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Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems
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Adaptive Transition Management for Transformations to
Agricultural Sustainability in the Karnali Mountains of
Nepal
a
a
a
b
c
Laxmi Prasad Pant , Krishna Kc , Evan Fraser , Pratap Kumar Shrestha , Anga Lama , Santosh
c
Kumar Jirel & Pashupati Chaudhary
d
a
University of Guelph, Ontario, Canada
b
USCCanadaAsia, Pokhara, Nepal
c
Self Help Initiative Promotion Centre, Humla, Nepal
d
Local Initiative for Biodiversity Research and Development (LI-BIRD), Pokhara, Nepal
Accepted author version posted online: 15 Jul 2014.
To cite this article: Laxmi Prasad Pant, Krishna Kc, Evan Fraser, Pratap Kumar Shrestha, Anga Lama, Santosh Kumar Jirel &
Pashupati Chaudhary (2014): Adaptive Transition Management for Transformations to Agricultural Sustainability in the Karnali
Mountains of Nepal, Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems, DOI: 10.1080/21683565.2014.942022
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21683565.2014.942022
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Adaptive Transition Management for Transformations to
Agricultural Sustainability in the Karnali Mountains of
Nepal
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University of Guelph, Ontario, Canada
2
USCCanadaAsia, Pokhara, Nepal
3
Self Help Initiative Promotion Centre, Humla, Nepal
4
Local Initiative for Biodiversity Research and Development (LI-BIRD), Pokhara, Nepal
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Address correspondence to Laxmi Prasad Pant, 50 Stone Rd. East, Guelph, Ontario, N1G2W1,
Canada. E-mail: lpant@uoguelph.ca
Current agroecological approaches to farming have provided a limited understanding of
to
sustainability,
particularly in
subsistence
agrarian
economies
of
ed
transformations
geographically isolated regions of the world. Some suggest mitigating social and ecological
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pt
impacts of modern industrial farming while others advocate for local adaptation to changes in
socio-ecological systems, such as climate change, extreme weather events and biodiversity loss.
This paper investigates effective pathways of fundamental transformations in technologies,
livelihoods and lifestyles referred to as “agricultural sustainability transitions” in the Karnali
Mountains, the most impoverished region of Nepal. Findings suggest that neither management of
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LAXMI PRASAD PANT,1 KRISHNA KC,1 EVAN FRASER,1 PRATAP KUMAR
SHRESTHA,2,ANGA LAMA,3 SANTOSH KUMAR JIREL,3 And PASHUPATI
CHAUDHARY4
change referred to as transition management nor adaptation to change referred to as adaptive
management effectively leads to agricultural sustainability transitions in this region of the
country. An integration of these two approaches, which this paper theorizes as “adaptive
transition management”, can help charter transition pathways through system innovation making
1
new and improved technologies more accessible and adaptable to smallholders while developing
local capacity to adapt to changes in agroecological systems.
Keywords
agriculture; agricultural biodiversity; socio-ecotechnical systems; adaptive
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transition management; food security; Nepal
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Pathways to agricultural sustainability transitions, which entail fundamental transformations in
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technologies, livelihoods and lifestyles, are poorly understood, particularly in geographically
isolated areas of low-income countries. The Himalayan region in particular has suffered from a
M
classical dilemma of natural resource conservation and sustainable development as this has been
described as the Shangri-La of the world providing ecological services to over two billion people
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in the Indian subcontinent in the midst of dire development challenges (Ives and Messerli, 1989;
Smadja, 2009). Among various agroecological approaches to managing ecological crises of the
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twenty-first century that can potentially destroy cities and civilizations, adaptive management of
socio-ecological systems and transition management of socio-technical systems have been
mentioned as two prominent approaches in agricultural research and extension literature.
Sustainability transitions are neither incremental nor radical; it is rather a sectorwide
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INTRODUCTION
transformational approach that has wider spatial coverage, long-lasting temporal pace and a
potential to stimulate system innovation at regional and national levels (Elzen and Wieczorek,
2005; Truffer and Coenen, 2012). Sustainability transition scholars aim to explore new ways to
reduce ecological impacts of modern industrial development, such as agricultural biodiversity
2
loss, nitrate leaching, soil salinization and greenhouse gas emission. However, as Truffer and and
Coenen (2012) argue, the euro-centric concept of transition management that is urban-centric
and insensitive to the sense of space and place provides limited information on what works best
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and how in geographically isolated rural regions, such as the Karnali Mountains, of low-income
countries with a limited access to new technology and markets for two reasons: (1) most modern
industrial farming technologies are either inaccessible or not adaptable to local conditions; and
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social and ecological impacts of modern industrial farming that subsistence farms in isolated
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areas have seldom experienced. Because of these two reasons, transition management has a
limited scope of informing sustainability transitions in geographically isolated regions.
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Recent developments in adaptive management literature recognize the importance of adaptive
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co-management that engages vulnerable communities in social learning and local adaptation
processes in response to uncertainties created by such processes as global warming,
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deforestation, biodiversity loss, desertification, soil erosion and organic matter depletion
(Gliessman, 1998; Lightfoot and Noble, 2001; Olsson et al, 2004). Adaptive management alone
is not enough to address food insecurity in the Karnali Mountains either, as this approach focuses
on local adaptation processes without necessarily developing strategic responses to challenging
the institutional status quo of the incumbent regime of Nepal’s top down socio-technical systems
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(2) the available models of agricultural sustainability transitions are developed in response to
of research and extension in the food and agriculture sector. Thus this paper explores questions
about what makes the two agroecological approaches insufficient to stimulate agricultural
sustainability transitions in geographically isolated regions, and whether and how their
integration can better serve the purpose? As theorized in this paper, the main goal of adaptive
3
transition management for transformations to agricultural sustainability should focus on
improving direct as well as indirect food entitlements, which as Amartya Sen (1980) states, can
come in four key forms: (1) direct entitlement when food comes either from primary production
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when a family grows its own diverse crops for self-sufficiency; (2) labor-based entitlement when
a family member works in wage employment; (3) a trade-based entitlement when a family uses
income to purchase food (including subsidized food); (4) a transfer entitlement when a family
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families. The underlying research question is that what types of food entitlements help promote
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food security in the most isolated rural regions, such as the Karnali Mountains in sustainable
ways?
