
violent to her. The husband's and wife's love relationship may be damaged because of all
the pressures of the joint family system.
My research has shown how the silence of Dalit women contributes to their continuing
abuse. Leela, who experienced sexual violence from her childhood, never filed complaints
against her violators but she kept silence about it because of her uncles' threatening
behaviour. Her silence was a shelter for the abusers to continue their evil acts against her.
Leela's abusers enforced secrecy and silence as MacKinnon points out "often the abuser
199
enforces secrecy and silence; secrecy and silence may be part of what is so sexy about
sexual abuse.,,749
Annama Y ohannan, who was raped by a neighbouring landlord, kept silent instead of filing
complaints against him and she stopped going to work in the violator's garden. Annamma
did not talk about the incident even to her parents. MacKinnon finds another reason why
survivors of sexual violence do not file any complaints:
Most victims of sexual harassment, if the incidence data are correct, never file
complaints. Many who are viciously violated are so ashamed to make that
violation public that they submit in silence, although it devastates their self-
respect and often their health, or they leave the job without complaint, although
it threatens their survival and that of their families. 75o
Why Dalit women are silent when they are survivors of violence is a major issue to be
explored further. Fear and the belief that speaking out could worsen their situation might
be two basic reasons for their silence. First of all they are afraid to talk because powerful
men may harm them if they reveal the violence they have experienced from their hands.
Talking about such violence affects not only Dalit women's safety but also the safety of
her husband and children.
Secondly if Dalit women were to talk to their husbands about the violence they have
experienced from their landlords, these husbands could become more violent to wives
because of the suppression and pain Dalit men experience and which they cannot change
themselves. Unwillingly and silently they submit themselves to all kinds of degradation,
oppression, discriminations and violence at the hands of the high caste people. Therefore,
if Dalit women were to talk about their experiences of violence, their lives might be in
danger from their own men. In this case Dalit women do not see any refuge other than
being silent. They see men as powerful and violent people whether it is inside the family or
outside the family, whether it is within their own caste or outside their own caste, whether
it is in their religion or outside their religion.
Thirdly, how can women break their silence unless they find someone who is willing to
listen to their stories for the sake of bringing some transformation in their situation. The
women I listened to did not know with whom to share their problems. Leela and Alice
Mathai, who experienced violence, were relieved to share their experience with a woman,
who would listen to them and who would treat their experiences as confidential. However,
Fourthly, Daht women believe that even if they share their life stories, this will not bring
any practical solution for their problems. Therefore they find it wise not to disclose their
experiences to anyone and risk the shame that might ensue. In our informal conversations
Leela stated that it was better to share problems with God rather than talking about them to
human beings.
Fifthly, Dalit Christian women's religion has taught them to be silent when they suffer
violence. Elsamma Babychen suffered in silence when her husband continued to hit and
abuse her because of her faith. The Christian teaching that women receive encourages them
to forgive the violators and pray for them. Mary Babu, who suffers severe violence from
her husband, prays for him and keeps silence about the incidents that take place. She
believes that when God answers her prayers he might become a non-violent person.
Sixthly, if Dalit women complaint about the violence they experience from own family or
from the high caste landlords, the listeners due to their bias against Dalits might not give
them justice. As MacKinnon argues the court, police and doctors might not see the incident
from women's perspective:
Women believe that not only will we not be believed by the police, not only
will the doctors treat us in degrading ways, but when we go to court, the
incident will not be seen from our point of view. It is unfortunate that these
fears have, on the whole, proved accurate. The fear of being treated poorly is
not an invention of women's imaginations. It is the result of the way we have
been treated. 751
Dalit women, who are the survivors of violence, keep silent because their problems are not
seen from their perspective, when they seek for justice. This problem might be solved in
the future if there were enough Dalit lawyers, Daht police and Dalit doctors, to listen to
Dalit women.
Moreover, Dalit mothers who are the survivors of violence keep silent and continue in their
relationships with violent partners or violent landlords because of love for their children.
Dalit women work hard in order to provide food, clothes and education for their children.
Daht women express their hardship and concerns for their children through singing
folksongs. Resly Abraham,752 a Daht woman who has a Masters degree in theology, refers
to a song, which expresses a Daht mother's love for her children:
Dalit women curse their fate because they could not feed their babies from
their breast. So they looked up and saw some kites (birds) flying high above.
They [Dalit woman] saluted the kites and asked them whether they had seen
her little ones. 753
If a Dalit woman leaves her violent partner, or talks about the violence she experiences,
then she might loose her access to their children. This is the reason Dalit women who are
survivors of violence keep silent and continue to stay with violent husbands or partners. A
Dalit mother thinks about the welfare and happiness of her children more than her own
safety and well being even if she suffers violence from the hands of her partner.
Annamma Devasya, Leela, Alice Mathai and Elsamma Babychen attempted to commit
suicide because of the shame they suffered due to violence.
MacKinnon writes:
It is apparently difficult to carryon about the ultimate inviolability of the
person in the face of a person who has been so ultimately violated. The shame
and denial over the term "victim" has the same structure. 754
Shame causes the survivors of violence to keep silent about the incident. Whether the
violence took place at home in the form of wife battering and abuse, or it took place in a
working place in the form of rape, molestation or sexual abuse, women try to keep silent
because of the shame. A woman thinks that if she talks about it she will be blamed for the
752 Resly Abraham is the Director of Anveshi Dalit Women's Documentation Center at Tiruvalla in
Kerala State. I had an hour's conversation with Resly on 4th December 2001 in Resly's
residence at Mavelikkara. She got married to a non-Christian man named Prabhakaran, who is
also from the same caste Parayas. I had an hour's conversation with Resly's mother Mariamma
Abraham and Mariamma commented about her caste, Parayante kulam nallathu, kalam
mosam. (Paraya's caste is good but pot is bad). She explained why their cooking practices are
bad; 'they always cook meat and keep it in the pot, therefore, it smells but Parayas are the
highest vamsam (caste) and their character also is good.'
