Sara Zamir & Tamar Horowitz

The manifestation of the value of patriotism among Israeli trainee teachers

- natives and immigrants: how will they educate their pupils in the light of
this value?

Sara Zamir
Achva Academic College and Ben-Gurion University at Eilat, Israel
Tamar Horowitz
Ben-Gurion University, Beer-Sheba, Israel

Abstract
The purpose of this study has been to examine the expressions of the value of
patriotism and its trends among trainee teachers. To what extent do the trainee
teachers adhere to the values of patriotism? Have the values of the old Land of Israel
patriotism been replaced by the values of globalism? What are the attitudes of
immigrant teacher trainees towards patriotism? How do they believe students should
be educated in light of this value, if at all?
The methodology chosen was qualitative. The questionnaires distributed to natives
and immigrants Jewish trainee teachers in various disciplines. It was found out that
the majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of
being "a citizen of Israel". Nevertheless, 20% of the immigrants, five times more than
the natives, support the instruction of literary texts that induce also the idea of being
"a citizen of the world".

Key words: Education, Patriotism, Trainee teachers, Values, immigrants

We would like to express our sincere gratitude and appreciation to Ms. Olga Riabov for
advancing the research among the immigrant population.

Definitions of patriotism
The origin of the word patriotism comes from the ancient Greek and Latin word pater,
meaning father, and it expresses an emotion similar to loyalty to a parent; from this root we
have the Latin word patria, meaning fatherland (Bar Tal and Ben Amos, 2004). A parallel

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notion of loyalty to a parent can be found in the English word 'motherland', which now
directs the loyalty to the female parent, like the notion of closeness in 'mother tongue'.

The common dictionary definition of the term patriotism is "love for or devotion to country"
(Webster, 1971). According to Bar Tal and Ben Amos (2004), patriotism means a connection
formed between the individual, the nation he belongs to and the country he lives in. Holsti
(1995) explains the human need for patriotism. He claims that people seek to create a group
identity to attain the psychological safety necessary to their emotional stability and
psychological wellbeing, just as individuals are preoccupied with their personal identity;
people wish to reinforce their identity as a single psychological identity by way of national
symbols. This attitude towards the human need for group identity is also linked to the human
concepts of "state" and "nation".

Yonah (1999) related to the definition of philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau that patriotism
means a kind of love and loyalty a person feels towards his fellow countrymen or his country.
It is a loyalty that derives from an inner desire rather than from cognition. The sense of
patriotic loyalty is direct and spontaneous. Patriotism is a kind of loyalty a person has for his
country that is not the result of cost-benefit considerations. Like altruism, patriotism requires
the individual to sacrifice personal interests for the sake of others. Patriots' concern for their
country is unconditional and exists for its own sake.

There seems to be a largely dualistic attitude towards the term 'patriotism'.

On one hand, patriotic deeds have been recognized as worthy of praise within the national
group. Macedo (2011), argues that even though patriotism is subject to searing moral
criticism, we ought to acknowledge the truth that a just patriotism is possible. According to
Macedo, the definition of just patriotism includes feeling a special attachment and
responsibility for one’s own country

On the other, patriotism is also sometimes perceived as the root of all evil, as allegedly
purported by poet and essayist Samuel Johnson (1709-1784): "patriotism is the last refuge of
a scoundrel". Thus also in the writings of Tolstoy (Hebrew translation, 2008), which identify
patriotism as the source of evil. He believed that through emotional programming, the state
leadership takes a person over and enlists him to action according to its needs in order to
make him totally loyal to his masters, and wild and brutal towards any foreign "other". The
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study by Schatz and Staub (1997) responds to the meaning of this duality towards the value
of patriotism by examining the distinction between blind patriotism and constructive
patriotism. Their study shows that it is possible to distinguish between blind patriots who
support their country and nation unconditionally, even when the policies are harmful to
others, and constructive patriots who support their nation but also respect and guard the rights
of others.

Nincic and Ramos (2009) relate to the consequences of blind patriotism for democracy. They
claim that when patriotism is interpreted as absolute and the support for the government and
the state is fixed, regardless of its policies, it lies above the values of democracy. It is only
when there is justification for the policies that the principles and values of democracy
supersede patriotic feelings and a balance between these ideals is attained.

