Preferences and Pedagogies of Musicians in
Amman, Jordan
Undergraduate Senior Project in Ethnomusicology
Earlham College, Richmond, IN
Hope Savaria Safford
Autumn 2016
H.S. Safford 1
25 October 2016
Table of Contents
PREFACE
2
INTRODUCTION
3
METHODOLOGY
STUDYING ARAB MUSIC
LAYOUT
3
4
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PART ONE: ARAB MUSIC AND MUSIC PEDAGOGY IN THE MODERN PERIOD
15
NINETEENTH CENTURY EGYPT
THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
EGYPT IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
ARAB MUSIC IN THE 21ST CENTURY
AN OVERVIEW OF ARAB MUSIC PEDAGOGY TODAY – CONCLUSION OF PART ONE
15
20
25
26
30
PART TWO: JORDAN
33
AMATEUR SINGERS
MUSIC STUDENTS
TEACHERS AND PROFESSIONALS
35
42
49
SYNTHESIS
61
APPENDIX ONE: GLOSSARY OF TERMS
65
APPENDIX TWO: QUANTITATIVE STUDY – GRAPH AND QUESTIONS
67
APPENDIX THREE: PRIMARY RESOURCES
73
INTERVIEWS
MUSIC THEORY BOOKS AND OTHER RESOURCES
73
73
BIBLIOGRAPHY
74
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Preface
On a warm Spring morning in March I hailed a cab on a wide, open street in the Dabouq
neighborhood of West Amman and asked to go to the King Hussein Cultural Center. The driver
headed down the hill into thick traffic. Amman is not a large city, but the winding roads and the
presence of more cars than the city was built for mean that any cab ride can take more than an
hour. As we drove, I responded to emails, made a phone call, and tried to pay attention to the
route we were taking. Half an hour later we arrived at a building in Shmeisani that turned out to
be the wrong King Hussein Cultural Center. In order to get my bearings, I got out and hailed a
new cab, called the person I was meeting, and had him direct the second cabbie to the correct
King Hussein Cultural Center, a modern building next to the Jordan Museum that houses the
National Conservatory of Music. There I met Sakher Hattar, the head of the Arabic Music
Department and a brilliant ‘ud player. I spent the rest of the morning in Sakher’s office drinking
Arabic coffee and learning about his life, his work at the Conservatory, his ensemble, the musical
history of Jordan, and his teaching philosophy. At one point he handed me one of the several
‘uds in his office. “I’ll tell you what to play,” he said, and he walked me through a taqasim
(improvisation). “Imagine you are sitting at the end of the risha (the long, thin plectrum used to
play the ‘ud),” he suggested.
When I left Sakher’s office, I headed straight to a café on Rainbow Street, an artsy area
that caters to European and American tourists and ex-pats. Sitting in the sunny upstairs of the
café, I tried to process what I had learned from a morning that ended up being a definite
highlight of my field work. Up to that point, I still was uncertain whether I wanted to focus my
research on pedagogy, but spending a morning with Sakher Hattar convinced me that studying
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pedagogical techniques could reveal the depth and complexity of Arabic music’s relationships
with heritage, modernity, preservation, and globalization.
Introduction
Methodology
My meeting with Sakher Hattar in March 2016 exemplifies how my research on Arabic
musical pedagogy unfolded. I chose to speak to individual musicians (amateurs, students, and
professionals); observe how they learned, performed, and discussed music; and get to know their
specific opinions and philosophies of musical pedagogy (defined in this research as the processes
of learning and teaching used or imparted by an individual or society). Through a combination of
these case studies, practical elements such as learning the ‘ud, and academic research on the
evolution of Arabic music in the last century I gained a thorough understanding of Jordan’s
modern musical pedagogical practices and how they compare to those of other countries in the
Arab world.
Between two trips to Jordan in Spring 2015 and 2016, I spoke with more than a dozen
musicians and observed many others. Conversations with eight of these people became the case
studies for this research. The voices quoted in this thesis span a range of practices from highly
traditional to very Westernized. In 2015, my research focused on three amateur singers
performing structured improvisations with the Dozan wa Awtar choir. I also began learning the
‘ud. In 2016, I spoke with amateur musicians and students about their musical preferences and
training, and I interviewed professional musicians and teachers on their philosophies, practices,
and projects.
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Studying Arab Music
Studying modern Arabic music without acknowledging the history of the Arab world
would not only ignore the violent colonial history of the region, it would also fail to
acknowledge the complicated causes of modern Westernization and globalization of Arabic
music. Modern Arabic musical practices were, and are, shaped by imperialism, colonialism, and
orientalism. Therefore a historical study of Arab music is absolutely essential to
ethnomusicological study in the region. At the same time, the post-colonial context of studying
Arab musics calls into question the reality and use of binary categories, as well as many
assumptions held until recently about the nature of Arab music. In addition to discussing these
binaries, it is also important to address inbetweenness and hybridity as essential conversations to
the study of Arab musics.
Binaries: The East vs. West binary is one of the many dichotomies that must be discussed in
conjunction with the study of Arab musics, and particularly to the study of the Westernization of
Arab musics. While binaries can be useful in analyzing musical evolution in a post-colonial
context, it is important not to treat the binary as a “given” even when “its two components rely
on each other” (Gordon 2014: 102). This is not to say that the binary is entirely false, for it
certainly holds onto some vestige of reality. Rather it is to acknowledge that a binary is a
flexible, finite, and mortal construct. As Ali Jihad Racy explains in his article on the Cairo
Congress (which I will discuss later on), historical dichotomies and dualisms existed in both the
Orient and the Occident (Racy 1993: 81-2). Dichotomies are an integral part of how humans
define themselves as separate from the “other.” However, power dynamics such as those created
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in imperial and colonial encounters create imbalance where one half of the binary exerts control
over the other half. As Gordon explains, from the early twentieth century onward, “Egyptians
seem to have adopted a European sense of a separate East and West, and indeed, the very
binaries of East and West, and colonizer and colonized, have been theorized as emerging out of
the colonial encounter” (Gordon 2014: 35). The consequences of this development are farreaching. Gordon goes on to say that the “colonial separation of East and West” can be
connected to the “modernist separation of reality and representation. Once made distinct from
their European counterparts and framed as ordered objects rather than people, Egyptian practices
could be read, analyzed, ordered, classified, and…controlled.” (Gordon 2014: 36) Control, order,
and classification of the East by the West cannot be ignored; they are essential aspects of the
development of Arab musics today.
The categories of “Western” and “Eastern” are real in the sense that Arab musicians
themselves use them in practical conversations, yet they are also constructed fictions. These
categories fail to actually define anything about the nature of European music or Arab musics.
Therefore, “Western” and “Eastern” or “Arab” hold extensional rather than intensional
definitions. Since I am focusing on art music throughout this research, I will use “Western” to
refer to the Eurogenic notated music commonly taught in conservatories across the world. On the
other side of the spectrum, I will use “Arab” to refer to the pre-colonial art music traditions that
are primarily un-notated yet highly structured, as defined by scholars such as Ali Jihad Racy and
Scott Marcus. I will also use “Arab” to refer to the actual music that is understood and performed
by contemporary Arab musicians.1 In a pedagogical context, meanwhile, I will use “Western” to
1
As such, these two uses of “Arab” sometimes seem in opposition to one another. This overlap
of terminology is intentional as it reflects the vocabulary used by the musicians with whom I
worked. I attempt to clarify the usage as much as possible within the text.
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refer to the tutoring system in which students learn from teachers in scheduled lessons and also
learn and practice on their own time using notation. In contrast, “Arab” musical pedagogy (in the
traditional sense defined by Racy) will refer to the master-apprentice relationship where students
learned by rote from extended time spent with masters. Given these definitions, “Westernization”
will refer to the importation of Western pedagogy and common practice into Arab pedagogy and
common practice. This may be seen in such instances as the prevalent use of notation to teach
Arab musics.
The West-East encounter, and resulting power dynamic, is an umbrella binary under
which many other dichotomies exist. Divisions of gender, class, religion, etc. can all come into
play when discussing defining variables involved in musical practices (Racy 1981: 6). In this
research, a primary dualism that should be mentioned is the classical or art vs. popular or local
dichotomy, since I chose to focus on art music throughout my research. According to Racy, the
division between art music and popular music can be misleading (Racy 1981: 4). Racy defines
art music as having three major characteristics: a) exclusivity (usually within a specific social
class), b) continuity (over time and sometimes space), and c) immunity (to both internal and
external forces of change). This last characteristic is the most complicated. Obviously, art music
changes and evolves; yet the ability of art music to persist throughout time while retaining
specific characteristics shows its immunity to some forces of change. Racy gives the Western
example of people wanting to hear Baroque music on original instruments (Racy 1981: 7-8). Art
music may not remain immune to change in all ways, but it certainly retains essential aspects that
are immune to total revision. In the West, we tend to take for granted the dichotomy between
classical/art and popular/local. Elsewhere, this distinction may not be as clear (if indeed we can
call it clear in Western music, from an objective perspective). Folk music may overlap with art
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music in the West and in the Arab world, but the ways in which this occurs can be so varied that
the overlap is not recognized at all. Genres such as “art,” “popular,” and “folk” have definitions
in a Western context. In an Arab context, there is no reason to assume that these categories
would carry the same definitions. This is just one of many examples of how using Western
perceptions of music may limit comprehension of the actual landscape of the musical “other” (in
this case, Arab musics). It is clear in Racy’s writing that he decides to define Arab art music as
music that can elicit tarab2 (musical ecstasy) for both performers and audiences. I find that this
definition is useful since many of the musicians I talked to used “tarab music” to describe the
musical traditions that may be referred to as “classical” or “art” by someone else in the region.
Additionally, interpreting tarab music as art music allows iconic artists (who do not necessarily
fit in either category of the art/classical binary from a Western perspective), such as Umm
Kulthoum, to fit into research involving the “classical” music tradition of the Arab world.
Acknowledging the long history of Western orientalism sheds light on the roles that
Westerners have played in shaping (or trying to shape) Arabic music. Exoticism of the “Orient”
by Western musicians, composers, and musicologists was apparent at the First International
Congress of Arabic Music, held in Cairo in 1932. The Congress will be discussed later on, but
here it is important to call attention to the fact that exoticism of the Arab world led to a
preservationist approach3 on the part of Western delegates to the Congress, including Béla
Bartok and Paul Hindemith (Racy 1993: 85). Arab musicians and musicologists at the Congress
2
See Appendix One: Glossary of Terms for explanations of Arabic musical terminology in
italics.
3
In this case I am referring to the (mostly) European musicologists of the mid-twentieth century
who advocated for keeping Arab musics free of “Western” instruments and music theory with
the intention of “preserving” the Arab musical tradition and keeping it separate from their view
of the Western category. This went against the explicit desires of Arab musicians who wished to
use Western notation and instrumentation to reclaim and perpetuate their musical heritage.
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tended to lean towards Westernization as a useful method of reviving heritage and strengthening
musical unity. Western delegates mostly opposed these ideas. In my research I, too, found myself
leaning towards questions such as the following: why is Westernization so prevalent? What were
the positive and negative effects of the many decisions throughout Arab music’s history that led
to the use of Western notation, solfège4, and teaching systems? Through speaking to musicians, I
found that it was much easier to understand the music itself and its relationship to both Arab
heritage and Westernization if I actively chose to ignore preservationist attitudes, which were
often not reflected in the philosophies of the musicians I observed. Lillie Gordon writes about
how “reluctantly setting aside [her] struggle to understand what distinguishes Arab and Western
violin playing paved the way for a better understanding of the ways players make violin playing
meaningful in their lives, individually and collectively (Gordon 2014: 10). In her case, she lay
aside a dichotomy (a dichotomy that, moreover, is of Western origin) and found this was more
fruitful, and that it provided deeper contexts for her research. For me, realizing that the binary
between Arab and Western practice in the areas of pedagogy, performance, and learning is often
more gray than black and white meant that I was able to have an actual idea of the musicians
themselves. The people I worked with are not participants from whom I collected data. They are
individuals whose lives and music(s) simultaneously conform to and diverge from both Arab and
Western musical identities.
In-betweenness: Lillie Gordon’s dissertation, “Egyptian Violinists and the Negotiation of InBetweenness,” is an excellent example of how an ethnomusicologist might choose to conduct
research while keeping in mind complicated aspects of supposed dichotomies, post-colonialism,
4
Arab musicians tend to use fixed Do (Do = C) as well as English note names (A, B, C, etc.). I
did not encounter anyone who used the pre-colonial Arabic pitch names.
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and globalization. She uses the term “in-betweenness” to describe the position that the violin and
violinists hold, but she also uses it as an “analytical tool for exploring the postcolonial condition”
(Gordon 2014: 8). The violin is a tactile example of the European and Arab (West and East)
categories are opposite ends of a spectrum used by Arab musicians that includes adaptation of
techniques, preservation of heritage, hybrid and fusion musics, innovation, and evolving musical
languages. Along this spectrum, individual performers pick and choose aspects from each
tradition’s theory, aesthetics, and pedagogy to achieve their goals. Gordon explains that the
“spaces in-between become as much a lived reality for many people as do idealized categories,
though both are necessary for the existence of this framework” (Gordon 2014: 7). She also goes
on to say, “Depending on the day, the project, the person, or the piece of music, Western and
Arab violin playing may be fused, defended as separate, integrated, or treated individually”
(Gordon 2014: 211). In the same way that a multilingual person may use various language
resources (i.e. vocabulary, slang, etc.) from individual languages to enhance their own speaking
of any language, Arab musicians supplement their music, be it Arab or Western, with aspects
that clarify, enhance, and shift musical conversations and aesthetics.
Though Gordon writes specifically about violinists, her research on in-betweenness is
relevant to any discussion of Arab music. Her experiences of violinists in Egypt are similar to
my own experiences working with a variety of musicians in Jordan. In-betweenness involves the
“integration of difference, rather than the creation of a [new] distinct style.” (Gordon 2014: 5).
While this acknowledgement of difference perpetuates the East/West binary, it also subverts it by
creating spaces for individualism outside of idealized categories without forgoing local
traditions, aesthetics, and styles. Gordon asserts, “It is possible to frame violinists and composers
not as victims of cultural imperialism, but as intellectuals and activists, taking the resources at
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their disposal to imagine new possibilities” (Gordon 2014: 38). While it is important to
acknowledge and condemn the oftentimes horrific effects of colonialism and imperialism,
orientalism, racism, and Western or Christian exceptionalism, preservationist attitudes that
ignore the agency of modern Arab musicians to choose how they innovate can be just as
damaging to the evolution of Arab musics.
