Life on the edge: early maritime cultures of the Pacific Coast of North America

Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Quaternary Science Reviews journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/quascirev Life on the edge: early maritime cultures of the Pacific Coast of North America Jon M. Erlandson a, b, *, Madonna L. Moss b, Matthew Des Lauriers c a Museum of Natural and Cultural History, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-1224, USA Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-1218, USA c Department of Anthropology, California State University, Northridge, CA 91330, USA b a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: Received 11 April 2007 Received in revised form 3 April 2008 Accepted 1 August 2008 A variety of evidence suggests that the Americas may have been colonized, at least in part, by maritime peoples moving around the North Pacific Rim near the end of the Pleistocene. Understanding the geography of late glacial and early postglacial landscapes and the antiquity of human societies along the Pacific Coast continues to be a challenge, however, due to geological dynamics associated with glaciation, tectonism, submergence of coastal lowland landscapes by rising postglacial seas, and coastal erosion. Nonetheless, archaeological research has pushed back the antiquity of human settlement along the Pacific Coast of North America to the terminal Pleistocene or early Holocene, providing important new data on the nature of the earliest coastal peoples in the Pacific Northwest, Alta California, and Baja California. In this paper, we summarize what is known about the earliest peoples of the Pacific Coast of North America and evaluate the current viability of the coastal migration theory via a Pacific Rim route. Archaeological evidence now shows that Palaeocoastal peoples occupied each major region of the Pacific Coast by at least 13,000–11,500 calendar years ago (cal BP) (13–11.5 ka), essentially contemporaneous with Clovis and Folsom peoples of the interior. Although it is too early to conclude that the initial human colonization of the Americas took place via a migration by maritime or coastal peoples, it seems increasingly likely that such a migration played a role in the early peopling of the Americas. Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction Deep human historiesdthose written primarily from archaeological, anthropological, and geological evidencedhave long been dominated by terrestrial narratives. For decades prevailing anthropological theory has proposed that widespread coastal adaptations and maritime lifeways only developed in the last 10,000 to 15,000 years (e.g., Washburn and Lancaster, 1968; Osborn, 1977; Yesner, 1980), as part of a larger reorganization of human economies associated with the ‘‘broad-spectrum’’ and agricultural revolutions. In a book about hominid migrations, for instance, Gamble (1994) listed ten major habitat types encountered by our ancestors as they spread around the world, none of which was coastal or aquatic. Regular reminders from geoscientists that sea level rise since the Last Glacial maximum (LGM) had submerged ancient coastlines and associated lowland landscapesdgeographic changes that may have obscured or destroyed much of the evidence for earlier coastal settlementdwere generally ignored and sporadic cases of marine or aquatic resource use by Pleistocene peoples (i.e., * Corresponding author. Museum of Natural and Cultural History, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403-1224, USA. E-mail address: jerland@uoregon.edu (J.M. Erlandson). 0277-3791/$ – see front matter Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.quascirev.2008.08.014 Garrod et al., 1928; Waechter, 1964; Volman, 1978) were dismissed as rare and largely irrelevant to prevailing paradigms. Doubts about such paradigms have grown as archaeological evidence for earlier coastal settlement, aquatic resource use, and maritime migrations has emerged (Erlandson, 2001; Bailey, 2004; Erlandson and Fitzpatrick, 2006). This includes evidence for widespread coastal settlement in southern Africa during the Middle Stone Age (e.g., Klein, 1999; Parkington, 2004; Marean et al., 2007), Middle Palaeolithic peoples around the Mediterranean (e.g., Garrod et al., 1928; McBurney, 1967; Stiner, 1994; Barton et al., 1999), the settlement of Flores by Homo erectus (Morwood et al., 1998), and the maritime colonization of Australia, western Melanesia, and East Asian islands by anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens) between about 50 and 35 ka (see Erlandson, 2001). Reflecting the anthropological theory that dominated the 20th century, most archaeologists saw the initial colonization of the Americas as a strictly terrestrial enterprise, with small hunting bands trekking across the frozen plains of Beringia near the end of the Pleistocene and following an interior ‘‘ice-free corridor’’ southward into the heartland of North America. These Palaeoindians were seen primarily as big game hunters who settled the Pacific Coast only after large game animals were hunted out of interior areas, people migrated down river valleys to the western J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 edge of the continent, then gradually adapted to life by the sea. The maritime peoples who occupied much of the Pacific Coast when Europeans first explored the area were thought to have developed in just the last few thousand years. For the ‘‘Clovis First’’ model that dominated American archaeology until recently, the Pacific Coast was largely irrelevant to the peopling of the Americas, a marginal continental edge settled relatively late in the process of human expansion into this New World. Such views were bolstered by AMS 14 C dating of several purportedly ‘‘Pleistocene’’ human skeletons from coastal CaliforniadDel Mar, La Jolla, Laguna, Los Angeles, Angeles Mesa, and Sunnyvaledall