Nussbaum (2011) claims that patriotic pride is morally dangerous and also undermines some
of the worthy goals patriotism seeks to serve, such as national unity on the basis of a
commitment to moral ideals of justice and equality. She claims that these ideals of justice and
equality would be strengthened by an ideal that is better suited to the modern world – loyalty
to the global human community as a whole. Hence, education systems must offer a
cosmopolitan education and position justice and universal wisdom above patriotism based
only on the symbols of national belonging.

In the context of a country such as Israel, which has minorities, there could be a model of
"romantic patriotism" (Jamal, 2004) originating in the cognitive dissonance between the
rooted connection to the land and the soil, and the sense of alienation and suspicion towards
the state, alongside a cultivation of the national minority heritage and culture. According to
Jamal (2004), in Israel's case, the main object of Israeli Palestinian identity is only the place
and so the emotional bond with the land has become the main component in their experience.
Arad and Gal (2006) claim that together with the differences of opinion regarding the nature
of varying shades of patriotism, it seems that there is no difference of opinion regarding the
national advantages of patriotism and the key role of patriotic feeling in building the
resilience of the country.

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Education and socialization in the service of patriotism

From early childhood, we are nurtured with patriotic content: throughout all phases of the
education system, the student encounters patriotic messages interwoven into the curriculum,
in text books, texts, and on school trips. Young and adult citizens alike fall in love with their
country and its heritage in a process of attachment in which the individual loves what is close
and familiar and gives a sense of security and belonging (Dean, 1973).

The education system takes on the role of forming the collective identity alongside the
individual one (Iram & Masloveti, 2002). Different disciplines, such as history, literature,
geography and Bible are the building blocks of the "national-collective I" and the creation of
a connection between the citizens and their country.

Curricula for the Jewish sector in Israel in the 1950s and 1960s reveal a clear trend of
educating towards patriotism. Thus, for example, the authors and poets in the "Alumot"
literature anthology for Grades 7 and 8, and the national narratives it contained, can be seen
as enlisted in building a collective identity for native born Israelis and the children of
immigrants.

The texts use myths – kinds of models according to which the individual is required to think
and behave, live and die. For the most part, the texts represent ideological narratives,
manifestly in some cases and more subtly through the sub-text in others.
Content analysis reveals four main ideological narratives. First: the few against the many,
such as "From the life of Yosef Trumpeldor". Second: the narrative of the (Jewish) victim,
such as "About the slaughter", by H. N. Bialik. Third: The collective's right over the
individual, such as "Take off your shoes" by Schufman or "Silver Platter" by N. Alterman.
Fourth and most significant: the land of Israel – return and settlement, such as, "We sing and
we come to Israel" by Yakov Cohen, "Facing the Wilderness" by Shlonsky and "You were
right, young builders" by Tchernichovsky (Zamir, 2006).

The bond with the land of Israel is one of the clearest and best formulated areas of content in
the collective Zionist identity and has a clear impact on other ideological narratives. Although
the Jewish people lived for centuries with no territory of its own, throughout all that time, the
land of Israel remained in the consciousness of every Jew in the abstract, as a collective

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memory, the object of imagery and the ultimate location for the observation of the
commandments (Yaar & Shavit, 2001).

The purpose of these four ideological narratives is to shape the identity of the individual
according to the identity of the society absorbing him, to legitimize the social order set by its
leaders and to bring those it leads to think and act according to the ideology of the ruling
group.

The tendency to patriotic education was evident in other subjects of study in the elementary
school curriculum (1954/5). For example, among the objectives for teaching the Bible we
find the goal of "instilling in [the students'] hearts love of the homeland …and love for our
people". Among the objectives for teaching Hebrew language, we find the goal of
"cultivating loyalty to the Hebrew language…. and its imposition on the entire nation", and
among the objectives for teaching geography we find the goal of "developing loyalty to the
state and the willingness to protect it body and soul" (Dror, 2004).

In other subjects such as art, music and agriculture (which are all disappearing from the
Israeli education system), aspects of national values were included in accordance with the
views of the then Minister of Education, Ben-Zion Dinur, who believed in the "need for the
curriculum to be perceived as one intellectual unity, as an organized system of basic
intellectual assets of the nation's heritage, which the teachers, as gatekeepers of the country,
were to pass on to the growing generation" (ibid., p. 141).