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To answer the above research questions, this paper brings a rare case study from the most
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geographically isolated region of Nepal that has received food aid for over five decades in
response to recurrent crop failure and ongoing food shortages. In particular, the case study
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involves two narratives: (1) the legacy of a top-down imposition of modern industrial farming
policies and practices indifferently on geographically accessible flatlands as well as isolated
mountain slopes; and (2) more recent civil society initiatives to address social and ecological
consequences of the flatland bias in Nepal’s agricultural research and extension in the Karnali
Mountains. In particular, Section 2 provides a conceptual framework that compares and contrasts
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obtains food aid from donors, government bodies, local charities and networks of friends and
transition management of socio-technical systems and adaptive management of socio-ecological
systems. Section 3 presents empirical evidence from the Karnali Mountains that included various
data sources, such as secondary data, review of historical accounts of food security, direct
observation through project interventions, and focus group discussions with smallholder farmers.
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Then Section 5 discusses key findings with particular emphasis on adaptive transition
management for transformations to agricultural sustainability. Finally, conclusions are drawn
about the most effective, yet contested, pathways of agricultural sustainability transitions in
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geographically most isolated and impoverished rural areas of low-income countries.
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LITERATURE
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As it has become evident from large-scale investments in the past, such as the Green Revolution
of the mid-twentieth century, and despite substantial increases in agricultural production and
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productivity in high production potential flatlands that are geographically more accessible, the
modern industrial model of farming has failed to serve isolated and impoverished regions
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(Conway and Barbier 1990; Parayil 1992; Biggs 2007; Conway 2012; Chhetri and Chaudhary
2011). There have been attempts to provide alternatives to this model of farming since the 1960s
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and 70s when farming system research and the extension (FSR&E) approaches were first
introduced in the aftermath of the Green Revolution. However, these approaches could not make
a long lasting influence to change the way agricultural research and extension policies were
formulated and implemented to develop local capacity (see Bawden 2002; Klerkx et al. 2012;
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REVIEW OF RELEVANT THEORETICAL
Pant, 2012; Pant and Hambly Odame 2009). The initial conceptualization of FSR&E was
characterized by the engagement of an interdisciplinary team of researchers from both
agricultural and social sciences, the involvement of smallholder farmers in the research and
development processes, and an appreciation of local and indigenous knowledge and practices.
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Later during the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century, this concept further
evolved in two major ways: first in terms of scale, performance criteria and target beneficiaries
(Hart, 2000); and second in terms of its focus on social and institutional processes of
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technological innovation (Bawden, 2002). Its scale changes from an initial focus on cropping
systems to crop livestock integrated systems and then to the community and watershed levels.
Similarly its original focus on productivity as a system performance measure had been modified
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to address broader social issues, such as gender, class, culture, caste and generational issues.
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Substantial attempts have been made to theorize mountain development initiatives, including the
use of the metaphor of “half-empty glass” as industrial modernization, “half-full glass” as
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ecological modernization, and “empty glass” as the dependency created by industrial
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modernization (Rhoades, 1997). While transition management aims to minimize social and
ecological impacts of industrial modernization through transformations to sustainability, adaptive
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management focuses on local adaptation to changes in socio-ecological systems, such as
biodiversity loss, deforestation, desertification and soil degradation. Neither of these
management approaches has been effective enough to inform effective ways of improving and
developing smallholder agriculture in geographically isolated mountain regions. As introduced
earlier, we hypothesize that an integration of transition management and adaptive management
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to include diversity, stability and sustainability, and smallholders as target beneficiaries changed
literature that evolved respectively through the study of socio-technical and socio-ecological
systems can potentially inform effective strategies of agricultural sustainability transitions in
isolated regions. As we elaborate below, the rationale behind the integration of these two bodies
of literature is that although some of the principles and practices of transition management and
6
adaptive management are useful to improve subsistence farming, neither of them is sufficient on
their own.
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Transition Management of Socio-Technical Systems
Transition management literature describes multilevel analytical perspectives from individual
agencies to local, regional, national and global systems of innovation and societal transitions. It
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through the agency of alternative thinkers and doers, the meso-level incumbent socio-
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technological regime and the macro-level institutional landscape (Schot and Geels 2008). The
socio-technical systems approach has been only recently introduced into the food and agriculture
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sector in low-income countries to promote agricultural innovation systems thinking that has
become eminent for the last decade (e.g., Hall et al. 2001; World Bank 2006). Innovation
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systems thinking departs from the notion of innovation as essentially “research-driven processes”
of technology transfer and, instead, views it as a “social learning process” where different forms
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and sources of knowledge, technologies, values and ideas are put into practice through processes
such as public engagement in visioning and foresight, (Lundvall 1992; Nelson 1993; Edquist
1997; Malerba 2004), and deliberation on dialectical divides (Pant, 2014). This concept
particularly underscores two interconnected dimensions of innovation and societal transitions –
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identifies three levels of analysis: micro-level niches where new experiments are possible
the interaction among different players to usher sustainability transitions, and institutional
contexts under which the interaction takes place, with the latter often called an ’enabling
environment’(Klerkx et al. 2010).
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Adaptive Management of Socio-Ecological Systems
The literature on socio-ecological systems provides another way of thinking about food and
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agroecological innovation. In particular, the concept of “panarchy” entails conceptualization of
the hierarchy of ecosystem functions and services from cellular phenomenon to landscape level
dynamics, and their interaction with various levels of society that determines socio-ecological
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2002; Berkes and Folke 2003; Gallopin 2006). The socio-ecological resilience theory entails two
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major traditions – engineering resilience and ecological resilience (Holling 1996; Folke 2006).
The single equilibrium view that dominated mainstream ecology throughout the second-half of
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the twentieth century led to the interpretation of resilience as engineering resilience, the ability of
the system to return to the steady-state after a perturbation (Holling 1973; Holling 1996). Thus
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engineering resilience focuses on maintaining efficiency, constancy and stability of the system
and a predictable world near a single steady state in an effort to resist disturbance and change
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and to conserve what is already there (Folke 2006). By contrast, ecological resilience refers to
the magnitude of disturbance that can be absorbed before the system re-defines its structure.
