Self-perceptions of women who kill

California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 1995 Self-perceptions of women who kill Maria Guadalupe Venegas Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Venegas, Maria Guadalupe, "Self-perceptions of women who kill" (1995). Theses Digitization Project. 1141. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1141 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact scholarworks@csusb.edu. SELF-PERCEPTIONS OP WOMEN WHO KILL A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree Master of Arts in Criminal Justice by Maria Guadalupe Venegas March 1995 SELF-PERCEPTIONS OF WOMEN WHO KILL V''\"'^?:WTiiesis' ' ■ Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino Maria Guadalupe Venegas March 1995 Approved by: D ir. Paul Guymon ustice - Bate ::,.MST-RACT/ „ . The broad problem which tliis thesis will sKldress is that of woraeh and xdolehce.^^^^ % is aa lncre^mg conc^^ in this area of crime as evidenced by the media attention to cases siich as those of Warnos,Bobbit,and Broderick. Althongh rates of female violeiice hswe trot increased o\^ time,the literatttre reveals trends in the type of violence that resnlts in rrnrrxler. Tbr ©carrii^ 75% of alTfemale homicide arrrests were successful corivieted in Califormia m 1992. Thus, the specific problem this thesis will explore is women who commit murder. Another major concern this thesis will address is the manner by which crime committed by women is explained, specifically murder. Often, corifusion is produced when theorists try to define female criminality. This thesis focuses upon female murder offenders in order to examine their demographic and criminological situational contexts. The purpose is to describe and discuss the situations in which women killed and to suggest social changes which might alleviate these situations. A major concern is to examine the relationship between domestic violence and murder as it relates to the battered woman The general public shares a common perception with many scholars. They feel that the battered woman defense is an over- employed defense when a murder is committed. In reality, the courts deny this defense in more than half of the cases, as will be demonstrated in this thesis. iii. " ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An enormous tiianks is extended to Dr.Frances Colesfor always being so optimistic,for reading and rereading, and for providing me with invaluable suggestions to guide me through this task. A special thanks is extended to my parents Mario and Maria, for providing me with a positive environment where education was always available and for not asking any more of me. Many thanks to my brother Donato,and my sister, Consuelo for sacrificing their school work so that I could reach my deadlines. Lastly,I would like to thank my husband, Victor,for giving me the encouragement and support I needed to get me through obstacles when my optimism was not so high. Thanks to all of you for assisting me in completing this project. IV. TABLE OF CONTENTS rHAPTFRONF 1 Introduction^ ^ ■ rPAPTFR'TVVO'-^ ' '"^ . ■ • *'XXXl^l^ilEt.»ttA»AAt«tAAAtAtt t At Af.ttAA••••A t»*AA 11tAtAAAttt••*♦•»»*♦•♦»•<•»»»>♦•#♦•«A >»♦♦»»»»«.»♦♦♦♦>> o ^.' Maixist AppiToach liberalFeminismtttAA'ttAt«IAtttAA#»AAtAt»AAtAtttAAAtAttAt*AAttAAA>AtAAAtAAtt AAAtt AttAAttttAtttt22 Sodalist-FemmisLAAtttttttAttAtVAtAtttttttAtttttttttAAtttttttAtAAAttAtAAAAtttAttAtttAAtAttttAA22 Radikiall^^ •AtAAttt:AtAAAtAAAA«AA«t'AAA«>'<IAAAAA'AtAAAtt AAAttAAAAAAtAt'AA.A«tA#ttAAAA.t*«AtAAttt23 Mai5ast-FeministtittttAVtAttttAAAtAAtAAtAfttttAAttttt«ttAtAttAtttAttAAttt«A«tttttttAAtt*t«*AAtt23 ResesBTcli Aiial;y$iSi.tA;t#tAtAttttAA*tt#AAtAAAtAtA'ttAAAAt«AAAtAtttAAAt AtAAttAt AAttAAttttt AAt't'tttttttAttAtttAA^3' CHAI^FOliL. aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaAaAaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaAaaaaaaaaaaaAAAaaAaA.aaaaAAaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa. Methodology.. r AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA.AAAlk Research MethodtA;A t'ttA tttA A A A tA At A At A# AtAA A A A AA A A A A AAtAA A A A A A A A A A A A A AA'A' A t A A A AA A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A At A A A A A AA A A At35 CHAPTFR FIVF ' AAA^ VX Vj#X X<aX X XXX'V 'XX W XUAAtttt AAAA'AA AAtAAAAAAAAAAttAAAAtAAAt AAAAAAA AAAAAAAAAtt AAAAAAAtAAtAAAAtAAtAtAAAAAAAAAAAAAA^AAtAAtt^AAAA AAtt l^CS-t^tSAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAtAAAAAAtAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAO^^AAA^'tAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAtAAAAtAAAtAAAAAAAA^'^ JtjyemlePareM AAAA AAAA AAAAAAAA AAAAAA AAt AAAAAAa AAA At aAaa AAAA t.AA AAA AAAAAAA AAA A At AAAAAA A 38 Jm?enileSi^^ AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAA'AAAAAAA'AAAAAaAaAAAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA AAAAA aAa:aa^^CI''' AAAAtAAAAAAtt AAAAAAA AAtAAAAAAAAAA'AAA#AAAAAAAAAAAAA AAA AAAAAAA'AAAAAA AAAA^^X aaaaaaaaaaaAAaaaaaaaaAaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa^^ AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA'AAAAA't AAAaAA AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA«). The Murder..,.,.....*^.,,,.*.... Summaiyand Conclusion.^ ..............79 Conclusion.................................;...,............ ....................108 APPENDIX A: FfeURES..,...................;......,, .....113 Figure 1. 114 Figure 4.................................................................................................. Figure 5..............;....................^..;;.................;........... Figure 6...... ..115 .......................116 .....116 APPENDIX B: (BJBTI0N]^RES^ ........118 Juvenile Questionnaire............................. ..........................................119 Female AdultQuestionnaire.................. ....122 VI. CHAPTER ONE Introduction The topic of female criminalty had not been addressed until about forty years ago. One reason for this neglect was that women Were not believed to be serioush^ ih^h^d in crihhnal^^^^a^ behayior was dependent on their surrounding environment as they were deeply involved in domestic activities. Also, the majority of criminologist were male. itis also interesting to note how the mass media influences the community in its views of crime and justice. An individual's perceptions of the criminal justice system may be dependent bh the media's portrayal of crime and justice. The public relies on the medid for information. In reality, the entertainment media distorts sohrces of crime and justice information images, historically and consistently reversing the real world of cihtte and justice (Surtette, 1992). This indicates that the public is a victim ofthe media and its portrayal of crime in the United States. The media,for example,has portrayed females as highly involved criminals; However, crime is a production of both males and females. Statistics show that crime has grown at a rapid rate throughout the years, especially crime perpetrated by females. Based on United States Bureau ofCensus(1953),in 1950,there were 157,255 men and 6,087 Women under state and federal prison authbri^ in the United States. In 1990, the number of males under this authority increased by 444% or 698,410. The figure for women increased by 665% or 40,484 (1992). Although criminal activity perpetrated by males is more rampant, these numbers denote that the rate of female criminality is quickly simpasslng male criniinEdity, Freda (1975) noted, "although males continue to commit the greater absolute number of offenses, it is women who are committing those same crimes at yearly rates ofincrease now running as high as six an seven times faster than males." More importrnitly, women becoming more widely involved in serious arid violentcrimes. Women's arrest rates for serious crimes is increasing at an alarming pace. For example, in 1967, 140,405 women in the United States were arrested for serious crimes. In 1987, 489,809 women were arrested in the same category,an increase of 349% in a 20 year period(Simon and Landis,1991). The increase also holds for violent crimes. Crimes included in the violent crime category include criminal homicide, forcible rape, robbery and aggravated assault In 1967, 140,549 women in the United States were arrested for violent crimes. In 20 years, this figure increased by 348%, or 489,557 (Simon and Landis, 1991). However,if one narrows these figures to women arrested for murder in California between 1987-1992, the findings shift. Based on the 1987-1991 Offender-Based Transaction Statistics (OBTS) five year period, murder committed by women in CaUfomia fluctuated. For example,in 1987,(161) women were arrested for homicide; in 1988, (135);in 1989,(148);in 1990,(130); in 1991 (145); and in 1992(181) women in California were arrested for homicide. One may discern from these figures that murder exhibited by women fluctuated year after year,with an increase in the last two years. The results of female felony arrests in 1992 for homicide in California will be presented (see appendix figures 1 and 2). Based on the QBTS1992,181 homicides arrests were made. Ofthese, 160 went to court where two were acquitted, 21 were dismissed, and 137 were convicted. This has been the highest arrest rate within the last five years. Based on the convictions, one female was sentenced to death; one went to jail; two received probation; two went to GYA (California Youth Authority); 28 received probation with jail; and 103 were sentenced to prison. In summary, 75% of female homicide arrests were successfully convicted in California in 1992. This may suggest an increase in a crime primarily dominated by males. When a social phenomenon begins,in this matter, crime, there are individuals who attempt to develop theories for people's criminal behavior. These individuals are known as "theorists." Are they really theorists when they are accosted by others who try to disprove them by presenting their own reasoning to why people behave in a criminal behavior? Their explanations are unclear when they only discuss half of the population, ignoring the female component of society. A large element of the problem is that the etiology of female criminality has not been developed in theories that discuss criminal behavior. In 1982, Eileen B. Leonard challenged these scholars by presenting questions and offering explanations as to why their theories could not be applied to women. She challenged them to compose integral theories,i.e., theories which could be applied freely without questioning applicability to either gender, Leonard began her work by analyzing Differential association, a theory which is lacking in defining female criminality. The nine principles of Differential association try to offer viable reasons for explaining criimnaHty/^^^ % signilicant pf the nine principles states that "criminality inche^es hecanse there is an excess of defiriitions :^iwfabjte to \dolatipn of Im than adherence to law.'' Leonard asserts that Edwin Sutherland stipulated that male associations forgive if a crime is committed, which contributes to the perpetradon ofsuch activities(Leonard,1982).^^^ spite of the fact that men and women may have common acquaintances, Sutherland did not poi^ey why than men. In addition to|>i^fehdalasspeiatio^^^ the MarxistapproachIs^ theory which also obliterated women in its discussion. Marx and Engels stipulated that crime occurs as a result of the powerfuls' efforts. The powerful sustain crime because it creates jobs. The pOVyerless and the oppressed are those who produce the work those in positions of power (Leonard, 1982). Both these scholars underestimated the issue that many of the powerless and oppressed are women. pehhing women and^^t^ of crime is an intricate task. The preceding summary presented two theories in today's literature that do not satisfy Grie's Inquiries when discussipg feniale criminality. It is still more intriguing to determine why women commit murder. Some women kill their companions after years of psycholpgical, physical, and/or sexual abuse. Many women in the case study sample were victims ofspousal abuse. The battered woman is dfmn confronted with callousness once she exposes her situation to her family, friends, police and other agents ofthecriminaliusti(M system. ITh^ prior to the 1970's. Unless the police saw the abuse take place, the officer was not authorized to arrest a woman's husband on a misdemeanor charge in spite of the fact that there was physical evidence of abuse (Brown and Williams,1989). A woman's dignity is not the only thing that the abuser strips from her. He also abolishes her right to have Mends. Oftentimes, the aggressor's mission is to be secretive of the abuse that exists in the home. He accomplishes this by isolating the female from family or Mends. This produces a lasting relationship where he is free to perpetrate the abuse. His objective is not yet successfully met. The male also controls all family income. If his female companidn is employed, she must turnover her wages to him and does so in hopes of avoiding any quarrels. This produce a more isolating environment. After considering this, many ask themselves why she does not abandon her mate? The answer is not a simple one for battered women. M do not ppsseiss worldng skffl and if they determine that leaving the relationship would be the wisest chbice, they wotild have to cope with having little means to provide for their family. This is another reason why abusers are convinced that they will preserve their companion foriever. Women continue to bear the abuse for another binding reason. When battered women gain the courage to disclose this often daily occurrence, their family and friends are reluctant to believe it. The fact that abused women have never disclosed that information, mak^ thbir acquaintai^ disbelieving. Rather than gaihing compassion, imderstanding, and support, they encounter negative 5 feedback. They are often blamed for the abuse they have created in their home and are simply advised to be"a better wife." Fear is the mok signiheant reason for withstanding the abuse. Their male companions often threaten them during and after the abuse. They are advised that they can never hide from them and if they leave, it will make matters Worse. This prolongs their stay and as a result,they continue endiiring physical and mentalassaults. However,there are some women who call the authorities. They assume that they can attain the support they could not achieve from their friends or family by calling the police. In actuality the police, as well as the rest of the criminal justice system, play a similar role as their acquaintamces. Usually women who have teenagers call the police. There is therefore, a sizable percentage that are very unlikely to call them. Battered women perceive officers as authority figures and virtually base their decisions on what the officers have advised. If they discern positive feedback from the police they will continue their search to end their abuse. If the officers view the situation as insignfticant, the battered woman discontinue from pursuing the matter further.It is not tmusual to find this when officers perceive the situation as dangerous (Ewing, 1990). In fact, when officers determine that the sitimtion is serious, they will go through the elementary task of conducting informal mediation (Ewing, 1990). This reluctance is also shared by another element ofsociety. When Women finally decide to file formal complaints, prosecutors are often reluctant to pursue the matter. In fact, affidavits have been put on hold for "cooling off periods(Ford,1983)." Prosecutors act in tjiis beliayior that wornen vvill reconsider the matter. I^ey obhterate the^ women may be seriously hurt or killed at the hands of their oppressors within the so GaUed "cooting off period." If formal coihplaiiits are If a coihplaint is successfully achieved and both parties are summoned to court, the defendants are often given slaps on the hand. For example, they are given small fines which can be easily paid. This can produce a more dangerous environment for the abused when the of^hder retthhs t^ home. In instances where abusers are convicted, they are given probation or are directed to attend counseling^ judges^^ a^^ sympathetic with abusers by allowing them to reside with their partners during their probationary or counseling period. they only have two options; bear the #use a^ being murdered,or murder their aggressor. abuse feel CHAPTER TWO Problem Statement The literature currently available on female crime does not explain why women commitcertain crimes,specifically, murder. Due to this, the researcher chose to study women who commit murder so that the image ofa female murderer would be clarified. The previous chapter introduced the arguments of Eileen B. Leonard (1982). She argued that much of this confusion was due to lack of incorporating women in explaining crime by male theorists. FoUowdng the norm established by these theorists, many continue to neglect women in discussions of crime. Women are not treated as a separate entity. Rather, they are assimilated into one large conglomeration of ctlminals. Oftentimes, they kill for very different reasons. Usually,involving crimes of passion. Understanding women and murder is important, and the research will attempt to address the confusion which currently exists among scholars who try to explain why women commit murder. Murder is perceived as a crime which is predominantly conducted by males. For example,in California, 653 males and 111 females were convicted for murder in Superior Courts in 1967(Simon and Landis, 1991). These figures demonstrate that women are also murder perpetrators. Scholars continue to explain murder committed by females in the same fashion they explain murder committed by men. This research will explore theories that attempt to explain criminal behavior. It will also present criticisms of each theory and reasons for their irrelevancy when applying them to women murderers. This review is an attempt to challenge theorists to incorporate women in their theories. In doing so, it will outline the dilemma of battered^ The literature shows that wbmen who hill do so gfe (Ewing, 1990). It will hi^light the episodes when domestic violence exist in Immes.T^ in developing more comprehensive theoiles and simultanepusly eliminate questions that currentiy exist regarding women who^^^ m^ The research will also expose the sources abiused women exhaust before they tal^ matters own hands, especially focusing on the role the legal system takes in matters of domestic violence. The legal system w^ be examined and the backwardness dmt exisfe; in matters oldOm^ violence. The reseateh wih address the stages wohien undergo when they finally gain the capacity and courage fochallenge dtete aggressors through thetegalsystem. Tm^ one of the most jto b^ause it wpidescffoeli^ murders of the research leg^system isan "accessory'^ to the This inquiry will show thaf the system is responsible for a large amoimt of unnecessary murders committed by battered females, due to the lack of developing more accessible atenues for women. ; T^ demonstfated by tl^ also describe characteristics offemale kiliem^^ interviewed as well as how they view themselves. This research may aid in desU^yihg nnsco^ possess about female Idllers as well asdeternunihg whether there is a profile ofa murderess. It is also important to list what will not be presented in the research. A theory will not be developed on women and crime. The 9 purpose is to encoxirage scholars to develop an inclusive theory,and abolish theories that currently exist. This research is not meant to develop a theory on women who murder. The inquiry will not present a defense for women who kill in response to a battering relationship. Rather, it will explore the options they have, including murder. The research will not provide the police with a new method of dealing with battered women. This work will hopefully ch^lenge them to reevaluate the methods currently used to manage domestic violence calls. It may also provide them with a more empathetic outlook when confronted with victims of domestic violence. The research will not outline a new style of handling battered women through the legal system. Rather it will disclose the negativity that the legal system has promoted and still continues to endorse against battered women. This research will produce an awareness through which the legal system could approach victims of domestic violence. Hence, this work is meant to challenge the legal system to reformulate a new approach and generate a more effective means for battered women to lawfully end their situation. Another focus of interest is to determine whether female juvenile delinquents are likely candidates for committing murder as they mature, and how the legal system processes juvenile delinquents. Perhaps it will assist the juvenile courts as they increasingly deal will more violent young women. This topic needs to be examined beyond this research. A consensus must be reached on why women commit murder. It may be difficult to achieve because stereotypes of women portray them 10 as being compassionate, nurturing, loving and forgiving. However, there are women who supposedly have these virtues, yet they decide to kill. This research may enlighten other scholars to research this topic and influence legislators to provide avenues not only to women, but also to men, before they kill. Legislators can then coordinate alternatives for those who feel that killing is their only option. This may ultimately reduce the murder rate in this country. The case study approach has several limitations. Generalization was limited because the research was conducted using volunteers at one prison site. The prison administration stated that there were approximately 60 women who were imprisoned for miurder. The researcher interviewed 16 of those 60. The research, therefore, is a self-selected group given the hmits ofsample size. Given the limits of sample size, it was decided to additionally interview incarcerated juvenile delinquents in order to compare their demographic characteristics. Questions were aimed to possibly acquire common trends in childhood and adolescent delinquent tendencies. Based on previous research, the following hypotheses are sought to be answered through the research. It was not until the 1970's that the battered woman was identified as a major issue worthy of attention (Ewing, 1990). According to Lenore Walker, a battered women is "one who is repeatedly subjected to any forceful physical or psychological behavior by a man in order to coerce her to do something he wants her to do without concern for her rights (Ewing, 1990)." Research indicates that many women who are battered do not report it to the 11 proper autlio^es Pirpi after mapy b^tlngs(Ew^ 1990). Maiiy times victims of spousal atouse tend to asl:^^ Itelp when tlieir teenage children getinvolved (Gelles,1987). This may indicate that a large percentage of hatter^ hot request assistance. If physical abuse is not invblv^ed in die violent outbursts, women often fear the threat of violence (Ewing, 1990). Based on the preceding research, it was diought^ to exaniine the ehvirpn circunistances ofwomen \^ho to the fehowing questic^ :'Wasproposed:'' - 1. ©id women convicted of murder have a history ofspousal abuse? The fbiicwing research also p^ an important aspect of a ■ femafes;upbringing.,:V: ^ ^ hi many delinqtfent homeSj educatfen^ factor in an individuals upbringing. not an hnportaht The school and home environtnent contradict each other, where a young female suddenly fmds that books exist in her life, were it was non existent in the past. Aicordihg to Siteon and Lan(hs (1901), 29.1% of prisons completed high school. In addition, research indicates that delinquent females boast about their incorrigibility (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1991). This may imply that some delinquent's self-esteem is established by making themselves look favorable about something negative. Their trickery is more important to them. Chesney Lind and Sheldon (1991) found that girls boasted about their toughness, daring and keen trickery. Based on the previous research, the felkwing question was asked: 2. Did women convicted of murder have discipline problems in school during adolescence? z Many crimes committed by females tend to be of an economic nature. A high proportion of females are arrested for larceny, primarily shoplifting (Adler, 1975). This may demonstrate that women's offenses are as a result of their low economic attainment. Many of them do not possess meaningful jobs or earn low wages (Ewing, 1990). Their criminal patterns also extend to prostitution. Interestingly, they are often arrested for prostitution,a crime that is often perpetrated by males(Adlef &Simon,1979). Females also tend to be involved in offenses associated with drugs and public drunkenness (Pollack, 1950). These offenses consist of "victimless crimes. The majority of incarcerated women have been imprisoned for victimless crimes, such as drug or alcohol violation and prostitution(Mann,1984), However, when females are involved in offenses against members of the communityj they tend to take a passive role. Women are often charged with an offense in the first degree even if the male companion planned the offense without her knowledge. Once the criminal action began, they were forced to be involved because they accompanied the conspirator (Adler & Simon, 1979), Based on this research,the following hypothesis was proposed: 3. Did women convicted of murder have criminal backgrounds? The cycle of violence and criminal activity may extend to the entire family. According to Rosenbaum (1989), a poor relationship between parents and chUdren is highly influential in a child's subsequent delinquency. Unfortunately, more violent acts are being committed by adolescents, and are now being treating as adults in the court system. This may be an indication that parents are not 13 ■' establishing meaningful relationships with their children.In addition, parental frequency ofcontrol may also influence delinquent patterns (Wells <& Rankin,1988). This may imply that consistency in effective discipline is a possible deterrent to delinquent activities. The gender of one's child and parental attachment may also be dependent on delinquency. Hindelang (1972) found that parental attachment is more of a deteirent to delinquency for males than for females. The above research set for the following question: 4.Do women convicted of murder have delinquent children? Experts in criminology continually attempt to define and dissect the mind of a criminal. This research may further assist experts in the field to determine whether a female killer truly exists. The preceding research may assist in determining whether there are factors that precede a fertiale killer. Therefore^ it was determined wise to examine the above aspects of a female's life to find any common threads. The following hypothesis was posed: 5. Are there specific characteristics offemale killers? 