753 Resly Abraham, The Response of Paraya Community to Selected Contemporary Liberation
Movements of Central Kerala: An Ethical Critique, Unpublished MTh Thesis, Bangalore: United
Theological College, March 2001, p. 66.
754 MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified, p. 13.
202
incident that happened. She doubts whether anyone would understand her when she tells
the truth. Sometimes it is difficult for her to convince others that she was attacked, abused,
molested or raped. A general tendency in India is to blame the woman by saying that if a
leaf falls on a thorn or a thorn falls on a leaf hurts only the leaf. Therefore, the leaf has to
be careful not to get hurt and it is a woman's responsibility to be careful not to get hurt by
men. A woman cannot get proper justice even if she reports the incident of rape, molest,
attack and battering. If the quarrel and beatings takes place inside the home in an intimate
and private relationship then others would not get involved in the private matters of the
wife and husband. The attitude of society is 'Let them sort out their own matters.' This
kind of situation leads the survivors of violence to shame and then denial. Women hate
themselves and loose their self -esteem, courage, happiness and peace. In case of Elsamma
Babychen as a form of denial she did not eat food for many days, when she suffered severe
violence from her husband. Women do not care for themselves when they are in denial.
They are unable to share their pain with anyone. Denial and shame can lead the survivors
of violence to suicide, when their strength for resistance is weak. Radha Kumar states that
women who have experienced rape in Indian society, are considered equal to social-
outcastes Dalits:
Women feel they cannot live with dignity after a rape; no one will agree to
marry them, they are like social outcastes-and so are open to such
marriages ... In many instances women would otherwise see suicide as the only
way out for them. 755
Shame keeps Dalit women who are survivors of violence silent. Not talking to anyone can
lead to depression and more isolation because they hold their experiences within them. If
they are not talking because of shame then they are not able to get relief from their
problems. Talking about the violence they experienced can bring some relief to their
minds. Leela gained relief, when she spoke for the first time about the sexual violence she
experienced. Shame prevented Leela telling her experience to anyone. Therefore, she was
isolated until I reached there to listen to her experience. Elsamma Babychen did not talk to
anyone, not even to her neighbours, during the seven years she experienced violence.
Shame has kept Elsamma in total seclusion. She did not want to talk to her neighbours
because there was nothing joyful for her to talk about. Therefore, she isolated herself from
communication. If shame keeps Dalit women silent and isolated, then social gatherings for
Dalit women can be a way for them to meet together and begin to share.
755 Radha Kumar, The History of Doing: An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women's Rights
and Feminism in India 1800-1990, New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993, p. 136.
203
Dalit women are ashamed to talk about the violence because of their untouchable state and
such shame keeps them silent and isolated. Dalit women cannot change their identity being
born as Dalits and women. The Black Paper states:
Untouchability is the demon that acts as the agent of caste system ... Casteism
with its ideological roots in Brahmanism did it much earlier and created
untouchability in its worst inhuman forms. 756
If the untouchability is removed, then it can bring changes in the lives of Dalit women. The
Black Paper writes: "No profession of 'providing' equality and equal opportunity to the
Dalits will be acceptable until untouchability is removed in principle and in practice."757
Although Dalit women suffer at the hands of men they often seek to justify the men and
blame other women such as mother- in- laws, mothers, lovers of husbands and sisters while
fathers, husbands are defended. Annamma Devasya defends her present husband, who is
the violator, and blames the other woman for her husband's violence. Therefore Annamma
asks the question, 'when a woman comes to a man with her sexual need is there any man
who would ignore such need?' Annamma Devasya argues that it is not her husband's fault
that he is unfaithful and although Annamma suffers violence from the hands of her
husband she justifies the position of her husband.
Mary Babu, who lost her teeth due to husband's violence, blames the husband's cousin's
sister, who was fed rice by him. Mary Babu also blames her mother-in-law for her
husband's violence against her. She complained that her mother-in-law instigated her
husband to be violent. Many Dalit women, who suffer violence from their men, justify the
position of their men and blame other women for such violence.
Dalit women, like other women in India, keep silent in their suffering from male violence.
If a woman breaks her silence, it is defying the traditional role assigned to her. Men in
Kerala do not like women, who do not obey the traditional roles assigned to them.
Therefore, a woman tries to please her violator and then finds it easier to blame other
women. If she points out the mistake of a man there would be more violence because the
man behaves as a powerful giant to her. When a survivor of male violence blames another
woman, traditionally the other woman too would be expected to be silent.
Why the Church is silent about violence against Dalit women is one of the major issues for
reflection. Firstly, the caste system within Christianity in Kerala State causes the Church to
be silent about the violence Dalit women experience. Annamma Yohannan's life story
confirms that Dalits were not allowed to wear head coverings in the presence of high caste
people including Syrian Christians. Syrian Christians do not welcome Pulaya Christians
inside their houses and Syrian Christian churches are hesitant to give membership to Dalit
Christians. These kinds of discrimination are typical of the cultural violence Dalit
Christians experience at the hands of Syrian Christians. Alexander confirms that Dalits
experienced cultural oppression from Syrian Christians:
Even in the mid 1960s Pulaya converts were obliged to remove their headdress
in the presence of rich Syrian Christians. While speaking with their Syrian
Christian employers they had to conceal their mouths with their hands. Pulaya
Christians are not given food inside the house of a Syrian Christian, but only
outside the house in a broken dish or leaf. 758
K. C. Alexander points out that in 1964 a large number of Dalit Christians left the Church
of South India under the leadership of Bishop Stephen, who was previously a priest in CSI.