Individuals have agency in directing change within a situation of common circumstances
(Gordon 2014: 41). Today, Arab musicians often praise those who have mastered both Western
and Arab theory and technique. Gordon also incorporates the idea that “these in-between spaces,
while sometimes tenuous, are also privileged, privileged in that they provide a position for
forging relationships between diverse musical worlds and presenting various identities at the
interstices of name categories” (Gordon 2014: 2). Arab musicians who are able to incorporate
aspects of Western music have power within their field. This can be as obvious as using Western
progressive harmony to influence the trajectory of an improvisation or as subtle as choosing to
teach students using a Western-style tutor system rather than through an apprentice/master
relationship. The ability to incorporate both the Arab and Western musical systems is idealized
among Arab musicians, as my case studies reveal. Gordon writes that in Egypt, “it is often violin
players’ particular enactments of tradition within innovative moments that give their work
symbolic power” (Gordon 2014: 40). I found this to be true among musicians in Jordan as well.
Tarab is one of the most fundamental aspects of Arabic music and it is not rare to observe an
Arab artist incorporating subtle Western-inspired traits in order to inspire tarab. In this way, the
incorporation of difference (in this case, of Western techniques) has had an innovative effect on
many Arab musicians.
Hybridity and in-between space is a contemporary conversation within post-colonial
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critique. Scholars such as Homi Bhabha, Marwan Kraidy, and others have defined in-between
and hybrid spaces as new frontiers created through liminality. Ethnomusicologist Sarah Weiss
critiques both the notion of hybridity and the post-colonial critics in her 2014 article, “Hybridity
and Perceptions of Authenticity in World Music.” She writes, “Rather than accept cultural
products…as solid entities, [Kraidy] suggests that we must understand those products as
persistently emergent. And this fluidity intersects with shifting receptions and assessments of
that cultural product” (Weiss 2014: 511). In-betweenness, then, is neither concrete nor singular;
it is individual and fluid. Weiss also goes on to look at Brian Stross’s “hybridity cycle:”
What happens if we imagine cultural change as a continuous and multi-faceted
movement from discrete form to hybrid to new discrete form, with limitless
possible fusions?...In Stross’s formulation, cultural entities move periodically
from heterogeneous forms to more homogenous ones and then on to more
heterogeneous forms…We can determine that what was once hybrid has come to
seem originary and authentic even as it is being hybridized into something new
(Weiss 2014: 512-13).
The hybridity cycle is applicable to how inbetweenness manifests itself in Arab culture. Arab
music adopted the Western notational and solfège systems in a moment of heterogeneity that
became a more or less homogenous aspect of Arab musical practice. Notation and solfège, while
Western in origin, do not usually compromise contemporary Arab musicians’ perception of
authenticity within Arab music. In my experiences, inbetweenness has created a new innovative
space in which the Western and Arab categories are both acknowledged and taken for granted
among Arab musicians.
Taking the Past into Account: Lillie Gordon states, “The past should not be represented as a
singular teleology, but as a various set of personalities combined with common political and
artistic forces” (Gordon 2014: 40). A single cause may lead to varying effects for different
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people and societies. At its heart, this statement advocates stepping away from generalization in
both historical and contemporary contexts. In musicological study of Western art music, we set
great store by harmonic complexity, counterpoint, and polyphony, yet the ancient Arab texts
show that there is nothing inherently exceptional or superior about the Western system. The rise
of Western music as a lingua franca of describing music throughout the world (e.g. through
transcription), like the rise of Western hegemony itself, was not due to some inherent
characteristic of Western music that set it above and apart. Case studies are one way to go about
this, but there are a couple other methods that are also essential. First of all, it is necessary to
acknowledge the gaps and mistakes in past research and illuminate Western-centric tendencies.
Second of all, it is important to avoid false parallels whenever possible and discuss the subject at
hand (Arabic music) on its own terms, incorporating its own history and evolution.
Stefan Ehrenkreutz writes about the gaps in musicological study of the Arab world in his
(somewhat dated) article, “Medieval Arabic Music Theory and Contemporary Scholarship.” The
main idea of Ehrenkreutz’s article is that on the one hand contemporary scholarship of Arab
music needs to incorporate the study of medieval Arab music theory, and on the other hand, the
research conducted on the subject of medieval Arab music theory is incomplete, generalized, and
over-simplified. Using the example of rhythm, Ehrenkreutz demonstrates how many scholars
(including Henry G. Farmer, Rodolphe d’Erlanger, and E. R. Perkuhn) come to conclusions that
openly criticize inconsistency, primitivism, and contradictions within the ancient texts of Arab
philosophers such as al-Kindi (d. ca. 874), al-Farabi (d. ca. 950), and Safi al-Din (d. 1294)
without acknowledging that these medieval sources were written centuries apart and thousands
of miles away from one another. Disparity, therefore, is natural and should be expected.
Nevertheless, Farmer, d’Erlanger, and Perkuhn choose to ignore great swaths of the medieval
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texts in favor of picking and choosing aspects that fit their respective conclusions. Many of these
conclusions support the assertion that Western music evolved teleologically from Arabic musical
traditions. As Ehrenkreutz explains,
Although Arabic music and its theory border in some fascinating ways on
European music and its theory, it should not be forgotten that while Arabic music
had chosen to develop an intricate, highly embellished monophony (at most
heterophony) with complex rhythms, European music was beginning to opt for
polyphony. The tradition of Western scholarship of Arabic music is to carry the
connections with Europe too far. Western scholars insist on a direct causal link
between Arabic music and the ‘rise’ of medieval European music. Usually this
argument is based on a firm belief in the absolute inability of the Europe of the
Dark Ages to make a creative initiative on its own. This argument has been
bolstered by the fact that much of medieval European scientific, theological and
philosophical thought was actually Arabic in origin (Ehrenkreutz 1980: 257).
Not only does this evolutionary philosophy assume the primitive-ness of Arabic music (in
comparison to Western music) and buy into the idea that the Arab world peaked in the Middle
Ages and has since gone backwards, it also chooses to ignore fundamental differences between
medieval music of Europe and the Arab world. The idea that the structure of Arabic theory
should somehow fit comfortably into a Western framework of what can and should be prescribed
and described in music theory, is a clear example of Western-centricism.
Ehrenkreutz’s article also provides a useful example of how avoiding false parallels is
important in combatting generalization and Wester-centric tendencies. He points out that, “The
d’Erlanger French translation of the Grand Book [by al-Farabi] has many defects, such as the use
of common Western musical terms as equivalents of Arabic terms that are so removed from the
European terms in context and meaning that only a distant, very deceptive relation exists”
(Ehrenkreutz 1980: 250). It is not an easy task to describe Arab music using a European
language. Just as meaning is lost in translation of texts or conversations, attaching specific
European words to Arabic musical concepts (i.e. “mode,” “scale,” “time signature,” etc.) does
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not necessarily provide a useful definition or description. Defining Arab musical terms in
English cannot be done merely by choosing an English equivalent from our word bank of
Western musical vocabulary. Instead it is necessary to explain the concept (even deceptively
simple concepts) by incorporating the Arabic context of the original term. Ehrenkreutz’s
example of rhythm is a useful example:
Contrary to European conceptions, rhythm, as described by al-Farabi, is not
conceived in terms of a normative, somewhat extended, rhythmic duration that is
subdivided or multiplied so as to derive other durations. In other words, Arabic
rhythm is additive…For the medieval Arabs, the standard rhythmic value was an
‘atomic,’ shortest possible, rhythmic duration, which was combined with more of
these same durations to obtain larger units. The length of the shortest rhythmic
duration was the length of time between two attacks such that no attack could be
inserted between the two (Ehrenkreutz 1980: 261).
While it is not incorrect to define iqa’at as “rhythm” in English, it is necessary to acknowledge
how the word differs from a pre-twentieth century Western art music understanding of rhythm,
meter, time signature, note duration, etc. This is the same with any Arab musical concept.
Layout
In Part One, I discuss Arab music and music pedagogy in the modern period. I outline the
major events of Arab music’s timeline, focusing on Egypt and its influence over the region. In
this section I also outline the goals and outcomes of the First International Congress on Arabic
Music of 1932 and analyze the pedagogical changes in Arab music teaching in the modern
period. This chapter brings up issues such as life under colonial rule and the resulting “internal
inferiority complex” that privileged Western music and musical education over Arab traditions.
Finally, I present the main characteristics of Arab musical pedagogy today using the works of
Lillie Gordon, Ali Jihad Racy, Scott Marcus, and Shireen Maalouf along with my own
experiences of learning Arabic music.
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Part Two discusses Jordan’s unique musical position in the modern Arab world. This
research is entirely based on fieldwork I conducted in 2015 and 2016. First, I talk about the
musical preferences and learning practices of three amateur singers in the Dozan wa Awtar choir.
Second, I examine the opinions of two music students at the University of Jordan on using
Western elements in performance, composition, and music education. Finally, I outline my
conversations with three professional musicians and teachers. Jordan’s musical practices
incorporate a combination of various traditions from Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and elsewhere
creating a unique landscape of pedagogical characteristics.
______________
The purpose of my research is to explore answers to several questions I developed during my
first trip to Jordan: How and why did Western music theory and terminology become part of the
Arab musical lexicon, especially in terms of pedagogy? How do amateur and professional Arab
musicians view the Westernization of Arab musical pedagogy? How has Western music acted in
conjunction with European colonialism in the Arab world and what does that mean for Arab
musicians in terms of how they interact with both the Arab and Western styles? By focusing on
pedagogical practices in Jordan, I developed an understanding of the vastly diverse opinions
present in musical circles in Amman.
Part One: Arab Music and Music Pedagogy in the Modern Period
Nineteenth Century Egypt
The beginning of the modern era in Arab music is usually defined, among scholars, by
two events: Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt and the move towards equal temperament, both of
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which occurred in the late-eighteenth or early-nineteenth century5. In the nineteenth century, the
colonial and cultural climate of Egypt led to the institutionalization of music education, the
building of musical cultural centers, and the rise of the belief in the superiority of Western music.
The shift to equal temperament was the first of many instances where Arab musicians and
musicologists trended towards standardization, simplification, and codification of Arab music to
facilitate Western-based models of education and dispersion of musical ideas. As Shireen
Maalouf explains, the Arab pitch system, in practice, is highly complex and cannot fit into the
tight restrictions imposed by equal temperament. She writes that “Arabic music is not founded
upon twenty-four notes separated by quartertones, but rather is based upon stable notes which,
depending on the melodic motion, attract less stable notes. Although this method may sound
difficult to convey to beginning students, it nonetheless communicates the reality of
contemporary Arabic music” (Maalouf 2011: 223). Pitch standardization in the form of equal
temperament is a clear example of how pedagogy often bears the brunt of official changes in
music theory. Though many performers continue to use the traditional Arab system described by
Maalouf, the official descriptions of maqamat and how they are taught depend on this move
towards codification, and therefore students’ conversations and conceptual understandings of the
maqamat tend to revolve around the standard definitions.6 With the move towards equal
5
Egypt’s position at the forefront of Arab musical culture is generally considered to be the most
obvious in the twentieth century during the pan-Arab movement, the rise of technology in Cairo,
and the popularity of such artists as Umm Kulthoum and Muhammad Abd al-Wahab. However,
the importance of Egypt in the evolution of Arab music dates back further than the twentieth
century. Therefore, Egypt remains the central location of musical evolution in the Arab world
through much of my historical overview. Though my field work took place in Jordan, and Jordan
itself is musically unique, it is still appropriate to focus on Egypt as a historical musical center
since that is how many Jordanian musicians view Egypt (and specifically Cairo) in Arab music
history.
6
Naturally, the move towards equal temperament was followed by the desire to harmonize Arab
music. Maqamat that include only notes that also appear in the Western system (that is to say,
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temperament and the exposure to European practices through colonization, Egyptian musicians
adopted a practice of using Western models to modernize and standardize Arab music, musical
philosophy, and music pedagogy.
Before and after the Napoleonic invasion, Egypt existed under the rule of the Ottoman
Empire, as did most of the Arab world. The French invasion made way for new leadership in
Ottoman Egypt, and Muhammad Ali Pasha maintained control for the first half of the century.
Egypt also continued to be influenced by French and English culture via trade and the
construction of the Suez Canal. Music theory and practice began to incorporate aspects of both
European and Ottoman musical systems. I have already mentioned the main European influences
(notation, solfège, and the tutoring system). The Ottoman musical system also contributed major
aspects to Arab theory beginning with the rise of Ottoman Empire in Egypt in 1517. These
contributions included the use of the sama’iyyat and other forms of repertoire for solo
maqamat that do not include half-flats or half-sharps) were easier to harmonize, albeit using
Western concepts of progressive harmony (leading tones, dominants, etc.). Occasionally,
harmony has also been applied to maqamat with “neutral” pitches (quarter-tones), but this has
not caught on because neutral tones, by their nature, do not create the harmonic tension needed in
voice leading. Maalouf explains this phenomenon:
The exchange of the major or minor third of the triad with the neutral third is
flawed for two reasons…[1] The tempered neutral third…simply does not exist in
the overtone series…[2] The insertion of the tempered neutral third transforms the
nature of the triad…The initially major or minor triads take on a neutral quality. It
becomes clear that progressions with neutral triads do not support harmonic
tension and resolution, nor do they favor attraction within the voice-leading
motion. Therefore, such progressions can only produce a stagnant and motionless
musical language, disconnected from Western tonal harmony and Arabic monody.
Under this light, I believe that the application of Western tonal harmony to Arabic
monody does not enrich Arabic music, as it is often supposed (Maalouf 2011:
235).
Though harmony is now relatively commonplace some circles of Arab musicians, it is mostly
avoided when dealing with neutral pitches. In my experience, the main effect of applying
harmony to Arab music is that it draws attention away from the complexity of the melody and
how the maqamat are being used. The responsibility of creating forward motion and emotional
arc in the music falls to the harmony rather than to the natural progression of the maqam itself.
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instrumentalists and for ensembles with or without vocalists. This study focuses on the
incorporation of European/“Western” elements into Arab musics, but the Ottoman contribution is
still significant. It is also important to note that it was during Ottoman rule that much of the
standardized Westernization occurred. Institutionalization of music education under Ottoman
rule during the early nineteenth century had a lasting effect on Arab music, yet according to
Racy, rote-methods of learning were still considered necessary to master the art of tarab. The
late-Ottoman era was characterized by two closely related aspects of musical culture that
precipitated change: 1) the prevalence of an internal inferiority complex prioritized Western
musical practices, and 2) a greater demand for musical institutions led to the adoption of concrete
aspects of Western musical pedagogy.