of which were shown to be Holocene in age (e.g., Bada et al., 1984; Taylor et al., 1985; Stafford et al., 1987; Erlandson et al., 2007b). For decades, an alternative ‘‘coastal migration theory’’ has proposed that early coastal or maritime peoples may have followed North Pacific shorelines from northeast Asia into the Americas. First fully articulated by Fladmark, 1979 (see also Dixon, 1993; Erlandson, 1994; Gruhn, 1994), the coastal migration theory was relatively marginal ground for American archaeologists until recently, even as geological evidence grew that a coastal route was geographically feasible as early as 16 ka (all dates given in this form are cal BP). Recent archaeological and geological research has transformed the coastal migration theory from marginal to mainstream. This scientific transformation has been fuelled by a variety of evidence, including: (1) growing knowledge of the presence of maritime peoples in eastern Asia before the LGM; (2) the increasing antiquity of human settlement and maritime activity along the Pacific Coast of the Americas (e.g., Erlandson et al., 1996; Keefer et al., 1998; Sandweiss et al., 1998; Johnson et al., 2002; Jones et al., 2002); (3) widespread (but not unanimous) scholarly acceptance of pre-Clovis occupations (>14 ka) at Monte Verde near Chile’s Pacific Coast (see Dillehay, 1997; Meltzer, 1997); (4) geological evidence that the icefree corridor was not open or suitable for human occupation until about 13 ka while the Northwest Coast of North America was habitable at least two millennia earlier (Mann and Hamilton, 1995; Mandryk et al., 2001; Clague et al., 2004). These discoveries have not proven that coastal peoples were among the first to colonize the New World, but they have returned the Pacific Coast of North America to centre stage in debates about the peopling of the Americas. From Alaska to Baja California, this shift has rejuvenated and expanded the search for early Pacific Coast archaeological sites. Despite major geological obstaclesdincluding sea level rise, coastal erosion, and landscape changes we discuss belowdscholars have continued to push back the antiquity of coastal settlement in many areas, and to flesh out our understanding of early maritime peoples along the Pacific Coast. In this paper, we summarize the archaeological evidence for the antiquity and nature of early coastal settlement and maritime activity from Alaska to Baja California, focusing on recent research on Palaeocoastal sites securely dated to the Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene, between about 13 and 9 ka. First, we provide some environmental background to contextualize our study and examine some of the global, regional, and local processes that affect the preservation and visibility of archaeological sites in coastal settings. 2. Environmental context Our study area along the Pacific Coast of North America, stretching for roughly 6000 km from the Gulf of Alaska to the southern tip of Baja California, encompasses almost 40 degrees of latitude and a remarkable amount of environmental variation (Fig. 1). Terrestrial environments along the Pacific Coast vary from tundra in the far north, to the dense temperate rain forests of the Pacific Northwest, to the arid desert landscapes of southern and Baja California. The geography of this vast coastal region is united, however, by its mountainous terrain, its location adjacent to the 2233 ameliorating influence of the vast Pacific Ocean, and the curvilinear nature of a coastline that has offered no significant physical barriers to migrations or information exchange by maritime peoples since shortly after the end of the Last Glacial. Compared to many regions of the world, the Pacific Coast of North America is tectonically active, with relatively high geographic relief and narrow continental shelves, and a stacking of resources from multiple marine, freshwater, and terrestrial ecosystems in proximity to the coastline itself (Erlandson and Moss, 1996, p. 278). Another common feature of Pacific Coast environments is the diversity and productivity of marine resources available to maritime peoples. Virtually the entire coast is characterized by significant marine upwelling, with nutrient-laden oceanic currents supporting highly productive marine food webs. North America’s Pacific Coast also offers an essentially continuous mosaic of rocky intertidal, shallow rocky reef, kelp forest, sandy nearshore, and estuarine ecosystems, with a variety of habitats that support similar suites of resources. From Alaska to Baja California, these include (or once included): seals, sea lions, sea otters, and cetaceans; abalones, mussels, clams, sea urchins, and limpets; rockfish, sharks and rays, tunas, sardines, and other fish; seabirds, shorebirds, and waterfowl; and a variety of edible seaweeds. This wealth of marine resources, especially when combined with the plants and animals available in adjacent terrestrial and freshwater ecosystems, helped sustain the relatively dense aggregations of hunter-gatherers who lived along much of the Pacific Coast when Europeans first explored the area from the 16th to 18th centuries AD. Despite broad similarities in coastal ecosystems along the western edge of North America, significant regional and temporal variation existed in the diversity, productivity, and accessibility of marine and terrestrial resources. In the marine realm, these differences result primarily from variability in coastal upwelling, water temperature, coastline type, freshwater or estuarine input, wave energy, tidal amplitude, and other factors. On land, biological and ecological differences are driven primarily by broader climatic factors, especially latitudinal variation in rainfall and temperature patterns. This environmental variation along the Pacific Coastdincluding the distribution or availability of freshwater, terrestrial and aquatic plants and animals, and key mineralsdled to differences in human adaptations on a variety of scales. Since the end of the Last Glacial, changes in the geography, climate, and ecology of various areas along the Pacific Coast have also influenced the development and demography of human populations up and down the coast, as well as the preservation and visibility of the archaeological sites that early coastal peoples left behind. 