These two traditions reflect two different worldviews: engineers want to make things work,
while ecologists acknowledge that things can break down and change their behavior. For
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resilience (Gunderson, Holling et al. 1995; Berkes and Folke 1998; Gunderson and Holling
example, from the perspective of ecological resilience, livelihoods during the Irish Famine were
dependent on highly specialized agroecosystems with a monoculture of selected varieties of
potatoes (Fraser 2007). Although resilience seems beneficial from the engineering as well as
ecological points of view, it may not always be true from socio-economic and socio-technical
8
perspectives as resilience to social change may create a vicious cycle of poverty and resilience to
technical change may maintain the status quo of the mainstream technological systems. As
Fraser (2003) puts it, ecologically resilient systems are characterized as complex, poor and
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disconnected while socially resilient systems are complex, rich and well-connected although the
former may not hold true for agroecosystems. Thus as informed by the theory of adaptive
management, agricultural adaptation processes involve maintaining resilience of food and
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changes, such as diversified agroecosystems managed by socially well connected farm families
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(Chappell et al., 2011; Pant, and Ramisch, 2010).
To conclude this section, the key distinction of the two bodies of literature when it comes to
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putting the innovation systems theory into action is between “management of change” or
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transition management in socio-technical systems, and “adaptation to change” or adaptive
management in socio-ecological systems (van der Brugge and van Raak, 2007; Smith and
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Stirling, 2010; Voß and Bornemann, 2011) (Table 1). While transition management emphasizes
social learning and innovation in experimental niches, and how the collective agency of nicheinternal actors influence and is influenced by the incumbent regime (Elzen et al., 2011), the
recent developments in adaptive management literature recognizes the importance of adaptive
co-management that engages vulnerable communities in social learning and adaptation process
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agroecological systems by increasing capacity to adapt to complex dynamics of socio-ecological
(Olsson et al, 2004; Schultz et al., 2011; Schwarz et al., 2011). Thus the goals of these two
management approaches are very different. The overall goal of transition management is
managing innovation and societal change, i.e., transforming unsustainable socio-technical
systems, such as modern industrial farming, by modulating innovation, leading to transitions
9
towards more sustainable practices. Contrary to this, the overall goal of the latter is to inform
socio-ecological adaptation, i.e., maintaining resilience of socio-ecological systems by increasing
local capacity to adapt to complex dynamics of interaction between nature and society. In socio-
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economically impoverished and geographically isolated regions where socio-technical systems
are largely based on local and indigenous knowledge and technologies, we hypothesize that
adaptive transition management theory informs two interrelated processes: (1) management of
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that involves strategic decisions to facilitate careful introduction of new and improved
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technologies making them accessible and adaptable to end-users; and (2) adaptation of socioecotechnical change for improving local adaptation capacity to constantly evolving social,
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economic and biophysical stressors.
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RESEARCH METHOD
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This research involved emergent mixed methods research processes that can be characterized as
a modified participant observation or direct observation because maintaining complete
objectivity as researchers was only possible for those authors who were not directly associated
with development interventions in the region of Humla, Nepal. This is a classical problem of
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socio-ecotechnical change through system innovation to improve and develop smallholder farms
participant observation where it is a challenge to maintain objectivity while participating in the
inherently subjective real-life experience of research participants (Spradley 1980). Some of the
authors live and work in Humla. Mixed methods scholars consider this as an opportunity to
integrate subjective and objective perspectives in a research process (Tashakkori and Creswell,
2007). The local initiatives reported in this research were initially conceptualized as development
10
initiatives and the idea of collaborative applied research emerged only during the baseline data
collection to make best use of empirical materials being collected. Hence, the conceptual
framework of adaptive transition management presented in the previous section remained
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emergent throughout the research process as is often common in grounded theory methods
(Glaser and Strauss 1967). In particular, this research involved a two-way process of testing
transition management theory and adaptive management theory through “deductive” reasoning,
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Morgan (2007) terms, is a cyclical process of “abductive” reasoning.
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Since this research adopted a mixed methods approach, it was possible to triangulate data from
primary and secondary sources. Secondary data were employed to describe the geopolitical
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context of mountain livelihoods, and illuminate the imposition of modern farming technologies
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and practices on subsistence farming. Secondary data sources involved 16 focus group
discussions in 16 different farming communities and direct observation of the authors, who
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directly engaged in development projects in Humla, to qualitatively show how local initiatives to
adapt to changes in socio-ecotechnical systems serve as niche experiments to enhance
accessibility and adaptability of new and improved technologies. The checklists used for focus
group discussion included questions related to status and trend in agricultural biodiversity and its
contribution to agricultural production and food security, seed supply systems, and socio-
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and building adaptive transition management theory through “inductive” reasoning, which, as
ecotechnical factors affecting agricultural production and farm income, changing demography
and impacts on farm labor dynamics, external inputs supply and use.
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This study was a part of a bigger baseline study that also involved a household survey. In July
2010, three staff from SHIP Nepal, two of whom are co-authors of this paper, participated in the
USC Canada hosted workshop in Pokhara, Nepal. Upon their return to the Humla district
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headquarters Simikot, they held a three-day workshop for 22 local community members and
officials of which eight were women. The workshop decided to select 16 village sites for in-
depth studies. In each of these sites, one-day orientation meeting was organized to assess
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involved 487 participants, including 213 women. Furthermore, separate meetings, one in each of
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the sites, were organized to discuss women’s engagement in agricultural biodiversity
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RESEARCH RESULT
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conservation, which included 196 women and 33 men.
This section first presents geopolitical contexts of food security and rural livelihood systems in
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the Karnali region and then presents the evolution of Nepal’s socio-technical systems of
agricultural research, extension, innovation and development that began in the 1940s, with
consequences of imposing modern farm management technologies and practices equally on
flatlands as well as geographically inaccessible mountains that occupy vertically diverse
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available agricultural biodiversity and their management strategies. These meetings altogether
agroecology with a sharp rise of elevation (von Fürer-Haimendorf 1975). This section then
presents recent civil society initiatives in the Humla district of the Karnali region to promote
socio-ecotechnical systems of food and agriculture not only making agricultural technologies and
practices more accessible and adaptable to local smallholder farmers but also stimulating
sustainability transitions at regional and national levels.
12
Geopolitical Context of Mountain Livelihoods
Mountains, hills and plains represent the three major contrasting food and agricultural systems in
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Nepal, with the Karnali region falling in the mid-western mountainous region. This area is the
most impoverished region of the country with many districts and villages accessible only by
several days of walking or infrequent, costly, unsafe and unreliable air transport. The Karnali
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government agencies have provided food aid and subsidized rice grains since the mid twentieth
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century (Figure 1). Humla, where this study was conducted, is connected to the rest of the
country through domestic flights to the district headquarters Simikot. The emergence of the
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Nepalese civil war (1995-2006) can also be traced back to the impoverished Karnali region
where people were convinced that they had no future other than joining the rebels.