School trips were also an occasion to build patriotism. According to Shachar (2003), the
school trip was seen as an educational tool that helped to instill the value of the love of the
country. The trip represents the spirit of the national resurrection, introducing the students to
concrete symbols from the past and linking them to the Jewish presence in the land of Israel.
The educational trip creates an experiential encounter with the students' roots and thus plays
an important role in the creation of a collective memory that emphasizes the bond between
the people and the country and between the country's past and present. These trips could also
arouse identification with deeds of bravery and sacrifice. For example, the trips to Modiin
constituted an experiential encounter with the memory of the Maccabees, and a visit to Tel-
Hai reinforced the sense of identification with Yosef Trumpeldor, thereby, so they believed,
strengthening "national spirit" and loyalty.
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Moreover, school ceremonies were also considered very important for establishing a patriotic
dimension linking the citizen to the state. According to Harrison (2001) ceremonies are an
integral part of modern culture, and some see them an integral part of the religious dimension
present in any nation.

Ceremonies contribute to the development of social values, promotion of symbols and social
norms. They constitute a mini-drama based on the nations' collective memory and thus create
something "supra-temporal": ceremonies separate the learners from their present routine and
take them back to the past, in order to preserve the collective consciousness in the future. A
ceremony is a cultural boundary between the sacred and the secular, between the past, the
present and the future. Ceremonies in general and the memorial days in particular, etch in the
students' minds the defining event of the reestablishment of the Jewish homeland both
uniformly and authoritatively.

Besides the formal education system, there is a whole system of socialization that envelops
the citizen, offering plenty of structured patriotic messages. These include the youth
movements and the army as essential socialization agents to build up Israeli patriotism.

In the early years of the State, and even before then, youth movements played a very clear
role in the local experience and endeavor. "Working and Learning Youth", "The Young
Guards", "Maccabee", the Scouts and others were movements that enlisted the local youth to
work for the State by doing, giving, educating and so forth. These movements were
pioneering and patriotic by definition. They expected the individual to devote his life to the
group and its needs, even if it meant renouncing personal ambitions. Today it seems that
there is a differentiation between the type of youth that belongs to the right as opposed to the
left. According to Shapira et al. (2004), the youth movements are still 'greenhouses for young
patriots', and thus reflect a dual dimension of the concept of patriotism that matches their
declared ideologies: the movements of the political right typically display 'classic' patriotism,
which places the emphasis on national-collectivist values, as opposed to the movements of
the political left and center, which offer a new direction of patriotism which emphasizes
active democratic citizenship focusing on community involvement, volunteering and social
action.

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Because of its centrality and its roles in Israeli society, the IDF constitutes a very powerful
agent of patriotism even through the mediation of the school (Popper, 2004). The more
combative and demanding the military service becomes, the stronger the value of patriotism
in the eyes of the young recruit. In accordance with Festinger's (1957) theory of cognitive
dissonance, in order to justify the hard and demanding choices, the recruits who join the field
corps become more patriotic. Since patriotism is rewarded by Israeli society, the young
recruits are also rewarded for their choice and their social prestige grows.

As part of popular media, Israeli cultural representations also contribute to the structuring of
patriotism. The work of the sociologist, Almog (1997) notes that the often sad and
sentimental songs of the homeland (later on 'songs of Israel' – a unique Israeli concept) sung
in a large cohesive group in an atmosphere of nostalgia, replaced the role of the prayer chants
in the synagogue. After the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, they became the
melodies of the new Jew and what author Amos Oz called "the tom-toms resonating in the air
as the tribe gathered before battle" (Almog, p. 32). Song touched people of many different
ages in Israeli society of that period. Thus, Almog treats the children's songs of his research
period as "enlisted" and as "dealing explicitly and implicitly with the beauty of the ideals, the
Zionist heroes, the achievements of the pioneer, the guard and the soldier" (ibid. p. 54).

According to Lamish (2004), an overview of the expressions of the value of patriotism in

Israeli advertising reveals significant social vicissitudes. An examination of the patriotic
motifs in Israeli publicity reveals two main periods. The first period covers the years of the
formation of the State up to the Yom Kippur war in 1973. One key motif of that period was a
pool of collectivist Zionist images that glorified the social cohesion surrounding the renewal
of the nation in its homeland. For example, an advertisement for orange juice showed girl
soldiers clinking glasses of juice, pilots on the wings of a plane and muscular workers at a
picnic table. In contrast, after the watershed of the Yom Kippur War, there was a noticeable
decline in explicit patriotic motifs in favor of values that emphasize the constant search for
happiness and self-actualization. Advertising shifted from enlisting symbols of Israeli
building, defense and renewal to the use of symbols of individualism and globalization.