3. Archaeological preservation and visibility in coastal environments The notion that maritime societies developed only recently in human historydalong the Pacific Coast and around the worlddhas its roots in anthropological interpretations of archaeological records strongly structured by the fact that global sea levels have risen an average of roughly 120 m (w400 feet) since the end of the LGM. In discussing the archaeological implications of this, Erlandson (2001) noted a strong global correlation between the antiquity of coastal settlement and the gradient of the adjacent continental shelf (see also Waselkov, 1987; Richardson, 1998). Coasts characterized by broad and shallow shelves have generally seen substantial lateral movement of the shoreline during the last 20 kadsometimes on the order of hundreds of kilometres. Steep bathymetry limits lateral movement of the coast as sea level rises, however, so older coastal sites remain in proximity to modern coastlines) (see also Bailey and Flemming, 2008; Bicho and Haws, 2008). This geographic correlation helps explain the relatively great 2234 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Fig. 1. Map depicting the study area along the Pacific Coast of North America and the approximate extent of the North American ice sheet at the glacial maximum, with insets indicating areas depicted in Figs. 2–4. Drawn by G.N. Bailey. antiquity of shell middens and other coastal sites along much of the Pacific Coast of North America, especially compared to the Atlantic or Gulf coasts of North America, where the continental shelves of the trailing plate edge are much broader. Despite the relatively steep bathymetry of much of the Pacific Coast, many coastal areas have experienced lateral shoreline movements of tens of kilometres over the last 15 ka. Sea level rise and marine erosion have undoubtedly submerged or destroyed many early sites, and very few areas are likely to retain evidence of Pleistocene coastal occupations along modern shorelines. The entire south coast of Beringia has been submerged, for instance, from near the base of the Kamchatka Peninsula to Bristol Bay. This vast gap in the archaeological record, precisely where the earliest evidence of a coastal migration into the Americas theoretically should be located, will be exceedingly difficult to fill because the appropriate shorelines are now located in deep water, far from land, in the Bering Sea where wave energies are exceedingly high. Once portrayed as a harsh and relatively unproductive area for human habitation (e.g., Hopkins et al., 1982), recent research suggests that the south coast of Beringia may have been ‘‘geomorphically complex during the late glacial, with hundreds of islands located just off a coast riddled with bays and inlets’’ (Brigham-Grette et al., 2004, p. 59). During the summer months, such convoluted coastlinesdwhen combined with the low gradient of the Beringian platformdmay have offered broad expanses of productive intertidal and nearshore habitats for early maritime peoples to hunt, forage, and gather in. Even covered with sea ice much of the year, the south coast of Beringia would have provided rich habitat for seals, walrus, and a variety of other marine organisms. Erlandson et al. (2007a) have argued that much of Beringia’s south coast may have supported productive kelp forests after the end of the LGM. Recent study of deep-sea sediment cores from the far northwestern Pacific suggest that three periods of warmer sea surface temperatures occurred after the end of the LGM (ca 18.2–17.2 ka, 16.8–16.3 ka, and 16.2–14.7 ka), events that may have reduced seasonal sea ice cover, increased human access to intertidal and nearshore habitats, and facilitated the migration of maritime peoples around the North Pacific (Sarnthein et al., 2006). Along the margins of the northeast Pacific, outer coast areas from the Alaska Peninsula to Puget Sound appear to have been largely deglaciated by about 15–16 ka and supported a relatively diverse and productive array of marine and terrestrial resources, including bears and other mammals (see Heaton and Grady, 1993; Mann and Hamilton, 1995; Ward et al., 2003). Up and down the Pacific Coast, regional variation in geography, tectonics, and glacial history have had a powerful influence on the differential preservation and visibility of early archaeological sites. Some of these taphonomic issues are discussed in the summaries of the archaeology of each region that follow, but general patterns are worth noting here. From south central Alaska to Puget Sound, for instance, regional glacial history has had a major effect on coastal landscapes and the archaeological record since the LGM, with isostatic and eustatic adjustments contributing to change in shoreline location and the conformation of coastal landscapes. From Vancouver Island to the northern California Coast, the unique tectonic history of the Cascadia Subduction Zonedwhere large subduction earthquakes every few centuries have caused widespread subsidence and erosiondhas also shaped the geomorphological and archaeological records. South of Cape Mendocino, much of the Alta and Baja California Coast is affected by tectonic uplift, but sea level rise and coastal erosion since the end of the LGM have been the dominant geological forces shaping coastal landscapes and the archaeological record. Given the difficulties posed by the Pacific Coast’s history of glaciation, sea level rise, marine erosion, and landscape change, recent research has focused on finding