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Historical accounts show that Nepalese rural farming communities of the past were relatively
more prosperous although this may be an over simplification of the notion that things were good
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in the past (Table 2). This was the time when Nepal had many small kingdoms, which were once
known as baise (22) and chaubise (24) rajyas (Kingdoms) and later united as a single kingdom
and subsequently taken over by Ranas. Nevertheless, there was no record of famine and food
crisis during the pre-unification era before 1769, which is considered a golden era in Nepal’s
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region includes five districts, Dolpa, Jumla, Kalikot, Mugu and Humla where donors and
history (Adhikari 2008; Bishop 1990). Adhikari (2008) further argues that food insecurity is
believed to appear after the unification not because of insufficient local production but as a result
of exploitative state structures that treated their own regional territories as colonies until 1950,
the time of the downfall of the family regime of Ranas. Rulers were more concerned with
13
command and control systems of rent collection than the development of the so-called peripheral
regions, such as Karnali Mountains in the northwest (Bishop 1990) and Limbuwan region in the
northeast (Sagant, 1976) Nepal. The legacy of this oppression from the state is one of the
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grounds of the current demands from these regions for autonomous status.
Since the 1970s, not only the Karnali region but also the country as a whole has suffered a food-
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major cereals in the Karnali region is nowhere close to meeting the recommended daily
requirement of 2100 kcal, which, however, does not include minor cereals, such as finger millet,
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proso millet and foxtail millet (Table 3). Such dismal statistics amid the availability of a diversity
of officially unaccounted for but locally adapted minor crops and crop varieties in the region,
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have more recently forced stakeholders to rethink what has been happening in the name of
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agricultural and rural development. Focus group discussions revealed that the Karnali region has
received food aid to enhance transfer entitlements and food subsidy to promote market-based
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entitlements since the early 1970s but very little has reached smallholder farmers given the long
distances they must travel to distribution centers where they then queue long hours. Our research
further shows that more of the government food aid and air lifting of subsidized food grains that
predominately come in the form of white rice are mostly consumed by government officials,
including army and police, than by the food insecure people of the region. Critics argue that the
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grain deficit. National statistics show that over the last several decades per capita production of
supply of subsidized rice not only created dependency undermining local production of so-called
minor cereals, but it also promoted rice-based food tradition called bhate bani (Roy et al., 2009).
As being able to afford rice meals has become a tradition of elites, minor cereals are stigmatized
as inferior food irrespective of their nutritional status. .
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The last resort to secure livelihoods in the Karnali region is to migrate to cities. People in Karnali
believe that migration to cities is not only meant to generate additional income but also to reduce
mouths to feed in their households and to escape from the cold winter. Nepal’s 2011 census
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revealed that 25% of households in the country have at least one member absent from home for
various reasons, which is more than twice the figure of the 2001 census (CBS, 2012). When one
includes short-term and seasonal migrants, the figure for the country would be over 50% (NDHS,
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headed households from 15% in 2001 to 26% in 2011(NLSS, 2011). This has added further
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constraints for agricultural production by creating shortage of farm labor and increased burden to
women. However, when we breakdown the migration figure by region, only 1% of the people
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migrate from the Karnali region (Figure 2). Anecdotal evidence suggests that peasants in this
region cannot afford to migrate as they often need to turn to local money lenders even for a
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couple of hundred rupees to cover travel expenses, let alone the affordability of air travel. Those
who migrate are mostly seasonal and destined to urban centers within the country and in
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neighboring cities in Uttaranchal and Utter Pradesh States of India. Thus migration as a
livelihood strategy is not working for them. These challenges to agrarian livelihood security have
remained relatively stable for decades despite early predictions of socio-economic
transformations to capitalist modes of production in some parts of rural Nepal (Blaikie et al.,
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2012). At the national level increasing male migration resulted in an 11% increase in women
2002).
15
Socio-Technical Systems of Food and Agriculture
The technocentric thinking of modern industrial farming often discounts subsistence farming as
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insufficient, less productive and therefore something bad or undesirable. However, it has become
evident from focus group discussions with smallholder farmers, particularly in geographically
isolated and socio-economically impoverished regions, that subsistence farming provides a
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study shows, in fact so-called subsistence farms were not purely subsistence because most
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subsistence farmers also used their social networks to sell and barter their produce locally to
meet their immediate needs of food and seed even when they had no surplus at all.
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The establishment of socio-technical systems of agricultural research, education and extension in
Nepal dates back to as early as 1942 when the Rana family rulers established the Agriculture
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Office in the capital city Kathmandu. After several rounds of restructuring, the socio-technical
systems of Nepalese food and agriculture are now represented by the Department of Agriculture,
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Department of Livestock and Veterinary Services under the Ministry of Agricultural
Development (MoAD), an autonomous Nepal Agricultural Research Council (NARC), and a few
food and agriculture related public and private academic institutions. The MoAD has its local
subsidiaries in all 75 districts of Nepal with several village level extension offices within each
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source of agroecosystem resilience as it is more adapted to the local farming conditions. As our
district. Subject matter specialists and extension officers are responsible for transferring
agricultural technologies developed by NARC and international agricultural research institutes to
farming communities. Although research scientists were generally not expected to work with
farmers, NARC established Regional Research Stations, National Commodity Programs and
16
Agriculture Research Stations in various parts of Nepal to work closely with local extension
bodies and farming communities (Figure 3).
People in the Karnali Mountains suffer from flatland bias of Nepal’s national systems of
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agricultural research, education and extension. As there is only one Agriculture Research Station
located in the Jumla district headquarters, this region has historically remained underserved by
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industrial model developed for high production potential flatlands. New technologies developed
elsewhere are neither readily accessible to all types of farmers in the Karnali Mountains nor
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adaptable to the diverse agro-ecological and socio-economic conditions prevalent in the region.
Since farmers in the Karnali Mountains hardly had an opportunity to experience modern
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industrial farming, promotion of transition management for transformations to sustainability
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makes less sense, which led us to explore various aspects of adaptive co-management of socioecotechnical systems of food and agriculture in this region.