14 CHAPTER THREE Literature Review Many people often ask themselves what provokes a woman to pull the trigger, swing a bat with intentions to kill or hire a "hit man? The tendency is to respond in a manner which is neither realistic nor empathetic toward the assailant. Perhaps women who have been and are currently incarcerated for murder found that it was the only manner to disengage themselves from a violent relationship. This is not meant to condone the act of murder,because it should not be taken lightly. Rather, one often thinks that the "victim" was at a disadvantage without questioning the victim's role. This issue may seem elementary and unimportant. The literature on women and murder is quite vague. Perhaps a reason for the vagueness is that many male scholars try to explain something which is and will probably always be foreign to them: the actions and behaviors offemales. Female scholars have emerged and challenged their male counterparts by offering more accurate assessments. This study will sharpen the image ofthe female killer. The literature currently available on women's participation in crime, deduces that women commit crimes ranging from the most menial criminal activities such as shoplifting to more serious crimes such as murder. Male scholars try to reason women's participation in criminal activity through traditional theories which have little applicability to women. One individual who has criticized such theorists is Eileen B. Leonard,in her work Woman.Crime and Society. The following is a summary of two theories which may be relevant to explaining 15 female criminality. In addition, liberal feminist theories will also be presented. The theory will be presented as it apphes to women. Differential Association Differential association was Edwin Sutherland's contribution to crimlnological theories. It is based on male behavior that is learned through acting out others behavior (Leonard, 1982). When this theory is applied to criminality, it stipulates that individuals are affected by group associations and thus,criminal behavior is learned through group interaction. Sutherland developed differential association by integrating nine principles. The most important principle stipulates that "criminality increases because there is an excess of definitions favorable to violation oflaw than adherence to law (Leonard,1982)." For example, a drug dealer probably perceives his chances of being apprehended to be very slim, and therefore, continues dealing because grossing money is perceived more favorably when he compares it to his possibilities of being arrested. This individual understands his activity as being perfectly acceptable because others (such as his peers)are also involved in this activity. This theory may not be appropriate when applying it to female criminality. It is understood that crime is predominantly conducted by males. When differential association attempts to explain crime,it does not emphasize that what is communicated to male and females conveys a different meaning to the subjects, which is, in reality, why we see more males involved hi criminal conduct. Traditionally, women have been more closely knit to the family than males. In addition women's behavior is more strictly controlled and supervised 16 because of the close practices (Leonard, 1982). Ihis lirnits negative interaction^ swayin|^ copying criininal behavlprs^^^ ftxwn neglected tb mention that women lack acce^^^ of the family's pressure. Diversified social roles ejcplain the difference betvveen m^e and female crittte, a poiih which Sinhertod al^ to mention. The fbtntii ptihCiple uidicates that"crimi^ learning bpth the techhiQues ofcriine and certain attitudes,^^ m and rationalizations fegai^ (Leoiiard, 1982)." A deviant activity that wpnten Mghl^ par^ i9'82). \Vhen a^ reasomngj women shpid^ learned to shoplift from past associations and experiences. He contradicts himself, because if the family protects the female, then they would not have access to shoplifting. the theory is iheflfectivnfshene^ explains how female deviance. Principle five)^serts that individuals learnt d^ne the legal codes as favorable or unfavorable (Leonard, 1982). Due to social rank, gender, and race, hidnnduals have difterent ttorms.^^ T associations women ha\te ate differentfioni thp^ that class and race plap^ a role in being law abkiing also change pattern of adherence to law^ class and black women are more susceptible to brealdhg ti^ law than higher class females because they are less protected and contrxDfled accoiding to t^ allows these individuals favorable reasons to violate the law as they are not as strictly controlled as higher class females. The sixth principle stipulates that "a p^spn tecomes ipore delinquent he^ of excessive contact with Criniihal^ Opposed to hon crimii^ patterns(Leonard,1982)." In reality women are sh|5endsed rftqre closely than men^ therefore,they should behaSe in a less criminal fashion. Sutherland grossly attempts to define "getting pregnant o^ as a ciiniihal act lecmard contests this #pppsitidh^^ is a deeply rooted social idea as Sutherland refle^d sdcialfy construe regarding males and females. She hrrther notes ti^ concerning both genders l>^ause a woman canhot becpme^^^p^ mx her own and becoming pregnant should not be aiminall^ classified,'..; ^ T^ non crittiinal associations m frequency,duJ^On,priority,and intensitj^ is the sex^nth proposition Siitheriand ofiN's. He further explains that cruhe X^ies^^l^ social position. Therefore, those living in lower class neighborhoods would be more susceptible to committing criminal acts than higher class individuals. If this was applied to females, it would state that lower class females would also contribute to criminality. Rather, as Leonard pointed out, women are more strictly supervised by the family than men and, therefore, this determines the frequency of positive behaviors and deters them from committing delinquent acts. Principle eight states that no unique process is involved in learning criminal or non criminal behavior patterns (Leonard,1982). Leonard stated that males and females are exposed to different learning experiences which results in different behavior. Here again the theory fails to explain tl^ criminality ofwomen. 18 The of his principles is,''that while criminal behavior is not exj^ainedin terms of general needs and values,it is not explained by those general needs and values since non criminal behavior is an expression ofthe same needs and values(Leonard,19S2)." This cottld inflUcmee law abiding as well as law breaking behavior. Low crime rate among females can be explained in terms of their positive associations. For example,women may be happier than men because they may receive more positive reinforcement simply because they are more intertwined in the family than men are. receive this because of their a^^ Men do not from the home and in turn, maintain their happiness through negative reinforces, such as their .criminal-peers.'^ 1^^ V is restricted m male crinuhalhy. We never learn family has such a tight control on the fe and why it is so positive. One must also consider the problems that bmtered when such fiamib^ cohl^ Oifmrendal^^ not elaborate on why males are less ■ ;strictly-Controlled. Marxist Approach te Engels explain crime in terms Of economic^ 3Fhose in power, maintain the force in ameliorating the amount of crime. They imply that it is to the powerful's disadvantage to decrease crime because it would ehminate jobs especially those related to crime control. These include law enforcement, judges, attorneys, etc. Those in pot^^f, siich as goverrnh^ agents have immeasur^le control over crime. 19 People die at the hands of employers who are equally guilty of producing crime when a recession occurs. People live comfortably while they have a form of subsistence, but crime ensues when jobs are lacking. This produces an environment where the former employee and law abiding citizen have little regard for the law. For example, the need to feed the family forces individuals to steal. It then becomes easier to steal a second time. Poverty produces criminality and Engels adds, that the criminal has little to offer and does not fear the law (Leonard,1982). In 1916, Willem Bonger adapted a sociological perspective in explaining crime. He said that people are bom with social instincts which are represented in the altruism present in earlier societies. In those societies people do not desire wealth, simply having what is necessary to subsist is enough. The capitalist society adopted ^ different stance which produced criminal individuals simply interested in money producing and competition with their neighbor. This produces attitudes^ sympathy for o^r people. ThuSj the goal of this society is primarily directed by greed and desire for power. If Marx observed class differences, he should have also noted gender differences. Leonard writes, "he fails to explain the lack of criminality among women, a group who is surely as powerless and oppressed as any within capitalism (Leonard, 1982)." Leonard continues by noting that Engels did not examine the demoralization capitalism produces in females. Engels states that the poor have no reason not to steal but does not include the fact that women have composed much ofthe poor throughout history. According to Engels' 20 analysis about criminality of the poor, women would be deeply involved in this activity. Leonard notes that "he neglects to explain why women are basically uninvolved in crime(Leonard,1982). However, Bonger asserts that when women commit economic offenses, they are less motivated than men to commit the crime (Leonard, 1982). He stated that their sense of empathy may deter their participation in illegitimate conduct Since women are more enmeshed in the family, they are less likely to produce crime. This lypfe of"oppression" also sways them from committing crimes of a political nature,due to this,they are spared ofcommitting illegal acts (Leonard,1982). He adds,that as women gain status equal to that of men,^^ t^^ will also produce an equal amount of crime. Leonard disputes Bonger's statements that women are less involved in crimes of vengeance. Current literature shows that women are now resisting attacks from abusive mates. This is seen by women who murder their abusive mates. He falls short in explaining female criminality within a capitalistic society, To reach a theory that is compatible to both genders, sexism must be eliminated. Leonard challenges other scholars to consider females in future research by using the above to establish that women are ignored in the development of theories, and simultaneously attempts to persuade others to integrate women in their arguments. If one is to develop a thorough theory, it should consider both genders. She also implies that in order to reach this, women must be researched(Leonard,1982). 21 ^Libetal^' Feminism^,:^ Researcli coiidtocted B in(^eiKieat be a scarce feminism argiies that; movement caused an increase in female crime because of the changing rdles and emp^^ patterns of womeu taldng place^^^ m society(Mumskin & Ahemahj 1993)^^ For e3«ai^^ that as women move into nipre competitive roles, they become more aggressive(Alleman & Muraskin,1993). They are much like men,as they express violent traits. Oh tjie other hand^ Ritei S^ that as women move out of the home, they will have more opportunities to eommit crime (AUemah &^^^ M 1991). As women move into the work force, people's goods and money will be more accessible to them, producing more cpporiunities to commit crimes. Socialist-Feminist A differerit view (hi wohien and th^^ production is that of the Socialist-feminist perspective. They argue that female crime^ cicturs as a result of cl^ and patriarchal oppression. A maintens i&t^ been oppressed at the hands ofmaleat^ (m men for seen through their dependency and after childbirth. This created a division of labor, where mothers care for their young, rather than fathers. Itftnther ej^ this division of labor, women maintain a lower status in the economic field. This is further exemplified in prostltutibh where men (pimps) control and manipulate women's acdbns as wellas their inone^ 22 There needs to be a clear understanding of the relationship Which exists so that issues related widi fieniale criininaiity may addressed. If this is not accurately considered, iheffecih^ of treating women accused and convicted of criminal activity in capitalistic, patriarch# societies wih occur (Mmnah & Muraskitt, 19^ In considering the relationship between genders,histoiy proves that men established "control" over women, and therefore, acts of violence such as, rape and domestic violence are directed toward wpmeh today. Radical Feminism A very cOntroN^rsial perspective on the origins of violence gainstfemales is that ofthe radicalfeminist perspective, It denotes that males are the creators of all ills. This theoiy is ah evidentatt^ on males and anything that belong to men,incluto as it is seen as a symbol of male superiority (Alleman & Muraskin, 1993). The relationship that exists between men and women is condemned,because it continually oppresses women. A violence concern of the radical feminist perspective is against women. They have been successful at demonstrating that when addressing rape, wife abuse, and sexual harassment, the law and its application has been male-dominated, male-centered, and male serving (Alleman & Muraskin,1993). Until the early 1970's, rape was not considered an act of violence, but rather,a sexual one. /' Marxist-Feminism Although the previous theories addressed women as victims, the Marxist-feminist perspective interprets females as perpetrators 23 ofcrime. It argues that capitalism produces female crime. Much like men, women are economically oppressed, but women are enslaved by their domesticity. However, women commit less crime than men because they are isolated from the means of production and their lack of participation in the public sphere (Alleman & Muraskin, 1993). It is similar to that of the liberal feminist argument in that,if women have opportunities to commit crimes, they will, but due to their domestic roles, according to the Marxist-feminist perspective, they commit less crime because of slim opportunities (Alleman & Muraskin, 1993). When women comniit crimes, according to these theorists, they tend to be ofan economic nature. The Marxist-feminist perspective illustrates that given women's isolation in the home, their crimes are reflective of the powerlessness and economic marginalia resulting from their tmique place as women in a capitalist, patriarchal system (Alleman & Muraskin, 1993). It is not unusual to see them commit "victimless crimes" such as shoplifting and petty theft. This theory fiirther contends that when women commit violent crimes, they are reflective of their alienation and frustration rather than being acts of aggression and domination (Alleman & Muraskin, 1993). In these aggressive acts, they tend to employ weapons related to the kitchen, and act violent as a result of marital disputes. The theories that have been developed to date as well as the ones discussed above have not addressed the motivation of female killers. Thesy neglect to mention the extent to which those women are victims Of domestic violence. For example, many women who commit murder endure psychological, sexual, and physical abuse for ' . ■ ' . 24 lengthy periods. There may be a distinction from those women abused for the first time to those who endured abuse for years. Further, the theories do not address domestic violence and its relationship with women who murder. Research Analysis In the analysis portion of the research many women who were interviewed were victims of domestic violence. It is necessary, therefore, to incorporate a discussion of "the battered woman" into thefese^ch so t^at one will have a better understanding ofdomestic violence and murder. Prior to the 1970's, women who killed their mates found it almost impossible to acquire support from the legal system. If her husband assaulted her, the police could not arrest him on a misdemeanor unless the officer observed it (Browne & Williams, 1989). This demonstrates discrimination because if the same male assaulted another person on the street, he would be charged with a felony ih addition to spending the night in local jail (Brown and Williams, 1989). As a result of this, the female had one of two alternatives; kill her mate,or continue enduring the abuse. The following explores the circumstances which lead battered females to kill their aggressors and examines the criminal justice system's response to victims of spousal abuse. Recognizing how subtle the abuse is from the beginning of the relationship is important. At the beginning of a violent relationship, women fail to realize the potential for violence because their partners tend to be very caring and attentive. However,the abusive mate operates in a very manipulative and pecuUar manner. In many relationships, the 25 male socially isolates the female from society. This creates an environment where the female is totally dependent on him. Typically the male is very jealous and does not allow his mate to have friends. If her partner is aware that she has been associating with other people, he becomes enraged. Ewing (1987) found that these women are frequently accused ofinfidelity,subjected to insults and other forms of verbal degradation in public, and not allowed to work outside the home. The male also isolates the female from any financial sources. He limits his checking and savings account solely to himself; depriving her ofspending money ignoring that she may have earned it herself. Batterers frequently demand that they be given total control over their wives earnings (Ewing, 1987). Their companions accept their requests to avoid future quarrels. If their partners interprets the rules lightly, they may expect an additional beating. In an attempt to answer the popular question "why doesn't she leave?," one must consider the barriers which eliminate the possibilities of abandoning the relationship. Economics is a major factor contributing toward her endurance. Many women lack working skills or have never held a meaningful job. This option is not feasible because women would have to put her children and herself in an indigent situation. Typically, women who leave an abusive mate experience a 74 percent drop in income (AUeman & Muraskin,1993). Another factor that contributes to her living arrangements is perceived limited support from her friends and family. The suppoit she anticipated is "met with resistance, if not hostility from her 26 family and friends (Ewlng, 19S7)." Typically, in a surprised manner because die fenraie^ ^^ predicament her not believe the pleading women and will ultimately advise her to be a "better wife." A third response to why she does not leave is because shU fea^ her batteiing mate will find and kill her. Research indicates that many women attenipt td leave their pardiers but in retaliation they are confronted Mth more serious threats or attacks. (Brown and •Mmams, • When the female finally realizes that the abuse will not stop, she summons the police for help. This is done when the rest of her alternatives have been exhausted, besides the;one of killing her abuser. For many vhtlms of spousal abuse, the only known point of entry into the criminal justice system is througih^^t^^ police (Ford, 1983). Many do not know any other alternati^ Few battered women have education beyond the hi^ schoolfevel,^^m them ignorant ofresources available to them. Research suggests that those who call the police tend to have teenage children. Wives reported that they started calling the police when their son or daughter was old enough to get embroiled in the physical conflicts (Gelles, 1987). This finding may indicate that women who have younger children or no children,rehain honiasking for help; I llie initial nhnte are the mdst:crucial mornents that further help or refraih^ influence her to seek doing so. ller decisions throtrghout the criminal justice process depends, in part, on her