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Patriotism among immigrants to Israel

There is not a great deal of literature on patriotism among immigrants, but there is a prevalent
assumption that their patriotism is correlated with the process of how they adjust to Israel. In
other words, the better adjusted the immigrants are, the more willing they are to integrate into
society and to adopt its "national identity". Israeli society is an immigrant society composed
of a majority of people who were born and underwent their initial socialization in another
culture. The distance between the culture of origin of these groups of immigrants and the
ethos and accepted patterns of behavior among broad groups in Israel greatly affects the
degree of difficulty a particular group of immigrants will experience during the inter-cultural
transition (Gropper et al., 2003).

Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU)

In the early 1990s, there was a huge wave of immigration from the FSU, which contained a
dual culture. On the one hand, these immigrants wanted to retain their old identity and on the
other, they trained to adapt to their new environment (Horvitz, 1996). A significant number
of immigrants came to Israel for individualist reasons, to further their personal development,
mainly because of the difficult political, economic and social conditions following the
breakup of the Soviet Union.

For young immigrants, military service was their ticket into Israeli society as it was where
they found themselves detaching from the individual and mixing with Israelis (Turner, 2004).
At this stage, great emphasis is placed on the importance of the group and the contribution to
society as they learn about Israeli culture and the daily Israeli experience. In 2008, the
Parents Forum Association (a movement favoring integration) sponsored by the Ministry of
immigrant Absorption conducted a study among immigrants from the FSU between the ages
of 14 and 19 which showed that 70% of the participants stated they wanted to serve in the
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) (Brunowsky, 2008). It was found that unlike their male
counterparts, female immigrants who enlisted in the IDF in order to adapt to the new society
encountered resistance from their parents, because enlistment was not mandatory for girls
from the FSU, and they felt their daughters' personal development was preferable to "wasting
time" in the army. Among the young FSU immigrants one could see that there was no clear-
cut preference for where they wanted to enlist. Some join combat units, usually because of
the influence of their environment, the parents and a high desire for self-actualization, while

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others choose technical or administrative tracks that enable them to learn a profession. An
example of this is driving. The immigrants try to combine their desire to serve in the IDF and
the opportunity to get their driving license for free. Another reason is that in this job they can
usually get home more frequently and help the family (Harmelin et al., 2003).

The wave of immigration of the 1990s brought in an educated population with academics in
the free professions who found it hard to find suitable employment, mainly because of
difficulties with the language. People who had worked as engineers, university lecturers and
so forth started working in factories and on the assembly lines and in the worst cases, in
sanitation. Various studies showed that among those with low income in Israeli public in
general there is a sense of alienation expressed in the unwillingness to fight to protect the
state. Although their sense of belonging is relatively high, there is a certain reluctance to
define themselves as enthusiastic patriots (Arad & Alon, 2006). Among low-income
immigrants, the sense of belonging to the country is weakened and the desire to leave grows.
Immigrants who have difficulties adjusting to Israel pass on their negative feelings to their
children and thus affect their awareness regarding their assimilation and patriotism and vice-
versa. Many youngsters who do not fulfill the "initial vision" which led them or their parents
to immigrate to Israel, i.e. personal and professional development, are looking for
opportunities to do so in other developed countries and thus move to countries with more
options and better living conditions.

Lumisky-Feder and Rappaport (2007) claim that mastery of the language gives the
immigrants the power to adjust and without it there is a sense of alienation and being an
outsider. In most cases, young immigrants tend to adopt Hebrew slang and military jargon in
order to integrate more quickly and be an integral part of the Israelis. Despite their integration
in Israel, most immigrants do not completely detach from their authenticity, and this is
expressed mainly in the fact that they retain their knowledge and use of the Russian language
alongside the Hebrew they have acquired. The preservation of the Russian is evident from its
extensive use in both the printed and electronic media. The wealth of media in Russian has
also done them a disservice, and one of the harshest complaints among the Israeli public is
that the "Russian" immigrants who cling to their language and the Russian-language media in
fact live in an enclave and are detached from the Israeli experience. In her research, Elias
(2005) found that most of those she interviewed use Russian media in order to preserve their
original cultural legacy. However, alongside this cultural isolationism, their consumption of
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media in Russian is actually an indication of a high level of involvement in what is going on

both in politics and in daily life in Israel. In other words, the local Russian-language media
does not encourage isolationism among immigrants, but rather contributes to the construction
of the collective identity of the Russian speakers to create a new kind of social integration
and accelerates their entry into the public sphere.