early archaeological sites in settings where evidence of coastal or maritime occupations might be expected. These strategies include study of: (1) offshore islands where boats were required for human colonization; (2) coastlines with very narrow continental shelves; (3) northern shorelines uplifted by isostatic rebound after deglaciation; (4) caves or stone sources that provided shelter or raw materials valued by early coastal peoples; (5) springs that attracted humans away from now submerged shorelines in arid landscapes; (6) the margins of estuaries that formed inland extensions of the sea as global sea levels were rapidly rising; and (7) the vast underwater landscapes submerged by rising seas. 4. The Northwest Coast In the thickly forested landscapes that characterize most of the Northwest Coast of North America, the search for early coastal sites (Fig. 2, Table 1) is especially complicated due to regional and local variations in the history of glaciation, isostatic and tectonic movements, sea level changes, and marine erosion. As acidic soils also tend to form under the coniferous forests of the Pacific J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 2235 Fig. 2. Map of the Pacific Northwest showing the location of Palaeocoastal sites. See Table 1 for site details. Redrawn by G.N. Bailey from an original by M. Moss and Jacob Bartruff. Northwest, the preservation of shell and other faunal remains found in many early Pacific Coast sites is relatively rare. From northern California to southern British Columbia, where the effects of glaciation and isostatic adjustments are less pronounced, a long history of massive and episodic subsidence earthquakes (and associated marine erosion) within the Cascadia Subduction Zone may have destroyed most early coastal sites (Erlandson et al., 1998). Further north, however, especially along the convoluted and protected coastlines of southeast Alaska and northern British Columbia, a number of recent discoveries hint at the presence of an ancient maritime tradition that spans more than 10 ka. 4.1. Northern Northwest Coast In Southeast Alaska, the earliest coastal sites include Early Holocene occupations at Ground Hog Bay 2, Hidden Falls, and Chuck Lake 2 (Ackerman et al., 1979; Davis, 1989; Erlandson and Moss, 1996; Moss, 1998, 2004). At these sites early maritime activities are attested to by the settlement of islands, the presence of obsidian artefacts from the Suemez Island source located on the outer coast, and the dearth of terrestrial alternatives. At Chuck Lake on the karstic Heceta Island, a roughly 8.8 ka shell midden and microblade component provides direct faunal evidence of intertidal foraging, fishing, and sea mammal hunting, including a unilaterally barbed bone point (Ackerman et al., 1985; Okada et al., 1989, 1992). Human skeletal remains and artefacts were found by palaeontologists at On Your Knees Cave (49-PET408) on Prince of Wales Island in 1996. Later archaeological excavations at the site documented the presence of microblade technology in a well-defined occupation dating to about 9.3 ka, and a possible bifacial industry that may be a millennium older (Fedje et al., 2004). The younger component produced faunal remains from a variety of marine animals and isotopic study of the human bone revealed a strong marine signature, confirming the maritime nature of early human settlement in the Alexander Archipelago. Ancient DNA extracted from a human bone sample allowed genetic comparison to modern and ancient DNA sequences from Native Americans, revealing a link to Pacific Coast populations in North and South America (Kemp et al., 2007). In northern British Columbia, Canadian scientists have combined detailed reconstruction of ancient coastal landscapes with archaeological studies to document an impressive array of early coastal sites dated between about 11.5 and 9 ka. Underwater work documented the presence of a submerged coastal landscape 2236 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Table 1 Paleocoastal sites (w9000 cal BP or older) of the Northwest Coast (ordered north to south) 14 Site name General location Site description or contents Primary references Groundhog Bay 2 Hidden Falls (49-SIT-119) On Your Knees Cave (49-PET-408) Chilkat Peninsula, Glacier Bay, AK 9200 cal BP Lithic site on raised beach Ackerman et al., 1979 Baranof Island, AK Prince of Wales Island, AK w9000 cal BP 11,200 cal BP w9200 cal BP Lithic site on elevated landform Multicomponent occupation in karst cave; younger component with microblades and human remains Davis, 1989 Dixon et al., 1997 Chuck Lake 1 Heceta Island, AK w8800 cal BP Richardson Island Richardson Island, SE Haida Gwaii Moresby Island, Haida Gwaii 9590–8490 cal BP Shell midden with fish remains, Ackerman et al., 1985; Okada et al., 1989, barbed bone harpoon point 1992 Intertidal and raised beach components Fedje et al., 2005c, pp. 204–211 10,950–10,400 BP w12,500 cal BP Projectile point bases possibly associated with bear bones Fedje and Mathewes, 2005, p. 149 Werner Bay stone tool Juan Perez Sound, Haida Gwaii w10,000 BP Fedje et al., 2005a, pp. 178–180 Gaadu Din Cave Huxley Island, Haida Gwaii 10,500–10,000 BP w12,000 cal BP Basalt flake recovered from w50 m below sea level on drowned fluvial terrace Projectile points and flakes associated with bear bones Gaadu Din Cave 2 Huxley Island, Haida Gwaii 11,030 cal BP K1 Cave Kilgii Gwaay Wet Site Ellen Island, Haida Gwaii ElTa-18 Namu Bear Cove Glenrose Indian Sands (35CU67C) C age (cal BP) 9450–9400 BP w11,000 cal BP Hunter Island, central B.C. Coast 9940 BP w11,500 cal BP Fitz Hugh Sound, central B.C. 11,100 cal BP Coast NE Vancouver Island, B.C. 9000–5000 cal BP Lower Fraser River, B.C. w8500 BP w9500 cal BP Curry County, Oregon w8500–8400 cal BP off Haida Gwaii (Queen Charlotte Islands) flooded by rapidly rising seas about 10 ka. Here Josenhans et al. (1997) identified ancient river channels, a