They left the CSI due to the discrimination experienced from Syrian Christians. 759 Kavitha
Johnson in her life story reveals that she does not like Syrian Christians because of the
discrimination they show to Dalit Christians.
Secondly, the Church assumes that a Christian man does not beat, hit and abuse his wife,
does not rape any woman neighbour, does not abuse any child, and does not molest any
little girl. The Church considers violence, as a problem 'out there' away from the church
and is blind to the violence that takes place within Christian homes, within Christian
congregations and even within Christian leader's home.
Thirdly, Churches in India divide the world unto a secular world, which is outside the
Church, a spiritual world that is within the Church, and the other world, which is life after
death. The Church is only responsible for taking care of spiritual needs and has nothing to
do with the secular world. The Church does not give necessary attention to social issues
and this is a major failure of the Church in India. Priests and Pastors from various
denominations neglect social issues such as violence against women, caste discrimination,
Fourthly, the Church lacks trained people, who can handle the issue of violence against
women and who can give counselling to the survivors of violence. Even if the issue of
violence against women is brought to the attention of priests or pastors, they do not know
how to deal with such sensitive issues because they lack the training and tools to take care
of it.
As I explained earlier all kinds of violence done or provoked by the high caste people
against Dalit women have a direct link with religions such as Brahminic religion and
Christianity. Brahminic religion's interpretation of caste and its encouragement of the
caste system prevail in society. Christianity's teaching to forgive the violators and its
ecclesiastical language of submission, are problems for Dalit Christian women who
experience violence. Religion strengthens the oppressors and the Christian church in India
has a role in contributing to the present situation of Dalit Christian women.
Christianity
Christian churches have contributed to the bad situation Daht Christian women experience
because Christianity has taught Dalit Christian wives to be submissive to their husbands.
Therefore, they are submissive even when they experience violence at the hands of their
husbands. The survivor of violence, who is a Dalit Christian woman, keeps silent and
forgives her violator. Christianity encourages the woman to continue living with the
violator if the violator is her husband. When I analyse why Annamma Devasya went back
so often to her violent husband, I find an answer in her religion because she has been
taught to live with her husband until death no matter whether he is violent or not. Breaking
holy marriage is a sin to her even if she suffers from the hands of violent husband. She sees
her responsibility to keep going with her violent husband for the sake of her religion,
Christianity.
Most of the priests and pastors in Churches in Kerala are either from a Syrian Christian
Church background or from high castes. Therefore, pastors or priests do not give much
attention to Dalit women's problems. Many Christian ministers lack proper pastoral and
social concerns but their responsibilities are limited to conducting spiritual services in the
Church.
If Dalit women go to a pastor or priest to share their problems, male ministers find it hard
to believe and understand Dalit women. Their attitude is that we are here for your spiritual
welfare and it is not our responsibility to deal with your social needs. It is unnecessary to
draw a line between the sacred and secular and separate these two aspects. Most Christian
leaders, with the exception of some Catholic leaders, do not consider social concerns as
issues for Christians to deal with. In this situation how can a Dalit woman share her
problems with male pastor or male priest? How can she talk about the violence she
experiences unless pastor or priest becomes ready to listen to her?
Male ministers in Kerala are reserved about listening to women and are not comfortable
talking or listening to women, who have experienced sexual violence or rape. If someone
talks in public about sex, or matters related to sex, it is considered indecent talk. Therefore
priests and pastors, who are spiritual leaders, are not expected to deal with sensitive issues
such as sex or sexual violence. This kind of cultural norm prevents Daht Christian women
from talking to male pastors or priests about the sexual violence they experience and it
prevents male ministers from listening to the survivors of sexual violence who are in need
of pastoral care and counselling.
There are no counselling centres or shelter houses for Dalit Christian women to seek
practical help in their crises. There is no help line available to Dalit women, or any other
women, to seek help or guidance if they suffer from male abuse.
Culture Prevents Dalit Christian Women from joining together and Supporting Each Other
The church in Kerala does not encourage Dalit Christian women's capacity for self-
thinking, self-organising and self-liberating. As Lovely Stephen points out Dalit women
are in the front row to protest about general problems and their personal problems. But
Dalit women are not included in the history of society and in women's organisations. Dalit
women are always under the supremacy of others,761 who belong to higher castes.
The laws of Manu prohibit women from doing anything independently and this culture
prevails not only among Hindus but also among Indian Christians. Wendy Doinger writes:
"A girl, a young woman, or even an old woman should not do anything independently,
even in (her own) house.,,762 This cultural understanding still exists in the Christian
communities in Kerala even if things have started to change a bit. Therefore, it is difficult
for Dalit Christian women in Kerala to get organised together because good housewives
would not go for any kind of sammalanam (gathering together with a special purpose).
Christian women are taught not to get involved much in politics or any other matters
outside their homes. Only a bad woman goes to sammalanam is the attitude of the people
in Kerala. Therefore, capable women, who can organise social or political gatherings, are
ridiculed and Dalit Christian women too find it difficult to get organised in this kind of
culture. However, Dalit Christian women did gather together for a day's seminar and if
they can get organised in such a way and join together in future, it would be a great source
of strength to them.