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Socio-Ecotechnical Systems of Food and Agriculture
Historical accounts of food security in the Karnali region revealed the importance of the trade
relationships with Tibet, which has changed in recent decades in the face of climate change and
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Nepal’s socio-technical systems of food and agriculture that have been based on the modern
the opening of the Chinese border in Taklakot (Onta and Resurreccion, 2011). For example,
locally made woolen carpets and blankets (radhi and pakhi) increasingly face competition from
cheaper imports of mass production (Zurick, 1989). Furthermore, nationalization of the forests
and subsequent allocation of forest patches to local users’ groups under the so-called best
forestry management practice in the region also disrupted rural livelihoods in Karnali,
17
particularly through interrupting movements of pastoralists. The most affected stakeholders were
the nomadic pastoralists who used to raise sheep and goat caravans for an annual cycle of
transhumance, migrating between winter pastures in foothills and summer grazing in high
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mountains (von Fürer-Haimendorf, 1975, Manzardo, 1977). The nomadic pastoralists also used
to barter food grains for rock salt from Tibet, which was brought to the hills and plains of Nepal
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In response to the impacts of the flatland bias in socio-technical systems of food and agriculture
in the Karnali region, civil society organizations have engaged in agricultural and rural
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development since the 1990s. The work of USC Canada, a Canadian NGO working in Humla is
one such example as they mobilize local NGOs and community-based organizations to address
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the classical Himalayan dilemma of conservation and development. USC Canada together with
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its local partners implemented a project called Self-Help Initiative Promotion Project from 1991.
In 2007, it was transformed into an autonomous community-based organization, the Self-Help
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Initiative Promotion Centre, Nepal (SHIP-Nepal).
SHIP-Nepal being a local NGO supported by USC Canada with a track record of working with
vulnerable women, youth and Dalits (people from castes that suffer extreme discrimination) in
the district received additional funding from other sources as well. Under the financial support of
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in exchange for food grains at a better rate.
the Development Fund, Norway, the Nepal Institute of Development Studies (NIDS), a
Kathmandu-based NGO, initiated a development program called "Humla Development Initiative
(HDI)" in 2005 to enhance food security and sustainable development in Humla (Roy et al.
2009). Later in 2011, NIDS phased out its operation in the district and handed over the program
18
to SHIP-Nepal. Now the HDI is implemented in eight Village Development Committees
(VDCs), SHIP-Nepal and the Local Initiative for Biodiversity Research and Development (LIBIRD) working in four VDCs each, respectively in western and southeastern Humla
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(http://www.hdihumla.org.np).
The baseline study, conducted in four VDCs in Humla in 2010 before the handover of the HDI to
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conservation and use across various social classes. More food self-sufficient, more educated and
people from upper caste households grew a significantly larger number of crops (as high as 12
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crops per farm per year) than less food self-sufficient, less educated and people from Dalit and
minority households. More than 90% of the households used their own seeds for cereals,
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legumes, vegetables and spices for replanting. Some examples of cereal crops grown in Humla
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include finger millet, panicum millet, foxtail millet, wheat, buckwheat, naked barely, barley,
paddy and maize. Bean, soybean, blackgram, ricebean, pea and horsegram are some of the
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legumes grown in the district. Walnut, wild peach (khamu) and wild plum (chuli) are some
examples of trees and shrubs that are sources of cooking oil which is extracted using artisanal
means. Other oil seed crops include sesame, linseed, perilla (tilkhuroor silam) and sunflower.
Some of the vegetables traditionally grown in the program areas are pumpkin, brinjal, cucumber,
choti (local radish), koira (local turnip), balsom gourd, potato and taro. Some spices include chili
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SHIP-Nepal, revealed considerable variation in engagement in agricultural biodiversity
pepper, coriander, garlic, wild leek, onion, black caraway, fenugreek and mint.
Only about 50% of households grew fruits. When they do, walnut, peach and wild plums are
examples of fruits traditionally grown in homegardens. Improved fruit crops that have been
19
introduced over several decades include apple, peach, plum, soft walnut (danteokhar), lemon,
lime, orange and grapes.
Some farmers also acquire seeds from governmental and non-governmental organizations, in
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particular new types of cereal varieties and vegetable seeds. For example, the District
Agriculture Office, a subsidiary of the MoAD, supplies only minimal quantities and varieties of
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varieties of vegetable, such as tomato, cauliflower, swiss chard, radish, carrot, and broad leaf
mustard, that are not locally available. Seasonal immigrants also bring new seeds back to their
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community.
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Recognizing the diversity of crops grown in Humla, the key focus of SHIP-Nepal’s work
involves interventions under five thematic areas: (1) seed security and crop diversification; (2)
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climate change mitigation and adaptation; (3) rural economic development; (4) gender equity;
and (5) stakeholder engagement. First, seed security and crop diversification involves securing
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local seed stocks of various crops, rebuilding degraded biodiversity through distribution of
diversity kits of new crop varieties and exchange of locally available seeds, establishing
community seed banks, and engaging woman, youth and Dalit farmers, the de facto stewards of
minor crops, in agricultural biodiversity conservation and development processes. Early evidence
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paddy, wheat and vegetable seeds. SHIP-Nepal along with LI-BIRD supply new and local
shows that these actions contribute to reducing hunger, rebuilding agricultural biodiversity
losses, and rehabilitating agricultural resource degradation. Several representative experimental
sites were established to engage smallholder farmers in experimenting with the available
diversity of crops and improving subsistence agriculture into more diverse, resilient and
20
productive systems. In each of these experimental sites, a minimum of two sample plots, each
dedicated to all local varieties of a single crop, be it maize, paddy, or legumes, were cultivated to
assess diversity and to identify the unique characteristics of the different varieties being grown.
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Second, as with any other isolated communities in the country, people in the Karnali Mountains
have not only become socially and ecologically vulnerable through climate change and extreme
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erosion through cultivation of steep slopes and deforestation through harvesting of forest
products though in a small and indirect way as compared to per capita greenhouse gas emission
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from world’s mega cities. Some of the examples of climate change adaptation measures taken
through the work of civil society organizations are provision of polythene pipes and garden hoses
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to irrigate winter and spring vegetables and medicinal herbs in homegardens and school gardens;
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construction of private toilets to promote ecosystem health and to increase access to clean
drinking water, health and sanitation; installation of improved biomass fuel efficient cook stoves
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to reduce deforestation and to improve indoor air quality; material supports to construct
polythene green houses.
Third, rural economic development initiatives include promoting the multi-functionality of rural
agriculture and off-farm employment opportunities. Some of the activities include farmers’
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weather events but they are also contributors to these changes through such processes as soil
cooperative ventures to increase financial self-resilience, hotel biodiversity gardens to promote
agricultural tourism, greenhouse production of vegetables during the winter season, and
promotion of agricultural value chains to market local produce.