delta, and remnants of a submerged forest roughly 50–60 m below modern sea level. Auger sampling of the sea floor along this submerged river channel even produced a basalt flake from a depth of 53 m and local sea level history suggests an age of over 11.5 ka if it came from an intact soil or site (Fedje and Christensen, 1999; Fedje et al., 2004). On Haida Gwaii, numerous ‘intertidal’ sites have been identified along the modern coastline or on elevated beaches (i.e., Skoglund’s Landing site, see Fladmark, 1990), but their age, structure, and economic orientation remained poorly understood. Fedje and Mackie, 2005 have shown that these intertidal sites span much of the Holocene, but they identified intact remnants of several early sites that help clarify the antiquity and nature of maritime peoples of the northern Northwest Coast. Many of these sites have been impacted by marine erosion, but excavations in intact remnants of several early sites suggest that they represent a widespread maritime tradition extending back at least 10.6 ka, with the use of boats and harpoons and an economy based on seal and sea otter hunting, fishing, shellfishing, and other coastal activities. One of these intertidal sites is Kilgii Gwaay, located near the southern end of Haida Gwaii (Fedje et al., 2004, 2005a,b,c). Here a large assemblage of stone, bone, wood, and woven artefacts was recovered from a waterlogged stratum dated to about 10.6 ka (9400 14C yr). The artefacts from Kilgii Gwaay include almost 4000 chipped stone specimens, over 100 pieces of worked wood, and several bone tools. The chipped stone assemblage lacks any hint of a microblade industry, but includes a biface fragment, a unifacial stemmed point, numerous flake tools, cores, and core tools. Bone tools include several perforators, a heavy percussor, and a small unilaterally barbed point. The perishable artefacts consist mostly of Fedje and Mathewes, 2005, p. 149 Projectile point 5 m away from dated Fedje et al. 2008 charcoal, with additional flakes below Intertidal wet site with 4000 stone tools, Fedje et al., 2005b, pp. 187–203 abundant organic remains Shell midden w4 m asl Cannon, 2000, p. 72 Shell midden w4 m asl Carlson, 1996; Cannon, 2000 Lithic site with faunal remains Shell midden Carlson, 1979, 2003 Matson, 1976 Deflated shell midden associated with numerous flaked cobble tools Moss and Erlandson, 1998; Davis, 2006a withes and wood-working debris, but wooden stakes and wedges, braided twine, wrapped sticks, a two-part haft, and several possible points were recovered (Fedje et al., 2005b, p. 198; figures 11.6 and 11.7). Faunal remains are also well-preserved in the intact site areas, including numerous bones of black bear (Ursus americanus), harbour seal (Phoca vitulina), sea otter (Enhydra lutris), rockfish (Sebastes spp.), dogfish (Squalus acanthias), lingcod (Ophiodon elongatus), cabezon (Scorpaenichthys marmoratus), greenling (Hexagrammos spp.), Cassin’s auklet (Ptychorhamphus aleuticus), and short-tailed albatross (Phoebastria albatrus). Smaller numbers (<10) of bones from other marine vertebrates were recovered, including river otter (Lontra canadensis), northern sea lion (Eumetopias jubatus), skate (Raja spp.), halibut (Hippoglossus stenolepis), salmon (Oncorhynchus spp.), sculpin (Cottidae), and other fish, seabirds, and waterfowl. Shellfish remains, mostly California mussels (Mytilus californianus), were also present. As Fedje et al. (2005b, p. 203) noted, the early occupants of Kilgii Gwaay practised ‘‘a fully developed maritime adaptation in one of the most rugged environments on the coast of the Americas’’. Some of the rockfish and halibut specimens weighed over 15 kg and are found in fairly deep water. This requires quite sophisticated fishing gear and most likely a boat of some type. The large numbers of harbour seal, as well as the presence of river and sea otter, supports the focus on marine resources. The birds also tend to be marine species, with the possible exception of the geese. For example, albatross are unlikely to be found on shore and must have been hunted from a boat (Fedje et al., 2005b, p. 201). Another important early site is the deeply stratified and multicomponent Richardson Island site, located on the southeast coast of Haida Gwaii. Excavations in the basal Component 1, dated between about 10.6 and 10 ka (9300–8900 14C yr), identified a living surface associated with hearths, postholes, chipped stone artefacts, and J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 2237 small amounts of calcined bone (Fedje et al., 2004). Chipped stone artefacts include leaf-shaped bifaces, abundant bifacial toolmaking debris, and unifacial tools (scraper planes, spokeshaves, gravers, etc.), but no microblade technology. Component 2, dated between about 10 and 9.5 ka (8900–8500 14C yr), contains an early microblade technology widely identified in northern Northwest Coast sites beginning around 10,000  250 cal BP (w9000 14C yr). Small amounts of calcined animal bone were identified at the Richardson Island sitedmostly rockfishdindicating an economy at least partly maritime in character. A similar sequence has been identified at the multicomponent site of Namu, where a basal component dated between about 11.2 and 10.2 ka (9700–9000 14C yr) has produced leaf-shaped bifaces, numerous cobble choppers and other core tools, and expedient unifacial flake tools (Carlson, 1996, 1998). After about 10 ka microblade technology also appears in the stratified sequence at Namu. The earliest cultural component at Bear Cove has produced a rich faunal assemblage with abundant marine and land mammals, rockfish and cod, but spans a considerable duration, from 9 to 5 ka (Carlson, 1979, 2003). The well-documented Glenrose Cannery site in the lower Fraser Valley has also produced early Holocene dates (Matson, 1976). Cannon (2000) has also reported a 14C date of w11,400 cal BP (9940  50 RYBP) for charcoal