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2020, Historica Olomucensia
The study deals with the compatriot club called Czechoslovak Beseda Svatopluk Čech in Zurich in connection with the so-called Masaryk Campaign. Abroad, during which T. G. Masaryk and his team promoted the Czech Lands in WWI with the view to establishing their autonomy and, in the final year of the War, declaring an independent Czechoslovak State. The club management and its members were consequently monitored by authorities reporting to the general staff of the imperial army and these ressources were analyzed.
International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society
The Phantom of the Good Soldier Švejk in the Czech Army Accession to NATO (2001–20022009 •
The article is based on the author’s ethnographic fieldwork in the Czech Armed Forces (2001–2002) in which she focused on the process of military professionalization—a set of extensive institutional reforms initiated upon the Czech Republic’s accession to NATO. She shows that these reforms were not limited to the military sector and involved efforts on the part of the state officials and the media to change the position of the military in the public sphere and culture. The goal of these changes was to bring the image of seriousness to the discredited Czech military, a process that demanded the obliteration of the cultural idiom of Švejk—a literary hero of the 1920s novel by Jaroslav Hašek and the representation of a peaceful resistance to war and military violence. In the course of the twentieth century, Švejk has become one of the most pervasive cultural references of the popular laughter at oppressive military power and has been a leading cultural idiom for the Czechs during the 30 years of German and Soviet military occupations. The article shows how the current official efforts at changing the image of the Czech military focus on the obliteration of Švejk’s cultural idiom, bringing him so frequently to the public discourse that they produce a phantom-like effect in which Švejk has come to haunt the process directed at his expurgation. The established cultural idiom of skepticism toward the army and military bureaucracy thus challenges the transition from communism to democracy and questions the reliance on military force, the imagery of violent conflicts, and just wars as necessary tools of politics.
2009 •
Czech-polish historical and pedagogical journal
International Relations of Sokol Brno I Association between 1862 and 19142020 •
This paper describes the history of the Sokol organisation in Brno, especially the international outreach of Sokol Brno I, and charts the beginning of the national emancipation movement and the organisation’s growing ability to promote its own policies in the framework of wider European relations. The paper analyses the conditions for the development of foreign ties, the growing confidence of the Sokol movement and its ideas.
2021 •
This study deals with the perception of Czechoslovakism by the political functionaries in the Hungarian part of the Habsburg Monarchy at the end of the nineteenth century. From 1895, the Hungarian government, aided by county authorities, started to systematically track the Slovak national movement and particularly its Czechoslovak faction, which was considered especially dangerous. The author examines how Hungarian government organs produced an account not only of “Czech propaganda,” but also of the influence that envisioned Czechoslovak national unity had on Slovak residents in Upper Hungary. Despite being relatively well informed, their accounts were substantially distorted thanks to the dominating discourse of dangerous “pan-Slavism.” This chapter further studies political activists who criticized the oversimplified views of the central administration and pointed out the existing ruptures in the Slovak national movement. In contrast to the prevailing politics, they endorsed the support of those currents in the Slovak politics which refused the idea of Czechoslovak unity, proclaimed independence from Czech politics, while stressing their loyalty to their then-Hungarian homeland.
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Insights of the French Military Mission Representatives to Czechoslovakia into the Offensive Plans of the Republic and the Functioning of the Czechoslovak Army in 1919-19252018 •
The study focuses on some selected aspects of the activity of the French military mission in Czechoslovakia in the inter-war period, mainly on the analysis of the French military personnel of the mission that acted in the strategic functions, influenced the plans of the country defence in the case of an enemy attack and includes the opinions of the French commanders on the structure and function of the Czechoslovak army. The process of the establishment of a common state of Czechs and Slovaks from the debris of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy is characterised by the absence of legally and internationally guaranteed borders, as well as the complicated inner-political conditions of republic coming into existence. Apart from the Czech frontier areas 1 The article is based on the study of the grant project of the Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sports of the Slovak Republic VEGA 1/0438/18 Diplomatic and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and the USA in the first half...
The article deals with Czechoslovak veteran social policies in terms of their tools and extent. Upon returning to their homeland, WWI veterans became one of the key subjects of social welfare policy in the postwar European order. Czechoslovakia started to develop its veteran's social welfare legislation right after WWI. In the Czechoslovak governmental officers' point of view, only legionnaires, invalids, professional soldiers, their relatives, and surviving family members existed as recipients of social welfare. The ideological basis became "politically desired heroism," which helped to define what was a rightful entitlement for social provisions. While the state strove to find a balance between veterans' war merits and social welfare benefits, the veterans formulated multiple arguments against the current social welfare system and repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction. The author outline four types of four basic types of political activism of Bohemian WWI veterans. The article raises the questions what and how much were the states willing to offer the veterans and who was entitled to get support and why.