21
The last two thematic areas, gender equity and stakeholder engagement, are cross-cutting the
above interventions. Key stakeholder engagement activities include the VDC level Mulsamiti
(main committee) and Gaunsamiti (village committee). These organizational structures that
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represent people from all walks of life, including women, youths, minorities and Dalits, serve as
the first contact points for development workers and community mobilizers. At the district level,
stakeholder engagement measures include occasional meetings of representatives from major
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concerned stakeholders. School biodiversity gardens have been found particularly effective to
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engage youths in agricultural biodiversity conservation and rural economic development as they
serve as ambassadors of rural stewardship. Despite all these efforts, we still struggle to increase
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participation of women, youth, minorities and Dalits in leadership positions.
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In our conclusion of this empirical section, we would like to highlight four key findings. First,
the theoretical realm of socio-technical systems of food and agriculture that imposes modern
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industrial models of farming on geographically isolated and socio-economically impoverished
regions requires a serious reconsideration, particularly to prevent further loss of agricultural
biodiversity, to avoid recurrent crop failure and to reduce frequent incidents of famine and food
insecurity.
The second area of reconsideration would be the basic assumption that the
introduction of modern agricultural technology is the main source of agricultural innovation and
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political parties, journalists, NGOs, representatives of Mulsamiti, VDC secretary and other
economic growth, which may not be always true as local institutions that manage diversity on
agro-ecosystems and natural ecosystems are crucial to adapt to changes in socio-ecological
systems, such as drought and desertification. The third key finding is about the domain of
applications where we should no more consider rural peasants as passive recipients of what has
22
been imposed from outside. Collective agency of rural peasants only helps experiments with
local adaptation practices but lessons from such experiments also provide best practice lessons to
engage in evidence-based policy advocacy and activism to stimulate transformations to
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sustainability at regional and national levels. Finally, the goal of agricultural and rural
development in isolated areas should not be an extractive practice of increasing productivity but
more of adaptation, innovation and transformations in socio-ecotechnical systems which can
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DISCUSSION
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anticipated changes in social and agroecological systems.
In this discussion we demonstrate the benefit of combining transition management and adaptive
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management as a necessary step for developing the theory and practice of adaptive transition
management for chronicling the pathways to transformations to agricultural sustainability in
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geographically isolated regions. As outlined earlier we term this development of new theory as
“adaptive transition management”. This section discusses the four key findings that we
highlighted above, each contributing to the theory being developed (Table 4).
Theoretical Realm
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make smallholder farming more diverse, resilient and productive in the face of realized and
As we have seen from the empirical data, agroecosystems are neither socio-ecological systems
nor socio-technical systems in a strict sense as they entail interlinked social, ecological and
technical systems. In confirmation with Pant (2014), this approach can be termed as socio-
23
ecotechnical systems of food and agriculture that equally applies to isolated as well as more
accessible regions. As our empirical results revealed, due to the failure to recognize farming as
interlinked social, ecological and technical systems, the Karnali region has become the victim of
adaptation alone insufficient.
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industrial modernization while becoming a hotspot of food insecurity, which made local
These findings confirm Lin’s (2011) assertion that adaptive
management of agricultural biodiversity can enhance resilience of food systems but this can
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from an adaptive transition from subsistence to more diverse, resilient and productive farming
innovation processes.
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systems using locally available resources, such as agricultural biodiversity in research and
Thus the bottom line of improving subsistence farming systems in
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geographically isolated regions, such as the Karnali, is to embrace innovation as a social learning
process of adaptive transition management, which integrates adaptive management strategies of
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socio-ecological systems and transition management strategies of socio-technical systems. Thus
the theoretical realm of adaptive transition management entails multi-level perspective on
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innovation and societal transitions from micro-level niche experiments, such as agricultural
biodiversity conservation initiatives,
to fundamental transformations in the meso-level
incumbent socio-ecotechnical regime of modern industrial farming under the influence of macrolevel institutional landscape, such as national and international agreements on climate change,
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happen only with a focus on participatory technology development. So the region could benefit
biodiversity conservation and food security.
Niche management includes such practices as niche experimentation, niche development and
strategic (often selective) mainstreaming of niche innovations as suggested by sustainability
transition scholars (Roep, van Der Ploeg et al. 2003; Schot and Geels 2008). In particular,
24
creating a new diversity through distribution of diversity kits of seeds and participatory crop
improvement programs that have been implemented by USC Canada and its local partners in
Humla serve as an example of a niche experiment that influences and is influenced by Nepal’s
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mainstream socio-ecotechnical regime of agricultural research and extension that has been
entrenched into the long established trajectory of modern industrial model of farming. The main
emphasis in this process should be to promote the diversity, resilience and productivity of local
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and labor shortages.
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Basis Assumptions
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As our empirical results from the Karnali region revealed, the foremost assumption of adaptive
transition management is that in such systems neither ecosystems as in socio-technological
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systems nor technology as in socio-ecological systems can be considered as given (Smith and
Stirling, 2010). Adaptive transition management involves complex and coevolving social,
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ecological and technical systems. In other words, both management of socio-technical changes
and adaptation to socio-ecological changes are integral to the management of agroecosystems,
more so in geographically isolated areas, quite removed from the negative social and
environmental impacts of modern industrial farming. The second assumption is that there is a
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agroecosystems in the face of multiple stressors, such as climate change, extreme weather events,
need for continuous processes of transitions to sustainable agricultural practices, particularly in
isolated regions such as Karnali. Such a transition should be fundamental transformations from
subsistence family farms to more diverse, resilient and sovereign and productive family farms,
25
but not from modern industrial agriculture to agroecological farming as modern farms are almost
nonexistent in isolated regions of the developing world.
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Domain of Application
Despite the efforts of the government and donor agencies, the Karnali region has not achieved
food self-sufficiency and is unlikely to do so in the near future. If we take into account the
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unrealistic to expect to increase sufficient food production in Karnali region in general and in
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Humla in particular. In confirmation with Onta and Resurreccion’s (2011) findings, this situation
is likely to be contributed by other factors, such as small land holdings; hierarchical gender,
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generational and caste relations; sharp changes in altitude with diverse microclimate niches and
steep slopes; prevalence of marginal unproductive lands; short cropping seasons due to high
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altitude; forward shift in the monsoon season; a decrease in snowfall in higher altitudes; and
longer dry periods. These biophysical factors are complicated by various top down institutional
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provisions described above. Thus one exceptional domain of application of adaptive transition
management theory is the recent interventions from non-governmental organizations on
agricultural biodiversity conservation and rural economic development. Here we would like to
discuss three key domains of application of adaptive transition management that we have learned
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opportunity cost of labor and rural youth gradually moving out of agriculture, it would be
from the empirical findings. Firstly, food aid does not help in the long-run unless such charitable
donations to enhance transfer entitlements to food are tied to the development of locally
appropriate and agro-ecologically sound food and agricultural systems. Food aid can at best
serve as short-term solutions to long-term adaptive transition management problems.