retrieved from near the base of a shell midden (E1Ta-18) on Hunter Island along the central British Columbia Coast. Only preliminary data have been reported for this site, but if the age of the charcoal accurately reflects the antiquity of human occupation, it is one of the earliest shell middens along the Pacific Coast of North America. come from distant interior sources in south-central Oregon and northern California. In subsequent work at the same locality, Davis et al. (2004, p. 10) obtained a 14C date of 10,430  150 RYBP (w12.9–11.7 ka) on dispersed charcoal from an artefact-bearing soil and reported that the site was also occupied during the terminal Pleistocene. Charcoal is a common natural constituent in Oregon Coast soils, however, and no clear evidence has been presented that the dated charcoal was cultural in origin or that the 14C date was not affected by the old wood problem. Despite additional excavation at the site, no further dates appear to have been obtained to confirm that a terminal Pleistocene occupation took place at 35CU67C (Davis, 2006a). Hydration measurements from dozens of small obsidian flakes from the site all fall within a narrow range, moreover, suggesting that the obsidian found at the site is from a single occupational event (C. Skinner, pers. commun., 2004). Until further evidence is presented to support the presence of a terminal Pleistocene component, we consider 35CU67C to be an Early Holocene site. Early Holocene occupations have also been proposed for several other Oregon Coast sites (e.g., Tahkenitch Landing, Neptune, and Blacklock Point) over the years, but the precise age and cultural associations of these sites remains poorly documented (see Moss and Erlandson, 1995, 1998; Erlandson and Moss, 1996). Recently, Hall et al. (2005) reported a possible terminal Pleistocene or Early Holocene occupation at 35CS8, a lithic site located near Bandon on the south-central Oregon Coast. Their evidenceda single chipped stone artefact found below a Middle-to-Late Holocene occupation layerdseems more likely to result from animal burrowing or other stratigraphic mixing (see Moss et al., 2006). 4.2. Southern Northwest Coast 5. The California Coast and the Channel Islands The record of early human settlement along the southern Northwest Coastdfrom the Canadian border to northern Californiadis different from areas to the north and south. There are no well documented Early Holocene sites along the Washington Coast, only one from the Oregon Coast, and none from the northern California Coast. The dearth of early southern Northwest Coast sites led some archaeologists to propose that humans developed coastal or maritime lifeways relatively late in the area (e.g., Ross, 1990; Lyman, 1991; Lightfoot, 1993; Hildebrandt and Levulett, 1997). Others have attributed the lack of early sites to the lower intensity of research in the area (Jones, 1992) or to the unique geological dynamics of the Cascadia Subduction Zone, which corresponds closely to the area where early sites are rare (Moss and Erlandson, 1998). Once thought to be aseismic, the Cascadia Subduction Zone is now known to be struck every few centuries by very large earthquakes where a deadly combination of subsidence and tsunamis affect large portions of the coast (see Atwater, 1987; Darienzo and Peterson, 1990). The combination of episodic subsidence earthquakes, tsunamis, landslides, and coastal erosion provides a powerful explanation for the dearth of Early Holocene (and Middle Holocene) sites along the southern Northwest Coast (Erlandson et al., 1998; Punke and Davis, 2006). To explore some of these issues, Moss and Erlandson led a team of researchers who dated scores of coastal middens and intertidal fish weirs in outer coast and estuarine settings. Despite analyzing more than 205 14C samples from over 110 coastal sites, only one site older than 5000 years was identified (Erlandson and Moss, 1999). From this deflated and low density shell midden (35CU67C) on the southern Oregon Coast, Moss and Erlandson (1998) obtained three dates on burned and unburned mussel shell that averaged about 8.5 ka. Also collected was a large assemblage of cobble cores and core tools, occasional flake tools and biface fragments, and abundant chipped stone debitage from the deflated site area, including numerous small obsidian flakes geochemically determined to have As is the case further north along the coast, there are currently no serious candidates for pre-Clovis occupations in California that have not been examined and rejected by most scholars. Clovis-like fluted points have been found on the coast and in the interior, but most are isolated finds without stratigraphic, artefactual, or faunal associations (Rondeau et al., 2007). Fluted points from coastal sites show that some Palaeoindians were familiar with California’s coastal landscapes, but none of these specimens have been reliably dated (Erlandson et al., 2007b). Without good chronological data for California’s fluted points, it is even conceivable that Clovis peoples originated along the Pacific Coast, then moved into the continental interior (Erlandson, 1994, p. 268). It seems more likely, however, that Clovis-like points in California were left by later Palaeoindians spreading westward from the interior of North America. Although their relationship to the makers of these fluted points remains unclear, scores of shell middens and other coastal sites from the California Coast have been dated between about 13–9 ka, nearly all of them from south of the San Francisco Bay area (Erlandson and Moss, 1996; Erlandson et al., 2007b) (Fig. 3). These include mainland sites such as Duncan’s Point Cave on the Sonoma Coast, CA-SLO-2 and Cross Creek in San Luis Obispo County, CASBA-931 on Vandenberg Air Force Base, CA-ORA-64 on Newport Bay, Agua Hedionda (CA-SDI-210) in the San Diego area, and many others (see Table 2). Along the mainland coast, many early