Dalit women do receive some spiritual strength from their religion even if they are unable
to find within it any practical solutions for their problems. The Church is a place of
'escape' for Dalit women. Leela, the survivor of sexual violence, felt that she was a sinner.
She worried whether she would go to heaven after her death. She thought that she was not
Mary McClintock Fulkerson found that Pentecostal women, who are not feminist or
liberationist academics, use religious power to overcome gender discriminations in the
mini stry. 763
As Fulkerson discovered 'call narratives' are important sources of strength for Pentecostal
women she studied. Oral narratives, which are their survival narratives, are important for
Dalit Christian women. Fulkerson finds that "Pentecostal women ministers' call stories
and worship performances, arguing that their ecstatic and bodily displays of joy produce
their own registers of resistance as well.,,764 Dalit Christian women's survival stories are
based on their Christian faith. Annamma Devasya requested a pastor to baptise her and she
believed that Christian baptism might enable her to survive in this world as she
experienced severe violence from her husband. Elsamma believes that if she goes to
763 Mary McClintock Fulkerson, Changing the Subject: Women's Discourses and Feminist
Theology, Fortress Press, Minneapolis: 1994, p. 3.
764 Fulkerson, Changing the Subject, p. 12.
209
Church and attended prayer meeting it could change her life and her violator husband's
life. She believed that the transformation, which took place in her husband's life, was
God's answer to her prayer. She shares her life story as a thanksgiving to God. Fulkerson
finds that folk religious communities rely on oral tradition. Fulkerson states that in the
hands of those Pentecostal women tradition is turned into practices that claim some
powerful spaces. Fulkerson employs intertextual analysis of call stories and worship
practices of those women as she tries to trace the constraints they experience as well as the
transgressive nature of their practices. However, Fulkerson finds it difficult to share her
subjects interpretation of their practices as ideal or as God's wil1.765
Fulkerson argues that Pentecostal women are unable to develop 'gender resistance'
because of their understanding of scripture and the same problem effects Dalit women. She
states:
The requirement that men rule is supported by the status of an infallible Bible.
This suggests that gender resistance will not appear around the topic of women
or women's nature. It is no surprise to discover that the issue of gender is not
an explicit theme raised by these women's practices. 766
Fulkerson finds that Pentecostal women's call narratives lack socio-economic details such
as place, family, career and love but nevertheless these narratives are spiritual histories,
which explain God's call to preaching ministry. Pentecostal women gain their power
through their narratives of calling. 767 Those life stories are constructed out of traditions of
Pentecostal community and represent religious personal narratives in the oral tradition. 768
Fulkerson finds that 'power' is a word used frequently by the Pentecostal women preachers
to describe the pleasure of anointing. 769 Fulkerson points out how Pentecostal women
preachers use power to transcend gender discriminations:
More creatively, they also use their submission to God to deflect criticism from
folks who do not approve of women ministers. In the name of submission,
these women stand up to men (or anyone else) who challenge their ministry.77o
Fulkerson finds that those Pentecostal women preachers claim never to feel that they were
put down or excluded in the Church practices. 771 Even if her agenda is not to make
Pentecostal women feminists Fulkerson writes:
Fulkerson writes:
Two dynamics have emerged in the Pentecostal canonical system from which
the constraints and possibilities for something like gender discourse in
Pentecostalism can be seen to arise. The first is the reliance on the empowering
presence of God as Holy Spirit in human practice. The second is the inclusion
in that canon of the belief that the entire scripture is inspired and available for
use as literal prescriptions. This second dynamic is a constraint on the radical
possibilities of the first. 773
Dalit women's faith narratives are their strength for their survival in the midst of violence
and oppression they experience. Dalit Christian women's faith narratives enable them to
overcome the traditional roles assigned to them as women. They are capable of
influencing their husbands through their faith narratives as Elsamma led her husband to the
prayer meeting and then a great transformation took place in her violator's life. Such
transformation brought peace, it changed their lives and now they are a happy couple even
though they are economically very poor. Elsamma shared her life story and faith
narratives as her Christian testimony. Fulkerson finds that "Given these canonical
constraints, Pentecostal women display considerable, distinctive performative power.,,774
Pentecostal women's call stories enable them to get out from the traditional roles assigned
to women and they use power, when they preach in public and minister in the sacred
sphere:
They legitimate their authority even when men oppose them. The women are
sagamen or heroes not only because they tell of God's victorious exploits
throu h their lives, but because these stories get them out of their traditional
9
roles. 75
Dalit women's faith in God is their shelter and shield, when they experience violence.
Fulkerson finds that the use of call story is a shield for Pentecostal woman to overcome
gender discriminations, "To have a call story is to respond to the pieces of the Pentecostal
canonical system that subordinate women.,,776 Fulkerson writes:
The idealization of dependence as female is somehow altered in their practices,
in that they do not comply with the standard stereotypes of women's body
control, posturing, and bodily restraint. The transgressions of worship practice,
particularly its bodily and oral modes, are temporary, perhaps, but they are
countersignifying processes to the compliant feminity the women espouse.