26
Secondly, the promotion of improved agricultural practices with new and improved
technological interventions can be more effective in some relatively high production potential
flatland areas, such as river basins and irrigated lowlands, but as we have seen in the Karnali
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region, this does not work in marginal altitudes. The most important concern is about
accessibility and farmers’ local adaptation to improved agricultural technologies, such as new
crop varieties or seeds, crop management practices, and postharvest processing. Thus this
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adaptability of new and improved agricultural technologies and production practices that
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increase the diversity, resilience, sovereignty and productivity of food and agricultural systems in
the face of stressful changes in social, ecological and technical domains (Brand and Gorg 2003;
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Holt-Giménez and Altieri 2013), and changing institutional response to climate change at local,
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regional, national and international levels (Chhetri et al., 2012).
The final domain of application of adaptive transition management is in the promotion of multi-
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functional farming and off-farm employment opportunities in rural and remote areas. Although
enhancing direct entitlements to food is imperative, after the opening of the Chinese border in
Taklakot indirect entitlements through such processes such as cross broader trade of goods and
services and increased employment opportunities help improve indirect entitlements through
market-based as well as labor-based mechanisms. As we have seen from the regional statistics,
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domain of adaptive transition management should focus on increasing accessibility and
migration as a livelihood strategy does not work for many people in Humla unless human
mobility is enhanced through infrastructure development. What is particularly important in this
situation is an improvement of transportation, including hiking trails, and information and
communication infrastructure so that one can expect improvements in agricultural research,
27
education and extension service delivery from governmental as well as non-governmental
sources to actually reach communities and family farms. Nevertheless, access to cellular phones
has already been transformational in the way rural people communicate each other and with
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public and private service providers.
Management Goal
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focus on four sources of resilience: diverse agro-ecosystems, responsible research and
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technological innovation, responsible institutional innovation, and the availability of diverse
livelihood portfolios (Fraser 2003; Fraser 2007; Smith and Stirling 2010; Chhetri et al. 2012).
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First, regarding the agro-ecological sources of resilience, our empirical results show that
agricultural biodiversity alone cannot help maintain the resilience of food systems, particularly in
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already marginal areas unless we engage in social capital development engaging multiple
stakeholders in developing locally appropriate and socially inclusive technologies, such as
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improvement of local crop varieties making them more adaptable to marginal growing conditions
(Ashby and Sperling 1995).
Second, when external technological innovations are adopted in existing agroecological systems
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As it becomes evident from our case study, adaptive transition management strategies should
without the necessary adaptation through participatory research and development, a challenge of
integrating local and indigenous practices with expert knowledge systems would appear. As
reported from elsewhere, the historical neglect of developing locally appropriate and socially
responsible agricultural technologies for underserved regions, such as the Humla district, could
be interpreted as a cause of persistent food insecurity, lack of food sovereignty and low
28
agricultural productivity as suggested by scholars of agroecology and sustainable food systems
(Holt-Giménez and Altieri 2013; Patel 2009).
Third, when we attempt to introduce new and improved farming practices, impacts of newly
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adopted technologies on existing social, ecological, technical and institutional systems should be
seriously considered. This involves socially responsible institutional innovation, such as
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and technical systems (Guston, 2008). While technical resilience is one of the least explored
areas within the socio-ecological systems literature (Smith and Stirling 2008; Smith and Stirling
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2010), the literature on socio-technical systems emphasizes the reversal of unsustainable trends
of agricultural intensification using principles and practices of transition management, such as
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introducing crop diversity and appropriate technology in conventionally monocropped areas.
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However, adaptive transition management in places such as Humla should take an exact opposite
pathway of transition. Such transitions should improve the resilience and productivity of already
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biophysically diverse smallholder farms that have remained subsistence for generations.
Thus the above discussions lead to our fourth key source of resilience, the diversification of
livelihood options. This not only recognizes the need for participatory technology development
to bring improvements in subsistence farming but also identifies the importance of income from
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Mulsamiti and Gaunsamiti, to engage in anticipatory governance of interlinked social, ecological
non-agricultural employment opportunities, such as cross border trade and collection of nontimber forest products. This suggests a need for the development of social resilience, which
involves adaptive transition management to bring positive social change, such as shielding from
socio-economic and environmental shocks through the development of rich social and political
29
networks, and generating socially responsible technological and institutional innovations. One
such example of social resilience is how farmers in Humla use their social networks to exchange
food grains and local seeds, to manage community seed banks, and to get seasonal wage
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employment in cross border trade in the cities of Nepal and India to complement their direct food
entitlements. However, in places like Humla where hierarchical gender, generational and caste
relations still exist, the existing social networks can often be exclusive (also see Krause, 1988;
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Finally, the adaptive transition management of subsistence agriculture can be relative to a given
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location, wealth status, resource endowment, gender relations and caste status, and in the context
of Karnali, this can involve something as simple as the introduction of new and improved crop
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varieties or even the improvement of local varieties of so-called minor crops grown by poor
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families, such as buckwheat, finger millet, proso millet, foxtail millet and some varieties of beans
that are more resistant to drought, insect pests and plant diseases and respond better to plant
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nutrient deficiencies in the soil.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
In conclusion, while transition management of socio-technical systems involves the management
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Onta and Resurreccion, 2011).
of innovation and sustainability transitions, adaptive management of socio-ecological systems
focuses on local adaptation to change, such as climate change and extreme weather events.
However, agroecosystems in isolated regions not only require local adaptation to change but also
need a transition from subsistence to more diverse, resilient, sovereign and productive farming.
30
Unlike the conventional approach to transition management where emphasis is on the
modulation of ongoing innovation in the face of technological change and its social and
environmental impacts, such as greenhouse gas emission, the new and alternative concept of
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adaptive transition management entails local adaptation to change as well as the management of
innovation and sustainability transitions at regional and national levels. This can be achieved
through a careful experimentation of new and improved agricultural technologies in local niches
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not always bring transformational system innovation at regional and national levels unless the
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collective agency of niche actors is developed to challenge the institutional status quo of
incumbent regime of modern industrial farming.