sites contain abundant shellfish remains and grinding stones (manos and metates), suggesting an economy dominated by the intensive use of shellfish and small seeds (Erlandson, 1994; Jones et al., 2002). Some researchers have proposed a ‘‘pre-milling’’ Palaeocoastal occupation of the mainland coast prior to 9 ka (Moratto, 1984; Erlandson, 1994), but recent work at the Cross Creek site suggests that the use of milling stones may extend back to 10 ka or more (Jones et al., 2002). Projectile points and fishing equipment are rare in most mainland Palaeocoastal sites, but occasional bones of fish, 2238 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Fig. 3. Map of Alta California showing the location of Palaeocoastal sites and drainage networks. See Table 2 for full listing of sites. Redrawn by G.N. Bailey from an original by J. Erlandson. sea mammals, seabirds, and land mammals hint at a broader economy, including maritime capabilities more clearly expressed in early Channel Island sites (see below). Especially impressive clusters of early sites have been documented along the mainland coast in the San Diego, Santa Barbara, and San Luis Obispo areas (see Jones, 1991; Erlandson, 1994; Erlandson and Moss, 1996; Bertrando and Levulett, 2004), many associated with extinct estuaries created by rapid sea level rise during the terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene. Simple Olivella shell beads, made by grinding or chipping the spire off these small marine snails, have been found in many early coastal and interior sites dated between about 11–9 ka (see Erlandson et al., 2005b; Fitzgerald et al., 2005), showing that trade networks existed between California’s Palaeocoastal peoples and their interior neighbours at the end of the Pleistocene. Chipped stone crescents have also been found in some mainland Palaeocoastal sites, as have leaf-shaped bifaces, numerous core tools, and hammer stones (Erlandson, 1994). The presence of multiple components and heavy soil mixing by gophers and other burrowing animals at most mainland sites limits the chronological resolution with which many early assemblages can be interpreted, but it seems likely that bone gorges, boats, and other maritime technologies were also used by mainland Palaeocoastal peoples. California’s Channel Islands, located between 20 and 98 km offshore, provide the earliest definitive evidence for the presence of maritime peoples along the Pacific Coast (Erlandson et al., 1996; Rick et al., 2001; Johnson et al., 2002; Erlandson, 2007). The earliest sites are Arlington Springs (CA-SRI-173) on Santa Rosa Island and Daisy Cave (CA-SMI-261) and Cardwell Bluffs (CA-SMI-678/679) on San Miguel island, where terminal Pleistocene occupations show that Palaeoindians used seaworthy boats to colonize the islands by at least 13–12 ka. The Arlington Springs site was discovered in 1959, when Orr (1968) found human bones eroding from a thin palaeosol exposed near a spring in Arlington Canyon. The palaeosol formed in a stratified sequence of arroyo fill sediments 11 m below the modern surface. A 14C date on charcoal found near the bones of Arlington Man suggested that he died about 10,000 RYBP, an age later supported by a date on human bone of 10,080  810 RYBP (Berger and Protsch, 1989: 59), with a calibrated age of about 12 ka. More recent AMS dating of collagen extracts from the bones of Arlington Man produced dates ranging from about 11,000 to 6600 RYBP, but Johnson et al. (2002: p. 543) argued that the oldest (w13 ka) is the most likely age of Arlington Man. A more conservative view is that he died sometime between about 13 and 12 ka, especially if he consumed some marine resources (as seems likely on the Channel Islands) as no marine reservoir effect has been applied in calibrating the dates on human bone collagen (Erlandson et al., 2007b). However, recent AMS dates on charcoal and mouse bones from the palaeosol in which Arlington Man’s bones and small amounts of chipped stone tool-making debris were found suggest an age close to 13 ka (Stafford et al., 2008). More evidence for a terminal Pleistocene settlement of the Channel Islands comes from Daisy Cave (CA-SMI-261) on San 2239 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Table 2 Palaeocoastal sites (>9000 years cal BP) along the Alta California Coast Site name General location and context 14 Site description or contents Primary references Duncan’s Point Rock Shelter (CA-SON-348/H) Sonoma County Coast w9500 (1 date) Stratified shell midden with basal deposits Schwaderer, 2002 Lodge Hill (CA-SLO-369) Cross Creek Site (CA-SLO-1797) Cambria Multicomponent shell midden Parker, 2004 San Luis Obispo County, near palaeoestuary w9100  100 (2 shell dates) 10,300–9000 cal BP Multicomponent estuarine shell with milling tools, etc. Jones et al., 2002 Diablo Canyon (CA-SLO-2) San Luis Obispo County, near mouth of Diablo Canyon Stratified shell midden, with basal deposits containing human burials, crescents, milling tools Greenwood, 1972 Stratified shell midden with early basal component Greenwood, 1972 (marine shell) w9900–9200 cal BP (3 shell dates) Shell midden Jones et al., 2002 w9500 cal BP Shell midden dominated by California mussels Glassow, 1996 (shell dates) w9000 cal BP Dense shell midden Glassow, 1996 Scattered bones of ‘‘Arlington Man’’ found in arroyo fill w11 m below surface Orr, 1968; Johnson et al., 2002 Buried shell midden exposed in sea cliff, black abalones and mussels dominate, with fish bone, and expedient stone tools Erlandson et al., 1999 Low density shell midden dominated by CA mussel shells Erlandson and Morris, 1992 Stratified midden with terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene strata. Faunal remains, bone gorges, shell beads, sea grass cordage in Early Holocene strata Erlandson, 2007; Rick et al., 2001 Low density shell midden, with red abalone shells and numerous bifaces, crescents, extensive lithic scatter