The Internal Inferiority Complex: Imperialism as a process is not a single, passing event. Just as
the political transience of the Arab world led to musical transience and evolution7, the colonial
condition creates lasting effects that are more than superficial inconveniences. Colonial powers
exercised not only political control but personal control over their subjects by creating
Westernized schools that instilled European cultural models from a young age. In short, there are
significant psychological and pedagogical effects of colonialism and these affect music as much
as they affect any other aspect of culture (Gordon 2014: 34). Colonialism creates imbalanced
7
Transfer of power from one group to another in the Arab world both strengthened and eroded
the Arab musical traditions outlined by the medieval philosophers. As Shireen Maalouf explains,
“The rapidly-risen impulse of musical activity and literature of the Abbasid period moderately
declined towards the nineteenth century through periods of languishing cultural degradation and
stagnation. These centuries were marked by Ottoman domination, which had transferred the
center of culture and music from Baghdad to Istanbul. A new type of art was born in Istanbul and
was strongly influenced by Turkish characteristics. The components of Arabic music were being
assimilated into Turkish music and the tradition of Arabic music were left buried in the privacy
of some individuals” (Maalouf 2011: 19).
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binaries and fosters movements towards Western-centric models of modernization. In nineteenth
century Egypt, “Egyptians began to view European modes of being as existing in opposition to
local ones, thus solidifying bifurcated ideas of tradition and modernity, and Europe and Egypt”
(Gordon 2014: 16). This is the method by which dichotomies grow out of colonial conditions.
National identity, culture, and methods of education began to revolve around the idealization of
Europe in the eyes of the Egyptian elite and the general public8.
The Institutionalization of Music Education: The first music institutions in Egypt were founded
under Ottoman ruler Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha (r. 1805-1848). According to Gordon, “These
schools prompted not only the establishment of a military band tradition in Egypt, but the spread
of Western music there as well, including the proliferation of the use of staff notation and equal
temperament” (Gordon 2014: 14-5). In his analysis of pedagogical changes in the Arab world as
a result of conservatories, Ali Jihad Racy also mentions the inclusion of “keyboard
technique,…polyphony…and harmonization of the Arab maqamat.” He goes on to say that
institutions exclusively taught precomposed pieces rather than teaching the improvisatory
techniques essential to tarab music. Scholars such as Gordon refer to the development of
“double consciousness” in the minds of colonial subjects educated in colonial institutions. These
scholars, and musicians in this case, acquire an intuitive sense of the East-West binary, and they
integrate the two systems without diluting either category.
8
Maalouf explains that, even today, “Contemporary attempts to follow the footsteps of Western
music, either driven by a stance of Western superiority or a search for new avenues in musical
composition, continue to grow. However, when these attempts do not reach dead ends, they
assist in shaping a musical language, neither Arabic nor Western, yet with characteristics of
both” (Maalouf 2011: 228).
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The First Half of the Twentieth Century
Starting in 1882, British imperialism opened another chapter in the history of colonial
Egypt that lasted through two World Wars, the advent of significant technology, and the rise of
Egypt as the heart of Arab musical culture. Under the British, Egypt’s music conservatories and
other educational institutions gained popularity and prestige, cultural exchange between the Arab
world and the West increased, and Arab music began to forge a modern identity. Despite
significant Turkish (Ottoman) influence on Egyptian music, twentieth century Egyptian
musicians developed music that “represented a distinctive Egyptian style, not European and not
Ottoman” (Gordon 2014: 24). Indeed, Arab nationalism at the turn of the twentieth century and
later led to the definition of Arab music as “Arab” as opposed to “Oriental” or “Eastern” (Marcus
1989: 29). Shireen Maalouf explains the changes in Arab music in the twentieth century using
two cultural transformations:
[1] Cultural interconnection between Arab countries resulted in the musical
tradition of each country coming into direct contact with the musical traditions of
other countries. This close contact led to two opposite consequences: on one hand,
the aspiration to unify Arabic music emerged; but on the other hand, the subtle
differences which characterize each of the musical traditions…stood in the way of
those who were working towards a unified Arabic music…[2] Cultural exchange
between the Arabs and the Westerners, largely due to Western colonialism and
missionaries, highly influenced musical practice and training in Arab countries
(Maalouf 2011: 215).
Both of these cultural transformations are exemplified by the establishment of the Oriental Music
Club and Academy of Oriental Music in 1913 by Mustafa Rida. Rida insisted that the
cooperation of all Arab nations was essential to reviving and systemizing Arab music using
Western-style musicology. He endeavored to codify major aspects of Arabic music from its
history to its instruments to its pedagogy (Racy 1993: 70). No doubt, his ideas led to the
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organization of the First International Congress on Arabic Music in Cairo in 1932. The second
cultural transformation mentioned by Maalouf was apparent in the decline of takht ensembles,
which were previously used to provide “a learning context and a stepping stone toward becoming
accomplished performers,” and the loss of apprenticeship as the traditional form of musical
training (Racy 2003: 26). This transformation was also exemplified in the less frequent use of
maqamat using quarter-tones (Racy 1981: 10); and in the popularity of European composers
(Racy 1981: 19). The interwar period saw huge changes in Arab music, musical culture, and
general society. These changes were caused by a variety of factors including technology10, the
move towards larger ensembles11, the rise of Umm Kulthoum and other iconic artists12, and the
10
Without the invention of the radio, music in the Arab world would probably have taken a
completely different route. The importance of the radio to Arab music cannot be overstated.
Egyptian Radio, founded in 1934, provided Arab countries and the broader Middle East with
weekly shows featuring famous performers (such as Umm Kulthoum), and encouraged
musicians from all over the region to follow their careers in Cairo (Marcus 1989: 28). Before the
radio, Cairo was already a major center of musical influence, but the radio left this position
without possible question. Though other countries developed radio stations, Cairo remained the
most famous and the most credentialed. Other technological advances such as amplification and
film also played large roles in the dispersion and evolution of Arab musics in the interwar period
and later. Amplification is now considered essential by many Arab genres of music, and musical
films promoted the works of famous artists through romantic plots and songs.
11
Performers such as Umm Kulthoum and the national radio helped develop the new, larger
ensemble style by expanding the takht ensemble. The expansion was usually achieved by adding
full violin and cello sections and, sometimes, additional strings in a Western orchestra-style
format. The music remained mostly monophonic or heterophonic, but the additional instruments
added depth and volume. The new group became known as the firqa and it accompanied artists
during the Golden Age of Arab music, which was characterized by the voice and persona of
Umm Kulthoum. According to Lillie Gordon, “Egyptian State Broadcasting decision-makers saw
an increase in the size of the Arab music ensemble as both a positive examples of the integration
of European elements in Arab music and a symbol of ‘progress’” (Gordon 2014: 26). Later on,
Gordon goes on to say that modern musicians (violinists in her case) “rarely discuss the
emergence of the firqa as anything more than a logical progression in musical development”
(Gordon 2014: 105). I also found this to be true in my experiences in Jordan, though I should
also mention that the creation of the firqa introduced an accompanimental aspect to Arabic
instruments (such as the ‘ud, violin, etc.) that did not exist in the takht era to the same extent.
12
Umm Kulthoum is probably the best known Arab musician to have ever lived. She’s certainly
the most recognizable to the international community. Her life, work, and persona were an
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First International Congress of Arabic Music in Cairo in 1932.
The First International Congress of Arabic Music – Cairo, 1932: The musical questions of the
early twentieth century came to a head in Cairo in 1932. The widespread belief that Arab music
was, in some way, inferior to Western music coupled with a rise in nationalism led to the desire
in Egypt and throughout the Arab world to preserve musical heritage within a Western paradigm.
Modernization and Westernization were inextricably bound in the minds of many musicians and
intellectuals who saw the introduction of “elements of Western music into Arab music,
particularly music theory, as a useful strategy for updating [Arab] music and its pedagogy.”
(Gordon 2014: 27). Applying Western musical ideas to Arab music could (hopefully) combat the
trend in Cairo and elsewhere towards exclusively teaching Western music. Racy echoes this view
in his article on the Congress explaining that many musicians in Egypt felt that the Golden Age
of Arabic music had peaked during the Middle Ages with composers and philosophers such as
integral part of what came to be known as the Golden Age of Arab music: roughly 1935 to 1970.
She was beloved as a national and pan-Arab icon as well as a musical icon. There is no parallel
in Western music to explain her significance in the region. Umm Kulthoum and one of her
composers, Muhammad ‘Abd al-Wahab (who is an iconic and brilliant musician in his own
right), represent the emphasis that contemporary Arab music places on in-betweenness. In this
case, musicians “often characterize Umm Kulthum as a representative of tradition, and
Muhammad ‘Abd al-Wahhab as a great innovator…However, both performers achieved success
through their insightful negotiation and integration of [tradition and modernity]” (Gordon 2014:
29). Gordon goes on to explain that even though Umm Kulthoum is viewed as a “representative
of tradition…she embraced new song forms, new ensemble formations, and new technologies,”
and even though ‘Abd al-Wahab is viewed as a “great innovator…contemporary musicians prize
his recordings and compositions as examples of Arab modal (maqam) usage and intonation”
(Gordon 2014: 29). The ideal of modern Egypt, therefore, became a space between tradition and
modernity, the latter of which was characterized by aspects of European culture. Both of these
artists, along with several others, became important aspects of modern Arab musical pedagogy. I
was told to listen particularly to ‘Abd al-Wahab’s music to learn and perfect intonation, become
accustomed to modulation techniques between maqmat, and learn the trajectories of
improvisation. Decades after their deaths, Umm Kulthoum and Muhammad ‘Abd al-Wahab are
important sources of influence and inspiration to Arab musicians.
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al-Kindi and al-Farabi, and that there was a need to “re-civilize” Arab music in the modern era.
(Racy 1993: 68-69) The objectives of the Congress were addressed and discussed by different
committees made up of Arab and European delegates, and the proceedings were described in the
Book of the Congress. The objectives were as follows:
[1] To set precise rules for Arabic music in conformity with the principles of arts
and sciences, and upon which all Arabic countries would agree. [2] To study the
appropriate means for the evolution of Arabic music. [3] To set the scale and to
determine a standard musical notation. [4] To establish rules for vocal and
instrumental compositions. [5] To organize musical training. [6] To examine the
instruments appropriate to use in Arabic music. [7] To record the popular chants
and tunes of every Arabic country. [8] Finally, to study the published material or
manuscripts of Arabic composers and musicologists (Maalouf 2011: 216).
Scholars agree that the Congress was called in order to decide how to use Westernization to the
advantage of Arabic music. The European delegates to the conference, such as H. G. Farmer,
Béla Bartók, Paul Hindemith, Erich von Hornbostel, Robert Lachmann, and Curt Sachs, were
seen as invaluable resources towards the development of an Arab musical identity that
incorporated “scientific” aspects of Western music (Marcus 1989: 31). Yet, these European
delegates tended towards a preservationist approach that advocated for the decline of Western
influence in Arab music and, in the eyes of their Arab counterparts, undermined the
independence and agency of Arabs to decide what was best for their traditions (Danielson 1997:
77). The effects of the Cairo Congress in the following decades (and into the present day)
affected every aspect of music and were met with varied reactions from different Arab countries.
Perhaps most importantly, the Congress led Arab musicians to self identify their music as
distinctly “Arab” rather than “Eastern” in a more general sense. This reflected a sense of
nationalist identity that was more political than musical (Shannon 2006: 210n7). The Cairo
Congress is, beyond a doubt, the most obvious turning point in Arab music in the last century,
and it is held in high regard throughout the region today.
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In my experiences in Jordan, I noticed the Westernized method of teaching maqamat, so I
want to draw attention to the decision made regarding maqamat at the Cairo Congress. Maalouf
explains the complexities of the discussion of maqamat at the Congress, which was one of the
most fraught topics at hand in 1932. Critics of the standardization of the maqam system feared
that it would lead to an oversimplification of Arab music that would remove essential
complexities of the music. The commission for setting the maqamat discussed temperament,
simplification, and notation, among other things (Maalouf 2011: 218). Critics of the decisions
made by the commission opposed the equal tempered scale, the tetrachord model of describing
maqamat, and notation based on raising and lowering quarter-tones in a standard fashion, all of
which were recommended by the Congress. In my experiences in Jordan, I found that the
maqamat were even more Westernized than the original recommendation. Though Maqam Rast
(which contains quarter-tones) was maintained by the Congress as the primary scale, my ‘ud
teacher usually taught Maqam Ajam first, which is often heard as having the same notes as the
Western major scale. I often heard that maqamat with quarter-tones were more complex or
difficult than those without quarter-tones. The trend towards Westernization alarms some
musicians today, but to most it is simply the way Arab music has evolved in the wake of the
decisions made in 1932.
The explicit and official effects of the Cairo Congress on musical pedagogy were fairly
straightforward. Notably, Arab music study became a prerequisite for studying Western music at
conservatory and university, and students of Arab music would be required to learn some
European theory and history (Racy 1993: 75). The Congress led to a standardization of Arab
music that did not sustain the apprenticeship model of teaching into the second half of the
twentieth century. Though the importance of practical experience and performance is still
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prioritized in Arab music education, the relationship between student and teacher has changed
dramatically. This decline had already started before 1932, yet the models put forward by the
Congress set institutional education (in both Arab and Western music) above other learning
environments.
Egypt in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century
In 1952, a non-violent revolution forced King Faruq, who was complicit in the continued British
occupation, to abdicate the throne and effectively ended British colonialism in Egypt. Within
four years, the British military was completely removed from the country. The new era of
independence in Egypt led to nationalism, pan-Arabism, and the desire to preserve heritage.
Though the Congress of 1932 had already effectively prioritized institutional education, the
creation of an independent national (and governmental) identity led to an even greater
appreciation for standardized education. The predominant view, that Europeanized methods of
education, music theory, and composition were superior and necessary, “conflicted with new
notions of Egyptian nationalism,” and yet the European paradigm remained (Gordon 2014: 28).
The desire for modernization using Western ideas (either directly or indirectly) continued to
direct the development of a national musical identity. Pan-Arabism required a standardization of
heritage in order to retain potency. The founding of the Arab Music Ensemble in 1967 expressed
the government’s commitment to heritage through standardization.13 The modern, standardized
13
In Ruth Davis’ comparison between Egypt and Tunisia’s musical modernization movements,
she explains that in Egypt, the Arab Music Ensemble founded in 1967
…introduced radical changes in transmission, performance practice and context,
clearly derived from Western orchestral models. These changes were based on a
well-defined musical ideology aimed at reinterpreting the traditional repertory
according to contemporary aesthetic ideals. The result was a ‘modernized
heritage’(Davis 1997b: 78).