Unlike the younger generation, the adjustment and assimilation of immigrants over the age of
20 is ambiguous and is affected by various factors such as age, absorption process,
acquisition of education and finding employment. We may assume that immigrants who
came at a relatively young age integrated more easily and quickly that the adults who had
difficulties adjusting at all levels (from language to employment).

Immigrants from Ethiopia

Immigrants of Ethiopian origin immigrated to Israel mainly because of a misconception that
they were "the same" as the absorbing population thanks to their shared Jewish heritage and
because the Law of Return enabled them to come to the Promised Land.
This immigration actually began with the Moses Campaign in 1984, when the immigrants
underwent many hardships, wanderings and traumas of separation and loss among their
family members and loved ones (Gropper et al., 2003). When they reached Israel they
suffered rejection at the hands of the local population because of racist prejudices against the
color of their skin (Antebi-Yemini, 2003).

Most Ethiopian immigrants reached Israel with little formal education and lacking the skills
needed for the Israeli workplace, which made their social integration extremely difficult.
They were in a position of inferiority compared to other job-seekers, also because of the
negative stereotyping among potential employers (Svirsky & Kaplan, 2005).

In order to facilitate the integration of these immigrants into society, the absorption
authorities developed various strategies such as vocational training (mainly for the men) to
help them find work, help with job placement and mediation with work places and income
support payments.

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A study by the Adva Center in 2005 showed that the most important factors that determine
whether an Ethiopian Israeli will be employed or not are his education and how long he has
been in the country. Likewise, one can see substantial differences between men and women
in the percentages of those employed in Israel (Svirsky & Kaplan, 2005).

Since the immigrants came with little education, they also found it hard to integrate into
educational frameworks. Moreover, lack of knowledge of Hebrew among the older
generation of new immigrants did nothing to contribute to the educational integration of their
children and in fact constituted a serious obstacle to it.

From various research studies we can see that the success rate in matriculation among these
youngsters is extremely low and that is because the percentage of members of the Ethiopian
community who even take the matriculation exams is 50%. Antebi-Yemini explains this
phenomenon by saying that many youngsters study in boarding schools where the direction is
only vocational and does not include matriculation. Similarly, he notes that the dropout rate
from high school among Ethiopians in on the rise and coincides with familiar similar
occurrences with at-risk youth (2003). These boarding schools are a way to take immigrant
youth and try to create social integration (Gropper et al., 2003).

Only a small percentage of Ethiopians continue on to higher education thanks to financial

assistance programs and affirmative action tracks, etc. Integration of Israeli-born Ethiopians
into academic frameworks is mainly found among those who are second or even third
generation in Israel.

The Adva Center study found that integration of the Ethiopian community into the job market
succeeds mainly for the academics (Svirsky & Kaplan, 2005).
Moreover, we can find more and more academic reservists (soldiers whose military service is
deferred until completion of post-secondary education) among the Ethiopian community who
then take on various management positions in the military with officer rank, even though this
number is still small.

An interesting item of data is that unlike immigrants from the FSU, Israeli-born Ethiopians
try to assimilate completely into Israeli society and do not seek to retain their authenticity.
This is mainly expressed in the lack of preservation of Amharic. Many young people born
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here do not speak Amharic at all, unlike the immigrants from the FSU (who started coming in
the 1990s), who teach and preserve the language, even if it is only at a basic level of
conversation.

Methodology
Research questions: To what extent do the trainee teachers adhere to the values of
patriotism? Have the values of the old Land of Israel patriotism been replaced by the values
of a capitalist-individualist society? Are demonstrations of patriotism typically blind
patriotism or constructive-critical patriotism? Will there be differences between Israeli-born
trainee teachers and immigrant trainees? What are the attitudes of trainee teachers among the
minority communities towards patriotism? How do they believe students should be educated
in light of this value, if at all?