Although Fulkerson makes some important points concerning the spiritual power women
achieve through religious practices it seems that this form of self assertion will not stop
violence against women. Dalit Christian women's willingness to be submissive to their
men contributes to the violence they experience. Fulkerson finds that the ecclesiastical
language of submission is linked to women's willingness to be battered:
The discourse of submission is not simply to God, but to husbands as well. The
semiotic interchange between the signs for God and male head of household
are indisputable. My argument has focused on the overdetermined nature of
signifying and its muting effects on the communication of certain possible
meanings of gendered discourse is the willingness of women to stay in
battering situations. Women's willingness to be battered is often linked to the
kind of ecclesiastically supported languages of submission that appear in
Pentecostal women's stories. 778
Daht Christian women remam to live with their husbands even if they suffer severe
violence from their men. Dalit women do not seek divorce and are not willing to file cases
against their partners because of the ecclesiastical teaching to be submissive to husbands
and remain with their husbands until death. Fulkerson refers to the life story of a
Pentecostal woman Clady Johnson, who survived the abuse of a man for fourteen years.
Johnson came to a dramatic conclusion, when her husband shot at her and their children,
then she decided to get out. She got a restraining order against him.779 As this woman lived
with a violent partner for fourteen years because of the ecclesiastical culture of submission,
there are Daht women remain with violent husbands because they practice the language of
submission and remain silent.
Faith, prayer, Bible study gives Dalit women strength to survive. However, their faith
doesn't lead them to a vision for action to change their present situation. Dalit Christian
women, who participated in my research, have strong faith but none of them seem to
expect that faith could be linked to social change. Firstly, Dalit women lack a vision for a
social change because religious teaching became like opium for them and their concerns
are for the other world where their sufferings would be put to an end. Secondly, they lack a
vision for action and social change because they are not educated to think in this way.
Christianity became an empowering force in the lives of Daht Christian women in the
research group because the scripture portions used in the Bible study groups gave them
authority to speak about the violence they experienced. As Christians it was the first time
Dalit Christian women received an open floor to talk and discuss about the violence they
experience. 780 They were empowered to talk because I used strategies, which are familiar
to Christian women. Bible study groups prepared the ground for them to gather together in
the Church to read, discuss and reflect on scripture in ways that empowered them to talk
about the issues they face in their own lives. How can Christianity become an empowering
force further in the hfe of Dalit Christian women? A new theology that takes the lived
experience of Daht Christian women a primary source for reflection can empower them in
the future. If a new Dalit Feminist Practical Theology is constructed, Dalit Christian
women, who experience violence, might begin to claim power for themselves.
The aim of articulating resources useful for creating a Daht Feminist Practical Theology is
that such theology will contribute towards liberation. Therefore, I began by exploring and
exposing the violence Dalit Christian women experience in their lives. Dalit women's life
stories provide insights from which to begin to construct a contextual Feminist Practical
Theology, which is relevant to Dalit Christian women that I have provisionally called
Bare- Breasted Theology (BBT). BBT takes the cultural strength of Daht women and their
experience as its major resource. I provisionally use the term Bare-Breasted Theology
because Dalit Christian women were bare-breasted in the past. It was not a comfortable
experience for Dalit women to be bare-breasted in the public but these courageous women
. d th'IS expenence.
surVIve . 781
Dalit women's bare- breasted782 experience reveals their
780 Although they often repeated conventional views of women some radical views also began to
emerge as discussion developed.
781 My informant Annamma Yohannan explained her bare- breasted experience and it was a
cultural oppression Dalit women experienced.
213
courage, transparency, and positive resistance to oppression. Their breasts are the most
significant symbol of motherhood even though cruel landlords prohibited Dalit women
labours from breast- feeding their infants although the little ones were kept beside them in
the field. Economically poor Daht women's bare-breasts are the only resource to nurture
their starving babies. Their bare-breasts are the symbol of their courage to stand against
the caste discrimination and the cultural oppression they experienced. Dalit women's
theology must come out of their lived-experiences as they co-relate the scripture to their
lived experiences. Their basic survival resource is their Christian faith and it gives them
hope for a better future. Their Christian faith is based on the vision of an etemallife, where
God will treat Dalit Christian women as equal to all other Christians. BBT must be a
Feminist Practical Theology that is relevant to Dalit Christian women.
Dalit women receive Jesus as the one who came to bring the good news to the poor Dalits,
to proclaim liberty to them from their age old captivity of caste discrimination, and to
release them from the dominating powers. Jesus the liberator made himself 'untouchable'
in order to liberate the 'untouchable' Samaritan woman by his conversation with her. BBT
is a form of Liberation Theology, which has a vision of Christianity as a gospel for the
poor and untouchables in society. Daht women are the poorest of poor, who seek
liberation and the transformation of their lives. The life story of Annamma Yohannan
reveals that Dalit women are the most oppressed people. She was like a captive when she
worked under a man from Ezhava caste, who raped her. She had to depend on him for her
livelie hood because of her poverty. As it is written in Isaiah 61:1 "The spirit of the Lord
is upon me, because the Lord has anointed me; he has sent me to bring good news to the
oppressed, to bind up the broken-hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and release to
the prisoners," Dalits are seeking liberation from the oppressive structures and dominated
powers. It is Dalits' birthright to enjoy freedom and live a normal human life.
The life story of Leela proves that traditional theology convinced her that she was a sinner.
Leela stated "Oh God I am a sinner in the presence of God," although she is an innocent
victim of sexual violence. There is a 'guilty feeling' in her because she became an object
782 A. S. Altekar states that in South Indian paints and sculptures, women appear without covering
their breasts. A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric
Times to the Present Day, Delhi: Motilala Banarsidass, Second Edition, in 1959, Reprinted in
1962,1973,1978, 1983,p. 287.