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Arab musical tradition used solfège and staff notation borrowed from Western music, simplified
maqamat, and placed an emphasis on institutional education. Mass music education in the
Western style was the practical cause of this standardization, though it was closely connected to
nationalist and pan-Arab sentiments.
The creation of more accessible and acceptable music education came at the cost of
preserving some of the traditional styles.14 Paradoxically, this situation led to an increased
appreciation for Arab music alongside a loss of some aspects of the tradition. Music theory, by
its nature, can over simplify and ignore the dynamic chance aspects that are inherent in music as
an art (and as a science). Each performer naturally adds their own voice and style to any given
instrument, piece, improvisation, or performance. Despite the fact that this variability remains,
the standardization of music theory in the Arab world had a marked effect on musical practice.
Today, maqamat are almost always conceptualized using solfège and staff notation, reading
Western staff notation is an expectation, and elements of the Western musical lexicon are
prominent in musicians’ conversations.
Arab Music in the 21st Century
Arab music today spans and incorporates many genres including pop, hip-hop, and metal,
in addition to strong art and folk music traditions. Western instruments, languages, and rhythms
14
According to Scott Marcus,
“The introduction of music and music theory into the mass education system
necessitated a new type of music theory, a pedagogical theory which explained
the existing music in a simplified, systematized, and standardized fashion…When
the theory was oriented toward the specialist, aspects of complexity were not
something to be avoided in theoretical expositions: one could expect the specialist
to wade through complicated issues and read at necessary levels of understanding.
But now with mass music education, previous levels of complexity were no
longer acceptable”(Marcus 1989: 35).
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are commonplace, not just in fusion examples, but also in the compositions of a large percentage
of Arab artists. Racy explains that even in the art (tarab) music circles, many musicians are “bimusical” – meaning they are fluent in both Western and Arab styles (Racy 2003: 29-30). While
many artists see this eclecticism as a positive, innovative, and international attitude, musicians
also recognize the cost of this modernization. I met few Jordanian musicians who read the works
of medieval theorists, and musical communities are fairly insulated, meaning that the majority of
the population has very limited access to musical education. Jonathan H. Shannon explains,
somewhat bluntly, that “the Arabs find themselves living through a period of marked crisis, their
aspirations for cultural and social modernity thwarted by lengthy periods of colonialism,
postcolonial instabilities, persistent economic stagnation, and crises of political legitimacy”
(Shannon 2006: xvi). Factors such as globalization, standardization, and constant change play a
role in the complicated landscape of Arab music today.
While Arab musical institutions continue to set great store by bi-musicality in Arab and
Western theory, performance, and pedagogy, Arab musicians themselves are forging new paths
that do not necessarily depend on widespread views of Western superiority within the Arab
world. Many musicians are interested in exploring genres from across the globe, and artists have
incorporated Latin, jazz, flamenco, and Indian styles, to name a few, none of which fit into the
Western music education that is usually taught in institutions. Gordon writes:
Modernizing ideologies and modernization efforts in Egypt have produced two
contrasting or contradictory outcomes that greatly impact Egyptian violin players.
[1] Firstly, an emphasis on progress and development drove an interest in creating
new, more systematic education structures that would transmit information in
more uniform and organized ways…[2] Secondly…the increased, accelerated,
and unequal contact of people from different parts of the world more recently had
produced a self-reflexive subject able to imagine new possibilities for
identification (Gordon 2014: 32).
Cultural exchange is often imbalanced, as proven by the history of Arab music’s
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Westernization, but in the age of the Internet, global economics, and social media,
communication and exchange across boundaries of language, culture, and power
dynamics are not only possible but also inevitable.
The modernization efforts described above have focused on standardization and
institutionalized education, yet contemporary musicians and music teachers continue to
create individual and national musical identities. Gordon mentions two possibilities of
how musicians go about this (there are, of course, as many methods of innovation as
there are musicians). First of all, “contemporary players can employ past musicians
associated with historically grounded ideologies in their own presentations of self”
(Gordon 2014: 106). There are several examples of this. For instance, Umm Kulthoum’s
persona as both a singer and a political person has maintained her relevancy into the 21st
century. Second of all, musicians may employ local sources of knowledge, local genres,
and local conceptual understandings to develop and distinguish their music. This can
separate music from its colonization and question the priorities of the modern state
(Gordon 2014: 219-20). Globalization in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world has
created a musical culture in which all potential influences are taken into account, and
where innovation may arise from heritage and history.
Standardization efforts beginning around the time of the Congress and persisting
to the present continue to affect music and musicians today. Scott Marcus’ dissertation,
though it was written over twenty-five years ago, demonstrates that the decisions made
towards systematicity of Arab music theory have led to a common theory that is set apart
from the theory that was outlined and employed for over a thousand years before the
Cairo Congress in 1932:
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Over the last fifty years, as a greater and greater percentage of professional
musicians and music teachers came to be products of the various music institutes,
the new simplified, pedagogically-oriented theory spread so that it became, first,
the predominant form of music theory and then, in time, the only ‘living’ music
theory. Today’s musicians and music teachers, with virtually no exceptions, look
back upon the theory that existed prior to the process of simplification with little
or no comprehension…The present-day theory is not based on an analysis of
previous generations’ theoretical treatises. Works written prior to the recent
process of simplification are not commonly read; when they are read they are not
generally understood. Thus, for all intents and purposes, the only theory that
exists today is the present-day theory (Marcus 1989: 39).
This is not to say that no one understands or uses the ancient texts, but musicians that do
are the exception. In my experience, I did not encounter any musicians who exclusively
use the pre-standardization texts. Returning to traditional theory, concepts, and
pedagogical styles is a choice that some contemporary musicians choose to make, but the
fact that this choice is active and marked proves that the old theory has all but vanished
from common use.
I want to emphasize that the study of Arab musics is fluid. Much like the rest of the
world, the Arab region is in a state of constant change. In the past century, Arab nations and their
peoples and cultures have been rocked by colonization, occupation, invasion, authoritarianism,
radicalism, civil war, revolution, and diaspora. These events have, of course, affected the musical
culture of the region. Studying contemporary Arab music and music pedagogy relies on scholars
whose work is constantly going out of date. Jonathan H. Shannon’s beautiful book on Syrian
musical practices, written in 2006, is a wonderful resource for understanding Syria’s reaction to
the Cairo Congress, but it was written well before the outbreak of civil war in 2011, or the
subsequent rise of Daesh (ISIL). Ruth Davis’s articles on Tunisia, which portray Tunisia’s
response to the Cairo Congress, were written before the Arab Spring in 2011, as was most of
Lillie Gordon’s dissertation on Egyptian violinists (though she was able to add some sections on
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the revolution later on). This is not to say their research is not useful or true, but rather that it
cannot tell the full story up to the present moment. My personal connections with musicians in
Jordan has allowed me to fill a small part of the gap between the works of these scholars and the
current musical culture in the Arab world.
An Overview of Arab Music Pedagogy Today – Conclusion of Part One
Discussions of pedagogy do not exist in a vacuum devoid of performance, music theory,
or history, which is one reason why I have provided an outline of history in this section. Before
moving on to discussing my own research, I want to provide a short description of the timeline of
changes in musical pedagogy in the Arab world. As was the case with my historical outline,
Egypt will feature prominently, though not exclusively. Lillie Gordon’s belief that “performers,
educators, and curricula constitute a feedback loop in which skills and practices valued as part of
historical ideologies, aesthetics, and market demands continue to impact and shape each other” is
highly useful here (Gordon 2014: 148). Studying how people learn can be complicated because it
is so individualized. However, the feedback loop mentioned by Gordon sheds light on how
tradition and innovation influence one another in a more general sense.
Traditional methods of teaching music in the Arab World, which were prominent through
the beginning of the 20th century, consisted of two primary aspects: tajwid and apprenticeship.
Ali Jihad Racy defines tajwid as the “melodically elaborate recitation of the Qur’an” and he
mentions that some church liturgies in the Eastern Christian tradition were used in a similar
fashion to develop knowledge of maqamat and improvisatory intuition (Racy 2003: 26). I have
already mentioned the master-apprentice relationships that characterized music education before
institutionalization. The pedagogies of these relationships were built on memorization, repetition,
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practical experience, and extended amounts of time with musical role models. Pre-colonial
methods of teaching employed the ancient texts of al-Farabi, al-Kindi, and others, which focus
on descriptions of musical patterns and performance trends. Though it has been difficult to get a
sense of exactly what pre-colonial Arab music education looked like, my conversation with
Sakher Hattar implied that in some instances, students would hear a melody from a musical
master and repeat it back adding their own ornamentation appropriate to the maqam of the piece.
My friend Nemat Battah explained to me that individual pitches had unique names (e.g. Sikah =
E or Mi half-flat) and these varied from octave to octave. According to Nemat, Arab musicians
adopted the Western solfège system because of its monosyllabic nature and consistency from
octave to octave. Today, most Arab musicians use fixed Do solfège (within both the Arab and
Western musical systems). In pre-colonial times, however, musical masters referred to pitches
using their unique names. While tajwid and apprenticeships are not always explicitly required for
Arab musicians to be successful today, there is still a belief that recitation, improvisation, and
exposure to mentors are important aspects in the development of a musician’s sense of tarab.
The institutionalization of music education began with colonization in the late 18th
century and continued through the middle of the 20th century, co-existing alongside more
traditional models. The institutionalization incorporated Western musical practices, philosophies,
and concepts. The presence of music conservatories in most major Arab cities built nationalist
and pan-Arab identities that led to the standardization of music theory and pedagogy at the First
International Congress of Arab Music in Cairo in 1932 and afterwards. In the years after the
Congress, traditional methods of teaching became more rare, government subsidized musical
institutions and ensembles were established, and the “new” music theory thoroughly replaced
ancient musical resources.
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Perhaps the most obvious and ingrained change in Arab music was the incorporation of
Western staff notation and solfège. These systems were adopted due to the widespread belief in
Western exceptionalism and they were maintained by a belief in their convenience and
efficiency. Accessible documents on Arab music theory and music pedagogy nearly all use
Western notation and solfège. Music teachers use these two systems on both Arab and Western
instruments, often in conjunction with modifying the maqamat to be more parallel to Western
modes. During the course of my research in Jordan, there were several areas where I observed
this widespread Westernized theory. While working with Nemat Battah, my friend and music
theory tutor, many of the books we used employed solfège, Western notation, and terminology
such as “tonic,” “dominant,” and “subdominant.” In my lessons with ‘ud master Tareq Jundi I
also observed that the ‘ud method chooses to start students with the parallel of the Western major
scale (Maqam Ajam), instead of starting with Maqam Rast, which was traditionally the most
basic maqam. The method books I used to continue learning the ‘ud over the past eighteen
months all use Western notation and solfège. I should note that the vast majority of these books
are not written for Western students. They are written in Arabic, by Arabs, and they include
exclusively Arab musical examples. Staff notation and solfège are no longer simply elements
that Arab music uses as a tool for communicating musical concepts in educational environments.
These two systems are completely assimilated into Arab music theory and pedagogy.
______________
Modern Arab musical pedagogy is not merely an appropriation of the Western system to
accommodate Arab music, or vice versa. Both the Arab and Western systems have been
modified to create a cohesive Arab music theory that has defined the educations of the last two
or three generations of Arab musicians. There are, of course, consequences. The standardization
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of maqamat has led to less frequent use of the quarter-tone (Gordon 2014: 174, Racy 1981: 10).
Improvisations may be conceptualized using either maqamat or Western progressive harmony
(or both). However, informal musical encounters are still viewed as necessary to cultivate tarab
(Racy 2003: 31), and, most importantly perhaps, Arab musicians intuit the “Eastern”15 feel of
Arab music and value this voice. The sense of the Arab aesthetic has endured through complete
change of the Arab system of music theory and pedagogy.
Part Two: Jordan
Jordan holds a unique position in the Arab world. For nearly the last fifty years, Jordan
has represented, according to the West, an oasis of stability. It is certainly easier to travel to
Jordan than to many other places in the region, and the country’s economy relies on regional and
global tourism. According to ‘ud player Sakher Hattar, Jordan’s heritage is a mix between
nomadic Bedouin culture and farming culture. These communities have similar traditions
(musical and otherwise), but they use distinctly different dialects of Arabic. Musical traditions in
both communities did not tend to use complex iqa’at or a large range of maqamat, according to
Sakher16 (pers.comm. Sakher Hattar 03/06/2016). In contrast to other major cities in the region,
Amman (the capital city) grew from a village to a large metropolis in the last century, and the
population of Jordan has increased greatly since the mid-20th century as a result of several
refugee crises, including the current Syrian refugee crisis. A majority of the Jordanian population
15
This is sometime referred to as ruh sharqiyya and it is considered to be “one of the defining
terms of the aesthetics of authenticity.” (Shannon 2006: 72)
16
I am on a first-name basis with all of the people discussed in my case studies. Therefore, I will
be referring to them by their first names regularly.
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identifies as having ethnic roots elsewhere in the region (about half of the population identifies
as Palestinian). Demographics aside, Amman’s relative youth has meant that many Jordanian
musicians studied outside of the country in cities such as Damascus, Beirut, and Cairo; influence
from diverse areas of the Arab world are all present in Jordanian art music and music education.
Academic programs in music did not appear in Amman until the 1970s, much later than
anywhere else in the region. (pers. comm. Sakher Hattar 03/06/2016)
In 2015, my research in Amman centered around three case studies. I interviewed and
observed the work of three amateur singers who performed mawwawil between each section of
Jordanian choir Dozan wa Awtar’s performance of Carl Orff’s Carmina Burana. The poetry of
the mawwawil dealt with similar themes to those of the Carmina Burana texts. Each of the
mawwal soloists approached singing from a different musical background and process. I also met
several times with Nemat Battah, one of the singers I worked with, and a music student at the
University of Jordan. She explained the structures used in improvisation and taught me the basics
of Arab music theory. I also took lessons on the ‘ud with Tareq Jundi, a well-known ‘ud player
in Amman, and spoke to him about his teaching. Finally, I began looking into the history and
development of Westernization in Arab musical systems. I approached the work from a series of
questions regarding the singers’ approaches to improvisation and the words they used to describe
their processes, the contexts of Western musical vocabulary in Arab music, and what
Westernization means in the perspectives of young Arab musicians.