expectations of the 27 criminal justice system as shaped throughout her interaction with police officers(Ford,1983). The woman may find that sheis very lucky if, indeed, a police officer arrives at the scene. If the dispatcher feels it is not necessary to request an officer's assistance, the female may only receive advice on filing a complaint at the prosecutors Office. If the police fail to respond to a victim's call, she might be left entirely outside the criminal justice system, regardless of her needs or ultimate intent The legal response to these situations has been very negative. The police are the first element of the criminal justice system that is introduced into these circumsmnceSi Oftentimes, law enforcement agencies do not know how to handle domestic violence calls because they lack training in family violence. Genergdlyj the police respond to battering incidents by attempting to calm the batterer, and in some instances, conduct informal mediation (Ewing, 1990). This may stop the immediate abuse, but as soon as the police leave, the abuse may Continue. In addition, many officers are very unlikely to make an arrest when the offender has used violence against his wife (Dobash & Dobash,1981.) Law enforcement officials feel that the law should notintervene in family matters. Another aspect that the female must challenge is the officer's perception ofthe severity of the abuse. The criminal justice system allows the police to use discretion in these situations. Victims are oftentimes confronted with reluctant civil servants whose interest in avoiding the situation outweigh their concern for the victim, an 28 attitude of liifbiTmatibn^^^ aii5f, that is volunteered dtt how to Many are ignorant that the police plays ah in^ situation^ role in the decision is extremely depended on the pohce over's athtude. TI^ are some instances in ydrich police respond in disbelief and doubt whether such abuse is/has been taking place and theh proceed to sympathize with the offender. There are also few who advise her to file criminal charges. In addition, when some officers are asked by woman to arrest the batterer, they will not do it unless she goes to the prosecutors office and files a formal criminal charge or goes to court and obtains a restraining order, where she must face furfiier obstacles if she decides to prosecute (Ewlng,1987). Many women go tluxnigh niimercms he^h^ much psychological abuse before they decide tp file a comjhaint at the prosecutor's office. V^h do,they are^ with reluctance, their requests are discredited, and they are advised of possible consequences. Prosecutors are reluctant to pursue criminal complaints filed by battered women. They view the situation as insignificant, or anticipate that the woman will change her mind and drop the charges before the case goes to court (Ewing, 1987). This was the circumstahce of wom^^^^ filed charges in Indiana, a woman was stjlliixdng with her companion,and th^ prosecutor did not view the situation as serious, the affidavit was put on hold for three days of cooling off, after which the woman had to returp and sign it(Ford,1983). This may not be of assistance to the female who has been threatened by her mate that he will harm her in a more severe maimer if slae informs aijyone of their The prosecutor's office is ah adfiihonaf institutto ahused victimsofdomesfic viofence. A formal complaint does not guarantee that the abuse will cease. If the complaint is successfuUy ^ed^^^ m^ the prosecutor decides to prosecute, the abuser is likely to! recei^ a simple reprimand. If the batterer is formal^ charged ahd arrested, he vvill hfcely be heed On bail pending further court action (Ewing, 1987). This gives the batterer another opporthmty to cphtinm^^ abuse. A female's legal counsel also presents little security. The public defenders appointed to their case are typically beginning their legal practice and lack the ejqperience they need to reach a successful ohtcome (Alkmmi 8c Mihaskhir^^B Usually they have their own biases and will not representAyomen effectively. Oftentimes, defense attorneys do not understand the actions of a defendant and will hot preshht self-defense issues to the court. This produces a tendency to plea bargain which is interpreted as a victory by the public defender. Additionally, judges are not ^mpathetic toward battered women. If the judge feels that the jury has been unduly sympathetic with the abused,he exeicises his discmfiun on tfe (Jones, 1980). of the abuser In the event that the batterer is convicted, his punishment usually consists of probation (where he can reside in the home) 6r is mandated to go tlncmgh cou^ 1987). These reprimands unquestionably permit more abuse to ensue. The legislative system is another element of the legal system that is not attentive to battered women. It offers few alternatives to 30 vvomen who Gonstmtly undergo^^^re In a male legal systeih, it IS likely tMt the As one author stated,"the body oflaw, made by men,for men and amassed down through history on their behalf, codifies masculine bias and systematic^ly(^scriminates agsdnst w6m.eri by igto^ the woman's point of view (Jones, 1980)," Many legislators belie\^ that, if th^^^^ zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA pass laws favoring women,"a man's home will never be his castle." This was represented in an attempt to pass "The Domestic Violence Act of 1978" which n^r h^sed in the^^^^^1^ :(Jones,,1980)vv:;''^:;:; ■ ■ ■ -' '1'' . ■ ■ ■ Wbmen^v^^ justilicatidn for a honucide, generally get conAd(|ed of miiid^ manslaughter. Ewing (1990) found that expert psychological and sociological testimony was ofeed in 44 eases and only adh^^ in 26 of the 85 eases which^^^\^ In 17 of the 26 cases which the Jtiiy aJlpv^ Jo hear die ej^mt testhnonyf th^ convicted. Current, badeiod ^ limited choices. The criminal Jiistice ^steih yirtually cld$es victims of domestic violence. Moreover, the system neglects to consider what twnmn have endtJ^ they dCcide to ''hfing it to their attention" in a manner which the system sees 4^ criminal, i.e., mmder. When woi^ thatihcy will ha# some^ in tim law, it victimizes them one more ? Battered women's alternatives are very limited and it appears that each time they seek help, they are victims of tim ctiminal justice system. Some believe that if they had more alterhatives, women would not kill their battering companion. Browne and WiUiams (1989) found that "the rate of spousal homicide is lower in diose states in which domestic violence legislation and other resources for abused women are available." These scholars argue that if there were more shelters, more attentive police officers, and more representatives in their favor, women would not terminate their abusive mate's life. Police, prosecutors and judges need to recognize the battered woman syndrome before they make assumptions about the female "who killed in cold blood." They need to recognize the psychological reasons which lead women to act in a deadly fashion. If the system continues to base their decisions solely on the murder"the abused women" committed, without regard to their reasons, violence aimed toward women may continue. This, will produce a society in which abused women will do what they think is right. If criminal law operates on "the assumption of free will-that normal people choose to behave the way they do and, thus, are both personally and crimin^y responsible for unlawhil actions," then it should also recognize that "normal individuals are not fully the product of free will and thus, should not subject them to criminal responsibility (Ewing,1990). 32 FOUR; : /Methodology fbliG^ research method allowed for qtiadi^^ This imterpfetatioiis and discovering underlying ineahings of the collated data. Thus, a case study approach using original data was thought to be more interesting and challenging rather than researching data that had already been collected by other individuals. Initial plans were to interview a volunteer population of women imprisoned for murder at the California Institution for Women (CIW). However, certain barriers were raised, thus, warranting a different approach. It was determined that the research would be presented in the fbrni of evohition of a ;mijrderess." The researcher met various individuals that assisted in making the research possible as a result of completing an Internshh)through the California Department of Corrections. CcmtBefts were m^ the California Depart of Cort'ectionS Research Ihvision through letters from Dr.Coles,the chairperson of the thesis committee as well as through letters from the researcher. Willie the research was pending approval by the chairperson of the Research Department in Sacramento, phone calls were rnade to Kuiper YOuth Cen^r i^ California, a youth facility which houses juvenile female offenders. The researcher did not initially consider interviewing female juvenile delinquents, however, because approval of the inquiry was pending. However, it was determined that the study would be present defined of die adult murderess, by employing the Juvenile counterpart as an introduction. Perhaps a correlation between juvenile offenders and adult females convicted dP murder would be found. The presentation of this thesis will discuss female juvenile delinquents followed by data on adult females convicted of murder. J^ter three months, permission was granted to conduct the research at CIW. Method of Gathering Data As previously mentioned,contacts were made to the Director of KuiperJ^udi Gente San Beimardino. She wds^ v gmnted pernussion to begin dm and 18 jtiv^iles tliat were housed at the youth center, die director determined that two subjects would be the most useful in the research, based on the criteria that were given to heh^^ t^ months later, three mdre female juveniles were interviewed. Although it vyas a small saiiiple, , some valuable data was-gathered. The ihterviews tOok place ih the directors oSice and scheduled during their class time, thereftire, a Itape recorder was allowed to complete the interviews more qiu^ interviewed in pairs^ with the exception Ofdm ddhAu^ The first two siibjects were an Ahican-American and a I#iha female. They appeared to be comfortablewiih each other as th^did not hesitate to answer any of the quesdohS. H diis may have some bearing on the responses they gave. The interview questions began in the generalformat. The beginning of the interview consisted of demographic questions such as age,family, school, drug use,followed by the most serious questions at the end of the interview (please see Appendix B). Each interview session lasted about an hour each. During the second interview session, three females were interviewed. Latinas. One was African-American and the other two were The sessions lasted 45 minutes to an hour. The data gathered from the interv^ was much different from what the researcher expected. It was expected that the data gathered from die juveniles would be similar to the data compiled from adult women convicted of murder. Interviews at CIW were completed in two consecutive days beginning each morning from 9:00 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. Some inmates were more sociable, therefore, the interviews ranged from 20 minutes to one hour. The research coordinator came in unannounced various times to verify if everything was progressing smoothly, Eurthermore, the interviewing environment was very casual, no handcuffs nor officers were present. Research Method As a researcher, one needs to evaluate possible research designs before deciding which research method is best. After surveying possible methods, it was decided that a case study approach would be most appropriate. A case study may be accomplished in a variety of ways. One has the option to select self- administered questionnaires, phone interviews. 35 surveys, and persons^ Self-administered questionnaires require time and money, something which was not easily accessible to the researcher. To possibly achieve a high response rate, the resem'cher must write a letter of intent (purpose of the questionnaire) and mail the questionnaire along with a self-addressed stamped envelope to the possible subject If one does not receive the questionnaifes, one needs to submitfollow-up mailings to the respondents and again,the researcher must send another self-addressed stamped envelope and the questionnaire if one expects a possibility of receiving it Many times the respondent may neglect to complete the qu^stionhaire because it may be too time consuming or unclear. Oftentimes, a respondent may be baffled by a question which is unclear and as a result, leave the question tmanswered. One may also expect incomplete questionnaires for reasons the researcher may not accountfor. A researcher should consider developing a study which will produce an adequate response rate. The fact that this projecrt addressed a very serious and personal aspect of a woman's life would probably make the respondent very uneasy and possibly, not complete the questionnaire. These are just a few disadvantages of using self-administered questionnaires. Phone survey is another option a researcher has to complete a study. If this is employed, it is difficult to establish trust when interviewing over the phone. It is also difficult to probe and gain confidence in each individual. Conducting phone interviews gives the researcher lesser flexibility when noting the responses. In face-toface interviews, a respondent may slow down and continue when 36 the interviewer has completed writing. This is obviously not feasible during a phone interview. Additionally,one may obstruct the course of the interview if one keeps interrupting the respondent. After examining these two methods of case study, it was concluded that face-to-face interviews would be the best method to complete the inquity. Personal interviews attain a higher response rate than mail surveys (Babbie, 1989). In interviews, one eliminates incomplete questionnaires, and unanswered questions by clarifying anything which seems unclear to the respondent. As an interviewer, one is allowed to observe the race of the individual as well as their demeanor, such as noting hostility or lying, something which is not accessible in mail questionnaires or phone surveys. In face-to-face interviews, one can probe for responses which can be used in the analytical portion of one's research. This is similar to the methodology outlined by Glaser and Strauss (1967). They proposed that one may develop a theory through direct observation, a form of inductive reasoning. Therefore, this specific research design allows one to develop certain principles through direct observation (interview)of the subject. Generalizability is an important issue to consider. In the current study, limitations were present because of sample size. The fact that some women felt that they did not have adequate representation in court may have impacted their current position. In any analysis, one must be careful when generalizing. For example, many women may have claimed self-defense, but due to poor legal representation, they were found guilty. 37 The purpose of the research was to examine why women commit murcJer and lieif perceptlohsy^^<^ inquiry was done fOr pu^ Furthermore^ this of clanging; die to a murderess. This research may aid in discerning whether there is a definition of a murderess. In order to^^^^^d^ was thought heces^a^ adult female killers, it interview female juvenile convicted of violent personal offenses. zyxwvutsrqponmlk The Mlowing data was conipiled after interviewing five juvenile delinquents, each wifi he^^^^r siibjects etc. Subsequently,the data on 16 woinen iricarceiatedfbr murder will be ■ Juvenile.' ■ Parehty--]to:a ■ WhO' -subject ■ tosvtaised-:-by Of the five girls that were interviewed, Wygrew to maternal grandmodier; "B" was raised by her aunty "0" was raised her mother after her parents separated; "D'y wg^ adopted by a couple when she was ten as a result of her modier's death. In addition, this individual did not know her biological hither. "E" was the only individual who was raised by both parents and whose family was ctirrently intact y,^\^.^y■ 0';■ -:y: Age of parents at time of subject birth The parents ages at the time of the subject's birth were: "A's" mother was 18 when she was born, the mother of "B" was 25 who married her father who was "a little bit older;" "C's" mother was 25; "D's" parent was 17 when the subject was born; and "E's" parents -y; ' 'y . 'y' y ■ /■ 'y.-'-: ,.-. 38 ^yyy'.y' 'y-yy y ' were 15 and 16 married at the onset of the :7pregn^Gy.^' Parent education level Subject "A" did not know Her parent's education level . "B's" mother grade and her father graduated from high school. ''€'s" mother acquired a vocational nurse license. Subject''D's'' nibther completed high school and obtained a svs^lchng eertificate^ "E's" father completed high school and her niother dropped out in tenth grade. ;; Parent 'occupation';' : Subject"A" did not know what her mother dlid for a living, "B" also did not know what her mother did; her father worked for the military. Both of "C's" parents were cuttcnti^ hnettiploye^ mother owned a hotel. "E's" mother is a secretary and her father is an executive fora iinihjrm and linen hiusiness. Parent drug use Subject''A" wase3q>osed to her mother'acxmsistent u^ since she was dneCi, Suhject' imclear if h^ drugs but recalled that when sh^^ 11 she was aware of drug use in her Imme, Both of '^C's'^ parents^s^ and continue to smoke marijuana. "D's" mother is a heroine addict and smokes marijuana. "E's"father smoked marijuana. Parent arrest record After questioning whether the subject's parents/guardians had ever been arrested, the following was found: Subject "A" did not know whether her mother was ever artest^ or iri trohbte^^ law. She stated that she assumed her mother had been arrested 39 because of her drug addiction. Subject "B's" mother was arrested for "under the influence of drugs and alcohol, and for possession of firearms." Consequently, she served two years in prison for those charges. Subject "C's" mother was arrested for failing to disclose information to the subject's probation officer and was in jail for four days. "D's" mother was arrested for prostitution, possession for sale, counterfeiting, and assault with a deadly weapon. She served nine months in county jail for those offenses. Subject "E's" parents have never been arrested or in trouble with the law. Juvenile Sibling Data Sibling drug use They were asked whether their siblings used drugs: Subject "A" assumed her brothers used drugs. Subject "B" said that her sisters have smoked marijuana and her eldest sister has used speed. Subject "C" said that all her siblings smoke marijuana. Subject "E" said that her brother does not use drugs. Sibling arrest record The subjects were asked if their siblings were ever in trouble with the law (arrested) and if they served any custody time for their crimes. Subject"A" stated that she had twin brothers(13) who were in gangs, and one sister. Subject "B" had three sisters between the ages of 12-20 and one brother who was ten. She did not say whether they had ever been in trouble. Subject "C" has a brother (13) who has been arrested for grand theft auto. He consequently served two days in juvenile hall. Subject"D" has no sibUngs. Subject "E" has a 15 year old brother who has shoplifted and stolen a bike, but has never been arrested or in trouble with the law. 40 Juvenile Subject Data Age ■ ; The ages of the five subjects were: two were 15 years, two were 16,and one was 17. Grade Gompleted/Drop out? One subject was in fifth grade when she was expelled. Following that her school attendance fluctuated until she was put in placement. Subject "B" completed ninth grade; Subject "C" got pregnant in the eleventh grade,as a result,she moved and continued attending school. Subject "D" also got pregnant but decided to participate in home study where she completed eleventh grade. Subject "E" dropped out in seventh grade but returned and completed tenth grade. Disciplinary school problems Subject"A" was expelled from school in fifth grade because she threatened to stab a harassing boy. Subject "B" was expelled from two counties when she was in ninth grade for taking firearms on campus. She recaUed that she was 11 when she initially took a.357 magnum to school. Subject "C" often found herself taking knives to school, fighting, and was expelled from Catholic school in the first grade for failing to wear the school uniform. In public school she fought with boys and threw a chair at a teacher. When subject"D" was in jtmidr high, she was often disruptive in class, fought, and damaged school property. Subject "E" was suspended and expefled from school for spitting on a teacher, fighting and for taking a knife to school. Physical/Psychologlcal/Sexual abuse ' ■ 41 . Subjects were asked whether they were abused physically, zy psychologically,or sexualfy. Ones^d she was p^hologically abused by her peers when she was younger. Another hmd she had been physicalh^ and psychological abiised^b^ her inodier. She was also sexually molested by her uncles when she was seven. A third subject said that her father was physically abusive towards her. ■ Children?:; ;-": None of the subjects were mmrried biit two had children. One subject was 15 when she had a child and another had her baby adopted. A thhd subject chose to have an abortiohDrug use/Alcohol use The subjects were asked vdiether they tjSed drugs,if so^ what? and if they drank alcbhoin^ how much? j $ul^ect "A" stated^^ ^ ^S^^ had used every drug, but only mentioned "rock, acid, and cocaine." She a^ anything with alcohol in it. Subject "B" has used marijuana and drinks alcohol. "C" stated she has used drugs including, marijuana, PGP, and drinks about 160 oz. of alcohol everyday. "D" has used rnarijuana and drinks about 80pi. of alcohol every weeketKl. Subject "E" said she has receptly ej^erinieiited with speed, cocaine and marijuana. She added that she does not like alcohol. Cause of first arrest/Conviction/Time served? ITie subjects^ w^ was the cause for their initial arrest and if they were convicted? If soy how^ ^ r serve? They were additionally asked whether they would d^ did they again. Subject "A" was initially arrested for possession for sale and was placed oil house arrest. Subsequently, the police executed a drug rai<l at iier lipme and for tJie same cliargev She was unsure whether siie wou^ Sufeject "B" was inhlally arrested te but was not convicted until the fifth time. She stated she has been in placement since then. She fippes to stay out Of troiible ahcl be successful at "deaUng" by eyading the la^ she is released from placement. "C" was initially arrested for possession for sale and GTA. She was convicted on those charges and served two months She added that she woidd dofr again "forfun and advei^^ Subiect W was firs^ for GIA, kidnapping^ and endangering a minor. She was cOnvucted and is serving a nine month sentence. She said she would not do it again because "the punishment was not worth it." Subject "E" was initia% arrested and convicted for GTA; She escaped(AWOL)from juvenile hall and has been "in and out of it for the past three years.'' She advised that upon her release she will not steal cars because her father purchased one for her, and therefore, "has no need to do so." She added that if she was in the same circumstances^ she would not do it again "because there is more to Unlawfut acts^^^^^ had ever done anything else which was unlawful and were not arrested. Subject"A,C,and D" have been arrested for all the unlawful acts they have