214
for her violators sexual pleasure. Leela survives because of her Christian faith. Leela's
story reveals a theology based on Psalms 51: 17 "The sacrifice acceptable to God is a
broken spirit; a broken and contrite heart, 0 God, you will not despise." A theology that
can comfort and meet her psychological needs is necessary, when she asks "Is it possible
for me to go to the presence of God?" She is very concerned about going to heaven and she
confesses her sins spending nights in praying with tears. Leela shared her difficulties with
me but she is unwilling to share these with others because she believes that only God can
solve all her problems. God is the shelter and refuge for Leela in times of difficulty
therefore she confesses everything to God. Her theology "It is better to trust in the Lord
than to depend on human beings"(Psalms 118: 8). It may sound passive or pietistic to see
Leela's trust in God as the means by which she survives but she and other Christian
women like her may have been so overcame by shame that without this faith she would
have 'gone under.'
BBT- Help Dalit Christian Women to overcome Shame and Stereotyping them as
Unclean
Bare-breasted theology can empower women to overcome their shame and assure them
that they are clean women created in the image of God. They can gain power to overcome
the shame of 'untouchability' by associating with the Son of God, Jesus Christ, who asked
for drinking water from the 'untouchable' Samaritan woman who came to fetch the water
in the mid-day in order to avoid her oppressors.
Leela's life story breaks the silence and secrecy and it creates a space for her public voice.
The tomb of violence could not hold anymore its silence and secrecy, when the survivors
of violence told their life stories. Therefore, Bare Breasted Theology can be a public voice
of Dalit Christian women.
Christ's resurrected body and Dalit women's surviving bodies can be compared. Annamma
Devasya's body and Christ's resurrected body both bodies bear the scars of violence and
these bodies are victorious by surviving the violence. As Jesus was wounded for the sins of
human beings Dalit women are crushed for the power and pleasure of others but both are
people with great survival resources, who overcame the violence. The victorious Prince of
215
peace, the Saviour of the world, the resurrected Christ overcame violence and death and
the tomb could not hold him from the resurrection on the third day. Bare breasted theology
can liberate Dalit women from the tomb of their life long silence.
There are many rich resources in Dalit cultural traditions that could become significant in
constructing a new theology.
Slave Narratives
Dalit women's slave narratives are excellent repositories of wisdom and experience from
which to construct a new theology. When Dalit women spoke, some of them referred to
their slave narratives. These are poems, stories and folk songs related to their slavery in the
past. The song sang by Annamma Y ohannan demonstrates how Dalits were treated in the
past and they prayed to God from their severe struggles as slaves. The folk song sung by
Kavitha Johnson shows how a Dalit girl used her wisdom to escape from the desires of her
young landlord. 783 Annamma Yohannan told two other Dalit stories describing the
situation of Dalits. Dalit women lived in harmony with nature and took care of the plants
and animals even though they were slaves. They prayed to mountain and birds to protect
their babies. According to K. K. Kusuman, Pulayas were the largest slave caste in
Kerala. 784
V. T. Rajshekar writes:
African-Americans and India's Untouchables share a history of slavery and
apartheid (segregation). The Untouchables, originally the African founders of
the lush Indus Valley civilization, were invaded and conquered by fair-skinned
Aryans from the North. In order to administer a complex web of [ethnicities]
and define their relations to the conquered peoples, the Aryans instituted the 4-
tiered Brahminical caste system ... All the remaining populations, those who
continued to fight the Aryan invaders, lost and were enslaved (the
Untouchables), those who fled into the hills (tribals), those whose physical
proximity probably remained too far removed from the invaders (backward
castes ) .... 7SS
783 Kavitha sang a song in Malayalam language and it is about a Dalit girl named Neeli. The song
describes that the young landlord came near Neeli, who was fetching water from the well. The
moment he asked for the water from Neeli, she just left the rope and bucket inside the well and
replied him, 'sorry the rope and bucket went inside the well.' She was aware that asking for the
water is a trick used by the young landlord to get her closer for his sexual purpose. Then he
used another trick and asked her for a bit of fire to light his cigarette but she replied that she
quenched the fire in the fireplace in kitchen and there is no stick in the safety matchbox to
produce fire. At last she warned the landlord to leave her hut if not she would take the sickle
she uses for harvest. I tape-recorded this song, when Kavitha sang it.
784 K. K. Kusuman, Slavery in Travancore, Kerala Historical SOCiety, Trivandrum: Printwell Press,
1973, p. 25.
785 V. T. Rajshekar, Dalit: The Black Untouchables of India, Atlanta: Clarity Press, 1987, p. 5.
216
The song sang by Annamma Yohannan describe how slaves were yoked with buffalos and
oxen to plough the land in Kerala. Karikkam Rajan recounts in his novel that Dalit slaves
were considered as cattle:
Slaves were asked to work day and night. The order was to punish and kill by
giving poison to the slaves who made any mistakes. Slaves are not human
beings. Thirumani (high caste landlord) proclaimed that they are cattle. 786
Rajan repeats this idea in his novel: "We do not need happiness in this birth. We will get
happiness in our next birth. Landlords made us cattle.,,787
Annamma Devasya stated that her mother experienced sexual violence from the Nayar
landlord. Dalit novels retell Dalit slave narratives. Rajan's novel describes a slave woman,
who became the object of her Nayar landlord's sexual pleasure:
Nayar visited the hut and asked her 'Why did not you come for drying the
grain?' She was coming out to leave the cow-dung, after wiping the floor with
cow dung. She requested, 'thambran [lord] go back, I will come.' 'Wash the
cow dung on your body. It is convenient here in the hut,' [he said]. She did not
like it, her face became black [red] and then she went inside the hut. Nayar was
so much eager to have a glance at her, who was inside the hut. He made the
hole of the hut wide and peeped in. 'Go thambran, why are you looking? ... go
thambra. Move thambra. Leave my hands thambra,' [she requested]. Woman's
strengthlessness is man's victory. That happened here. Then the black little
baby ran and came in. He covered his face with his hands due to sorrow, when
he saw his mother lying naked. There is no one to question it. 788
In this novel Rajan describes how Dalit woman experienced the sexual violence of the high
caste landlord. Rajan states that there was none came to wipe the tears of the Dalits and to
understand their struggles: "How much tears slaves shed? No great person came to wipe
it.,,789
Dalit Stories
Dalit folk stories are also very good resources from which to articulate a new theology.