When I returned to Amman in the Spring of 2016, I had a very limited time frame in
which to complete my field work. With that in mind, I decided to retain the format of focusing
my research around a small number of case studies. I interviewed several members of Dozan wa
Awtar; two students at the University of Jordan, including Nemat; Nahla Mattar, an Egyptian
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composer teaching at the University of Jordan; and Sakher Hattar, the chairman of the Arab
music section at the National Music Conservatory. I spoke to all of them about their musical
backgrounds, preferences, and philosophies. Upon returning to my studies at Earlham College in
the Fall of 2016, I also began lessons with Tareq Jundi over Skype to get a better sense of his
teaching style and to improve my own musicianship on the ‘ud. All of my interviews (in both
2015 and 2016) were conducted almost entirely English because all of the musicians I
interviewed are entirely bilingual. In Jordan it is common for people to speak in Arabic and
English interchangeably, or in “Arabizi,” which combines both Arabic and English grammar and
words. Arabic was used occasionally during my interviews to clarify definitions of Arabic
musical terminology.
I expected to find considerable variety in the pedagogical styles of the people I
interviewed. However, I did not necessarily expect to see notable trends in my data, since
musical preference and learning or teaching style can vary greatly on an individual basis. In
general, my research supported the evidence that, for the last century, Arab music education has
completely adopted Western notation and solfège, and this remains true in modern Jordan
especially for professional musicians. While individual musicians and educators are developing
non-Westernized methods of learning and teaching, they do not represent a large contingency of
musicians. However, these individuals may influence the future trajectory of pedagogical
philosophy of Arab musics in Jordan and elsewhere in the region.
Amateur Singers
In the context of this research, I will define “amateur” musicians as those I talked to who
do not see themselves as having professional or formal education in music. While at least one of
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them, Hind Hamed, sings in for-profit environments and has produced a recording, she still
considers herself to be an informal or casual musician and singing is not her primary occupation.
Since my connections in Jordan were mostly, though not exclusively, formed through the Dozan
wa Awtar choir, the singers in this section are all from that group. However, the three of them
span a wide range of musical backgrounds and preferences. Sari Carmi, Basem Muna, and Hind
Hamed are all in their thirties; they are older Millenials18 and younger Generation X-ers19.
______________
Sari Carmi: Sari is a bass in Dozan wa Awtar, and I interviewed him during Dozan’s annual
retreat to the Dead Sea in March 2016. Sari grew up in a musical family; his father helped found
one of the first choral groups in Jordan. He began singing in children’s choirs at a young age. I
asked him questions about his musical preferences and how he tends to conceptualize and learn
music. Sari told me that he particularly likes the music of composers who bridge the gaps
between musical styles, and he mentioned Yanni’s music20 as an example of this. He prefers
“different styles of music at different times,” though most of the examples he mentioned were
Western musics and musicians. He conceptualizes music through its “style” based on both macro
and micro distinctions (e.g. genre, period, composer, performer, etc.). In terms of learning music,
his Western musical background indicated to me that he had training in Western theory;
however, he told me that he had very limited formal training. He said he has greatly benefitted
from music lessons on counting and reading in Dozan itself but that he still primarily learns by
18
The Millenial Generation was born between the early 1980s and early 2000s.
Generation X was born between the early 1960s and early 1980s.
20
Yanni is a Greek New Age musician whose work incorporates “world music” as well as rock
and jazz styles.
19
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ear. He also told me that if he were to improvise or even add ornamentation, he would not know
“if it were correct.”
My conversation with Sari was notable for several reasons: 1) he prioritizes Western
music in his preferences, yet he learns music outside of the notated pedagogical style, 2) his
descriptions of musical styles focus on the Western canon, and 3) he is not comfortable with
improvising. These three characteristics represent one of the many ways that an individual may
incorporate both Arab and Western musical cultures into their lives. In this case, Sari’s musical
experience and perspective mostly fall into the Western category, yet his learning style and
conceptualization of learning music fall more into the Arab pedagogical tradition. Overall, his
background and priorities represent a highly Westernized Arab perspective.
Basem Muna: Basem is a tenor in Dozan wa Awtar. He participated in Carmina Burana in 2015
as one of the three mawwal soloists. I observed Basem’s rehearsal process in 2015 and spoke
with him then about his musical background and his improvisational style at various points
during that process. In 2016, I interviewed him about his general musical preferences, goals, and
perspective.
In 2015 I spoke with Basem shortly after he received the poem he would improvise on for
Carmina Burana. He came to singing and to improvisation fairly recently, by his own account.
“Each year we do a Dozan [wa Awtar] retreat,” he told me. “There was one [last] February. We
had a session, an improvisation session…Nedy [one of the directors of Dozan], he gave us a
baseline or a note and we started building on it, so each one [of us] started improvising
something different.”
“Was that the first time that you improvised something?” I asked.
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“Yeah.”
Basem prioritizes the emotional arc of the improvisation over anything else. I asked him
what was different between singing improvising and singing pre-composed music. “Well,” he
said, “when you’re improvising it’s something that you did and it’s your feelings. So I think
that…is what makes the difference. When you’re doing improvisation, you try to put everything
that you’re feeling into the improvisation. I think that’s the difference.”
“So it’s your own feelings?” I asked.
“Yes,” he confirmed.
“And what do you want the audience to experience when you improvise?”
“I would like them….to say ‘wow’ maybe, or say, ‘that was really good.’”
“[Do you want them]21 to experience the same sore of arc that you’re feeling?”
“Yes, yes!” He confirmed enthusiastically.
Basem does not have much formal musical training, but he is very adept at learning by
ear. His process for developing his improvisation is very much based in instinct. Often, he
records what he is working on and plays it for someone who is more formally trained. Though he
is not a professional singer, his learning experiences are similar to those of the historical Arab
musical training system in which masters taught apprentices through repetition of melodies and
patterns, rather than through notation.
Most of his interview with me in 2015 dealt with topics of emotion. He found places in
his vocal range that could communicate strong emotions. In meetings with Haleem Khatib, who
accompanied all three mawwal singers on the qanun (the Arab zither) for Carmina Burana,
Basem would use words such as “higher,” “lower,” “descend,” “ascend” to describe the
21
Brackets indicate implied words that were either omitted in conversation or inaudible on my
recording.
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intentional arc of his improvisation, and then he and Haleem would work collaboratively to
develop a more exact shape of the melody he sang in the performance. Haleem would often play
an idea and Basem would repeat it, or vice versa, in order to ensure that they were on the same
page. This process involved very little specifically musical vocabulary (for example, they did not
talk a lot about maqamat, nor did they use Western solfège to describe the melody). The learning
style used, however, is much more in keeping with the traditional Arab pedagogical method of
internalizing appropriate melodic patterns from prolonged exposure. Basem’s approach to
improvisation and singing involves an emotional basis for structural development and an
excellent ear, as well as a desire to seek advice from friends with formal training in both the
Arab and Western systems.
When I spoke with Basem again in 2016, I asked him what he enjoys most in music, how
he improvises in his free time, and about his musical goals.
“What I most enjoy to sing,” Basem said, “are Arabic songs, specifically old, old songs,
classical songs. The reason is…there is something about the old songs that has more tarab. I
enjoy that, and also it gives you more space to improvise and add your 3rub22 more than
anything else. So with the songs that we hear recently they are fast, so you cannot add your own
touch, or you cannot add 3rub or something like that. So I really prefer the old songs. When I do
improvise…I usually do it either at home or when I’m driving.”
“When you’re improvising in the car for example, what are you thinking about?” I asked
him.
22
This is a word for which I do not have a clear definition. From the context Basem gave me, I
assume it means specifically Arab ornamentation, or ornamentation that can elicit tarab.
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“Well basically when I start to improvise…if I’m listening to a song on the radio or
whatever and I find a place that it’s nice to improvise on I turn it down and I do something
random, so that’s how it happens.”
“So you’re elaborating?”
“Exactly! Yes, and I sometimes record it.”
He is grateful for the vocal training he has received in Dozan, particularly breathing
exercises and warm ups. “Everything I learned [about singing] was from Dozan,” he told me. “I
really enjoy doing Arabic songs with Dozan because they have the quarter tones and the 3rub
and these things you don’t have in Western music. You have a lot to experiment with.” Basem
went on to say that he would like to improve his Arabic singing technique and sing more Arabic
music with the choir. Another of his musical goals is to learn to play the qanun.
In some ways, Basem could be seen as being the opposite of Sari in terms of his musical
perspective. Basem prioritizes Arab music and musical training over Westernized styles. He
recognizes that notation and solfège are, today, integral parts of Arabic as well as Western music
education, but his preferences and goals focus around improvisatory vocal training outside of the
Westernized paradigm. Musical prowess, to Basem, is about cultivating tarab and the ruh
sharqiyya, something that cannot be manufactured using standard Western techniques of musical
understanding and teaching.
Hind Hamed: Hind was a soprano in Dozan during my first trip to Jordan. She was another
mawwal soloist for Carmina Burana. Because she did not sing with Dozan during the 2016
season, I was unable to catch up with her then. However, she talked at length about her musical
background and preferences when I worked with her in 2015, so I gained a fairly complete image
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of her musical perspective. Hind told me she does not remember the first time she improvised
something. Music has been an important part of her life since she was very young. Her father
took her to concerts to see a wide variety of artists, both Arab and non-Arab, while she was
growing up. She mentioned being impressed by Yanni’s music in particular. She has never had
any formal training in Arab or Western musical styles. Similarly to Basem, Hind follows her
instincts regarding the melodies of her mawwal and learns entirely by ear, often recording herself
and listening to what she’s come up with, then repeating and memorizing it.
I asked Hind what makes an improvisation successful, and for her it came down to the
text. “[A good improvisation links] the meanings of the lyrics to your heart before it goes to your
mind,” she explained. “Opening the heart gate will just give it a different feel. It can reach people
more quickly. The first thing I look at [in approaching the mawwal for Carmina Burana] is the
lyrics themselves. Especially as I don’t have a very strong musical background [and] I’m not
familiar with all the maqamat, it’s just my heart that goes wherever it goes. I cannot give enough
time to study music academically, especially the Arabic part of the music. So I follow my heart,
[and] the lyrics come first.”
In addition to talking about the lyrics, Hind also brought up phonetics as an important
component, explaining the importance, to her, of many words with long vowels that can be
drawn out over melismas in her melody. Her formal musical vocabulary is limited, but in
conversation with Haleem (the qanun player), she tended to use more musical terminology than
Basem. The Arabic names of various maqamat often came up in conversations, as did Western
musical terms such as “tonic” and “dominant.” Though Hind does not read Western notation or
know the specifics of the maqamat, she is fairly familiar with the language used to describe the
structures of vocal improvisation. This is a clear example of how Western terminology permeates
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Arab music. Sonically and conceptually, Hind’s melodies are entirely Arab, but her use of
terminology seems to be equally based in Arab and Western systems. Hind approaches her
improvisations from an almost purely emotional level. However, if she is talking about what
she’s doing with her melodies, her vocabulary tends to incorporate both Arab and Western
words. Her method of learning by ear, similar to Basem’s, is much more related to Arab
traditional pedagogy than to the Western tutoring system.
______________
All three of the amateur singers in this research employ older Arab styles of learning
music. Though their musical backgrounds and preferences vary (from more Western to more
Arab), they all learn by ear. Rote learning exemplified the master/apprentice pedagogical style
that was prevalent through the Ottoman-era in the Arab world. Obviously, a major piece missing
from modern rote learning is the “master” of the master/apprentice relationship. Hind, Basem,
and Sari are apprentices who lack a distinct teacher from whom to learn. Instead, they utilize
technology to record themselves and others and listen to a wide range of music from all over the
world.
Music Students
The two students I interviewed were in the same year at the University of Jordan. They
both graduated in 2016, shortly after I was in Amman for the second time. Amman has several
higher-education music programs, but until recently, most young musicians have chosen to study
at institutions in Cairo, Beirut, and elsewhere due to their historical prestige. Despite the fact that
they choose to study closer to home for their undergraduate degrees, many of those in the current
generation of music students at Jordanian universities and music colleges go abroad (to Europe
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or the United States) for further education following their undergraduate degrees. Nemat, for
example, is now pursuing a world music master’s degree at the University of Gothenberg in
Sweden. Though many young musicians seem to be moving away from Jordan, those who are
still in Amman participate in a wide range of performance opportunities in both the Western and
Arab styles.
______________
Yara Nemer: I met Yara through Dozan wa Awtar in 2016, but I chose to interview her about her
studies in music at the University of Jordan (UJ). She recently graduated with a degree in
composition, and when I spoke with her she was working on her final projects in preparation for
graduation. Before one of Dozan’s rehearsals, I asked Yara about her musical background, her
compositional process and style, and her musical preferences.
“I started to read notes three years ago, [so] not so long ago,” she told me. “I entered the
University [of Jordan] knowing nothing about notes23. I used to sing at the [National]
Conservatory with the Arabic Orchestra…it’s not really organized as much as the [Western]
classical orchestra, so it’s much easier to sing with them without notes. I started trying out the
piano and composing things and I figured out that I love to do that. And I went to the University
to study. I started to study notes and I found that I really like the Arabic maqam and to use it in a
[Western] classical way. So actually in my composition this is what I do: I take a classical form,
like a binary form…and I just do something like harmonic minor, so it sounds like [Maqam]
Hijaz…I’ll do this sort of [thing] in it, and even in my improvisation I’ll do that also. If I want to
sing, I’ll [find out] about a [Western] scale and I’ll go back home and [try it with different
maqamat] and I’ll find something in between.”
23
“Notes” in this context refers to both notation and fixed-Do solfège.
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“Do you usually improvise singing?” I asked.
“Yeah. I’ll record it, and then I’ll try to do it better. I improvise a melody and then I think
about it, [as in] maybe it’s better if I go up now or something like that. But [basically] I record it,
I listen to it, and then I work on it.”
“So it’s structured improvisation?”
“Yeah, yeah, yeah. And then I write it on Sibelius – most of the time I do that – just to
see all the ways I could do it. Then I pick one I find [best.]”
“So you’re doing transcriptions of yourself?”
“Yeah! It’s just to have fun and learn more and find the perfect mood for what you want
to do.”
“Do you usually start with a maqam?”
“Actually I find something in my mind and then I go figure out what the maqam is, and
then I improve it in an academic way. I start it in a non-academic way, just to sing it. Then I try it
and figure out the maqam or the scale, and then I’ll work on it.”
“What kind of music did you grow up listening to?” I asked.
“Tarab music, like Umm Kulthoum…And also I used to listen to Pink Floyd – very
different things.”
Her current musical preferences are similarly diverse. She explained, “lately I’ve been
listening a lot to [Western] classical music because I need it to study…I like jazz. I can relate to
jazz a lot. I think – I hope – I can do something [that is] Arabic and jazz, to do something new…I
listen to many kinds of music and then try to figure a relation between them, in terms of harmony
and in terms of style. In harmony you can find a relationship in a [direct] way…The style helps
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me find the mood…You can relate Muhammad Abd al-Wahab to jazz…I feel like it’s
[emotionally] the same.”