committed. Subject "B" was never arrested for a drive-by shooting she was involved in. She added, "I never want to find out if I killed 43 somebody in the drive-by." Subject"E" has burglarized homes,stolen cars,and mugged people for jewelry. Current cOnyiGtion/Treated fairly? They were asked why they were placed at the center and whether they felt the Criminal Justice System (CJS) treated them Sul^ect W is servi^ time for under the influence in pubU^^^ and failing to appem:in court. She felt she should pMy be serving a six month sentence,rather than the nine months thatshe received. "B" is serving extended time for escaping from a detention center and she felt she was treated "fiaM even lightly" given her criminal history. "G" is currenth^ serving ti^ charges: an array of assault and battery, assault on a peace officer, gan| affiliation, possession for saley GTA; receiving stolen property, biuiglary, violation ofprobation, and under the infhter^ "this ah happened in a Matter^^^ o^ Although all these crimes were committed, she felt she should have been released because''my brother did the same thing and he ws released." Sulqect "D" is serving time for endanger^ kiclhapping, and GIA^ and felt the Cy^ a minor, by zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfed giving her a nine month sentence. She felt she should have been given six months. Subject "E" is also serving time for GTA but feels the CJS "gave me a lot of chances because I have been locked up 15 times. They were soft on me by giving mobnly61^ Plans when released? :• '■ ■ they were asked do upon release. Subject "A" said, "I want to find a job, do well in school, and make 44 my grandittother proud. I want to get my high school diploma." "B" wants to go to school and does not know whether she will retreat to her gang lifestyle. She added, "I more than likely will." She also wants to get a job, and plans to do what she had been doing (delinquentitiv^ one aspect,"not getarrested." Stibject''€" wants to e^lier hi^ jiiyenileljml. do this by the time she is 22, she Mtshe would accomplish it by not hanging aroimd her friends. In spite of the previous statement, she said, "I will still go with my friends if they invite me to do something lawless." "D" wants to get her General Education Degree.,enroll in the Job Corporation,and take some vocational classes. diploma and find a "E" wants to get her liigh school can pay for her car insurance. She plans to change her lifestyle by not associating willi her gang friends, lief parents moved to heip^ "straighten Out heflifey" Women's Liberation Questions relating to women's liberation were asked. All five suhjects felt that a woman's place is not the home. Some comments were: "Men should stay home and take care of the kids, everyone has equal rights." All five felt that women should work. Some of the comments were: "a woman should work outside the home if she wants to; A woman should not rely on welfare or a male for her survival; Women should work and not rely on welfare, get an education!" that women should have access to birth control and abortion. They added: "women should have rights to abortion 45 an<l birth control, it's their body; If a women is not ready to support a child,she should have an abortion if that's what she wants." also asked, do you think men have the same responsibility to take care of their children as women have done so in the past? One stated, "men should take care of the kids and women should work." The other four felt it was an equal responsibihty. Another question was,after a divorce,do you think men should pay for child support? Four said they should. A fifth said, "the person who makes the most money should pay for child support." Adult Parent Data Sixteen women convicted of murder were interviewed at the California Institution for Women. The interviews were conducted by a personal interview during a two day process. Who subject was raised by Eleven subjects were raised by both parents. Three subjects were not raised by both parents. One was raised by her mother, after the family was abandoned by her father when she was six. Another was raised by her mother, never meeting her father. A third subject was raised by both parents until her father's death when she was three. Following that, she periodically lived with her mother. Two subjects grew up in foster families. One was placed in foster care because her mother needed to complete her schobling, Subsequently, her maternal grandmother was given custody. She grew up believihg her father died. In re^ity, her mother got pregnant outofwedlock. 46 Parent occupation/Educatiott level Siibjects vvere as|^ grade theit p^nts coin ■ what tJieir::OGcupationrwerev'' - '>;-i- -: -;/-:^ zyx Subject "A's" fatiier completed sixth grade and wotked in construction. Her mother completed high school and was a Sul^ect "B's" mother completed gradiiate school and an ■ anesdietist. Both of *'C's" parents completed high school. housewife, ahdher father ov\med a service station. Subject "D's" parents completed high school. Her molher was a social worker and did not know what her father was. Subject "E's" biological mother and father completed high school. Her biological father was a "stunt-man,'V her foster mother a nurse, and her foster father was an auto parts dealer. Subject "E" did not know what grade her paihhts completed. Her mother was a housewife. Subject "G" also did not know the grade her parents completed. Her father was a professional fisherman and her mother was a housewife. Subject "H's" father was raised on an Indian reservation, was self-taught, and eventu^ly worked as a general manager for Royal Crown Cola. Her mother completed eighth grade and was a cake decorator. Subject "I's" parent completed high school; her mother additionally completed two years of college. Her father was a refinery worker for Bhelt ai^ her mother worked^^^a^ a seamstress, a nurse'S aide, and as a college secretary. Both of"J's" parents completed high school. Her father worked fhr Southern C; Gas Company and her mother was a secretary. Both of "K's" parents acquired a Bachelor of Arts degree in business administratioh. Her father owned his own business and her mbther was Head boan Offlcer for Wells Fargo Bank. Subject "L's" mother completed tenth grade, and her father completed seventh grade. Her mother was a housewife, and her father was a commercial fisherman. Sufe^ect"M's" mother completed junior high and worked as a secretary^ Her father received his teaching credential^^^ a^ subsequent^ a school principal. Subject "N's" father coinpleted high school and she assuined that her mother had compl^d tenth gb^e. Her father was a mechanic for the army and her mother was a housewife. Both of "O's" parents completed high school. Her mother worked for California Rehabilitation Center and her father conducted 'rodeos: Subject "P's" mother completed high school and her father completed ninth grade. Her mother was a glass plant packer and her father was a mold maker. In summary, four subject's mothers were housewives. Four parents acquired a Bachelor of Arts degree or beyond. Six parents had professional or semi-professional jobs although one subject said her mother completed high school, but worked as a social worker (assuming education beyond high school level was needed). Sixteen parents had blue collarjobs. Home environment/Family violence 48 Some subjects had problems at home stemming from physical, sexual, and psychological abuse. Others often felt abandoned. Subject"D" said,"it was difficult to live (in terms offinance)after my father to ■ 'diflHctdfchildhood.:v-;^' - '\ She felt her father was responsible for her ^7- Some subjects blamed their mother for their unhappy childhood as several were sexually assaulted by family members aside from being physically abused. Subject "G" claimed her mother attempted to murder her. "I did not look like any of them. My mother abused me ever sinceIwas in the crib. My father physically, psychologically, and sexually abused me since I was a baby." Her father continued this behavior until he died when she was 14. Subsequently, her brother continued molesting her. "I felt likeIdid not belong in the family. The abuse was always directed towards me (she had two other siblings)." Subject "K" said, "I had a happy childhood with the exception of the incest. My brother molested me and my family was in denial. He was also very physically abusive towards my other two sisters." Physical and mental abuse seemed to be rampant in some homes. Five were physically abused, five were sexually abused, and 4 were psychologically abused. Subject "F" said she received a lot of Physical and tont^ abuse from her mother. "My mother was abusive towards me among. It's my mom's fault I did not have a good childhood." Subject "M" had a very demanding father who was often physically and mentally abus her. "I often felt stupid andIfeltIwould make him mad, soItried to avoid him. My sister would also hide from my father so she could not anger him." zy zyxwvuts Many times "M" would stand up to him which worsened the situation. Subject "P'■ recalled having a happy childhood, but when she was a teenager her mother became psychologically and physically abusive towards her. "That is one of the reasons why I married so soon." Four subjects grew up with alcoholic parents. Subject "C" said, "my mother was an alcoholic andIwas sexually molested by my uncles and by my brother's friend." As a result the relationship with her mother was strained. She recalled her childhood as a happy one, with the exception of the molestation incidents. Subject "I" said her father was an alcoholic. He sexually and physically assaulted the four children, recalling her childhood as an unhappy one. Subject "H" said her father was an alcoholic. She recalled having a happy childhood because "my father lavished me with material things." She believed he did that because he molested her since she was two. She also felt her mother parttcipated as, "she did not stop it" Subject "N" advised that although her mother turned alcoholic after her father's death, she had a happy childhood, as her mother never abused her. Two subjects grew up in foster care. Subject "E" said, "it was difficult to establish a relationship with my foster mother because she was much older and very strict. I felt like an intruder simply living there for lack of another home. Although there was no family violence, it was enough feeling lonely." Subject "B" grew up in a foster family, "even though faniily violeiice was non.-existent during my childhood, 1 felt very lonely. Ifelt as ifIwas in a dysfunctional family. 1 resorted to my pet kittens for companionship and friendship." 50 Subject"L" recalled having a happy and loving childhood. "The only thing that annoyed me was that I was brought up in a very conservative environment. I was not allowed to date, attend parties, have sleep-overs. I felt as if I missed a lot of my teenage years." Ofthe 16 subjects,four claimed to have a happy childhood,five were sexually molested,four were psychologically abused,five were physically abused.Four grew up with an alcoholic parent. Parent arrest The subjects were asked if either parent had ever been arrested or in trouble with the law. Subject"H" said her father was on probation for shooting at peace officers and for another issiie she did not disclpse. He was also arrested for beating his wife and for shooting at the subject. Subject "I" said her father was arrested for driving under the infliiehce and assumed that he probably paid a fine. Subject"N" also said that her mother was arrested for drunk driving and was placed in county jail for an imdisclosed amountoftime. In summary, two parents were arrested on misdemeanor charges (drunk charges), another parent was arrested for more serious crimes. Parent drug/Alcohol use Subjects were asked if their parents used any drugs; if so, what? and how often? Some parents died firom problems associated wth alcoholism. Su^ used drugs until I was 18. "I was not aware that my parents My father smoked marijuana atai eventually died of alcoholism. My mother used morphihe, Demerol, and cocaine. She later died of cancer." Subject "I" said her father 51 died of complications associated with alcoholism. After her father's death, her mother became an alcoholic and eventually died of the saihe disease. Stibj^ct alcoholic after the death of"N's" father. M used uppers and eventually died ofah overdose.- Sut^ect "^^ she was aware that her biological fhthefsinpfed m£^ not know how much orhow often. In summary,four parents used drugs and three parents were alcoholics. Sibling trouble with law % they had siblings who had ever been in trouble with th^ and if sO^ their ■ ;piinistoentf^,/^^ Some answers may appear insignificant, but they will be presented because the subjects felt they were a problem. Subject"A" has three sisters and one brother. She said her brother was rebellious and a runaway, but he never had any trouble with the law. Subject "C" has two brothers and one sister. Her brother was discharged from the service because he hit an officer. Subject "J," who has two brothers and one sister also advised that her brother was dishonorably discharged. The following were more serious issues. Subject "E" had a foster brother who was a juvenile delinquent and is currently in prison on burglary and drug charges. Subject "I" has one sister and two brothers. One is currently in prison for burglary, robbery, under the influence, and possession for sale charges. Subject "N" has two sisters. One served coimty time for drinking in public and for drug 52 charges. Siie \vas subsequently arrested for shooti^ a m^e but was found for reason of self-defense.^ S has two brothers and tvvo sistersv lief qldest brother was arrested for drunk drmng and the other was in Ju\%nile hah and detentions^^^ c^ since he Was 16. He has also heCn in repeatedly throughout Overall, fbtir sxd^^ects had siblings hhd with the..Iawor;lncarceratedw ' Adult Subject Data The women's ages ranged from 26 to 58 years. Most^^^^ w^^ were between 42-49 years. Grade ^completeh^''^";:-:-'-:;;: The women were asked if they dropped out, if so why? Ten dropped out because two of them got pregnant and then married. Five dropped out and got married. One was 14, a second got married when she was 16^ two completed eleventh grade and then married. Another dropped out because her soon to be husband asked her to do so, promising her that she would be allowed to Another Woman was "forced to drop Orit'' beca to youth authority. she was sent One dropped out because the family environment was very negative. One female dropped out in the Disciplinary problems in school 53 w in school. The extent of their jprobie^ skipping c%ss,t^^ fighting. in a car accident while she wes Skipping class. Two snb|ects ofien fought with hoys in school, ^o^^^ because of the mecjication she was given to control her weight, she was a very "excitable persbn." She often caused <hsorder in class and was considered a troubled child. :i>rug/AIcohGl,use;: Subject"€" admitted to having taken amphetamines,marijuana, iSp,"uppers and downers" and drank alcohol everyday. Subject"F" drank alcohol beyond the social level. Subject "G" used heroine one time a week heavily since she was 15. Subject "H" used marijuana^ speed, and cocaine." periodically and voitti She drank with either alcohol or drugs. Subject "i" used valium, and had three drug owrdoSes. She Cafied herself a "weekend drinker.'v 'vvhen sul^ect "!" was 25, she iised speed and cocainfi once a week durihig a Six Subject "ME" woiild either take heroine,valimh,orsecanbleveryday between the ages of 20 and 29. After her drug uSe, She resorted to d^ alcohol. Subject"P" drank alcohol everyday since she was 30. Some subjects simply found d|emseh^s experimenting^ with either substance. Stil^ ej^enmented M marijuana^ crack,and alCohc^ amphetamines, 12-14 years. Subject"N" said she used Speed and drank occasionally. Based on the above, seven women drank heavily (considered themselves aicohohC)and six Used drugs extensively to the point of adchction. were simp^ej^ 54 with drugsor alcohol. 'j": f V :;v,; 'Military.;No one ■ €liildreji^;■ ■ ■ :-■ - zyxwvu tlie subjOets wero asted or children and if so, how old were they when they had their Jhrst childv^^ They were also asl^d to describe the reMohship with them. Subject "A" never 1^ ah aborti^ and she Was 1 when she had her first Child. She has a daughter (30) and two sons who are 27 and 18. She felt she had a \^iy close relationship with Sulyects "!and K'Vboth had one abortion and did not have a chhdren. Siibject was 16 when she had an abortion, Sut^ect "C'l had one son, whois 36, When she was 18 and never had an abortion. She said her son felt abandoned becahse of her drug use. Sinceher imprisonment, the relationship has improved. Subject "D" had one abortion and had two sons whom are 24 and 26. She had her first son when she was 23 years old and has a gOod relationship with thein. Subject "E" never had an abortion and was 15 years old when she had a Son, who is 11, and a dau^ter 9. Due to the murder she committed, guardianship was awarded to their fiaternal grandnxother andshe does nothave a relationship with theni. Subject "F" believed that she had a couple of miscarriages before she married. Her mojher made her drink pepper tea, which she believed induced the miscarriages. She had her first daughter, who is 28, when she m 21. She also had another daughter, who is 22, and a son Who is 27. She has a good relationship whh the yotingest children but does not have a relationship with her eldest daughter. Subject"G" never had an abortion and has a good relationship with her 22 year old daughter who she had at age 20. Subject "H" had three abortions, having her first child at 13 years of age. She ha,s five children between the ages of 18-32 and has a very close relationship with her three youngest children,as she did not raise the older two. Subject "I" had two abortions before she was 16 years. She also had six children whom are now between the ages of 32 and 42, having the first child when she was 16. She felt she was not prepared to be a parent and felt that was the cause for not having a good relationship with her children. She often spanked them with sticks and belts and never showed any affection. Since her imprisonment,the relationships have improved. Subject "J" did not have any abortions and was 16 years when she had her first child. She had three daughters whom are 15, 12, and 9 and has a very good relationship with them. They live with their maternal grandmother. Subject "L" did not have any abortions and was 26 when she had her first daughter who is 23. She also has another daughter who is 20 and has a very good relationship with them. Subject "M" had one abortion before her first child was bom. She was 18 when she gave birth to her 26 year old daughter and also has a 25 year old son. Their father took them away when her daughter was two years and the baby was nine months old. 56 Consequently, she met her daughter when she was 18. They write each other but her son refrains from having a relationship with her. Subject"N" did not have any abortions. She had her first child when she was 17 and has a great relationship with her 27 year old daughter and her 23 year old son. Subject "O" has a very close relationship with her 37 year old son and 35 year old daughter. She did not have any abortions. Subject "P" had two abortions. One before and after the birth of her 20 year old daughter. She was 16 when she had her daughter. In summary, eight subjects had one or more abortions. Nine said they had a good to great relationship with their children. Two stipulated they did not have a relationship with one or more oftheir children. One was not allowed to have a relationship with her children due to the murder she committed. Trouble with children The subjects were asked if their children had any disciplinary problems or trouble with the law. Subject "D" said both of her sons had disciplinary problems. One was arrested for preserving marijuana and was on probation until he turned 21. The other child was very rebellious. Due to the fact that subject"E" was not allowed to have contact with her children, she was not aware of any problems but did not think her children had any trouble with the law. Subject "H's" children had disciplinary problems. Her second son was an alcoholic and a drug user. Her two youngest children were both runaways and had a terrible dislike for authority figures. Another son was arrested for drunk driving, and another for 57 possessibii#r sale; Altlidugh tliey we did not serve any custody time for their crimes. Ah of subject "I's" children had discipline problems. W tier oldest son was young, he hung a dog on a clotiiesiitie^ hid his yxmnger sibhrigsfrom his m to scafe her,wasinyolved in fights, and molested his two sisters. Her oldest daughter was also im^olv in many fights and formed her own gang. Stie got married at 18 and because of her heroine addiction she is now HIV positive. Her oldest daughter was eventtially atrested f^^^ her sister^ndaw (stabbed her In the throat), robbery(purse snatchii^), and was imprisohed for a year. Her eldest son had peri^ in training schools and youth camps and and convicted for attempted rape,receiving a six year sentence. Anotiier son Wasin 3^iith canips periodieahyfor druig and weapon charges. A younger daughter has been in CIW twotimea Although subject "N's" chhdren did not have any disciplinary problems, since her incarceration, her 27 year old daughter was arrested for burglary amismved throe and a hah months in county jail. Her son was arrested for possession of drugs and served one week in county jail. ion siibjects Said their child(ren)did not have any disciplinary problems. One child eventually had problems with the law and served county time. Five subjects said one or more of their children had trouble with the law, three either received probation,or served county or state time. Tlie sheets were asked what was the cause for their first arrest. Subject"H" was initially arrested for possession for sale and served 90 days in county jail. Subsequently, she was romantically inyolyed^ who sexually assaulted her five year old son. Consequently,she pled guilty to incest so that her son wohld not have to go to trial. Sbihe sub^ were previously arrested for "petty crimes." Stibyect 'T was arrested 18 years ago for writing an insufficie^ check, recei\dng five years probation and paying a $1,000 fine. She also stole ftom her job (did not disclose the amoimt). Although Subject "N" is currently serving time for her first offense, she admitted to purchasing drugs for other people, tax evasion, and dnmk driving. The following subjects committed more serious offenses. Subject "C" was initially arrested for smuggling marijuana across the border. She was placed on probatipn and was^^^ arrested for "piiblic dnmkenness" in which case, she paid a fine. She also admitted to having been involved in prostitution, drug dealitig and shopdifted but was never arrested. Subject "M" was initially arrested for drug charges and served six months in County jail. She was also arrested for having drug paraphernalia. Furthermore, she admitted to committing robberies and burglaries when she was on Some subjects had criminal backgrotmds as juveniles. Subject "E" had been arrested for petty theft as a minor and was in juvenile hall tegularly. She also shoplifted groceries for her children, getting arrested On the third time. Subject "G" was arrested when she was 14 for Iddnappittg and served a sentence of five years in Youth iVutiiori^. When she was 13, she l^gan coinnMtting htirglaries by stealing food torn the victim's refdgerato^^^ her mother did notfeed her^ She also Stole rings and gnhs which she imer sold> bnt ":was-never arrested.' ^ Criminai activ% was notpresentin nine circumstances. In two events, criminal offenses were petty crimes, such as insufficient ftmds,and tax evasion. Four y/omen had crimingd backgrounds prior to their current conviction. Two began their criminal activity as juveniles. Also, two were involved in either piostitutlon, robberies, and btu-^aries prior to their current crime. ■ The;;Murder ■ Relationship to the victim The subjects were asked what relationship they had with the victim. Victims of Subjects "A, D, E, J, L," were husbands. The victims of subject "C" were her husband, two step-children, and a friend of the cldldren. The victto was her ''common law husband" of eight years. Subjects "F, G, H,K,O and Fs" victims were their boyfriends. Subject "B" did not know the two victims. "G's landlord was her victim. The victim of"M" was a female companion of her "common law husband.'' Subject "N's'' victim was h^ friend. Six victims were husbands, and six were boyfriends. One subject did not khovv tile two^^^^ another killed her "common- law husband's" lover. Furtiiejmore,one victim was the subject's best friend. subject, There were also three children that were victims of one a; Circumstances of the murder The following are narratives of the circumstances of the murders. These are the explanations that were given and should be interpreted with discretion,as they may not necessarily be what was determined by the courts. Subject "A" explained that her husband had a bail bond business and was a drug dealer, It was alleged that the murder was planned. The victim was alleged to have been in subject's office. She feared that her life and the life of her children were at stake (for an undisclosed reason) and then proceeded to khl her husband. The subject was convicted of Murder T(conspiracy to cominit murder). She received a sentence of 7 years to life, of which she has served 11., Subject"B's" account is a rather complicated one. A coin dealer had asked the subject to locate some people. As she was looking for them she was taking notes on their locality. On the day of the murder, she was in the coin dealer's store at which time a robbery was occurring. She was convicted of Vicarious Liability (Murder I) due to the notes she had. She does not know who killed the two victhns. The subject advised that she felt that the coin dealer "had set her up." She received a sentence of25 years to life of which she has served 8 years. Subject "G's'' intentions were to commit suicide. She took nine pills and lit three cigarettes which she placed on the bed. She eventually fell asleep and when she awoke, the house was infested with smoke. Her husband, two step-children, and a friend of the children died of smoke inhalation. 