Research methods
Research type: a qualitative methodology
The contribution of the qualitative aspect to the current research procedure will be based on a
number of key assumptions of the qualitative-constructivist paradigm (Zabar Ben Yehoshua,
1999):
a. Sensitivity to the context and its position in structuring reality: there will be particular
emphasis on understanding the phenomenon and its complexity in its unique
environment (Stake, 1978).
b. The addition and contribution to the existing body of theoretical knowledge from the
base of data gathered.
c. The essence of "the person as a research tool" (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In other
words, the assumption is that the researcher is the only tool that is flexible and
sensitive enough to grasp the complexity of the responses received, to gather a great
deal of information also from hints and nuances.

Target population: 62 trainee teachers at an established teacher education college with

specializations for early childhood, elementary and secondary education, native Israelis and
immigrants.

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Research tool: the first section of the qualitative questionnaire on patriotism contained open
questions about definitions of patriotism, expressions of patriotism, causality and patriotic
factors in practice.

The second section of the questionnaire offered dilemmas – a confrontation between two
arguments pertaining to issues of one's attitude toward the homeland and based on a
curriculum in Hebrew with topics for oral and written discussion on "homeland", for secular
and religious high schools. The contribution of this section was the simulation this affords.

The opposing arguments are presented as quotations from poetry, philosophical essays and so
forth. The subject had been asked to answer a question following the quotations in such a
way that the response gave an indication of the subject's preferences.

The validity of the research tool derived from concepts of the validation of qualitative
research (Friedman,2009, 2012; Morse et al., 2002): Face validity, Researchers' integrity and
triangulation.

Findings
The majority of both sectors point at socialization agents as the main factors that make an
individual a patriot.

80%

60%

Natives
40%
Immigrants

20%

0%
Existential Brain Socializatio
Sentiments Deeds
crisis washing n agents
Natives 0% 2% 66% 18% 14%
Immigrants 10% 0% 70% 20% 0%

Figure No. 1: The main factors that make an individual a patriot according to native
Israelis and immigrants.

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In both sectors "family" was stated as the primary socialization agent. Representative
utterances that emphasize the contribution of the family as the main factor that socialize to
patriotism : "The values at home", "The personality that develops at home", "The
configuration of the family".

Table No 1: Representative patriotic figures according to native Israelis and

immigrants.
Immigrants Natives
0% 4% Teachers
Universal historic
0% 4% Figures
Reality shows'
0% 6% participants
0% 8% Familial role model
29% 29% Soldiers
71% 49% Israeli leaders
80%
70%
60%
50%
Natives
40%
Immigrants
30%
20%
10%
0%
Israeli Soldiers Familial role Reality Universal Teachers
leaders model shows' historic
participants Figures

Figure No. 2: Representative patriotic figures according to native Israelis and

immigrants.
Israeli immigrants focus primarily on representative Israeli figures: Leaders with military
biography as Sharon and Rabin, as well as Heroic warriors that scarified their lives as
Trumpeldor and Yoni Netanyahu. On the other hand, the spectrum of the Israeli native is
wider and includes civic figures as teachers and reality shows' participants.

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90.00%
80.00%
70.00%
60.00%
50.00%
40.00%
30.00%
Natives 20.00%
Natives 10.00%
Immigrants 0.00%
Immigrants
Support
Neutral
Against

Against Neutral Support

Natives 11.50% 0% 88.50%
Immigrants 0% 30% 70%

Figure No. 3: What is your opinion concerning patriotic education at school?

The vast majority of natives (88.5%) are in favor of patriotic education with zero answers of
neutrality. Nevertheless, only 70% of the immigrants are in favor of patriotic education with
30% answers of neutrality.

100%

80%

Natives 60%

Immigrants 40%

20%

0%
Both Citizen of Israel Citizen of the world
Natives 10% 86% 4%
Immigrants 10% 70% 20%

Figure No. 4: The choice between instructing literary texts that induce the idea of being
"a citizen of Israel" VS. "a citizen of the world"
The majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of being
"a citizen of Israel". Representative statements of Israeli natives: "I was born here", "I am
going to bring up my children here" and "The land of Israel is ancestral merit".
Representative statements of Israeli immigrants: "This is my home", "I would like to deepen
my roots". Nevertheless, 20% of the immigrants, 5 times more than the natives, support the
instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of being "a citizen of the world".