Yara’s ideas represent a type of very intentional fusion music that relies on the
Arab/Western dichotomy. She manages to balance Western and Arab ideas and terminology both
in her music and in her vocabulary regarding music. Her music education is based in institutional
music education, so it could be said that her compositions are representative of the results of the
institutional pedagogical models for music education. However, the results of institutional music
education in the Arab world can vary greatly from student to student based on what they choose
to study. To me it seemed that she chooses to prioritize Arab and Western music equally in her
preferences and compositions. Her education in music theory is based around notation and
solfège (for both Arab and Western styles), yet she also uses improvisation and rote learning to
develop her own compositional voice. She uses a combination of Arab and Western learning
techniques to study and produce music in both the Arab and Western styles.
Nemat Battah: Nemat received her degree in music performance from the University of Jordan
in 2016. Of all the musicians I interviewed and worked with in Jordan, Nemat was the one with
whom I formed the closest connection. Since she is now a student of world musics and is the
same age as I am, she and I had a lot to talk about, and we have become good friends since we
originally met during Dozan’s Carmina Burana in 2015. Nemat was the third mawwal soloist for
the performance, and my first conversations with her focused on that, but she also tutored me in
Arab music theory and music history, helped me purchase an ‘ud, and provided me with
hundreds of resources to expand my knowledge of Arab musics. I observed her rehearsal
processes for Carmina Burana and her teaching style in rehearsals with Atfal Dozan (the
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children’s choir connected to Dozan wa Awtar) in addition to our conversations on theory and
pedagogy.
In 2015 I spoke with Nemat about her structured improvisation for the mawwal. Nemat
approached her improvisation from the perspective of being a trained musician in both Arab and
Western styles. “Today I was thinking,” she said, “that I don’t really analyze when I’m
modulating [in an improvisation]. It just comes…from hearing a lot of music and getting to know
a lot of styles. This [mawwal for Carmina Burana] is going to be the first time for me to
improvise based on a method, since I have to end on a specific note [to lead into the next
movement]. One of the most important keys is to know where to modulate to, or how to do that
smoothly, or someone will be like ‘oh my God, what the hell did she do?’ [It’s also important] to
believe in what you are singing. I really, really love singing in Arabic, in the Eastern style.”
I asked Nemat how she was approaching her semi-improvisational piece for Carmina
Burana. “I don’t think the lyrics fit with [Maqam] Nahawand. [Nahawand] is so light and the
words are very strong; they need a strong maqam character. You can’t sing about Spring and
butterflies with [Maqam] Rast, for example, because it’s heavy. I had some trials on the
[mawwal] today. I started with [Maqam] Hijaz and I guess [Maqam] Nakriz might work also
because it’s similar to Hijaz. It’s a bit heavy and you can modulate easily to one of the
tetrachords that has quarter-tones. I ended up [modulating to] [Maqam] Bayati on E.”
Nemat uses Western solfège to conceptualize the maqamat, for the most part, and she is
acutely aware of aspects such as smooth modulation between maqamat and maintaining the
traditional structure of the mawwal song form. Nemat’s conversations with Haleem in rehearsals
were more theoretical and less emotional; however, she feels that a successful performance of an
improvisation requires deep emotional connection to the poetry and the melody; in fact, this was
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one idea that all three mawwal singers mentioned. In a way Nemat’s case is much more
straightforward, even though she employs the Arab and Western musical systems in more
combinations than the other mawwal singers. Nemat’s rhetoric regarding her work and her
experience as a student support the assertions that Western musical pedagogy is totally integrated
into institutional Arab music education.
When I returned to Jordan in 2016, I observed Nemat’s rehearsals with Atfal Dozan.
Working with the children, Nemat used repetition and memorization to teach both Arab and
Western songs and melodic and rhythmic games. She used a mixture of Arabic and English
musical vocabulary and examples from both the Western and Arab musical canons to teach key
concepts. Nemat and I also talked at length about the effects of Westernization on Arab
musicians and how these effects manifest themselves.24 I also asked her about her opinions on
which pedagogical methods are most effective for learning Arab music. She addressed these
topics in four main points:
1. Western notation is useful, but limited. Notation (and solfège) from the Western
system is essential for preserving Arab music. An enormous quantity of Arab music
has been “lost to time because of the lack of notation.” However, Western notation
cannot fully communicate tarab and necessary ornamentation. “It is important to
think about how to explain Arabic music to someone who is unfamiliar with the
Arabic system” in order to maintain clarity on where Western notation falls short.
Though parallel language can be useful and essential, it is equally essential to be able
24
Unfortunately, this conversation took place in a crowded food court at a mall, so I was unable
to make an audio recording of this conversation. However, since Nemat and I are close friends,
she helped me write my notes to closely reflect her perspective. I also included direct quotes in
my notes.
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to clearly explain the difference between “scale” and maqam, among other
definitions.
2. Aspects of Western instrumental or vocal technique can be useful. Vocal
pedagogy in Arab music, for example, lacks “teaching or precedent for breathing
technique” and other technical elements that seem essential to most Western singers.
Using Western ideas to benefit Arab singers is useful. The same could be said for
aspects of Western violin technique being applied to Arab violin. Just as with
notation, however, it is necessary to acknowledge the limitations of Western
technique when they arise.
3. Learning through listening to canonical performers is essential. Using vocal
music as an example again, the most important thing to understand is melodic
cadences. Listening to tajwid (recitation) and singers such as Umm Kulthum
increases an artist’s understanding of how to render these cadences within various
maqamat. This is essential for developing a sense of tarab. In Arab music in general,
hearing and recognizing the quarter-tone in the canon and in daily life helps cement
it. “Some people (even Arabs) do not notice the quarter-tone and may not be able to
sing it consistently” since it has fallen out of use to some degree since the
standardization movement after the Cairo Congress of 1932.
4. Arab musicians practice different methods of incorporating aspects of Western
theory. This goes beyond simply using solfège or notation to discuss maqamat. Some
artists, such as ‘ud player Tareq Jundi, talk about modulation in maqamat using
Western harmonic concepts (e.g., leading tones, dominants, harmonic cadences). “A
taqsim (improvisation) may be purely emotional, it may be thought through
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completely within the Arab system, or it may be conceptualized using Western
progressive harmony or other concepts.” Musicians can choose to use a variety of
these techniques.
Nemat’s musical perspective is a balance between Western and Arab. Her considerable
knowledge of both theoretical systems allows her to develop nuanced opinions and styles of how
each should be used to benefit her own understanding of music, to enhance her students’
experiences, and to develop strong communication with fellow musicians.
______________
Both Yara and Nemat demonstrate a type of inbetweenness that sits near to the theoretical
focal point between Arab and Western both in terms of musical background and musical learning
or teaching style. Since Yara and Nemat are also the two youngest people I interviewed, their
position close to the middle of the Arab/Western spectrum could be due to their age as well as to
their status as students. However, their stories have some key characteristics that demonstrate
how their studentship is really what drives the quality of their inbetweenness: they are both very
self-aware in how they employ Western and Arab styles. Yara uses notation software and
improvisation to make decisions on maqamat and scales in her compositions; Nemat recognizes
the usefulness and limitations in using Western elements within the Arab system.
Teachers and Professionals
The professional musicians I interviewed are all people who make their living in some
sort of musical environment; they are all teachers. Sakher Hattar and Tareq Jundi represent the
older and younger generations of ‘ud playing, respectively. Sakher is on the older end of
Generation X, while Tareq is an older Millenial. The differences between them may be partially
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explained by age. However, as I will demonstrate, professional musicians tend to have more
polarized positions on the Arab/Western spectrum. This has to do with finding niches in their
various fields that tend to be more Western or more Arab. Nahla Mattar is an Egyptian composer
who is currently teaching in Jordan. Including Nahla in this study does not compromise the
Jordanian-ness of the research, because her music and ideas are making an impact on Jordanian
music through her teaching, and because Jordan’s music scene has drawn on the experiences of
many musicians who studied in Cairo, Beirut, and elsewhere.
______________
Tareq Jundi: During my time in Jordan in 2015, I took lessons on the ‘ud with Tareq Jundi, and I
continued lessons with Tareq using Skype in Fall 2016. Tareq is in high demand in the art music
scene in Amman and he is active on social media, with more than 11,000 followers on Facebook.
Tareq was trained in both Arab and Western music at the University of Jordan and at the
National Music Conservatory. He has travelled all over the world playing the ‘ud and he has
studied with some of the most prominent ‘ud players of the day, including Sakher Hattar. He was
a very supportive teacher as I began learning the ‘ud. He gave me demanding practicing
assignments, met with me multiple times per week, and held high expectations of my abilities.
The books we used were mostly in English and they relied on Western notation, solfège, and
presentation styles (e.g., students learn a maqam in its scalar form and then learn short pieces in
that maqam). At first I was not sure whether this was how Tareq taught all of his students or
whether he was using this method with me since I am American and Western-music trained.
After speaking with Tareq and Nemat, who took lessons from him, I learned that he uses this
Westernized method for all of his students. I spoke with Tareq using Facebook messenger (his
preferred form of communication outside lessons) about his use of the Western system. He told
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me that the Western system is almost always used in ‘ud method and that he uses this method
with all of his students. In lessons he told me that solfège is simply an efficient way to explain
maqamat. His answers to my questions demonstrated a common opinion that I encountered both
in Jordan and in my historical research: the Western system is clearer and more efficient. This
was the same idea behind the standardization of Arab music teaching and theory after the Cairo
Congress of 1932. Scholars at the conference believed that by adapting the Arab system to exist
within a Western paradigm of rules and structures, Arab musical education would become more
accessible and sustainable.
In a conversation with Nemat in 2016, she explained that the only place where Tareq uses
a more Arab pedagogical style is when he coaches students in improvisation. When learning how
to improvise in the Arab style, it is necessary to understand how and when to modulate between
maqamat. Tareq uses imitation-based instruction to assist students with learning improvisation.
Nemat told me that this contrasts to the rest of his teaching style; even when using imitationbased instruction, she says that Tareq tends to lean towards Western harmonic ideas. He explains
the improvisation process in terms of Western progressive harmony using chords and
terminology such as “dominant” and “leading tone.” In Nemat’s view, this amount of structure
can lead to rigidity in the end result. (pers.comm. Nemat Battah 03/12/2016) In a way, Tareq’s
approach is a structuralization of tarab. He absolutely has a sense of the ruh sharqiyya, but he
achieves it via a Westernized model of music theory, whereas the traditional Arab method would
involve a more organic approach revolving around intuition of the maqamat.
Tareq’s musical background and experiences are very much on the Arab end of the
Western/Arab musical background spectrum. However, his pedagogical processes place him on
the Western end of the teaching/learning range. In fact he is quite polarized in each of these
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categories. He rarely combines Arab and Western perspectives. His background is almost
entirely Arab and his teaching is almost entirely Western. This is an example of how
inbetweenness does not necessarily mean both Arab and Western at the same time.
Sakher Hattar:25 Born in the early 1960s, Sakher Hattar is the oldest person I talked to.26 I have
admired Sakher’s work for years ever since he played several concerts in Minnesota in the early
2000s when I was in elementary school.27 His ‘ud playing is virtuosic, complex, and thoughtful,
and it was an honor to meet him. I asked Sakher to speak to me on three topics: his perspective
on his own improvisation and musicianship, Westernization in Arab music, and Jordan’s unique
position in the musical landscape of the Arab world. In this section I will discuss the first two
topics. Most of what he told me about Jordan itself can be found in the introduction to this
section.
Sakher grew up the youngest in a large family in a rural village. He told me that his
community did not have electricity until around 1968 and televisions arrived around 1970.
Before the electricity came, battery-powered radios brought new and some music through the
national radio station. Sakher remembers that the village was quiet enough that some nights he
would listen to a neighbor’s radio from very far away and still be able to hear the programs.
When televisions arrived (about 20 years after TV arrived in Amman), the evening news at
25
The information in this section comes from an interview I conducted with Sakher Hattar on 6
March 2016 at the National Conservatory of Music in Amman. I did not make an audio
recording of the conversation because it was clear that it would have disrupted the flow of
Sakher’s words. I took extensive notes instead, including key quotes.
26
I would have liked to talk to someone a generation older than Sakher. However, I was unable
to connect with anyone older within the scope of this study. Comparing Sakher’s views to those
of an older ‘ud player could be a starting point for continuing this study.
27
I connected with Sakher through Russell Packard, an elementary music teacher from St. Paul
who is the choir director at the church in which I grew up, as well as an accomplished musician
in the Arab style. He and Sakher have played together in both Jordan and Minnesota.
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8:00pm was the last news of the day and, since the village tended to sleep early, Sakher’s father
would turn off the television after the final news broadcast. One time, Sakher recalls, the
program on after the news featured a large music ensemble. He begged his father to leave it on,
but his father did not think the musical program was “important.” Around the same time, Sakher
began learning the ‘ud with encouragement from his older brother. One day when Sakher was
upset, his older brother took him for a walk in their village and taught him the first five notes of a
popular song on the ‘ud. Sakher spent the next days finding each successive note until he learned
the whole song. Within two or three weeks, he had mastered several songs and began playing
them for small groups of people. He was only seven years old, so the community encouraged
him and recognized his talent. Over a few years, Sakher learned many Jordanian folk songs.
Later he also absorbed music from the radio and the television. He particularly enjoyed hearing
performances of muwashshahat. The professional music programs on the Jordanian radio and
television began to expand. The Jordanian stations and channels began purchasing programs
from Lebannon, Syria, and Egypt. Sakher’s musical perspective expanded along with the
technology.
As he grew up, Sakher pursued his desire to study music. An ‘ud player who heard him
play offered to teach him because of the clarity of his self-taught playing. Sakher studied with
him for two years. This teacher (Sakher did not give me his name) taught him to read music and
assigned him pieces to learn. The lesson schedule was based around how long it took Sakher to
master each piece he was given. The expectation was not only to learn the notes, but to infuse the
songs with ornamentation and personal emotions. Sakher and his teacher became good friends
and he spent two years learning from him. Years later, he still credits that first teacher with
giving him his foundation in playing the ‘ud. In 1991, Sakher began studying music at Yarmouk
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University in Irbid, Jordan and graduated in 1995. After playing and touring for some time, he
went back and received a master’s degree from the same university. Now he is the head of the
Arab music department at the National Conservatory of Music in Amman.