61 She was convicted of three couiits of I'irst Degree tMurdef I) and is serving a 7 year to life sentence,of 16years. she had been subjected to emotional abuse perpetrated by her husband. On the day of themurder, he had been abusing her and she proceeded to call 911. While waiting fpr helpy she "snapped" and khied him. She also stated that although she had known him for four years, the s^use begun after the first yem of knowing hiimt. She whs cdn\^ted ofMurder 1 and^^^^ sentence of25 years to life ofwhich she has served 2 years. Subject "E" was also exposed to psychological and physical abuse along with impovefishment and spbuSal jea^ husband. They Uved in remote area where he financially provided for the family and "kept the money to himself." No one was aware of the abuse as he did imtlether On the night ofthe iiicideht,two fHendS were wsi^ To her amazement, he began hghdngy^th her in front ofthem. A male friend interceded on her behalf and in the meantime, she took possession of a knife. Her spdiise had tm^^ "make sure you useitpropeily or else tiie victim wih how to use it, it and use it against you." In the meantime,her husbs^ said,"see, she wants us to fight over her." She kept her husband's advice and proceeded to stab him in the Imart, him, ''aren't you gotog m st^ he would stab her and asked She also waht^ to die and sh^^^ behexed that things would defctir hi the manner he had told her(the other will take the imife and use it against you). After,she called for help but when it arrived,he was already dead. She was convicted of Murder 11 and is serving a sentence of 16 years to life. She has served four years so far. Subject "F" was living with her boyfriend (separated from her husband) who had physically and emotionally abused her in the previous three months ofthe relationship. On the day ofthe murder^ she requested he return some money that he had stolen from her. She anticipated that he was going to leave her because he was packing his belongings. When her request was not met she killed him and was convicted of Murder I. She has served seven years ofa 27 year to life Sentence. Subject"G" was assaulted by her landlord, who wanted to show her "what a real man was," by attempting to rape her. He began "touching me all over," and she proceeded to physically beat him to death. She stated "I had already been raped two times and I was not going to allow it another time." She was convicted of Murder I and has served 16 years of her seven years to life sentence. Subject"H" was going to leave her boyfriend on the day of the murder. Her boyfriend was drunk and threatened her that "if I cannot have you, no one can." A quarrel ensued and he stated he was going to kill both ofthem,The victim went toward the subject in a threateMng manner but, she took possession of a gun and killed him. She was convicted of Murder JI and is serving a sentence of 25 years to life, of which she has served seven years. Subject "I" had been living with her physically and emotionally abusive bo5Triend of eight years. She decided to confront her boyfriend about his infidelity, at his girlfriend's home, who consented to it He became enraged because she defied him and 63 , stated "one of you is going to lose and it is going to be you." She proceeded to shoot him in the head. The subject added,that after he died, she saw him proceeding towards her, which was in reality, a hallucination, and shot him once more. She was convicted of Murder I and is serving a sentence of 17 years to life, of which she has served 11 years. Subject "J" stated she was often subjected to mental and physical abuse by her husband. She was hospitalized for severe beatings several times. On the day of the murder, she endured several beatings throughout the day as her husband was drunk and on drugs. The subject stated "these beating were different from the prior ones because they were filled with rage." After he beat her, he "passed out" from the drugs and alcohol. She took possession of a gim and killed him. She was convicted for Murder II and is serving a sentence of 15 years to life, of which she has served six. Subject"K" was having a nine month affair with her physically and psychologically abusive boyfriend. She had been in the hospital two times from injuries she sustained from previous beatings. The subject stated that her parents "did not want to intervene" when she told them about the incidents. On the day of the murder, her boyfriend was in a fight with a mutual friend. She proceeded to take him to the hospital and on their way home they argued over him not being able to trust her. When they arrived to their home,she stabbed him in the chest. She proceeded to call 911 and he died two hours later from a heart injury. She was convicted of Murder II and has served five years of her 15 years to life sentence. 64 Subject "L" lived with her emotionally abusive, and controlling husband. She learned to take control of her own life as a result of her Al-Onon participation. Her husband felt threatened, and he threatened her many times that he would kill her and her parents, and would kidnap their children. She often wanted to leave, but her children kept her from leaving. The subject later fell in love with an employee of their store. He advised her to hire a "hit-man," which she did not agree with. On the day the murder was to occur, she called her husband to advise him of it. When the phone call was made, "the hit-man answered and stated it was too late." She was convicted of Murder I and is serving a sentence of life imprisonment without the possibility of parole plus six years(murder for hire). Subject "M" was separated from her boyfriend of five years. On the day of the murder, the subject confronted the victim (who had been intervening in their relationship) at the home that the subject and boyfriend shared. She had been alcoholic since the separation from her boyfriend. The subject and the other woman began quarreling and she only recalled the stabbing. She was convicted of Murder II and has served 11 years of her 15 years to life sentence. Subject "N's" home was burglarized and she believed she knew who wa^s responsible. The subject took a gun to her girlfriend's home (where assumed "thief was staying at) for intimidation purposes. Her female friend and "presumed thief were in bed and die subject accused her best friend of being a thief, shooting two bullets into the ground. The victim's sister intervened and in doing so, she pushed 65 the subject. The gun fired, hitting her best friend. The subject stated,"I did not have intentions to kill anyone." She was convicted of Murder II and is serving a sentence of 17 years to Ufe, of which she has served 5 years. Subject "O" was dating a man who owned many weapons and was often speaking about death. He was very jealous and often stated,"IfI cannot have you no one can." On the day ofthe incident, they were visiting the subject's parents. The victim was drunk and fell asleep. The subject went to see if he was all right and noticed that three guns were by his side. He awoke and said "it is time." They both reached for a gun,and she shot first. She was convicted of Murder II and is serving a 25 year to life sentence, of which she has served nine months. Subject"P" was separated from her abusive husband and began dating a man who had initially advised her to get out of the relationship. He was also very abusive. On the night of the incident, she called the police who conducted immediate "counseling" and made him leave. She advised the police that he had several guns, but they simply advised her to leave. Her boyfriend returned and she chose to leave. They struggled and then he proceeded to give her a rose. She immediately thought that he was trying to reconcile but when they reached their home, he began to beat her. She took possession of a gun and shot him in the buttocks. He bled to death before help arrived. She was convicted of Murder I and received a sentence of 25 years to life, of which she has served five years. She was convicted of Murder I because it was premeditated, reason being,the police had previously advised her to leave. 66 In summary, nine women were convicted of Murder I, one of which had a special circumstance of Vicarious liability. Also one received life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. Seven women were convicted of Murder II. Feelings about the murder The subjects were asked if they were in a similar circumstance would they proceed in the same manner, and what they felt about the crime. Their responses varied according to the circumstance. Subject "A" said she would not do it again and would do anything to turn time back. Subject "B" said she would not do it again. She stated that she was not bitter about the murder but is upset about the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Subject "C" said, "I would never attempt this again or try to commit suicide." She felt devastated about the murders she committed as well as extremely guilty. Subject"D" said,"it is hard to say whether I would do this again under the same circumstances," aind was sorry the murder occurred. Subject "E" said she would never do it again, "it was mind blowing." She also added," it was hard to believe. At first I was angry, was going through denial,and was very suicidal." She felt she was never given an opportunity to deal with his death,"I did not get to attend his funeral." She also felt badly because she has not been a parent to her children, which is her biggest loss. She wished her husband left her before the murder happened, that way she would not have killed him. 67 Subject "F" said she would not do it again. She felt she lost everything, her life, family, home, car and money. She added that she does not like the idea that she killed her boyfriend and wished it never happened. She is still in denial and cannot believe her boyfriend is dead. Subject"G" said if she was in the same circumstance she would "kill her aggressor." She was really surprised by her landlords behavior,"he was a nice guy." Subject "H" said "if I was in the same situation, I would not want to do that," but she was glad she survived; mainly for her kids. She added "I would give anything if it could have ended in another way,but the abuse had been going on for 18 months." Subject "I" said, "I would not do it again because I would have to live with the guilt for the rest of my life." She felt very guilty and she wished she was the person she is now when that occurred. Subject "J" said, "if my life was in danger I would do it again." She felt very guilty and bad for taking a life, "but I had no other choice,it was either my life or his." Subject "K" said, "that was a tragic thing that happened in my life and I would not do it again. No one listened to me, and when they found out, they offered me help, but I did not take it. I am a different person now." Subject "L" said, "I would never think of doing this (hiring a hit-man) as I never did." She does not feel responsible for the murder because she did not plan it 68 Subject "M" said "I would never do it again, or be in a relationship again. I do not need others to make me happy." She regretted doing what she did and felt no one deserves to die. Subject "N" said " I would proceed to take a baseball bat instead of a gun (she thought, that way she would not have the possibility of killing someone)." She felt completely accountable for what she did and is very angry at herself. She stated she had too much emotional pain and felt very bad for the victim's mother and children. Subject"0" said,"ifI was in the same circumstance I would do it again to save my life." She wished the murder never happened and did not want to see her boyfriend die. Subject"P" said she would never do it again. She did not think that she would ever do that. Sometimes she wishes he would have killed her first. Eleven women said they would not do it again if they were faced with a similar situation. Three women said if their life was in danger, they would kill. In addition, two women did not know whether they would do it again. Also, 13 women mentioned feelings ofremorse,while one ofthem had no feelings of guilt. Feelings about the Criminal Justice System (CJS) The subjects were asked if they thought the CJS treated them fairly. Subject "A" said she accepted full responsibility for what she did. She also added, that she does not blame her parents for what she did,"that excuse is used too often." 69 Subject"B" felt that there was a lot of corruption in the CJS and women are not treated fairly,"up to this point, I do not imderstand the CJS." Subject "C" said she felt the CJS treated her fairly and "feels very fortunate." Subject"D" felt the CJS should have convicted her of volimtary manslaughter and felt it was unjust. Subject "E" felt the CJS did not treat her fairly. She added that the District Attorney later said she should have been convicted of manslaughter. Subject"F" felt the CJS did not treat her fairly. She felt she was denied her rights; right to testimony, expert testimony was not allowed, cross-examination was not conducted, and the Battered Woman Syndrome was not allowed. Subject"G" said she did not have a fair trial because she was on psycho tropic drugs. Subject "H" felt she did not have a fair trial because she was "drugged" while she testified. Subject "I" said, "I was raped by the CJS. I was never given Miranda rights, and the court used a statement I made,which should not have been allowed. In addition, my lawyer manipulated my statement. They dismissed my witnesses and the Battered Woman Syndrome was not allowed. There was an illegal search of my home and I was never allowed to plea bargain. I was also drugged during my trial." Subject "J" said the CJS should have convicted her of manslaughter, not Murder II. 70 Subject "K" felt the CJS did not treat her fairly. "They kept lying and it was filled with racial and political bigotry. My boyfriend was black and I did not have a competent lawyer." Subject "L" also felt the CJS did not treat her fairly. No circumstances of her relationship were admitted nor was the Battered Woman Syndrome allowed. She felt "the system is the pits and money talks." She added, "women are disadvantaged because they are not aware ofthe law." Subject"M"felt the CJS treated her fairly. Subject"N" felt the CJS did not give her a fair trial. "The court did not hear all evidence (it was withheld) and other eyewitnesses did not testify." She added,"I was drugged during my trial." Subject"O" felt she had an unfair trial. Her first lawyer died in a car accident and felt her new lawyer did not have enough time to prepare for the case. Subject "P" felt she did not have a fair trial. "My lawyer was terrible, and I was drugged while on trial." Testimony was not allowed from nurses or police officers that treated her when she was beaten. Based on the above, one discerns that various statement were repeated. Overall, only three women felt they had a fair trial. Thirteen women felt the CJS did not give them a fair trial. Five stipulated that they were drugged during their trial. Plans when released The subjects were asked what their plans were upon release. They were also asked if they would change their previous lifestyle in 71 any manner and whether they would encour women, who were in the same situation, to do what they did. Subject "A" hopes to acquire a clerical or word processing job when she is released,as she has learned the skill since in prison. She stated, "I never want to write another bond again." She added, to succeed, she will not associate with the same people she before she went to prison. Regarding the murder, she said, "it is a judgment call, the murder could have been prevented." Subject "B" had the desire to adopt "a prison project for the California Institute for Women and make legislators listen to her." She wanted to let them know the California Department of Corrections absorbed a lot of money for no worthy purpose. "Women who are here for murder do not belong in here. It was a one shot deal." When she is released she plans to cherish life. People with freedom take life for granted such as having a pet, grocery shopping etc. She commented, "I should have known something bad was going to happen when I got involved with the coin dealer." Therefore,she feels that other women would have known and would perceive to get out of the situation. Subject "C" wants to work for a prison fellowship/ministry and get a job through a temporary agency. She plans to live with her family, stay out of romantic relationships, and cease taking drugs. She would not advise other women to do what she did. Subject "D" wants to work if she is able to, as well as live in Florida, rather than California. She would definitely not encourage other's to do to what she did. 72 Subject "E" plans to acquire work through a temporary agency and eventually work as a legal assistant for a law office. She plansto go to college and acquire her law degree ^V^^en she is reteased^s wants to be a mother for her children and would not encourage other women to do what she did "not the way things are now." Subject "F" wants to work helping other people. She plans to change her lifestyle by not letting another man in her life and by going to church. She would not advise other women to do what she did because "there is too much to lose." Subject"G" has a unique dream. She plans to buy a ranch and teach girls how to do things men usually do such as, repair houses arfo vehicles. She wants fo teach girls how to become tadependent human beings and plans to change her hfestylc by becoming a productive human being. "Women lose their rights, dignity, and sense of self-worth when they commit a murder, and is why they should not do it." Subject "H" has a veterinarian technician license and wants to use it when she is released. She would not advise others to do what she did. Rather, "save your life, and act conscientiously^ hot on instinct" 'V., Subject "I" wants to enjoy life when she is released. She also wants to get her Social science degree and help children read. She plans to change her life by using some skills she has learned in prison such as, business education, word processing and legal transcribing. She would advise other women in the same situation to "get the hell out,run,and don'tlook back." Subject "J" said a position is being held for her at an embroidery company and plans to work with battered women. She plans to change her lifestyle by continuing to build her self-esteem, since her husband did not allow her to be herself. Subject "K" plans to acqtxire her General Education Degree, when she is released and wants work with children. She added that since she has been in prispn, she has reconciled with her husband who has been very supportive and plans to stay with him. She added,"murder is not the answer." When subject "L" is released she wants to spoil her grandchildren, manage a store, and work with battered women. If she had a choice of living the way she lived before (beautiful house, car, anything a women could want)she would rather live in a shack. She added that she would tell domestic violence victims to "get out," and invite them to her home. Subject"M" wants to go to a community college, take computer courses and eventually work in radiology. She also wants to win her family back. She would advise other women who are beaten or cheated on,to simply leave the man. Subject "N" wants to do research on battered women who are imprisoned as well as work with them. She feels that because she has matured in prison it will help her change her life. She would advise other women to "throw rocks at police officer's houses to get their attention," because they did not help her with the burglary that took place in her house. Subject"O" wants to work at a ranch when she is released. She plans to live in the same lifestyle she was living in prior to the 74 murder (without men). This subject said she would not encourage other women to do what she did. Subject "P" wants to be with her daughter and father. She also has vocational skills and wants to "try her mind at it." She wants to go to the beach and buy her own groceries and plans to change her lifestyle by not drinking anymore saying, "there is too much guilt involved(in committing a murder)and it cannot be remedied." In summary, three women wanted to find a job, four hope to find a job and continue their education. Two women want to work in the legal field. One wants to reach legislators on behalf of women imprisoned for killing in self-defense. working with battered women, and two Five want to continue definitely do not want anything to do with romantic relationships. Although none of the women would encourage or advise other women to kill if they were in similar circumstances, only 14 firmly said they would not. Two were uncertain but would not admit advising them to kill. Women's Liberation As with the female juvenile delinquents,the adult women were questioned about issues concerning women's liberation. The first question was,do you think a woman's place is the home? Some ofthe comments were as follows: "Women should be where they feel mostcomfortable."