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80.00%

60.00%

Natives
40.00%
Immigrants

20.00%

0.00%
Strive for Strive for
No opinion Both
homeland home
Natives 6% 14.00% 63% 17.00%
Immigrants 0% 4% 70% 20%

Figure No. 5: The choice between instructing literary texts that induce the idea of
striving for one own homeland VS one own home.
The majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of
striving for one own homeland rather than one own home. Representative utterances: "My
personal welfare depends upon our collective existence", "One should remunerate his
homeland". The tendency of almost one fifth of the research population to support the
inclination towards "striving for one's home" may be attributed to individualistic trends in
Israel.

100%

80%

Natives 60%

Immigrants 40%

20%

0%
No opinion Both Convenience Belonging
Natives 9% 2% 10% 79%
Immigrants 0% 0% 20% 80%

Figure No. 6: The choice between instructing literary texts that induce the idea of
staying in Israel out of awareness of belonging VS mere convenience
The vast majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of
staying in Israel out of awareness of belonging rather than mere convenience.

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Discussion & Conclusions

Following the spirit of the Israeli Declaration of Independence, the Law of Return (1950)
granted every Jew the right to come to Israel as an immigrant and automatically to become a
citizen. Migrants applying for an Israeli citizenship under the the Law of Return are not tested
on the national anthem, Israel's list of presidents or the nation's history in order to become
citizens. This, and the very fact that most of the immigrants convey their historic attachment
to Israel, might explain the close resemblance of patriotic attitudes in most of the findings.

Israeli immigrants focus primarily on representative Israeli militaristic figures: Leaders with
military biography as Sharon and Rabin, as well as Heroic warriors that scarified their lives
as Trumpeldor and Yoni Netanyahu. On the other hand, the spectrum of the Israeli native is
wider and includes civic figures as well, as teachers.

The army, as a critical representative platform of patriotic figures for immigrants, can be
explained by the fact that alongside the difficulties, the language gap and the cultural
differences, the young immigrants integrate well into the IDF and through their service work
their way into society. Some choose to enlist out of Zionism and love for the country, others
see this is an opportunity to be part of Israeli society, and there are even those who do it
because of financial distress and the desire to learn a profession. Regardless of their position
in the IDF, as far as they are concerned, their military service helps to shape their personality
and their social and national belonging in Israel. They know that a successful military service
strengthens their belief in their ability to develop and to really get to know their peers, and
that in the future, this adjustment will lead to patriotism (Harmelin et al., 2003). ). From the
study conducted by the ministry of Absorption and the Brookdale Institute it was found that
the percentage of Ethiopian youth interested in participating in military service preparation
courses was about 1.5 times higher than among immigrant youth from other countries. These
findings suggest a need to expand the scope of army preparation courses for immigrants in
general and for the Ethiopian community in particular, and a need to increase the channels
through which information about military service is conveyed (2005). In recent years, there
has been a noticeable rise in the percentage of Ethiopians enlisting in the IDF. In general, the
percentage of Israeli-born Ethiopians, both boys and girls, is higher than the percentage for
those born in Ethiopia, and even higher than the enlistment of the general population. They
currently comprise 11% of all the immigrants now serving. However, the "quality score"

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(according to which the IDF places them into various corps and jobs) of soldiers from the
Ethiopian community, is very low (ranging from 41 to 56). It seems that the "quality score"
determines acceptance into elite units, affects acceptance to officer training and also what
jobs are available in the military (Koch Davidovich, 2011). As a result, these soldiers find
themselves in semi-vocational jobs (drivers, cooks etc.) and in maintenance units, and only a
few serve in professional capacities. Most recently, there are some serving in combat units
and even a few in officers' training (Antebi-Yemini, 2003).

Like the Russian immigrants' view of military service, those in the Ethiopian community also
see it as increasing their belonging to Israeli society and contributing to the creation of a
national identity, a bond between them and their country (Antebi-Yemini, 2003).

The majority of both sectors point at socialization agents as the main factors that make an
individual a patriot. In both sectors "home" is perceived as the primary socialization agent.
The family is indeed the first major agent of socialization for most individuals. It helps
children to internalize culture and develop a social identity

The vast majority of natives (88.5%) are in favor of patriotic education with zero answers of
neutrality. Nevertheless, only 70% of the immigrants are in favor of patriotic education with
30% answers of neutrality. The neutrality of 30% of the immigrants can be attributed to the
lack of democratic heritage in their origin countries: On one hand they tend to favor patriotic
education but on the other hand they cannot ignore the risk of indoctrination under the veil of
patriotism.