Journal of Modern European History
Czechoslovak interwar democracy and its critical introspections.pdf2019 •
In the popular historical mind, domestically as well as internationally, interwar Czechoslovakia has been rendered as the exemplary democratic country, resisting the authoritarian temptations to which neighbouring countries succumbed all the way up to 1938. The popular myth has been deconstructed from various perspectives both at home and abroad, often with well-grounded arguments that the republic’s political practice did not match up with its democratic claims. What I intend to do in this essay is to give voice to some of the historical actors who engaged in interesting critical reflections on the republic’s democratic practice and the fundamental tensions involved. For various reasons, the first Czechoslovak republic has been dubbed ‘Masaryk’s republic’. The ‘President Liberator’ was not just a charismatic political figure and a symbol of the new state. He was also an influential political thinker and social reformer who managed to make a significant impact on Czech – and, to some extent, Slovak – liberal nationalisms as much as on Czechoslovak interwar democracy as such. Thus, I would like to begin with Masaryk’s understanding of politics and democracy and then turn to two specific areas where Masaryk wielded particular influence: the political culture fostered by the so-called ‘pragmatic generation’ of the liberal democratic intelligentsia and, second, the nationality question, the central sore point of interwar Czechoslovak state-building. I will approach the latter issue through the specific perspective offered by one of the most interesting critics of the democratic practice of his time: philosopher, social activist and controversial public intellectual Emanuel Rádl.
This article presents an analysis of Czechoslovak political history of the first half of the 1970s and the question of who would succeed General Ludvík Svoboda (1895–1979) as Czechoslovak President. The emphasis is on the role of Gustáv Husák (1913–1991), who emerged from the political crisis of 1968–69 as the most powerful actor, and was, at the 14th Congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, confi rmed as General Secretary of the Party. Using Soviet archives, the author points to differences between the individual members of the Party leadership, and particularly to the lack of unity amongst the so-called ‘healthy forces’. According to him, it is fair to talk about the disintegration of this bloc, which had been formed during the Prague Spring, into several smaller groups. The secretary of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, Vasil Biľak (1917–2014), was, in consequence of this and Soviet pressure, forced to abandon any ambitions to stand at the head of the Party, and had to be satisfi ed, instead, with the position of Number Two in the Party. The Soviet leadership derived social stability in Czechoslovakia from the fi rmness of the Czechoslovak Communist Party leadership, and in particular counted on the collaboration of Husák and Biľak, and it made this clear to both men. Svoboda’s failing health prevented him from properly discharging his duties as President of Czechoslovakia, but he did not even try to hold on to the presidency, even though, in the interest of political stability, he was confi rmed in offi ce in March 1973, and remained something of a temporary solution. The article does not seek to challenge or confi rm the hypothesis that he was forced to step down in May 1975; although, in any event, Svoboda was in no condition to have taken this step himself. Husák’s efforts to become President kept running up against the question of the accumulation of offi ces and also the Czech-Slovak national factor, even though, thanks to centrist Czechoslovak policy and support from Moscow, he succeeded in achieving a ‘peculiar unity’ over this question in the CPCz leadership, so that on 29 May 1975 he became the fi rst, and also the last, Czechoslovak President who was a Slovak. In Czech eyes, however, he remained a Slovak who had, after August 1968, considerably participated in the unfortunate re-imposition of hard-line Communism known as ‘normalization’, whereas for the Slovak nation he increasingly became a turncoat, a ‘Prague Slovak’.
2005 •
: This thesis examines civil-military relations during the critical moments of the Czechoslovak history, particularly during the deep political and societal crises in 1938, 1948, 1968, and 1989. Such a method offers an opportunity to analyze civilian control of the military under a situation when the civil-military relations are in deep crisis. By concluding that even under such conditions there were stable civil-military relations in former Czechoslovakia, this thesis affirms the theory of military professionalism as a crucial factor in civil-military relations, as presented by Samuel P. Huntington. Thus, the study of civil-military relations in crises of the Czechoslovak history provides an exceptional opportunity to test the Huntington's model of the equilibrium of objective civilian control in the circumstances of profound societal disturbances. In accordance with the Huntington's theory of stable civil-military relations, this thesis attests that a strong military profe...
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