(Subject"A") Another said in a laughing manner,"women should be at home and in the senate."(B) "Women should work ifthey want to."(C) "Ifa woman chooses to be at home,that is her prerogative."(E) 75 "Women need to be at home and be committed to wifely and motherly duties first."(F) "A woman's place should not necessarily be to stay at home."(H) "A woman should be allowed to make her own choices."(J) "Do notlet a man control your life."(P) Although only one adamantly said women belong in the home, only four specifically said women do not belong in the home. IVIost of them agreed that women should be where they want to be. The next question was, do you think women should work? Some said "Women should work if their husbands agree.(A) "Women should work ifthey want to."(F,H and J) "Children have a possibility ofsuffering if the mother works."(I) "A woman should work because it boost's her self-esteem."(K) "Women should work, that is the reason why there is so much trouble(lack offemale employment)."(M) No one said women should not work, although one ex]3ressed her concern about children suffering if their mothers worked. Ten were forthright and said women should work. Most agreed that women should work. The next question was,do you think women should have rights to use birth control or have access to abortions? These were the results: "Abortion is a matter of choice, and women should have access to birth control."(C) "A woman should not have rights to an abortion, and her form of birth control should be to close her legs."(F) 76 "There are pros and cons to the issue of abortion. The idea bothers me,but it is the woman's body."(I) "They should have access to birth control,not abortion.(M) | Thirteen said women should have access to birth contfol and abortion. Two said they should not have rights to abortions, one saying they should have rights to birth control,and the other|saying "they should close their legs." One was unsure about abortionsj. They were also asked if men have the same responsibility to take care for their children as women have done in the past. iFifteen subjects said men have an equal responsibility to take care 6f their children. Subject "F" said, "they help make them, they should have the same amount of responsibility," and subject "1" said ,"ifla male helps make a child, then he should help raise it" Subject "H" expressed concern about men raising children, "I do not thihk men are capable of nurturing children." | The last question concerning women's liberation was, after a divorce,do you think men should pay for child support? | Twelve women agreed that men should pay for child support after a divorce. Subject "I" said,"men should pay for child support after a divorce,but they should not take all their money." ; Three subjects thought about the circumstances of both parties. Subject "L" said, "if the father has not had a relationship with the child, then the mother should assume full responsibility." Subject"0" said,"if men are in a position to do so,then they should pay for child support" Subject "E" said, "depends on the circumstances;of the male. Many times men get the raw deal when it comes tp child support." Subject "K" was the only one that said, "it is ah equal 7'.7 ' 7/' responsibility. Women should subsistence." 78 depend on themselves for CHAPTER SIX Summary and Conclusion The research explored various facets of female criminality. It explored theories that define crime as well as presented criticisms to each on its inapplicability when explaining female crime, specifically murder committed characteristics by females. exhibited In addition, it presented by female killers by the women interviewed. As one learned, over 50% of them were victims of domestic violence. The inquiry manifested the turmoil battered women undergo at home and in the legal system. Often, women are battered twice; by their abusers and by the legal system. Current research indicates that options currently available to battered women are of little condolence (Browne & William, 1989). The system often exercises sympathy with the abuser when he is brought forth to the authorities. The research also found that the treatment juvenile females receive in the court system is very similar to that of adult women. By presenting the phases juvenile and adult fem^es go through, one may deduce that the criminal justice system serves as another source of abuse. Often, elements of the criminal justice system are negligent to matters offemale victimology. The problem with female criminality is that scholars have not reached a consensus for explaining it. Each one offers some information and view their theory as a comprehensive one, while others approach the matter with different and often conflicting ideas. Therefore, the problem is that philosophers have not agreed on one theory, which creates more turmoil within the legal system. This,in reality, demonstrates that women who kill is not yet understood. Having this in mind, the methodology employed in the research will be summarized. Once the evaluations of the research options were completed,a case study was selected to conduct the inquiry. Field research and unobtrusive research were methods which would not allow first hand looks at women who killed. Both of these methods were not practical. Field research is a method which requires the researcher to be present at the time of occurrence. As one may note, this Was not suitable for the type of data that was being investigated. Being able to gather data on why women commit murder would not successfully be attained in this manner. Unobtrusive research, in this matter, denies one the opportunity to acquire a personal look at murder exercised by females. Although literature was analyzed, divulging what had already been researched by others was not the purpose of this inquiry. In addition to the literature analysis, informing others of what a murderess really consists of was a main focus of this study. Thereby,refuting any existing misconceptions ofa murderess. Personal interviews, a form of case study, was judged the best method to complete the research. By using this method a high response rate could be acquired, as one can often explain the question to the subject if confusion exists. Probing for anything else which the researcher feels to be important in each individual 80 circumstance could also be conducted. Lastly, case study is useful in describing characteristics ofpopulations(Babbie,1989). As j previously mentioned, the methodology employed was qualitative. Five volunteer female juveniles were intervieweci while in placement at a youth center. Subsequently, a selection of volunteer adult women incarcerated for murder at one prison site were interviewed. They were asked the same questions as the juveniles,in addition to the circumstances ofthe murder. ! Response Significance 1 Based on the subject's responses, only one of five juvenile females was raised by both parents with an intact family. Whereas, 11 adult women were raised by both parents. One juvenile was raised by her maternal grandmother, and another by an aunt. Although the sample was quite small for juvenile delinquents, one may discern that currently, many juvenile delinquents come from '■ ' ,' y-'"/ ■■ ■ yy'^. y'''''yy'y ■ " ■■ '' ■' y' -. ■ './ ■ 1 • .y..'y broken homes where the father figure is virtually invisible. In 1988, I Van Vooris et al. found that delinquency does exist between status '■ y* y. , y^y y, ■ ■ ■■■ ■ ■ ■ yf-y, ' ■ ■ \' ''yy' ■ yy'''yyyy' y^ ■ /-■ 'yy'^^ yy'- ' - - ' -^ ■ ' ■ 'yyyv,-^,^:.yyy; ' offenses and broken homes. The research also indicates thht most juvenile girls are arrested for status offenses such as running away, truancy, or incorrigibility (Chesney-Lind & Randall, 1992). Extensive studies have been conducted to discern whether being raisqd in a broken home is a factor contributing toward juvenile delinquency. ' y 'y i y, /' Despite all the studies that attempt to demonstrate that ■' y; y. ,y.:, ,; ■ , . : ''yy ...-y, y- y^ y 'y-y; y'^ ^yy--- 'yyyy' .y'-' ■ -■ y' -y ■ ,,yyyyy!'yy' '-'yy. ■ y broken homes are a factor of delinquency, the majority of them show that there is a weak association between the two. Rather, when it is combined with other factors it becomes more significant (Rosen, y^^y-V y ■ ' y. ' .■ yy ■ "'■ ■ ■ y-y -y yy^'y"y y ^yy^• ■ ■ yyy' yy^'y'^^ ... ■ :)■ ■ . ' . : ■ ■ 1985). These factors may include parental control, family violehce, or ■ y; ' 'ivy/yy,yyyy>/^': yyyyyyy--yy..;yy-^'-'' '■ ■ y yy-''''yy^^y-yyv^yvy'y' -''y-yyy'yy^-yy'^^«i •■ ■ ■ ;y■ yyyvy'' y\y ^ ; y'.- -y"y-yyyy' y/'y" ^■ yy^^:^y''yyyy-:-''y:y^; peer associations. This may have been true for the jhvenile zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA delinquents in this study. ' '• V-,,- ■ • ■■ • ■ ' •' - ^ .■ :■ ^ ''' ' .. ■, \ ■■■ ■ ■ ^ I ^ . ■ : ■ . 1.. On the other hand, Canter (1982) found that youths from broken homes engage in significantly more delinquent acts than youths from intact homes. Furthermore, Wells and Rankiij (1991) foimd in a meta-analysis, that a correlation between broken ihomes and juvenile delinquency was stronger for minor forms of jqvenile misconduct, status offenses, and we^est for serious forms of criminal behavior such as theft and interpersonal violencei This demonstrates that some researchers are finding that broken Ihomes i do have a notable effect on delinquency. However, broken!homes and delinquency remains puzzling due to the contrary findings in current literature. i In addition to broken homes, some subjects had little contact with their fathers or did not know them at all. One juvenile a|nd one adult female did not know who their biological fathers! were. Another adult grew up believing her father died. Her mothler had actually become pregnant out of wedlock. In homes like these, "men hardly exist, or they exist as occasional intruders in the i family (Konopka, 1966)." Data concerning delinquent women has foupd that fathers are often inefficient, irregular workers who could | barely support their families (Adler & Simon 1979). | A factor that may have impacted the majority of intact homes of adult women (68%) when they were growing up, as compared with the juvenile coimterparts, is that of a generation gap. Thirt^ years ago the family was more stable than it is today. That majy be a 1 reason for the difference found in this study between juvenile a'' ■ a'■ •■ A- delinquents and adult women when family composition is considered. | The educational attainment of the parent's of juvenilbs was virtually very low. Only one had gone beyond the high school level. Consequently,two ofthem did not know what their mothers did for a living, as they were not raised by either biological parent, -/pother subject said that both of her parents were currently unemployed. Due to their low educational attainment, these parents had pienial jobs, if they had any at all. One father worked in the milita|y and one mother owned a hotel, which will later be discussed as to its purpose. The juvenile whose parents were still married, helci more significantjobs. Her mother was a secretary and herfather jvas an executive for a business. Adler and Simon (1979) cited a st^dy of 500 delinquent women, conducted by Eleanor and Sheldon Glueck, which indicated that parents of delinquent women were |of low mentality and in a large measure,illiterate. The educational level and occupations of the adult women's parents were a little more enlightening. Four ofthe parents ac^quired a Bachelor of Arts, or beyond. Six had professional or| semiprofessional jobs. Not surprising, 16 of the parents had "blue-^coUar" jobs. None of the adult women stated that their parent^ were unemployed thus, four mothers were dedicated to the [home. Currently, California has about an 8% unemployment rate. Whereas, unemployment was virtually non-existent in families of| adult women. Parent drug abuse and arrest records were also explored. The juveniles were all exposed to drug use by their parents/guardians at a young age; some as young as three years. One subject rec^led "I remember my mother heating the drug on a spoon ever since I was four." A quite different environment was exposed to adult wo^en. Drug use by parents of adult women was very minor. Oply five subjects advised that their parents either used drugs orj drank heavily. Three parents died from complications associated with alcoholism. One mother died of a drug overdose. Adler and Simon (1979)reported that drug dependency within delinquent families has increased. Families in which alcoholism or another type ofsubstance dependency is exercised in a family, creates an environment where other members of the family are very likely to use drugs or dlcohol. This will subsequently be discussed if this holds true for the present Arrest records of the juvenile's parents were considerable. Three advised that their mothers had been arrested. One mother was arrested for a petty charge;failing to disclose informatioiji about the minor to a probation officer. Another was arrested for drug charges and possession offirearms. More sferiotK arrests consisted of prostitution, possession for sale, counterfeit and assault with a deadly weapon. These charges were imposed to the mother who owned a hotel. She was using it as a brothel and for drug dissemination. One subject, who was not raised by her mother, felt that her mother had probably been arrested because of her drug addiction. If one recalls, most of the juveniles did not have ^ father figure, consequently, they did not know if their fathers had ever 84 Arrest recGrds^^ parents were significantly lower. One subject disclosed that her father was placed on probation for shooting at peace officers, beating his wife and for shooting at the subject Two other parents were arrested for driving under the influence. Although arrests rates for parents of adult women were slight, research indicates that criminality within delinquent families, as seen with the present juvenile sample, are exhibited. Rosenbaum (1989)found that parental criminal activity ranged from fairly minor offenses to serious violent offenses in a study of female criminality. Many of the offenses were for narcotics or welfare violations. She additionally found that about 30% ofknown birth parents hadiserved time in state prison. Fathers were often involved with alcohol which led them to produce assaults and other criminal behavior (Rosenbaum,1989). We learn that two parents of adult women were arrested for driving under the influence charges. The juvenile's parents crimes were more serious. Pollack (1950) stated that parental criminality highly influences their offspring's delinquency, therefore,creating a delinquent atmosphere for their children. Juvenile subjects answered questions concerning sibling drug use. Three juveniles asserted that their siblings had used drugs and one of them assumed it. Adler and Simon (1979) cited a study in which 40% ofa sample of delinquent women had a close relative who abused drugs, usually a parent or a sibling. Furthermore,if a woman is not addicted to a controlled substance,they are introduced to them by another family member and thus, encouraged to abuse them (Adler & Simon 1979). Due to family environment, it may become very difficult to avoid using drugs, because usually they are -V-. • V.' 'V.,: 85 : ■ ■ ■ ■ introduced to them by an older family member. One subject, who had a full brother and several half-brothers and sisters, indicated that all her siblings smoked marijuana. Consequently, before her arrest she was using PGP, marijuana and was drinking a lot. Whereas, a subject who had a younger brother, said that he did not use drugs. Shefurther admitted experimenting widi drugs. Sibling trouble with the law and arrests were also present within the families. One juvenile said that her 13 year old brother had been arrested for GTA lgrand theft auto) and had served two days in juvenile hall. The subject with the younger brother advised that he had shoplifted but never been arrested, v^^other subject had 13 year old twin brothers who were in gangs. Adult wpm^en had sibii^^^ who had also been in troubje with the law or h^ been previously arrested. These responses may seem awkward and should be interpreted with discretion. Subject I'l" has a sibling who is currently imprisoned for burglary, robbery,|under the influenc for sale. Subject "N" has a sister who served county time for drinking in public and for drug charges. She also said that the aforementioned sister was found innocent from shooting at a male for reasons of self-defense. Subject "P" has two brothers who also encountered some troubles. Her older brother was arrested for drunk driving. Another brother has been in juvenile hall and detention centers from the age of 16. He is currently imprisoned for burglary and weapons charges. i Although sibling trouble with the law or arrests may appear insignificant,research suggests thatin families offemale delinquents, brothers and/or sisters were in placement at a youth authority while 86 others were in jail or prison (Rosenbaum,1989). Similarly, research consistently suggests that oldest children tend to be least delihquent (Wilkinson et.al,1982). Although this did nothold trueforjuveniles, it held true for 63%, or ten, adult women in the present|study. Delinquent activities of parents and siblings were also combined with family violence. Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse were instituted in various homes. One juvenile had been physically and psycholbgically abused by her mother. She was also molested by her maternal uncles when she was seven. A second subject indicated tliat her father was physically abusive towards her when she was yoilng. A large proportion of girls in correctional institutions exhibit physical abuse. Similarly, about 54.3% of them undergo sexual|abuse (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1992). The abuse was more ramp^t and appeared to be more severe in the homes ofadult women. ' Some adult women placed most of the responsibility for the abuse they endured on their mothers. Subject "F" was exposed to physical and mental abuse by her mother. Subject "G" claimed that her mother attempted to murder her. She further said, "I did not look like any of them (other family members) and my ijnother abused me since I was a baby." She was also physically, psychologically, and sexually abused by her father. After her!father died, her brother continued to molest her. Subject "K" was molested by her brother. Not surprisingly, her family was in denial. $ubject "M" often tried to avoid her father because he became irritateil very easily. He became physically and mentally violent toward her and her sister. Subject "P" got married very young to avoid her mother's pS3^chGlogical and pl^sical ab AlGohoiism also appeared to be a big fiactor in tbe prpdiicdod offamily \^lence.^ Wben pitber parent vv^s alcoholic, the family environment was very abusive. Subject felt that because of her mother's alcohe^sm, she was molest^^ and a brother*s ftieml Thus, her mthher was ighorant that^^^te^ abuse was occurring because she was consistently drunk. Subject "I" recalled her childhood as an unhappy one because her father was a drunkard who sexually and physically assaulted her and the three other children. Subject "H" ■ ; ■ '■ ■ ■ ■■ ■■■ ■ ■■ ■ ■ ■ . ■ "- ■ ■ ■ ■' ■ . ■ ■■■ ■ ■ . ; ' ■ " ^ ' ' V r-' . ■ ■ , z'' said her father compensated her with gifts when he molested her. He too,was often drunk. She additionally blamed her mother jfor the incest, because she was an active participant avoiding the matter. We learn through these accounts that family violence impacted these females in a negative manner. Effects of delinquency have been widely researched by scholars. Findings reveal that form of family violence is often exhibited in delinquent females. Wells and Rankin (1991) found that direct controls (discipline) consistently occurred across various indicators of delinquency, even though they were not large. They further asserted, "punishment that is to frequent, or severe can lead to a greater probability of delinquency regardless of parental attachnient (stit)hg child bond). Punishment will have the same adverse impact on delinquency, in spite of the fact that the child is strongly or weakly attached to the parent(1991)." They found a similar result in an earlier study of parental control and delinquency. The study revealed that more vigorous (frequent or severe) punishment is associated with higher levels of delinquency (Wells & Rankin, 1988). Fifty percent(50%) of the present Sample were exposed to physical, psychological,and/or sexual abuse. Abuse also appears to increase in single parent homes, j Gelles (1989) foxmd that single parent households are at higher risks for subjecting children to physical abuse. Three adult women and four juveniles were raised in what would be considered "single jparent families." Ofthe women raised in single parent households,ohe was subjected to physical abuse, and another said that the envircjnment was always hostile, even though there was no physical abuse. One juvenile, who was raised by her mother, was physically and psychologically abused by her mother,and sexually molestedjby her uncles. The other three juveniles who were raised in single jparent households were exposed to negative atmospheres consisting of gangs, drugs,and crime. Overall, 30% of the sample,raised iri single parent households were exposed to physical, psychological, orj sexual abuse. Moreover, research indicates that intrafamilial violence occurs more often in lower-class or working class families (Gelles, 1987). If one recalls, 16 of the parents in this sample were working The issues previously discussed were related to the sifbject's families. This was conducted for the purpose of exposing their family environment. The following is personal data of the subjects such as educational level, drug use,children,arrest record etc. Educational attainment of the juvenile sample was very low; none of them successfully completed high school. Subject"A"|who is 15, was initially expelled in fifth grade. Her school attendance i fluctuated until she was placed in the youth center. Subject "|B" also 89 15, completed ninth grade. She was expelled from two counties for taking firearms to school. Subject "C" got pregnant in the eleventh grade when she was 16. Subject"D"whois 17,also became prjegnant and only completed eleventh grade. Subject "E" who is 16, diropped out when she was in seventh grade because she wanted to be with her friends. | Educational history of adult women virtually mirrored ^at of the juveniles. Ten dropped out before completing high schooll Most of them dropped out because they got pregnant or got married before graduating. One, was placed in youth authority, where she completed her General Education Degree. Another, dropped out in ninth grade because she felt she knew more than her instructors. In delinquent homes, education is not valued. In 1980, only 2^.1% of women in federal prisons successfully completed four years of high school(Simon & Landis, 1991). Whereas, 75% of the adult sample in the current study did not acquire their high school diploma. School represents a game to many females. School and home environment contradict each other. Books represent leaning, something which is foreign to them at home. The familyj views education as unimportant, subsequently, school and home hkve no relationship (Konopka, 1966). Konopka(1966)found that delinquent girls have low expectations of themselves. A subsequent study conducted by Chesney-Lind and Sheldon, revealed that popularity was more important. They accomplish this by fighting, toughness, and drug using (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon,1991). This is perhaps why one juvenile often took weapons to school. Whereas, if sfudents perceive advancing educationally,delinquency is less likely to i)ccur. 90 Michael Hindelang(1972)disclosed that those who have ^ stake in school performance, an investment which delinquent behavior may jeopardize, and are less inclined to engage in delinquent conduct This is perhaps why juveniles in this study dropped out or were not interested in school. If one recalls, one adult women said she dropped out because she felt she knew more than her instructors. Moreover, adolescents know when their parents place importance in school activities. Therefore, their continuance in school is closely related to parental expectations. Furthermore, disciplinary school problems may be closely associated with delinquency. All the juvenile subjects had disciplinary problems throughout their education. Three were expelled from school; one, for threatening to stab a boy,a second for taking firearms to school, and the third for spitting on an instructor, fighting, and taking a knife to school. A fourth subject often took knives to school and was consistently fighting with boys. She also threw a chair at a teacher. The fifth subjectfought and damaged school property. The adult sample had similar problems to a lesser extent Five had "intolerable behavior" by parent and school administration. Two subjects were often truant. One of them was involved in a car accident when she was skipping school. Two subjects often fought with boys and another was very disruptive due to the medication she was taking for her weight problem. Following that, she became stigmatized because her teachers often referred to her as intolerable. 