Annamma Yohannan told a Dalit story to me:
One woman brought up a dog. She goes for work every day. She has no
husband. When she goes to work in the field the landlord used to ask her 'Edi
(Hi female) do you have a husband?' She replied, 'Yes, yes I have.' 'Bring him
tomorrow' Landlord ordered. Same talk repeated daily. "He does not have any
cloth to wear, he will not come," she said. Landlord purchased clothes and
First of all this story reveals that landlords did not pay reasonable wages to Dalit women
for their daily work. Secondly, this story reveals that Dalit women are lovers of nature as
she cares even for the thorn bush, which distracted her on her way back home. Thirdly, this
story reveals that a small basket of husked rice would not make much difference in her
poverty at home. Fourthly, the Dalit woman exercises creative imagination when she
thinks of the thudali mullu as a man who is in dire need of food. She felt that even the
thorn bush is talking to her about its poverty. The one who experiences poverty is able to
understand the poverty of others. She was ready to help her imaginary man thudali mullu
by giving her daily wage to him. Fifthly, this story reveals the noble character of Daht
woman because when someone desired her own resources of livelihood, she gave it freely
to the one who was in dire need. However, this Dalit story is a valid resource from which
to articulate a theology.
Daht stories, novels, poems and articles reveal the slavery and discrimination they
experienced. The days I spent in Kerala Sahitya Academy at Trichur in Kerala State
enabled me to read some significant Daht novels. Kattayum Koythum (Sheaves and
Harvest), Nanavulla Mannu (Wet mud), Changalakal Nurungunnu (Chains are Breaking),
these are novels written by T. K. C. Vaduthala. These novels reveal the severe cruelty and
demonic oppression Dalits experienced from the hands of their landlords. They tell of
Dalits in Kerala fought with others for their emancipation and the emancipation of the
country in Punnappra-Vayalar. Jose writes:
The uprising at Punnappra-Vayalar is the most important of all the struggles,
which took place in Travancore in the 20th century. The Dalit force was arrayed
at the front. Therefore the vast majority of the martyrs who were shot down by
the garrison of Dewan Sri C. P. Ramaswami Iyer belonged to the Dalit
communities. 8oo
793 Abraham Ayrookuzhiyil and Paul Chirakkarod, Dalit Sahityam: Oru Padanam, Tiruvalla: CSS,
1995, p. 27.
794 Yesudasan, Dalit Swathavum, p. 117.
795 D. Rajan, Mukkani (Nove~, Kottayam: National Bookstall, 1982, Reprinted in 1988.
796 Ayrookuzhiyil, Dalit Sahityam, p. 32.
797 Karikkam Rajan, Kallelidesam, Kottayam: National Bookstall, 1983.
798 Ayrookuzhiyil, Da/it Sa hityam, p. 34.
799 Narayan, Kocharethi, Kottayam: D. C. Books, 1998.
800 Jose in Ayrookuzhiel, The Da/it Desiyata, p. 34.
219
The Punnappra-Vayalar struggle was waged under the guidance of the Communist party.
The Dalits took up the communist cause while the leaders were Ezhavas. When the
Punnappra-Vayalar struggle came to an end thousands of Dalits were dead but not
Ezhavas. 801 Pulayas were the vast majority of the agricultural labourers killed in
Vayalar. 802 Dalits become the targets of violence in Punnappra-Vayalar struggle. This was
the most important Dalit struggle, which took place in the past in Kerala State.
When the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) released the Black Papers
on 8th December 1999, it declared what rights are denied to Dalits in India. In his greetings
to Friends in Solidarity with Dalits, N. Paul Divakar the National Convenor for National
Campaign on Dalit Human Rights writes, "This Black paper is a collective expression of
Dalit rights and a critique of the Indian State for failing to adequately fulfil these rights."so3
Black Paper states:
BLACK PAPER is a Collective expression of Dalit rights. It is our statement
of demands placed before peoples' parliament in India and in other nations. It
is a counter-culture statement of the subaltern social fcroups challenging the
status quoism of the State and the dominant caste allies. 04
Sarita Ranchod writes about the demands of the Campaign for Dalit Human Rights for
Dalit women as follows:
• That Dalit women be recognized as a distinct social group, rather than mask
it under the general category of women,
• Make segregated data on Dalit women available in census reports, progress
and impact reports,
• Make distinct provisions for Dalit women in planning of programmes,
allocation of finances, and in distribution of reservation facilities in education
and employment,
• Mandate the National Commission for women, National Human Rights
Commission and other commissions to look specifically into Dalit women's
issues. 8os
The national Campaign on Dalit Human Rights is creating a new awareness of the Dalit
struggle.