Contrary to the findings of this research, in Britain, a research project conducted among 47
teachers (Hand and Pearce, 2010) which tried to answer the question whether patriotism
should be promoted in schools, found different results. The questionnaire data of Hand and
Pearce revealed that almost half of the teachers (47%) agreed with the proposition: "Schools
should remain strictly neutral on the issue of patriotism". Only 9% of teachers agreed with
the proposition:" Schools should actively promote patriotism". None of the teachers agreed
with the proposition: "Schools should actively discourage patriotism". The difference
between the findings between Israel and Britain may be attributed to the fact that Israel's
citizens are constantly under a continuous existential threat.

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The majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of being
"a citizen of Israel". Nevertheless, while most of the statements of the natives point to the fact
that Israel is their sole homeland by birth, the immigrants regard Israel as "home" and
express their desire to further deepen their roots there. Twenty percent of the immigrants, five
times more than the natives, support the instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of
being "a citizen of the world". This tendency may be attributed to fact that the immigrants,
contrary to the natives, experienced living abroad. The very fact that they have experienced
other cultures including familial tongues and habits and norms, make it plausible for them to
visualize themselves as more cosmopolitans than the natives. It is acceptable for the
immigrants to stay devoted to their "abroad" community on the one hand, and to adhere to
national characteristics on the other, thus resolving their identity dilemma (Horowitz, 2003).
The vast majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the idea of
staying in Israel out of awareness of belonging rather than mere convenience.

Moreover, the majority of both sectors support instruction of literary texts that induce the
idea of striving for one own homeland rather than one own home. The tendency of almost
one fifth of the research population to support the inclination towards "striving for home"
may be attributed to individualistic trends in Israel. While shifting from socialism to
capitalism, the citizens of the country are forced to endeavor towards better quality of life for
their own families.

In modern societies, education is the most important agent of socialization after the family.
Schools are the first remote and collective setting that children encounter. Whereas schools’
official function is the transmission of knowledge, they also endorse certain values and norms
regarding patriotism. In accordance with other democratic countries that through a system of
civic education enhance values of patriotism alongside the values of pluralism, intercultural
understanding, tolerance, views of global interdependence and personal responsibility
(Pometun, 2008), the Israeli education system offers a similar mergence.

A common knowledge in the field of education is that the task of educators is to present the
conflicting considerations as fairly as possible, to promote critical thinking and to encourage
students to form their own careful conclusions on the issues at hand. Yet, the very research
have shown that most Israeli trainee teachers - natives and immigrants alike, take upon
themselves special responsibility regarding their homeland, both on the cognitive and the
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affective realms: obligation towards the subsistence of their homeland and affection to its
being.

In view of the above research, it is recommended that in addition to a measured

amount of " local citizenship" taught, that in fact leads to a patriotic point of view, there
should also be an equal quantity of teaching the essential sense of global citizenship; This
may prepare teachers and students for living and succeeding in our developing "global
village".

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Author Details
Dr. Sara Zamir received her Ph.D degree in Educational Policy and Administration
from Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. She currently serves as the Head of the B.Ed -
Educational Administration program and the chief editor of the journal Vision & Deeds at
Achva academic college, and teaches at Ben-Gurion University at Eilat Campus. She
Participates in international academic conferences and publishes articles in the fields of
peace-education, political socialization, communication and educational evaluation. Her last
book Literary School Textbooks as Peace Agents was published in 2012 by Ben-Gurion
University, Publishing House.

Prof. (Emeritus) Tamar Ruth Horowitz at Ben-Gurion University, received her Ph.D degree
at Leicester University. She is a member in many scientific societies and program
committees. Between 1968-1990 She served as a senior research officer at Henrietta Szold
Institute for Behavioral Science, Jerusalem. In 2001, she received Honors from Samuel and
Miriam Hamburger Chair-Integration of Immigrant Communities. She Participates in many
international academic conferences and publishes articles and books in the fields of sociology
& education. Among her books are: Assimilation, Dialogue and Empowerment-The
Integration of Russian Immigrants in a Small town in Israel, with Shamai,S.,Ilatov ,Z.,Tel
Aviv University Press (2003) & Weaving Tradition and Modernity Bedouin Girls in Higher
Education with Abu Saad,K., Abu Saad,I., The Bedouin Center, Ben Gurion University
(2007).

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