31.2% of the adult sample had disciplinary problems in school (see appendix figure 3). When females describe their disruptive 91 behavior they often perceive it in a positive note. Chesney-Lind and Sheldon(1991)found that girls boasted about their toughness,daring, and their keen trickery. This was found true with the juveniles. During the interview, they felt proud and often smiled about their escapades. One recalled "people did not mess with me" referring to herself when she took weapons to school. Overall,50% of the sample had discipline problems during their school days. Early pregnancy and sexuaUty was another issue highly represented by those interviewed. None of the juveniles were married but two ofthem had children. One subject had a baby when she was 15. Her mother is raising the child but the subject asserted that she will raise it when she is released. A 17 year old placed her baby for adoption. A third subject, who was 15, chose to have an abortion. Adult women also had abortions and children at a young age. Adult abortions were rampant among the sample. 50% of the sample had abortions at a young age, most of them before the age of 18. One subject recalled very bitterly, that her mother made her drink pepper tea when her mother discovered she was pregnant, which she believed, induced several miscarriages. One subject had three abortions having her first child at 13 years. Another, had two abortions before she was 16. Aside from the abortions, 14 women had one or more children. In this sample, sexual experience began at a very young age. Chesney-Lind and Sheldon (1991)found that the average age of first sexual experience was at 13.8 years in their study of female delinquency. This is very similar to the findings in this study. 92 According to many, girls do not perceive unwed pregnancy as they did earlier. Konopka(1966)noted that girls feel violated when others try to dissuade them from having a baby. Often they feel the need to be a mother. Further, family members view the unwed mother as selfish. The adult subject who had several miscarriages by drinking pepper tea, thought that her mother viewed her as such. Sexuality among delinquents is often viewed as a illicit indulgence. Sexual encounters were viewed as criminal acts among young females. A study, conducted by the Gluecks, and cited by Adler and Simon(1979)referred to early sexual experiences as,"illicit sexuality, was practically simultaneous with the onset of other forms of delinquency and with imstabilizing environmental experiences." The encounters were often casual. Most of the juvenile respondents in this inquiry, no longer associated with the individuals they became pregnant by. It appears, that sexual intercourse was accomplished for a sense of belonging and proving "one's love to a partner." Konopka (1966) found that girls will often take abuse from their bo5Tfiends in order to maintain companionship. Konopka (1966) found that some girls insisted that it was better than having nobody, while others rebelled and said they would not take any abuse. Having children at a young age created negative problems for some adult women. Some of the subject's children were involved in criminal activity, but it did not appear as if crime was a generational issue within the families. Five women had children who had trouble with the law. The crimes they committed ranged from preservation of marijuana, to more serious crimes, such as assault and attempted rape. One subject recalled that she was not prepared to be a parent 93 and felt that was why all her children (6) were involved in criminal activities, "I should have known that my son needed help when he hung a dog on the clothesline. He basically grew up in youth camps and training schools and was eventually arrested for attempted rape." However, most of the women's children were arrested for drug and alcohol offenses. Many subjects said that their children were often rebellious. One son was arrested for preserving marijuana, and was placed on probation until he was 21. Another individual was arrested for drunk driving, and two others for possession for sale. These criminal actions may have a bearing on lack of parental attachment Research indicates that a poor relationship between parents and children is highly influential in children's subsequent criminal delinquency (Rosenbaum,1989). This is also closely related to parental controls. Too much or too little parental controls leads to greater frequency of criminal behavior (Wells & Rankin, 1988). Research supports the assertion that males have a greater involvement in property and violent crimes (Canter, 1982). However, some female children of the adult women were involved in burglaries, robberies and assaults. It is also quite peculiar that parental attachment is more of a deterrent to delinquency for males than for females (Hindelang, 1972). If this is true, male children of the adult sample may have perceived little attachment to their parents, since they were more highly involved in criminal activities. This is further reinforced by one subject, whose children were all delinquent , "I wished I had a better relationship with them sooner, ever since my imprisonment,the relationships have improved." 94 After exploring the criminal activity of the women's offspring, other crimes and arrests committed by the sample will be exposed. The juvenile sample had an array of crimes, some of which they were never arrested for. Subject "A" and "B" were initially arrested for possession for sale. "A" subsequently served four years for the same charge and is currently serving a nine month sentence for public drunkenness and failing to appear in court. "B" also admitted to having been involved in a drive by shooting, which she was not arrested for and is currently serving an extended sentence for escaping from a detention center. "C" was also convicted of possession for sale and GTA. She is now serving time for assault and battery, assqult on a peace officer, gang affiliation, possession for sale, GTA,receiving stolen property, burglary, violation of probation, and under the influence. "D's" first arrest and current conviction consisted of GTA,endangering a minor, and kidnapping. Subject "E" was initially arrested for GTA and is currently serving a six month sentence for the same offense. Based on the above data, the juvenile sample were habitual criminals. "E" had been in placement periodically in the previous three years. Moreover,drug use was extensive and may have been a factor in their delinquent careers. Drug and alcohol use was widely exhibited in the sample. All the juveniles admitted to drinking alcohol and/or taking drugs. "E" said she did not like alcohol. Two others boasted about the quantity of alcohol they drank;"C" said she drank 160 oz.ofalcohol everyday and "D" said she drank 80 oz. every weekend. Drug use among the 95 juvenile sample made them appear as "professional users" since they had experienced widely with different drugs. Subject "E" was the only one who said that she had used drugs in an experimental sense. The other four had used "rock, acid, coke," and/or PCP. They appeared to be proud of their drug use, as one explained, "I have used every drug there is." Half of the adult sample also admitted to taking drugs and/or drinking alcohol. Some of the adult respondents took drugs and drank alcohol simultaneously. Subject "C" said she drank alcohol every day and had used amphetamines, marijuana, LSD, and "uppers and downers." Subject "G" drank heaidly and used heroine once a week since she was 15. "H" drank periodically, and was accustomed to vomiting with either drugs or alcohol. Others Called dtemseh^ drinkers." Valium, secanol, amphetamines, and crack were other drugs that they admitted to taking. Overall,50% of the adult sample had used drugs before their cbn\dction |see appendix A, figure 4). One confessed to having three di^g bverdosesL^ of them committed the murder while on drugs. Similarly, seven subjects would be considered alcoholics. Drugs are initially taken for curiosity. Both juveniles and adult subjects admitted to initially expethhentMg with d it is believed that female addiction is somehow connected with male addiction, which is seen as the "greatest predisposing factor"(Mann, 1984). Women are presumed to try narcotics out of curiositya either find themselves liking it, or they become addicted, or both experiences occur (Mann, 1984). According to Mann (1984), females are far more likely to be admitted to hospital emefgeiiQ^TOomts for psyGhotherapeutic drug problems and for drug overdoses. Recall that one adult siibject had three drug overdoses. Initially, girls Use drugs to escape from their existing condition. Furthermore, their drinking problems serve as a method to forgiet their situation (Konopka, 1966). Konopka (1966) explained that self- destructibn may be expressed in excessive drinking -a "forgetting" of existence, a move into stupor. In her study of female delinquency, the girls reported that drinking heightened their consciousness of being alive. Eventually, t proceeded to take drugs because they wanted to be "a\vay"from everything(Konopka^ 1966). Ghesneyd^ind & Sheldon(1992) asserted that "eventually drug tise itself becomes a problem,^foiling ijsers furdier into criminal behavior." One juvenile subject,in the current study recalled,"when I was selling cocaine> I began smtokihg weed, because if you use and sell, you will become your besteustomer, and that will get you into n^ trouble" (crimlhal tfou^ An ehlighthni^^ suggests that girls' official delinquent careers are shorter and involve leSs serious offenses than do the careers of boys (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1992). This, of course, may be dependent on their feelings about the crimes they committed. Two juveniles wanted to change their criminal lifestyles. One learned that there was more to life than stealing cars. She also expressed concern over her younger brother,who w^ be just like her, She planned to disassociate from her old ffiei^s asshe did not wantto seta more profbund negatixe eXaihple for him. Ai^second girl reported that it waS npt worth it(committhig the GTA), On the other hand, three girls planned fo continue their eriminal^^^^ One said,"I don't know whether I will go back to my gang lifestyle, I more than likely will. I plan to change my lifestyle by getting better at it(committing crime) by not getting caught" Another said,"I will still go with my friends, if they invite me to do something lawless." A third said,"I will still do it for fxm and adventure." It appeared that delinquent behavior heightened their selfesteem. Furthermore, their activities did not appear criminal to them. In the study conducted by Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, the girls thought it was unfair to be tagged as criminal (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1992). Similar findings were exposed in the current study by comments some subjects made regarding their sentence time. Most of them felt that they were given too much time. One reasoned this by saying that her brother committed the same crimes and he received less time. This brings forth the belief that juvenile courts have practiced unequal treatment between genders; females receiving tougher punishments. The juvenile justice system may be reflecting the traditional family beliefs; one which involves a double standard of treatment. Rosenbaum (1989) found that female run-aways were victims of their families and of the criminal justice system. Often, they run away to escape their often violent family environment. Consequently, they are arrested for status offenses and sentenced to youth authorities (Rosenbaum, 1989). Often parents cannot control their daughters, thus, they enforce a stricter control on their daughters than on their sons. When their daughters become unmanageable,they seek the courts help. There is a consensus that a main reason for girls presence in juvenile court is because their 98 parents insisted on their arrests (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1992). Furthermore, police are exhibiting similar sentiments to female status offenders as compared to boys. Police bfiicers and court officials often feel "if it's equality they want, equality they'll get" (Simon & Landis, 1991). In reality, girls are more harshly processed in the courts than boys are. Perhaps even before 1929, females were exposed to unequal treatment by the justice system(Chesney-Lind & Sheldon,1992),This was initially demonstrated by physical searches females had to undergo if they were suspected of being sexually permissive once they reached the court house. Doctors were called upon to provide gynecological examinations in most "girl cases" (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon 1992). More recently vaginal searchers have been conducted (Chesney- Lind & Sheldon, 1992). This double standard of justice is not exercised on their male counterparts. In the current study, juveniles were counseled on options of birth control. This was initially done at their arrival at the youth center. Although they were not forced to select an option, one subject stated, "they often talk to us about birth control until we have made a decision." Females are made to feel totally responsible for their sexual practices, not mentioning their male companion. Gynecological exams, and counseling sessions on birth control represent covert double standards practiced by the justice system. Chesney-Lind & Sheldon (1992) found that girls charged with status offenses were often more harshly treated than their male counterpart. Girls suspected ofstatus offenses were more likely than their male counterparts to be referred to juvenile court (Chesney99 Lind & Sheldon, 1992). The authors found that 31.9% of all females referred to court were charged with status offenses, compared with only 12.1% of nrales. S^ in 1982, in the index property category, 65% of females, and 34.6% of males were charged with shoplifting (Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1992). This data impUes that the courts have created an atmosphere where females are being labeled "criminal" for running away, truancy, and incorrigibility. This is probably why many girls do not perceive themselves as criminal; their crimes are not serious and do not produce a specific victim. An enlightening note is that generally, status offenders do not escalate into serious criminal offenders. If status offenders return to court, it is usually for another status offense (Chesney-Iind & Sheldon, 1992). A negative note is that females are becoming stigmatized by being criminally labeled for committing non-criminal acts. This may produce a society in which "delinquent girls" will continue their delinquent behavior but become "better at it" a statement which was demonstrated by one of the juvenile subjects, "I plan tb do what I have been doing, but becoming better, by not The previous explanation presented an issue mostly composed of paternalistic ideas. The family exposes females to more tighter controls than boys, and if they refrain from succumbing, they are ihtroduced to the criminal justice system. They either run away, or their parents call the courts for help in controlling their "incorrigible child." The gifls then discover an increased paternalism at court. 100 The eourts feel titesy haye to protect the Ghhd ftoih promiscuity) and do so by incarceration. The criminal background of the adult sample is more condensed and less serious than that of the juvenile sample. Their crimes range from writing a check for insufficientfunds to incest. Previous criminal activity was present in the background of seven adult subjects. Prom that activity, 37.5% of the smhple was arrested previous to their presentcrime (see appendix:A,hgure 5). Two STiit^ectS had delinquent activities as juveniles. Subject"E" was arrested for petty theft and had been in juvenile hall periodically. She was also involved ih shoplifting fm* her children,a^ was Urrested on the third attempt. "<i'-began Commhting^^M by stealing food fidm her victims rehigera^ she was 13. She was eventually sentenced to five years at California Youth Authority for kichiapping. She was never attested for steaim jewehy-andgtins. -v. \ The crimitiai activity of five other wonien ccmsisted of writiiig checks without insufhcierit hmds, stealiiig nidiiey fiom employers, tax evasion, shoplifting, possession for sale, dimnk diiving, pubh^ drunkenness, prostitution, robberies, burglaries, and incest. Although the crimes appear to be numerous, most of them were crimes of an economic nature. Men still continue to commit the inajority of crimes, and the highest proportion of females are arrested for larceny,primarily shoplifting(Adler,1975). Shoplifting is a crime that women dominate(Adler,1975. Many cbhsider it the ''traditional female crime." "Shoplifting is an ancient art of females, one which the goods have changed, but not the techniques of ste^in^ te (Adler, 1975). This statement has everything to do with thefact that women are more grosslyihvolved in shopping; food and other household items. Therefore, opportunities to shoplift^ a^^ higher for women than fhey are for men. Two subjects admitted to stealing food, which constituted their entrance into criiiiinal activity. A(her (1975) stated^ shoplifters are petty pilferers rather than professionals. most They engage in this type of behavior over many years, are respectable individuals, who typically steal merchandise under $15. PrbstitutKm is amother crime related to recently, is a sbcM crime. Mthoiigh it is o^r^ppwered by men, wbitienare arrested for it. Prosthutesaremadetobeli^ pimps are available for prptectipn.v T^ "protect'V their territory by driving out other prosthiites that have no pimps (Adler & Simon, 1979). In reality, men me dieir primary exploiters. Arresting a pimp is usually difficult, police may try to get the pimp by repeatedly arresting one or more of his "ladies" (Adler & Simon, 1979). Pimps further exploit their "ladies" by using them to evade police officers. Prbstitiites conversely "protect" their pimps to continue gaining "their protection." The social context of prostitution is a complex one. While prostitution continues to be a crime for which a significant number of women are arrested every year, the number of male arrested for consorting with prostitutes is so small that it does not even merit a special category in the Uniform^^C^ Reports (Adler, 1975). This demonstrates another Unequal aspect of the criminal Justice system in which a double standard continues to incriminate females, where males constitute a large component ofthe problem. Other offenses which women are arrested for are drunkenness and drug offenses. In the past, research suggested that although drunkenness was high among the offenses for which women were arrested, it ranked even higher among the offenses for which men were proceeded against (Pollack, 1950). It is inspiring to note that drunkenness arrest among women has decreased sharply (Adler & Simon, 1979). However, women are still highly involved in drug selling. another. Three women admitted to selling drugs at one time or Violation of narcotic drug laws have shown a higher relative liability of women than of men (Pollack, 1950). Burglaries and robberies were also exercised by the adult sample. Two women, in the current study admitted to committing robberies and/or burglaries. Although the circumstances of the crimes were not discussed, women usually act out the role of conspirator, accessory, or partner (Adler & Simon, 1979). In some cases, the women are with someone else who actually planned the crime without her knowledge, but they are charged with the offense in the first degree because once the criminal action began they participated actively(Adler &Simon,1979). The authors additionally noted that the crimes were conducted for the purpose ofeconomic or psychological reasons (1979). We further see, as in the juvenile sample, that these crimes heightened their perception of themselves when committed for psychological reasons. Recall the statement made by one juvenile, "I'll do (crime) for fun and adventure." In summary,the majority ofincarcerated women have been imprisoned for \4ctiinless m as drug or alcohol >dolatloiis and prostitution women as violent individuals. In reality women continue to participate in ''yictanness crM A perpetrated crimes^ the research wtil hriefly discuss the circt^ of the murders. Since domestic violence and the women's position against it has already been discussed, the following discussion will be very concise. Overall, 56.2% ofthe women were victims of domestic violence(see appendix A figure 6). The victims Consisted of three children. Six husbands, seven boyfiriends, two unknown individuals, a female fiiend, Uhd h male landlord. Most women in this sample, murdered in "self-defense." One would have been a victim of rape, but she fought, and killed her aggressor. Another female felt that her life and her children's lives were in danger because of her husband, and she decided to take his life. Almost always when violence is used to settle a problem, the problem has been large enough to distort the individual's judgment (Adler & Simon,1979). Premeditation was not an issue in any of the murders; they occurred on "spur-of-the-moment" One subject had called for help when her mate began to abuse her, but before help arrived, she "snapped" (as the subject described it) and killed her aggressor. The murders occurred suddenly. This is represented by the following comments: "I never meant it to end that way; I wish he would have killed me first; I would do ahything to tufn baCk time." These comments may be indications of guilt and frustration they were/are going through after the murders. 