In the dawn of this century, instead of an Abraham Lincoln, a capable tribal Dalit woman,
C. K. Janu, 'shot to fame symbolising the grit of a suppressed and exploited class.'sos But
the Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha's tallest saviour and leader Janu has ended behind bars
recently as 'a most wanted criminal ,S09 because of the incident at Muthanga.
The Government promised to give land to landless Adivasis in Kerala. In February 2003,
there was an agitation to obtain the forestland at Muthanaga, which led to police violence
against Dalits. They report:
After the Government went slow on its word, Janu along with Geethanandan
led about 1000 families to the Sanctuary to set up huts and declare "autonomy"
during the 45-day stir. .. But things did not go as per plan and the forcible
occupation of the Sanctuary by hundreds of tribals, including women and
children, climaxed in a fierce battle on Wednesday, when the tribals armed
with sickles and arrows clashed with a nearly 1000-police force. SlO
Janu's absence from the 'battlefield' added oil to the fire; Keralanext.com declares: "The
fact that she was not seen anywhere near the 'battlefield' has lent credibility to her
detractors' allegation that she was using the tribals for her personal gains."S12
806 Jose writes, "All the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes that came under the purview of the
Indian Constitution form the Kerala Dalits. Under the Scheduled Caste category there are 72
communities in Kerala. And under Scheduled Tribes, there are 36 communities." Jose in
Ayrookuzhiel, The Dalit Desiyata, p. 33.
807 Carly Bishop, Eviction of Adivasis in Wayanad district, Kerala.
http://india.indymedia.orq/print.php3?article id=3407 [28 February 2003]
808 Kerala's Tallest Tribal Leader ends up as 'Most Wanted.
http://www.keralanext.com/news/print.asp?id=7834 [28 February 2003]
809 Kerala's Tallest Tribal Leader ends up as 'most wanted'.
http://www.keralanext.com/news/print.asp?id=7834 [28 February 2003]
810 Kerala's Tallest Tribal Leader ends up as 'Most Wanted'.
http://www.keralanext.com/news/printl.asp?id=7834 [28 February 2003]
811 Kerala's Tallest Tribal Leader ends up as 'Most Wanted'.
http://www.keralanext.com/news/print.asp?id=7834 [28 February 2003]
812 Kerala: Agitators Evicted from Muthanga Forest.
http://www.keralanext.com/news/print.asp?id=7748 [28 February 2003]
221
According to report two people one police constable and one tribal died in the episode.
Various social organisations including the Adivasis Dalit Ekopana Samithi condemned the
police action and the subsequent violence at Muthanga on 19th February 2003. 813 Carly
Bishop writes:
Now the adivasis of Wayanad district are living a marginal existence at the
fringe of society. After the failing of a government scheme to distribute land to
adivasi families, the recent occupation of the Wayanad Wildlife Reserve
should be seen a last resort. These people are pushed to the brink. They have
been historically subdued and enslaved by migrant landowners. 814
Nevertheless, this particular Dalit struggle at Muthanga caught the attention of the nation
recently and demonstrates that Dalits are currently a people in struggle for liberation.
The Dalit Christian women, who participated in my research, are aware of the issue of
violence and are ready to talk about this if opportunities are provided for. When they
attended the two Bible studies, a seminar and spoke about the violence they experienced in
their lives, it created great awareness, which can help them to evaluate the experiences they
have within their own families, within the Christian community and within Indian society.
If they have more opportunity to talk about this could empower them to protest against the
violence Dalit women experience. If the survivors of violence continue to share their
experiences and life stories with Dalit women in small groups, in Bible study groups or in
seminars it may help many other Dalit women to be aware of the violence which confronts
them in society. A project, which could focus this awareness would lead Dalit Christian
women to practical action and would transform their situation.
A new theology, BBT, can contribute to the practical action of transforming the lives of
Dalit Christian women. I could envisage a project, which I have named TAMAR
(Theology in Action Mobilisation Aiming Rescue) as a focus for such action. The name
TAMAR emerged from the Dalit Bible study based on the rape of Tamar. TAMAR would
be a Social Welfare Centre for Dalit Women, who are the survivors of violence. If
TAMAR could counsel and encourage the survivors of violence from a Christian
perspecti ve, it would help Dalit women to cope with their difficult situations. If TAMAR
encouraged Dalit Christian women, who are the survivors of violence, to speak in public
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Transcripts
Transcript of Bible Study based on 2 Samuel Chapter 13: Verses 1-19, Conducted at New
India Bible Church, Parippu, on 2111112001.
Transcript of Bible Study based on Judges Chapter 19, Conducted at New India Bible
Church, Parippu, on 2311112001.
233
Transcript of Conversation, between Annamma Devasya and Sara Abraham Parippu: New
India Bible Church, on 23 1 III 2001
Transcript of Conversation, between Alice Mathai and Sara Abraham in Alice Mathai's
Residence at Kalatheppadi, on 26/11/2001.
Transcript of Conversation, between Kavitha Johnson and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New
India Bible Church, on 27/11/2001.
Transcript of Conversation, between Elsamma Babychen and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New
India Bible Church, on 27/1112001.
Transcript of Conversation, between Mary Babu and Sara Abraham, Parippu: New India
Bible Church, on 1112/2001.
Cassetts
Cassett ofInformal Conversation between Resli Abraham and Sara Abraham in Resli's
Residence at Mavelikkara, on 4th December, 2001.
Cassett of Informal Conversation between Mariamma Abraham and Sara Abraham in her
daughter Resli Abraham's Residence at Mavelikkara, on 4th December, 2001.
Registration Forms
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