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An important aspect of adaptive transition management is that it should address multi-level
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perspectives of sustainability transitions. For example, micro-level niche experiments, such as
distribution of diversity kits and engaging in participatory crop improvement in Humla, should
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also aim to generate strategic lessons to challenge Nepal’s incumbent socio-technical systems of
agricultural research, education and extension systems. The incumbent socio-technical regime,
besides being unable to serve the Karnali region, is also making a big mistake by attempting to
transfer technologies developed for flat lands that are either inaccessible or less adaptable to the
vertical agroecosystems of the Karnali Mountains . The situation is further aggravated by little
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making them adaptable and accessible to end-users. However, impacts of such experiments may
research and development attention of the national authorities to so-called minor crops, such as
finger millet, proso millet, foxtail millets, grain amaranths, buckwheat, barely and so on that are
the basis of livelihoods of less fortunate people in fragile agroecosystems. Thus engagement of
local communities to promote a diversity of minor crops should be considered as a strategy of
31
enhancing agroecological, technical and social resilience in the face of multiple arrays of social,
economic, ecological and climatic stressors on the livelihoods of mountain communities.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Authors would like to thank USC Canada (funded in part by the Canadian International
Development Agency) for the financial support. We are grateful to Kate Green from USC
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consolidate and strengthen the article, Marie Puddister from University of Guelph for helping
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with the figures, and Chhudamani Pokharel, Kali Bahadur Bhandari and Deepak Phadera from
SHIP Nepal for their high level of commitment to the field data collection. We thank the
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residents of the Humla district of Nepal for graciously welcoming us into their communities and
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41
TABLE 1 Similarities and differences between principles and practices of adaptive management
and transition management
Transition management
Theoretical
Socio-technical systems: science and Socio-ecological
realm
technology studies, complexity theory, management, ecology, resilience theory,
systems:
resource
perspective, “panarchy” theory, complexity theory.
us
analytical
an
innovation theory.
Complex and coevolving social and Complex and coevolving social and
assumptions
technical systems.
ed
M
Basic
ce
pt
Continuous processes of transitions.
Domain
of Arrangements
application
providing
ecological systems.
Constant cycle of change.
societal Functionally
or
spatially
defined
functions, such as energy provision, systems (natural parks, river basins,
agricultural production, transportation, watersheds, agro-ecosystems, etc.).
Ac
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multi-level
Adaptive management
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Parameter
Management
etc.
Management of change: transforming Adaptation
42
to
change:
maintaining
existing socio-technical systems by resilience of socio-ecological systems
modulating
ongoing
innovation, by increasing capacity to cope with
leading to a sustainability transition.
complex dynamics.
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goal
us
an
M
ed
ce
pt
Ac
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Source: Adapted from Voß and Bornemann(2011)
43
TABLE 2 Historical dynamics of famine in the Karnali region
Development era
State structure
Rural livelihoods
Major famine in the
Before
the 22 in the far western Rural
unification in 1769.
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t
Karnali region
elites
ruled NA
and 24 kingdoms in independent kingdoms.
us
the Urban
Nepali state.
elites
collected NA
rents from peasants often
M
(1769-1846).
of
an
After the unification Formation
ed
coercively.
1950).
ce
pt
Rana regime (1846- Rana family regime of Rent collection continued 1915-1917
the Nepali state.
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the western Nepal.
Downfall of Ranas Nepali
and
Dawn
of single
state
(plus
under the influence of cholera epidemic),
Rana families.
1925, 1935
under Rent collection from the 1956
party state was eased but it was outbreak),
44
(Locust
1965,
democracy
(1950- democracy.
still high for smallholders 1969, 1972
and landless people.
of Establishment
multi-party
(1990- state
present).
and
Nepali rents in the form of followed by viral
ongoing forceful donation.
power struggle with
influenza,
1200
deaths),
2008
the
Monarchy
and
an
Abandonment of farm
lands
among
political
by
elites
parties.
M
migration to cities.
ce
pt
ed
Source: Adapted from Adhikari (2008) and Bishop (1990)
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democracy
multi-party
of Rampant collection of 1996/1997 (famine
us
Establishment
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t
1990).
45
and
(drought)
TABLE 3 Percapita cereal production in the Karnali region
Production
(metric ton per year)
(kg per person per year)
cr
ip
t
Production
NA
1981
242486
NA
1991
260529
36670
140
2001
309084
49772
160
2011
388713
80088
210
ed
NA
us
188012
M
1971
an
Population
NA
ce
pt
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CBS (1973; 1983; 1993; 2003 cited in Adhikari, 2008),
CBS (2012), and MoAC (2005; 2011). Cereal crops in the calculation include paddy, maize,
wheat and barley. The available data from the public sources do not include finger millet, proso
milletand foxtail millet which local people consider important cereal crops in the region
Ac
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Census year
46
Socio-ecotechnical systems: agro-ecology, resource management, resilience
realm
theory, complexity theory, evolutionary theory, innovation systems theory.
Basic
Complex and coevolving social, ecological and technical systems.
assumptions
us
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ip
t
Theoretical
Continuous processes of transitions from subsistence family farms to
an
improved and diversified family farms
M
Both technological change and ecosystem management are integral to
of Arrangements to make use of local resources, technologies, knowledge and
ce
pt
Domain
ed
management of a agro-ecosystem, a subset of socio-ecotechnical system.
application
skills to transform improvised small-scale family farms into resilient,
sovereign and productive family farms.
Ac
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TABLE 4 Principles and practices of adaptive transition management
Management
Management of agricultural innovation and change: transforming existing
goal
socio-ecotechnical systems by modulating ongoing agricultural innovation,
47
leading to adaptive transition of subsistence farms into more resilient,
us
an
M
ed
ce
pt
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cr
ip
t
sovereign and productive farms.
48
us
an
M
ed
ce
pt
Ac
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t
FIGURE 1 Study area with reference to the three agroecological zones of Nepal and the primary
road network
49
us
an
M
ed
ce
pt
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FIGURE 2 Regional migration status: (a) regional contribution of migrants (b) migration as a
percentage of total population in respective regions
50
ed
ce
pt
Ac
us
an
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cr
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FIGURE 3 Agricultural research and education infrastructure
51