104 CAdier &Stooii,079). ofthe siit^ect^ admitted to pla^ murders. In addition, most of the subjects did not understand why they were ednykted of Murder I and II. Th^ asserted that the murder was committed in self-defense. Most of the subjects were unhappy about their processing into the Crimihal Justice System. Some subjects felt they should have been conyfcted ctf wli^^ manslaughter. Odktssaid that they df^^ not ha\e adequate representadon^ and was the reason for being competed of Murder race is considered, white women are less likely to be jailed before or after conviction than black women, but they are also less likely to have a lawyer, likewise, y^ite women are less likely to^^^te non-indigent, and thereby ineligible for court appointed counsel (Adler & Simon, 1979). Although the circumstances of the trial were not discussed in the Interview, the previous statement njay have been a t^flectiph oftheir trialoutcome. Sl% of the sample ykre white, and mar^ of them said they did not have adequate representation. Furthermore, research suggests that there are two thought processes that determine how a woman is treated in the system; one consists of a preferential treatment, the second consists ofa more punitive measure(Adler &Simon,1979). Most observe which ine^s, drat they that women receive pi^fetendM kss hkely than iheh t^^ be convicted for the same type ofoffense;if they are convicted;lh^ate less likefy U) be sentenced; and if they are sentenced, they are likely milder sentences (Simon & Landis, 1991). These ideas stem from a paternalistic view. They dictate that women should be protected from the ills of society. The ills being, prisons. Apparently, judges view female defendants as if they were their mothers, and consequently treat them lightly. Only three of the subjects were content about the trial process and the end result. One subject stated "I feel very fortunate." This was in response to the fact that she survived the turmoil, (ofabuse)not her victim. The second treatment view is a more pimitive one. This entails placing more severe penalties on the females because "they are not conforming to their nature given behavior." Judges are more than likely to throw the book at female defendants because there is a greater discrepancy between behavior expected of women than there is between the behavior expected of male defendants (Simon & Landis,1991). This idea is largely based on the premise that crime is a male's nature. When reviewing the circumstances of the murders, many were committed because they could not tolerate further abuse. Aside from not having adequate representation, a peculiar issue arose from the interviews. 31.2% ofthe sample stated that they were drugged through their trial (see appendix A, figure 7). They stated that while in jail, they were given psycho tropic drugs, which considerably impeded them from defending themselves during the trial process. Apparently, administration of these drugs is widely practiced among institutions. Tranquilizer and mood elevators, which are commonly used as a means of social control in some institutions, are sometimes forced on rebellious or upset women (Mann,1984). One subject's account was,"I was so upset,that during my trial I did not even know who I was. I was like a zombie. I had hallucinations and perceived the jury as monsters, as a result of 106 taMiig the Not surprising, the drugs were administered againsttheir wiE Another snhject recaBed that prison officials made sure she swallowed the drug before they left This may be a method which the system employs to further victimize female defendants. Although the murder and the trial aspect of their lives were negative aspects Of theirlives,the strisjects maintains a positive outlook. Upon their release, a large number of women want to work in social services. They demonstrated a great desire to help other women and children. Five women wanted to work with victims of domestic violence. Two women wanted to work in th^ One of them mentioned maMng legislators listen, ''womeh who are here (prison) for murder do not belong in here. It was a one shot deal." Four wanted to continue their education and acquire a job. Unquestionably, two women said they definitely did nOt want anything to do with romantic relationships. The sample was also asked to commieht oh issues Of Women's Liberation. The jtweniles were very liberal. All the juveniles agreed that a woman's place is not the home, women should work if they want to, and they should have rights to birth control and abortion. In addition, they felt that men have the same responsibility to take care of their children, as women have done so in the past. There was also one sut^ect who said, ''the peison who makes the most money should pay for child support," when they were asked who should pay for child support. There were only a few adult women who had a few conservative ideas. Mostly all the women agreed with the juveniles opinions regarding a female's position and choices. There were a few who made some antiquated statements:"women need to be at home and be committed to wifely and motherly duties first; Children have the possibility of suffering if the mother works; A woman should not have rights to an abortion and her form of birth control should be to close her legs; They should have access to birth control,not abortion." Comments regarding the rearing ofchildren consisted of: "I do not think men are capable of nurturing children;Ifthe father has not had a relationship with the child,then the mother should assume full (economic) responsibility for the child; Many times men get the raw deal when it comes to child support." Based on the previous comments, there were only a couple of adult women who had conservative ideas about birth control and men's responsibility toward raising children. A few subjects were very sympathetic with men,when questions about divorce and child support were asked. Overall, the divergent comments made by juveniles and adult women may be indications of a generation gap. Adults being more conservative than juveniles. Conclusion This study attempted to redefine how theorists and the justice system treat women in their involvement in crime. Theorists endeavor to apply their one-sided views of how crime and murder, conducted by both genders, can be rationalized in the same manner. In reality, their justifications do not satisfactorily apply to women and crime. threshold Additionally, most theorists have not reached the of understanding their environment, and psychological state that produces a female to kill. 108 the Researchers haye a great infle^^ the justice systera as we^^ inurderers. Tlier^ povver on constituents of on the pubhc's perceptio of femaje possess a responsibility of ir^ them,not only about the negative attributes ofthese individuals, but also of the himahe cteacteristics they possess. Descriptions of murderesses depict them as being inhumane individuals. Although the sample was smah, it prodticed hhchbg^ were inconsistent with the general view of female jtjveniie delimjuents and female killers, h&et^se,^ when making generalizations because of its size. Furtheimore,case study may have produced superficial answers. Social desirability may have cattsed respondents tp answer according to what they thought pthers^^^ t^^ to hear, i^so^^ b^^^ standardized questionnaires,importantissues mayha^ been neglected. Several limitations were present in the research design. In spite of that, exploring the initial hypotheses was not obstructed. The hypotheses were as follows: 1. Did women convicted of murder have a history ofspousal abuse? 56.2% of the sample were victims of spousal abuse. If their backgroimd is considered, many of them endtired physical and/or mental abuse for lengthy periods of time before they called the authorities or committed the murder. Research suggests that battered women live in constant fear of violence (Swing, 1990). Many ofthe women in the sample did indeed live in constantfear for their lives throughout their relationship. Some were glad that they lived, while others regretted the murders. 109 2. Did women convicted of murder have discipline problems in school during adolescence? Five subjects were involved in truancy,imruliness,and fighting wbile they were enrolled in schools They w^ considered disruptive and incorrigible by their parents or school officials. Currently,school officials are dealing with this phenomena on a daily basis. However, thirty years ago, teachers did not deal with weapohs, drugs, or gangs as often as they do today. The activities that those interviewed were involved in would not be considered serious. Consequently, this hypothesis was not factual as only 31% were believed to have discipline problems. These problems consisted of hlcorrigible behavior. 3. Did women convicted of murder have a criminal background? ^ proven untrue. Only two of the Sixteen Women interviewed were delinquent as juveniles. One was arrested for petty theft and the other was convicted of kidnapping. The Mdnapping charge was^^^ indication that the serious nature and may have been an was more likely to be involved in subsequent serious crimes. As adults, 37,5% of the sample had been arrested. Most of their crimes were of an economic nature. Women are often seeh^^^^^^ petty pilferers, continually committing crimes involving money (Adler,1975). 4. Do women convicted of murder have delinquent children? Five women(31%),indicated that they had delinquent children. Their offenses included drug offenses, drunk driving, cruelty to animals, robbery, gang affiliation, and burglary. Some women felt 110 that a poor relationship with their children contributed to their delinquency. Based on this research, women convicted of murder do not have delinquent children, consequently this hypothesis was unfounded. They may have been somewhat effective parents in their children's upbringing,as too much or too little control may lead to delinquency(WeUs& Rankin,1988). 5. Are there specific characteristics offemale killers? According to the background and characteristics of these women, defining a murderess was proven arduous. Consequently, a specific profile of a murderess was unfound. Some were drug and alcohol users, others were not; some had previous arrests, while most of them did not Most arrests Consisted of "victimless crimes," with a few exceptions. Each inmate had (positive) attributes which are related to the rest of society. Thus, they had virtues that lawabiding individuals possess. It was difficult to define a murderess as evidenced by the above unfounded hypotheses. This may show that a criminal female's bac^round continues to baffle the criminologies community. This study was conducted for the purpose of exploring the circumstances which induce females to kill. The fact that they manifested "nurturing attributes" conveyed the idea ffiat ^ options were fiitlle. Many had distressing options; continue bearing physical, and/or psychological abuse, be killed, or kill. Therefore, they were faced with selecting the "lesser oftwo evils." Women are victims of the system when theorist ignore their feelings on the crime that was committed, especially if the murder was conducted in self-defense. Researchers need to reassess their 111 performance and provide society with more inclusive theories of women and crime. Moreover, when murder is committed by a female, the circumstances that preceded it are ignored. If the criminal justice system recognized the violence that women who kill endiure, then perhaps it could offer more viable alternatives to females, and in essence, prevent murders. If realistic options were available, perhaps abusive males would be deterred from committing further abuse on their partners. The law must be more responsive and effective toward women who murder. As of late, it has been very ineffective in assisting women's problems. To see social change, society must begin to change its pattern of thinking and reconstruct the currentlegal system. This study presented the inconsistencies that embody the legal system and the unfavorable treatment females receive when they are processed for crimes they committed,especially for murder. To further understand female criminality, researchers must produce studies that extend beyond this one. Perhaps the groundwork for subsequent studies on this topic has been established by this inquiry. The future holds a challenge for the legal system. Society, and most importantly, victims of spousal abuse, deserve a viable and diligent response. 112 APPENDIX A: 113 FIGURES Figure 1 1992 Female Felony Arrest Dispositions 200 Superior Court Number of ^ Incidents Law Enforcamant Raiaasa Complamta Danlad Lower Court 145 Arrest Results Figure 2 1992 Female Murder Court Cases 200 Conviclions Number TOO - DiamiasaU Acquittals 137 Court Dispositions 114 Figure 3 Disciplinary School Problems 31.2% 68.Q^/o 31.2% df sample had problems In school 68.8% of sample did not have problems Figure 4 Drug Use 50% of sample have used drugs 50% of sample have not used drugs 115 Figure 5 Previoiis Arrests 37.5% of sample has been arrested 62.5% of sample has never been arrested Figure 6 Battered Women NON-BATTERED BATTERED 56.2% of sample was battered 43.8% of sample was not battered 116 Figure 7 Drugged on Trial 31.2% Of sample stated they were on drugs vvhile on trial 68.8% Of sample was not on drugs during trial 117 APPENDIX B: QjUESTIONNAIRES 118 Juvenile (Questionnaire 1. How old are you? 2. Do you have any other brothers or sisters? a. what are their ages? b. have they ever been arrested or in trouble? for what? c. did they serve time in prison juvenUe detentions jail or probation? 3. What grade did you complete in school? a.( )elementary b.()jr. high c.( )high school d.( )college? 4. Did you drop out? Why? 5. Did you have any disciplinary problems in school a. What kind? b. How old were you? c. What was the result? 6. What problems did you have as you were growing up? a. With your parents? b. with you friends? c. others? 7. Have you ever been abused physically, mentally or sexually? 8. Are you married? 9. Do you have any children? a. How old? b. How is your relationship with them?(positive, negative)? 10. Did you grow up with both of your parents? a. if not why? b. where was the other parent? 11.How old were your parents when you were bom? 12. What grade did they complete? a.( )elementary b.( )jr. high? c.( )idgh school? d.( )college? 13. Whatis their occupation? 14. Have they ever been arrested or in trouble? a. For what? b. Have they ever served time in prison,jail,juvenile detentions,or probation c. How long? 119 15 Have your parents used drugs? a. If yes, how old were you when you found out? b. Are they still using drugs? 16. Do your siblings use drugs? 17. Have any of your siblings ever been arrested or in trouble? a. For what? b. Have they ever served thne in juvenile detention, prison, jail or probation? c. How long? 18. Have you ever done anything else which is illegal and you were not arrested for? 19. Do you use drugs? a. what kind? b. how many times(a day,week, month)? 20. Do you drink alcohol? a. When? b. How much? 21. Have you served in the military? 22. What was the cause for the first offense for which you were arrested? 23. Did you getconvicted? a. how much time did you serve? 24. Would you do it again? 25. What were you arrested for the present conviction? 26. Under the same circumstances would you do it again? 27. Do you think the criminaljustice system treated you fairly? 28. What will you do when you get out? a. do you consider education? b. will you search for a job? 29. Do you plan to live in the same style you were living prior to your conviction? a. If not, how will you change? b. do you plan to associate with the same people as you did prior to your conviction? 30. Would you encourage other women who are in the same circumstances to do what you did? a. why? why not? 31. Do you think a woman's place is in the home? 32. Do you think woman should work? 33. Do you think woman should have rights to use birth control or have an abortion? 34. Do you think men have the same responsibility to care for their children as women have done so in the past? 120 35. After a divorce do you think men should pay for child support? 121 Feiiiale Qjiestionnaire 1. How old are you? a.( )18-21 b.( )22-24 c.( )25-30 d.( ) 31-35 e. ( )36-45 f.( ) 46 or older 2. What grade did you complete in school? a.( ) elementary? b.( ) jr. high? c. { ) high school? d. { )college? 3. Did you drop out? Why? 4. Did you have any disciplinary problems in school? a. what kind? b. how old were you? c. what was the result? 5. What problems did 5^ou ha^ asy^u were gr^^ a. with your parents? b. with your friends? others?'' 6. Are you married? 7. Do you have any children? a. how old are they? b.describe your relationship with them? 8. How old were you when you had your first child? 9. Did you ever have any abortions? 10. Did your child(ren) have any disciplinary problems growing up? 11. Have they ever had any trouble with the law? '.a. what kind b. what was the result? 12.Have they ever served time in detention centers,jail, prisoh or probation? 13. Did you grow up with both of your parents? a. if not why? b. where was the other parent? 14. How old were your parents when you were born? 15. Did you have a happy childhood? 16. Was there any fainily violence present during your childhood? 17. What gradie did your pai^nts complete in school? 18. What is(was)their occupation when you Hved at home? 19. Have they ever been arrested or in trouble? a. for what? b. have they ever served time in prison,jai^, or detention Did your parents use drugs? b. how often? 21. Do you have any brothers or sisters? How old are they? 22. Did they have any problems as they were growing up? zyxwvuts a. with parents? b. friends? ■ c. school? d. others? ' ■ V.:;, ;:a.;what:kind?: \-'^,:h.:hOWOfteh? 23. Did they ever serve time in jail, prison, detention centers, or ■ probatidn?^ ■ 24. Have you ever done ai3Q>^th ;not:arrested for?/- ' Doyouusedrugs?:: which is iilegaland you were ij/ ^ a. what kind? b. how often? 26. Do you drink alcdlroi? a. how often? b. how much?! Have you served in the military? 28. What was the cause for the first offense for which you were arrested-for?:: 29. Did you get cohviGted? a. how much time did you serve? , 30. What happened previous to the homicide? i 31. What relationship did you have with the victim? 32. How did it happen? ! 33. Were you convicted of murder I, murder II,(voluntary manslaughter or involuntary manslaughter? i 34. Under the same circumstances would you dh it again? 35. How do you feel about the homicide you committed? 36. Do you think the criminal justice system treated you fairly? 37. What will you do when you get out? a. have you considered education? b. will you look for a job? 38. Do you plan to live in the same style you w^re living inprior your conviction? 123 a.if not how will you change it? b. do you plan to associate with the same people? 39. Would you encourage other women who are i^ the same circumstances to do what you did? 40. Do you think a women's place is in the home?; 41. Do you think women should work? ; 42. Do you think women should have rights to usje birth control or access to an abortion? j 43. Do you think men have the same responsibility to care for their children as women? I 44. After a divorce,do you think men should pay for child support? 124 REFERENCES Adler,Freda & Simon,Rita 1979 Criminality of Deviant Women Houghton Mifflin Co.Boston p. 22 Adler,Freda,1975 Sisters in Crime. McGraw Hill Book Co.p.lS,28 Alleman,Ted and Muraskin,Roslyn,1993 It's a Crime: Women and Tustice. Regents/Prentice Hall,Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey Babbie,Earl,1989 The Practice ofSocial Research. Wadsworth Publishing Company,Belmont,California Browne,Angela& Williams,Kirk R.(1989)"Exploring the Effect of Resource Availability and the likelihood of Female-Perpetrated Homicides." Law and Society Review,vol. 23 no. 1 Canter,Rachelle J.(1982)"Family Correlates ofMale and Female Delinquency." Vol. 20 No.2 August:149-167 Chesney-Lind, Meda and Sheldon,Randall G.1992 Delinquency and Juvenile Tustice Brooks/Cole Publishing Co.Pacific Grove, California Dobash,R., and Dobash R. E.(1981)"Community Response to Violence against Wives." Social Problems,Vol. 28,No.5. Ewhig,Charles,Patrick,1987 Battered Women Who Kill. Lexington Books Massachusetts/Toronto Ewing,Charles,Patrick(1990)"Psychological Self-Defense: A Proposed Justification for Battered Women Who Kill." Law and Hximan Behavior,Vol. 14,No.6 Ford, David A.(1983)"Wife Battery and Crimiual Justice: A Study of Victim Decision-Making." Family Relations,October Gelles,Richard J.,1987 Familv Violence Sage Publications Newberry Park,CaUfomia Gelles, Richard J.,(1989)"Child Abuse and Violence in Single-Parent Families: Parent Absence and Economic Deprivation." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry Vol.54 No.4:492-501 125 Glaser,Barney G.. and Stress. 1967Ilie Piscc^^of GroundkiTheoryi Aldine PnblisMng CompanyjChicago,Illinois ^®han,Erving,Asvlums.1961 Anchor Books I>5ubleday^GO;Ihc^ Garden City, New York Hindelang, Michael J.,"Causes ofDelinquency: A Partial Replication and Extension." Social Problems Vol.20 No. 3: 471-487 Jones,Arm,1980 Women Who Kill. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New Kononka.Gisela.1966 The Adolescent Girl in Conflict. Prentice Hall, Inc. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey pp.50,105 Leonard,Eileen B.,1982 Women.Crime and Society A Critique of Criminological Theory.Longman,New York and London, Marm,Coramae Richey,1984 Female Crime and Delinquency. University of Alabama Press p. 212,243 Offender Based-Transaction Statistics(OBTS)Califot^^ Oepartinentof Justice Law EnforcementInformation Center 1987-1992 Pollack, Otto, 1950 Criminalitv of Women University of Permsylvania Press,Philadelphia Rosen,L(1985)"Family and Delinquency: Structure or Fimction?" Criminology Vol. 23:553-573 Rosenbaum,Jill L.(1989)"Family Dysfunction and Female DelirlquerK:y.'^Cllme and Delinqueiicy Simon,Rita J. and Landis,Jean,1991 The Crimes Women Commit,the Punishments Thev Receive.Lexitigton Books,Lex^^ Massachusetts/Toronto 12,46-68 Surette, Ray,1992 Media Crime and Criminal Tustice Images and Realities Brooks/Cole Publishing Company,Pacific Grove, California U.S.Bureau of Census,Statistical Abstracts of the United States, Washington,D.C.1953 and 1992. Van Vooris,P., F. Cullen,R. Mathers,and C.Gardner. (1988)"The Impact ofFamily Structure and duality on Delinquency: A Comparative Assessment of Structural and Functional Factors." Criminology Vol.26 No.2:235-261 Wells,Edward L,& Rankin,Joseph H.(1988)"Direct Parental Controls and Delinquency." Criminology Vol.26 No.2: 263-284 Wells,Edward,L.,& Rankin,Joseph,H.(1991)"Families and Delinquency: A Meta-Anaysis ofthe Impact of Broken Homes." Social Problems Vol. 38 No. 1: 71-90 Wilkinson,Karen B., Stitt, Grant,& Erickson,. L.(1982)"Siblings and Delinquent Behavior." Criminology, Vol.20 No.2: 223-239 127