I asked Sakher to describe his process of improvisation and playing with tarab as if her
were speaking to one of his students. He explained that improvisation is something that comes
from deep inside oneself, from both the mind and from the heart. He told me that the mind of the
musician must hold certain knowledge. First, the musician must have a repertoire and a sense of
the canon. The musician also must have control over taabi3 and know many maqamat. Second,
the musician must have a sense of how to use the maqamat. They must have control over how to
modulate, transpose, and explore each maqam. There are different taabi3 elements for the
tetrachord of each maqam. The heart controls the other elements of the taqsim. The musician’s
emotions push and pull the tempo, create complicated or simple rhythmic motives, and control
when the modulations between maqamat occur.
The structure of a taqsim is very important. Musicians tend to stick to a specific format.
Sakher described this in a step-by-step process. First, the musician should linger on the first
tetrachord developing as many variations as possible around those first few notes. Second, the
modulations should be executed while maintaining a clear sense of the tonic and ghammaz of the
previous maqam and the next maqam. Third, each succeeding tetrachord must be explored fully.
Fourth, most taqsim will eventually circle back to the original maqam, so it is important to keep
that maqam in mind at all times. To explain this process more fully, Sakher handed me his ‘ud.
He walked me through the exploration of a maqam using solfège – the only time I heard him use
Western elements in his teaching style, with the exception of sticking to the tetrachordal model
of maqamat. He started out by giving me specific notes, then he would tell me where to go and
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allow me to choose notes between point A and point B, finally he let me close the improvisation
in any way I wanted while maintaining the emotional character of the piece. While I was playing
he used a lot of imagery to improve both my musicality and my technique. As a beginning ‘ud
student, I am still developing an intuitive sense of the wrist movement required by the right hand.
Sakher helped me with this by saying, “Close your eyes and imagine yourself sitting on the end
of the risha. In front of you are the strings and you can reach up and play them.” He
demonstrated this with a motion similar one a cat would make sharpening its claws against a
door frame. He also described improvisation as “swimming in space.” This kind of imagery
characterized our conversation. “This is real,” he said, referring to the use of imagery, “many
people do not understand the necessity of craziness for musicians.”
Sakher holds a position on Arab music that is more or less anti-Westernization. I think his
comment to me about the importance of “crazy” imagery was a subtle way of explaining the
necessity of learning to play outside of the highly structured Western model, whether or not that
model includes literal Western theory elements. The emotional connection of a musician to their
playing comes from these abstract ideas that do not exist within the theory or the pedagogy of
any specific musical system. Applying imagery and abstraction to technical elements extends the
emotional connection of the musician to every aspect of their playing, not only to the aspects
normally associated with emotion (e.g. dynamics, tempo, etc.). Sakher uses visual and sonic
imagery to explore highly concrete aspects of playing.
In the 1980s, Sakher told me, Jordanian media promoted the rise of Western popular
music in the region. Western and Arab pop music styles began to replace the traditional music
usually played at weddings and other societal events. The shababa (Bedouin nay) and the rababa
(Bedouin bowed stringed instrument), once indispensible fixtures at wedding parties, all but
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disappeared from most communities. Sakher said that, while he understands the appeal of
something new, the popularity of Western music has led to “forgetfulness” regarding Jordanian
musical traditions. Western instruments, many of which cannot accommodate maqamat, led to a
decline in the use of many maqamat. Now, Sakher said, many songs have Arabic words and
Arab musical foundations, but the way they are played fits more into Western practice. Sakher
belongs to a group of (mostly older) tarab musicians that perform purely Arabic music. They
play a salon-style concert every Tuesday at the Al-Hussein Cultural Center that also houses the
Conservatory. Sakher said his group is one of the last remaining takht ensembles in Jordan.
Sakher represents what is sometimes referred to as a “purist” style and outlook: he avoids
Western theory as much as possible, he actively dislikes the increasing amount of Western music
presented by Jordanian media, and he chooses to teach his students using abstract imagery
instead of applying harmonic ideas to maqamat. Sakher understands that some students respond
better to the structure of the Western system and he understands where it can be useful. He also
understands why Western music is popular in the Arab world. His style of teaching does not
necessarily represent a purely Arab model in that he does not operate in a master/apprentice
setting or in repetition based teaching. Rather, he uses emotion and imagination to fuel musical
development and understanding in his students. Though this does not literally reflect the Arab
pedagogical style described by A. J. Racy and others, it represents the same principle: that the
development of tarab is the most essential element of Arab musical learning.
Nahla Mattar: Nahla Mattar’s life, music, and current projects are an excellent example of how
in-between space may be used to achieve a musical end. Despite coming from a distinctly
Westernized musical background and pedagogical experience, Nahla is forging new pathways in
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pedagogy that intend to focus on entirely non-Western teaching methods. Though she is from
Egypt, Nahla’s now lives and works in Jordan, and her music and research form a distinctive part
of the Jordanian musical landscape.
I first encountered Nahla’s music while studying twenty-first century Western music and
composers. I interviewed her about her life and music for a biographical study. Before studying
at the Faculty of Music Education at Helwan University in Cairo, Nahla was primarily selftaught on the piano and in Western music theory using European method books. She grew up in
a small Egyptian town with a non-musical family. After entering university, Nahla told me, “I
was top of my class for five years, which is boring.” Her experience at university was typical of
the Egyptian institutional music education system in that it was almost exclusively Western.
Despite the fact that the Cairo Congress of 1932 recommended that Arab and Western musics be
taught in equal measure, students studying Western music were not required to study Arab
musics to the same degree. Nahla achieved masters and doctorate degrees in music theory and
composition before receiving a scholarship to do custom programming and commissioned
composing at the University of Arizona for five years. Her musical inspiration comes from a
wide range of artists and topics. She continues to be inspired by the music of Mona Ghoneim, the
Wester-trained Egyptian composer whose work incorporates both Arab and Western elements,
and by George Crumb, the avant-garde American composer. She experiments with the
“architecture and textures of music,” with different types of timbre and color, and with Arab
elements such as mythology, maqamat, and quarter-tones.
Nahla’s music is characterized by intuitive inbetweenness. She told me that she does not
like fusion, but she does incorporate both Arab and Western elements. This is a good example of
how fusion and inbetweenness are different. Fusion would create music where the final result
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would not fit comfortably within either the Western or the Arab system, whereas Nahla’s music
is still markedly Western while incorporating Arab elements. This is similar to how Tareq
Jundi’s improvisations on the ‘ud are still distinctly Arab even though he incorporates Western
progressive harmony in the conceptualization of the taqasim. One of Nahla’s pieces, al-Ain,
sounds atonal to a Western ear. However, it is actually an exploration of maqam Nawa Athar,
presented in clusters and counterpoint throughout the piece. Nahla hears the maqam itself as
“enigmatic”, representing the enigmatic thematic material (in this case, The evil Eye in Egyptian
mythology and Arab culture). According to Nahla, her exploration of Arab and Western is an
expression of authenticity. It is neither imitative nor planned, and it taps into a deep desire to
understand the self and one’s own psychology. She told me, “it just happens because it’s me. The
misunderstanding of either culture is in me somehow.”
Before I returned to Jordan in 2016, I found out that Nahla was now teaching at the
University of Jordan, and would be there for at least the next year. We met twice over lunch to
talk about her teaching and her projects. Nahla is teaching a wide variety of subjects at UJ,
including Western music history and music theory. She told me she was impressed by the
dedication of the Jordanian students, even though it was a much smaller program than those in
Egypt and that the students in general had less formal training. We also talked about the Cairo
Congress. Nahla told me that, right now, it is popular to study the Congress to look at effects, but
it is less common to look at the original intent of the Congress, which has led to many programs
remaining Western-centric. Finally, we discussed Nahla’s current project: developing a
pedagogy for children from grade 3 to grade 6 that will teach maqamat in all of their complexity,
with the ultimate goal of being part of creating a distinct Arab music pedagogy.
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Nahla’s program for music education teaches children to feel the maqam, and therefore
incorporates an understanding of tarab. She explained this as teaching all the “colors of the
maqam,” rather than just the tetrachords. In the first year of the program, children would learn
the part of a few maqamat and how those maqamat function, recognizing that the Arab musical
system is “dynamic and sensitive.” Each aspect of the maqam would be explained using a
movement connected to a metaphorical word. For example, the “earth” would represent the
tonic, the “heart” would be the ghammaz (the dominant), the “sky” would be the upper octave.
These different elements would be taught through improvisation, where the teacher would
improvise (probably on the ‘ud) to explain these different elements and then ask the children to
identify where each of these is occurring in subsequent improvisations.
In the second year and beyond, students would learn more about combining different
tetrachords to create the wide variety of maqamat that do exist. In addition, the instructor would
explain how maqamat may behave differently in ascending and descending patterns by
incorporating the imagery from year one. For example, ascending Maqam Rast may be
conceptualized as a “shimmering between heart and sky,” while the descending version could be
described as a “sunset.” Each maqam would be approached differently in order to teach the wide
range of colors communicated by the Arab musical system. Through this pedagogical program,
Nahla hopes to refute the commonly held belief that “music education is just teaching
instruments” by tapping into the “ability of children to connect sound, movement, and ideas.”
Developing a good ear, looking beyond lyrics, imbibing musical appreciation, and connecting
with chakras in the body are some of the many goals that Nahla hopes to achieve with this
program. “It’s not 1932 anymore,” she says, and yet, there was never a “revolution of
knowledge…[Arab musicians] can’t take theory from anywhere else and expect it to be
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functional [in the Arab system]. Tarab is not old-fashioned or useless. Tarab is about
enjoyment.”
More than anyone else I interviewed, Nahla has an explicit musical philosophy. Despite
her highly Westernized background and compositional style, her philosophy and well-designed
instructional program is distinctly non-Western. It taps into a uniquely Arab use of metaphor and
image30, the importance of tarab and improvisation, and a realization that taking a long time
(several years) to help children acquire instinct and intuition about maqamat will pay off in their
lasting understanding of Arab music in all its complexity. Children in this program will not
automatically use Western or Westernized terminology (e.g. tetrachord, quarter-tone, etc.) to
describe maqamat. Instead, they will be able to create their own vocabulary through experiential
learning.
______________
Tareq, Sakher, and Nahla all demonstrate a trend among professional musicians that I
want to emphasize. In both their musical backgrounds and preferences, they tend to be mostly
Arab or mostly Western on the spectrum, and this is also the case for their pedagogical
philosophies. However, having a more Arab background does not necessarily indicate a more
Arab pedagogical style or vice versa. Nahla, for example, has the most Westernized background
of the three of them, and yet she is working on a pedagogical program that is entirely nonWesternized. Inbetweenness, therefore, cannot be defined as a single aspect for any individual.
Rather, individuals craft their musical identities from different types and degrees of
inbetweenness. Returning to the linguistic analogy I used in the Introduction, this is similar to
30
Many common Arabic phrases are difficult to translate because of their metaphorical content.
For instance, the common greeting used in the same situations as “good morning” in English is
“sabah al-khair,” which literally translates to “morning of blessing.” The response is “sabah alnoor” (“morning of light”).
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how a multilingual person switches between languages rather than speaking multiple languages
simultaneously. Switching may be employed to enhance vocabulary and achieve connotations
that are not available in one language alone. Inbetweenness for Arab musicians is a similar
phenomenon. All of the musicians I work with are, to some extent, “bi-musical” (Racy 2003: 2930), and this may be used to enhance their own and others’ understanding and creation of both
Arab and Western musics.
Synthesis
As I stated in the Introduction to this research, the people I worked with are individuals
whose lives and music(s) simultaneously conform to and diverge from both Arab and Western
musical identities. Their musical choices and creations are not examples of fusion, nor is any one
of them completely isolated from either Arab or Western perspectives. Indeed, they represent the
type of inbetweenness expressed throughout Lillie Gordon’s dissertation on Egyptian violinists. I
decided to turn my data into a brief quantitative study to provide myself with a potential visual of
trends in my research. Though this was originally an entirely personal motive, I realized that this
quantitative analysis had the advantage of breaking down the Western-Arab binary in a very
actualized way. By using spectrums in two dimensions, I avoided a pure binary and showed how
a musician’s Arab and Western influences vary in different categories. In this case, I used their
background and their pedagogical practices. I found that many musicians I spoke with used more
Western elements in one category and more Arab elements in the other. This quantitative
research greatly informed the discussion of my case-studies, and I believe it could be a steppingstone towards further research on this topic.
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In this analysis, I am continuing to use the terminology of “Arab” and “Western” in the
ways I described in the Introduction: “Western” refers to the notated musical and pedagogical
models used in conservatories that teach Western art music. “Arab” refers to the pre-colonial
musical practices as described by Ali Jihad Racy and others, and it may also refer to any
contemporary musical practices of Arab musicians (which therefore means that all of the
musicians presented in this data are equally “Arab” regardless of the amount of “Western” or
“Arab” elements they incorporate). On this scale, the “Western” end of both the musical
background or preference axis and the musical pedagogy axis includes elements such as notation,
solfège, progressive harmony, polyphony, and the tutelage system of learning music. The “Arab”
ends of the axes include elements such as maqamat, improvisation in the Arab style, knowledge
of the pre-colonial musical lexicon, and the apprenticeship-master learning system.
The quantification of qualitative data is an imperfect process. However, I decided to
graph my case studies in order to create a potential visualization of the trends in my data. In the
process of synthesizing my research, I looked at the qualitative gap between a musician’s
background (including informal and formal training, performance experiences, and musical
preferences) and their pedagogical style (including how they learn and how they teach – if
applicable). In this study, musical background is represented by the x-axis of a four-quadrant
graph, and pedagogical style is represented by the y-axis. The domain and range of the graph
operated within -10 and 10 (-10 ≤ x ≤ 10 and -10 ≤ y ≤ 10). On each axis -10 represented an
almost completely Westernized perspective and 10 represented an almost completely Arab
perspective.31 I developed this idea out of a desire to avoid purely binary statements of Arab and
31
I should note that the use of (-) and (+) do not indicate “bad” or “good,” respectively, in any
way. I put “Westernized” on the negative ends of the axes so the x-axis would line up with maps
that generally place West to the left and East to the right. I should also note that in Amman
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Western, since no one I encountered in my research existed at either extreme in all categories of
their musicianship. Indeed, the cycle of hybridity has fully incorporated originally Western
elements such as notation into Arab music, and therefore the use of notation does not exclude the
authenticity or “Arab-ness” of Arab music. I assessed each person in my study on a series of
questions with scaled answers (see Appendix Two for the questions and the scaled answers). On
every question, a score of 0 meant either that a) the question was not relevant to the
conversations I had with that person, or b) the person fell exactly between Arab and Western.
After each participant was plotted on the graph, I observed several trends:
1. There were no participants who scored as being more Westernized in both categories
– (-, -)
2. Amateur musicians (Sari Carmi, Basem Muna, and Hind Hamed) all scored on the
Arab side of the y-axis – (-, +) or (+, +).
3. The students I interviewed (Yara Nemer and Nemat Battah) ended up near the center
of the graph, meaning their scores on both axes were closer to 0. Yara’s coordinates
were (0, 0).
4. Professional musicians (Tareq Jundi, Sakher Hattar, and Nahla Mattar) tended to be
furthest from the center of the graph.
While I cannot draw definitive conclusions from this data since the number of people involved is
very small, I think some of the trends I observed represent more general realities based on the
today, it would be difficult to find someone whose perspective was completely Arab or
completely Western on the scale I developed. I also should reiterate that the incorporation of
Western elements into a musical perspective has no bearing on a musician’s Arab-ness, or on the
Arab-ness of their music. This comes back to the idea that “Arab” may refer specifically to the
tarab tradition or to any music made by an Arab person, therefore making an extensional rather
than intensional adjective. I am using it in both of these contexts because this reflects the reality
of how the musicians with whom I worked referred to Arab musics.
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historical and general aspects of my research. Amateur musicians in the Arab world may not be
exposed to Western theory; however, they are generally familiar with Western music, and may
prefer it. In learning music, amateur singers tend to learn by ear and use other techniques that are
characteristic of traditional Arab pedagogies, though they may not be aware of this. Students of
music are familiar with both Arab and Western systems. They use each system separately to
benefit their understanding of both and therefore end up near the center of the graph.
Professional Arab musicians are more diverse in their results because of varying degrees of
Westernization in their educations. They may have ended up further from the center of the graph
because their niches are more cemented within the Arab or Western categories, and their
pedagogical philosophies are more fully developed into being more Arab or more Western.
I believe that these conclusions are supported by historical and academic evidence. The
institutionalization and standardization of music education in the Arab world, the subversion of
the colonial internal inferiority complex, and the prevalence and inevitability of inbetweenness
all point to musical perspectives that are both Arab and Western in the same moment, without
being a fusion of the two systems. In a larger scale study, I believe that the trends I observed in
my visual interpretation would remain mostly true. Jordan’s music pedagogy is defined by both
tradition and innovation: students and teachers make decisions as individual agents within and
outside the framework of a Westernized pedagogical norm. Musicians in Amman exist in spaces
of in-betweenness that cultivate diverse musical and pedagogical practices and preferences.
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Appendix One: Glossary of Terms
Iqa’at (s. iqa’) are the Arab rhythmic modes. They are often described as a series of
strong and weak beats that repeat in a standard fashion throughout a piece of music. The
ancient definition of Arab rhythm, however, is more general. According to Ehrenkreutz,
“rhythm, as described by al-Farabi, is not conceived in terms of a normative, somewhat
extended, rhythmic duration that is subdivided or multiplied so as to derive other
durations. In other words, Arabic rhythm is additive…For the medieval Arabs, the
standard rhythmic value was an ‘atomic,’ shortest possible, rhythmic duration, which was
combined with more of these same durations to obtain larger units. The length of the
shortest rhythmic duration was the length of time between two attacks such that no attack
could be inserted between the two” (Ehrenkreutz 1980: 261).
The ghammaz is the second-strongest note (the qarar, or first note of the tetrachord, is the
strongest) of a maqam. It is similar to the dominant in Western music, though it is not a uniform
relative frequency above the tonic. Some ghammaz are the top note of the maqam, others are the
second highest note, and some maqamat do not have a clear ghammaz. They can act as the
starting note (tonic) for the second tetrachord, or they can be the note below that.
Maqamat (s. Maqam) are the Arab melodic modes. They are based on tetrachord-like sequences
that can be combined to create larger sequences of notes that usually encompass something
around an octave. Today they are often described as scales or modes in the Western sense.
However, this description fails to communicate the flexibility and malleability of maqamat
within a song or improvisation. According to Maalouf, “With its more than one hundred
maqamat today, Arabic music uses an average of twenty-four named notes within the octave. In
each maqam, certain notes are used under restricted rules of practice, and when organized
theoretically in a sequence, these notes form a scale in the sense that they form – in theory – a
specific catalog of notes. But the twenty-four total notes do not all belong to one scale in
practice, and some of them never occur in a sequence” (Maalouf 2011: 229).
Mawwawil (sing. mawwal) are un-metered songs, improvised or semi-improvised vocal
melodies often sung before metered pre-composed songs. They are in colloquial Arabic, though
the examples I looked at were Classical Arabic texts sung in the style of mawwawil.
Muwashshahat (s. muwashshah) are lyric poems that may incorporate both Classical and
colloquial Arabic. Many of the muwashshahat performed today date back to al-Andalus
(medieval Arab Spain). They have their own meter and rhyme classifications and themes that
differ from other Arabic poetic styles.
The nay is the end-blown flute. Differently sized flutes are used for different maqamat.
The qanun is the zither. It includes levers on the sides that adjust the tuning of the strings to play
in various maqamat.
The qarar is the tonic of a maqam. It is the bottom note of the tetrachord. Most Arab musicians
use “qarar” and “tonic” interchangeably.
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The rababa is a Bedouin bowed string instrument.
The risha is the long, thin plectrum used to play the ‘ud.
Ruh sharqiyya, literally “Eastern soul,” is the distinctly Arab sound or aesthetic that is achieved
in tarab music and detected by Arab musicians. The specific aspects that define this voice are
elusive. It may be recognized even when Western elements are employed during either the
learning or performance process. It is considered to be “one of the defining terms of the
aesthetics of authenticity” (Shannon 2006: 72).
The sama’iyyat (s. samai) are used to teach specific iqa’at and several related maqamat in each
piece. The sama’iyyat of the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries are still used as solo and
ensemble repertoire in art music contexts. My teacher, Tareq Jundi, has assigned me several
sama’iyyat to learn on the ‘ud.
The shababa is the Bedouin end-blown flute, or the Bedouin nay.
Taabi3 can mean “postage stamp,” but it can also refer to a specific personality, character, or
impression. In music it refers to short sequences of notes, similar to licks in jazz improvisation.
These “stamps” make up a vocabulary with which to build an improvisation. Each maqam has its
own specific taabi3.
Tajwid is the “melodically elaborate recitation of the Qur’an” that may be used to teach
improvisational intuition (Racy 2003: 26).
Takht ensembles were small (mostly) instrumental groups comprised of an ‘ud (the Arab lute), a
nay (the Arab end-blown flute), a qanun (the Arab zither), a violin, and Arabic percussion. They
played traditional forms of Arabic music (often series of pieces set in the same maqam), some
songs that used solo or ensemble singing, and taqasim (improvisations). Takht groups are the
primary example of tarab music ensembles.
Taqsim is the term used to describe a (usually) solo-instrumental improvisation. The piece
generally explores several maqamat, starting and ending in the same maqam. It is usually
unmetered, but it may be metered when another instrument (often percussion) is used to maintain
the iqa’a. A taqsim may occur in isolation or as part of a bigger piece of music, where it may be
placed at the beginning or in the middle. It may be accompanied by a drone from another
instrument.
Tarab is usually defined as musical ecstasy experienced by the performer or the audience. It is a
deep, emotional reaction to the music being played and it is often considered to be an essential
element in authentic Arab musical aesthetics. In my experience, I have found that tarab cannot
be represented in English as a single emotional word. It is a combination of deep, pure (yet
complex) feelings such as joy, heartbreak, love, yearning, etc.
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The ‘ud is the unfretted lute known as the “Kind of Instruments” among Arab musicians. It is
usually strung with a single low-C string, with five sets of double-courses that are usually tuned
G, A, D, G, C.
______________
Appendix Two: Quantitative Study – Graph and Questions
Sari Carmi (amateur)
(-6, 3)
Basem Muna (amateur)
(5, 3)
Hind Hamed (amateur)
(4, 3)
Yara Nemer (student)
(0, 0)
Nemat Battah (student)
(3, 2)
Tareq Jundi (professional)
(6, -8)
Sakher Hattar (professional)
(10, 9)
Nahla Mattar (professional)
(-5, 4)
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X-Axis: Musical Background and Preferences
Familiarity with Western notation and/or solfège
-2 = Considerable comfort and technical reading ability;
-1 = Some familiarity (does not necessarily know note
names or durations, but uses notation contours
regularly); 0 = N/A, or uknown (uk); +1 = No
familiarity.
-2
-1
0
+1
Institutional/formal musical education
-2 = A lot of Western institutional education/formal
Western-style lessons; -1 = Some Western institutional
education/formal Western-style lessons; 0 = N/A, equal
amounts of Western and Arab formal education; +1 =
Some Arab institutional education/formal Arab-style
lessons*; +2 = A lot of Arab institutional
education/formal Arab-style lessons.*
* Arab-style lessons could also indicate an
apprenticeship or something similar, since
institutionalization itself is part of the Western
paradigm.
-2
-1
0
+1
+2
+1
+2
Comfort with improvisation
-1 = Expressed discomfort; 0 = N/A, unknown; +1 =
Some comfort; +2 = Considerable comfort/Prefers
improvisation over other styles
68
=
=
-1
0
H.S. Safford 69
25 October 2016
uk
Recreational preference (e.g. listening preference)
-2 = mostly Western music32; -1 = more Western music;
0 = N/A, equally prefers Western and Arab music; +1 =
more Arab music; +2 = mostly Arab music33
-2
-1
0
+1
+2
uk
Compositional style
-1 = More Western compositional style (even with Arab
influence); 0 = N/A, both equally; +1 = more Arab
compositional style (including improvisation)
-1
0
+1
=
32
This category is drawn from extensional definitions. Some examples of Western musics that
arose in interviews with musicians were: Euro-American art music composers from J.S. Bach to
George Crumb, popular musicians such as Pink Floyd, and Yanni (who incorporates aspects of
world musics but whose style tends to draw on various European and American musical
traditions).
33
This category is drawn from extensional definitions. Some examples of Arab musics that arose
in interviews with musicians were: Umm Kulthoum (and other “Golden Age” musicians such as
Muhammad Abd al-Wahab), Fairouz, and tarab music.
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Knowledge of theoretical systems
-3 = Considerably more knowledge of Western theory; 2 = More knowledge of Western theory; -1 = A little
more knowledge of Western theory; 0 = N/A,
knowledge of each system is equal; +1 = A little more
knowledge of Arab theory; +2 = More knowledge of
Arab theory; +3 = Considerably more knowledge of
Arab theory.
-3
-2
-1
0
+1
+2
+3
+2
+3
=
=
=
=
Expressed goals (learn theory, play an instrument,
improve technique, etc.)
-1 = Goals in Western music; 0 = N/A, goals in both
categories; +1 = goals in Arab music.
Performance experience (instrumental, vocal,
composition, etc.)
-3 = Professional Western performance experience; -2 =
A lot of performance in Western music; -1 = Some
performance of Western music; 0 = N/A, equal amounts
of performance experience in each system; +1 = Some
performance of Arab music; +2 = A lot of performance
in Arab music; +3 = professional Arab performance
experience.
70
-3
-2
-1
0
+1
-1
0
+1
=
=
=
=
H.S. Safford 71
25 October 2016
Y-Axis: Pedagogical Philosophy and Learning/Teaching Style
Learning style
-3 = almost always learns using notation; -2 = uses
notation a lot to learn; -1 = uses more notation to learn;
0 = N/A, uses an equal amount of notation and ear
learning; +1 = learns by ear more often; +2 = learns by
ear a lot; +3 = almost always learns by ear.
-3
-2
-1
0
+1
+2
+3
+1
+2
+3
uk
Teaching style
-3 = almost always teachers using notation; -2 = uses
notation a lot to teach; -1 = uses more notation to teach;
0 = N/A, uses an equal amount of notation and ear
teaching; +1 = teaches by ear more often; +2 = teaches
by ear a lot; +3 = almost always teaches by ear
-3
-2
-1
0
n/a
n/a
n/a
Theory to conceptualize/explain the other style
-1 = Uses Western theory to conceptualize Arab music;
0 = N/A, unknown, equal; +1 = only uses solfège or uses
some Arab theory to conceptualize Western music; +2 =
actively avoids Western theory in conceptualizing Arab
music
-1
0
=
71
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H.S. Safford 72
25 October 2016
=
=
Theory within composition/improvisation in the
other style
-2 = Uses a lot of Western theory in Arab composition
and improvisation; -1 = Uses some Western theory in
Arab composition and improvisation; 0 = N/A,
unknown, equal; +1 = Uses some Arab theory in
Western composition; +2 = Uses a lot of Arab theory in
Western composition
-2
-1
0
+1
+2
+1
+2
=
Pedagogical philosophy
-3 = exclusively Western pedagogy; -2 = mostly
Western pedagogy; -1 = more Western pedagogy; 0 =
N/A, unknown, equal; +1 = more Arab pedagogy; +2 =
mostly Arab pedagogy; +3 = exclusively Arab
pedagogy.
-3
-2
-1
0
n/a
n/a
n/a
72
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H.S. Safford 73
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Appendix Three: Primary Resources
Interviews
Battah, Nemat. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 25 May 2015.
Battah, Nemat. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 12 March
2016.
Carmi, Sari. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Balqa, Jordan, 12 March 2016.
Hamed, Hind. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 27 May 2015.
Hattar, Sakher. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 6 March
2016.
Jundi, Tareq. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview Online. Amman, Jordan, 31 May
2015.
Mattar, Nahla. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview using Skype. Mahtomedi, MN
and Cairo, Egypt, 3 November 2015.
Mattar, Nahla. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interviews. Amman, Jordan, 9 and 14
March 2016.
Muna, Basem. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 29 May 2015.
Muna, Basem. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 14 March
2016.
Nemer, Yara. Interviewed by Hope Safford. Personal Interview. Amman, Jordan, 14 March
2016.
Music Theory Books and Other Resources
Al-Luizi, Juzef. Ghinaiyyat. Beirut: Beirut National Conservatory of Music, 1997.
Farah, Antoun G. Solfège En Musique Orientale Arabe. Beirut: Beirut National Conservatory of
Music, 2006.
Gholmieh, Walid, and Tawfiq Kurbaj. Nazariyyat Al-musiqa Al-sharq 'arabiyya. Beyrouth: La
Conservatoire National Supérieur De Musique, 1996.
Muallem, David. The Maqam Book: A Doorway to Arab Scales and Modes. Kfar Sava: Or-Tav
Music Publications, 2010.
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