Erlandson, unpublished data Stratified shell midden with rocky shore shellfish, fish remains, bone gorge Rick et al., 2003 Substantial midden deposit dominated by rocky shore shellfish; bone gorges, bifaces, and Olivella beads Erlandson and Rick, 2002 Shell midden with two loci; diverse technological assemblage (gorges, (Olivella beads, bifaces, etc.) Erlandson et al., 2005a,b; Braje, 2007 Large shell midden, largely deflated, with numerous leaf-shaped bifaces, and other stone tools Erlandson et al., 2008 Small shell midden dominated by rocky coast shellfish remains Erlandson et al., 2004a Low density shell midden dominated by California mussel shell Erlandson, unpublished Low density shell midden near spring; multiple small midden loci with heavy focus on shellfish (mussel) collecting Erlandson et al., 2004b Human skeleton with associated Olivella beads Berger et al., 1971 CA-SLO-585 San Luis Obispo County, in Diablo Canyon area CA-SL0–832/1420 San Luis Obispo County, in Pismo Beach area Surf Site (CA-SBA-931) Knoll overlooking mouth of Santa Ynez River, N. Santa Barbara, CO Honda Canyon Site (CA-SBA-530) Coastal terrace, N. Santa Barbara County Arlington Springs Man (CA-SRI-173) NW coast of Santa Rosa Island, near mouth of Arlington Canyon Arlington Point (CA-SRI-6) NW coast of Santa Rosa Island, just east of Arlington Canyon Garanon Canyon (CA-SRI-1) NW coast of Santa Rosa Island, near freshwater source Daisy Cave (CA-SMI-261) Northeast coast of San Miguel Island, cave and rock shelter site Cardwell Bluffs (CA-SMI-678/679) East end of San Miguel Island, adjacent to chert sources Seal Cave (CA-SMI-604) Harris Point area, north coast of San Miguel Island C age (cal BP) (shell dates) w10,000 cal BP (shell, human bone, collagen) w9000 cal BP (shell dates) w13,000–12,000 (human bone collagen) w9300 cal BP (marine shell date) w9200 cal BP (marine shell) 11,600–8500 cal BP (shell, charcoal, bone dates) 12,000–11,600 cal BP (5 marine shell dates) 10,200–9200 cal BP (3 shell dates) CA-SMI-522 Pt Bennett area, western San Miguel Island CA-SMI-608 South coast of San Miguel Island west of Crook Point Bath Beach Site (CA-SMI-507) Northwest Coast of San Miguel, Bath Beach Springs area Running Springs West (CA-SMI-548) Northwest coast of San Miguel, RS Cliffs (CA-SMI-610) on bluffs next to freshwater spring Northwest coast of San Miguel, near spring complex Busted Balls I (CA-SMI-606) Busted Balls Cove, NW coast of San Miguel Island La Brea Woman (CA-LAN-159) La Brea Tar Pits, Los Angeles w10,100–9000 cal BP (shell, charcoal dates) w9700–8600 cal BP (6 shell dates) w9400–9000 cal BP (3 shell dates) w9600 cal BP (marine shell dates) w9250 cal BP (2 marine shell dates) w9200–9000 (shell, charcoal dates) w10,200 cal BP? (human bone collagen) (continued on next page) 2240 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Table 2 (continued ) Site name General location and context 14 Site description or contents Primary references Irvine Site (CA-ORA-64) Upper Newport Bay (estuary) w9050 cal BP Huge multicomponent shell midden, early estuarine component with Olivella beads Erlandson et al., 2005b Orange County San Diego County; adjacent to Agua Hedionda estuary (AMS dates on shell) w9800 cal BP Multicomponent shell midden, with mix of estuarine and outer coast shellfish Moriarty, 1967 Lithic site near spring Warren, 1966 Agua Hedionda (CA-SDI-210) Harris Site (CA-SDI-149) San Diego County C age (cal BP) (shell dates) w10,000 cal BP Notes: General calendar date estimates, based on calibration ages derived from CALIB, including marine reservoir corrections for marine or mixed samples. Miguel Island, first occupied about 11.5 ka. Overlooking a rugged stretch of rocky coast, Daisy Cave is a narrow fissure about 11 m long and 1–2 m wide associated with a small rock shelter and a dense shell midden on the slope in front of the cave. The cave provides shelter from strong winds that buffet San Miguel much of the year. Because offshore waters drop off relatively steeply, Daisy Cave also remained relatively close to the coast throughout the Holocene. The unique combination of shelter and proximity to the sea attracted people to Daisy Cave for more than 11 ka. Terminal Pleistocene occupation of the cave was limited, but a thin soil horizon known as Stratum G produced a few chipped stone artefacts associated with a small assemblage of shellfish remains (Erlandson et al., 1996; Rick et al., 2005). Despite the limited nature of the occupation, the assemblage shows that Palaeocoastal peoples foraged for red abalones, mussels, turban snails, and other shellfish in rocky intertidal habitats and that Palaeoindians were building and using seaworthy boats much earlier than most scholars would have thought possible 20 years ago. Between 10 and 8.5 ka, people visited Daisy Cave repeatedly and left behind a much broader range of materials. These Early Holocene strata have produced a variety of well-preserved artefacts and faunal remains associated with early maritime peoples, including numerous expedient stone tools, a few projectile points and bifaces, bone bipoints or fish gorges that are the oldest fishhooks from the Americas, more than 1500 pieces of cordage and a few woven items made from sea grass (Connolly et al., 1995), Olivella shell beads, tens of thousands of marine shells and fish bones, and occasional bones of sea otter, seals, and sea birds (Rick et al., 2001, 2005; Erlandson, 2007). Shellfish remains were dominated by California mussels, black abalones, turban snails, and other species from rocky intertidal habitats. Over 27,000 fish bones from at least 18 fish taxa were also found in the Early Holocene levels (Rick et al., 2001), mostly from smaller fish (surfperch, rockfish, cabezon, and California sheephead) common in rocky nearshore and kelp forest habitats. Dietary reconstructions suggest that shellfish and fish dominated the Daisy Cave economy, but the relatively eclectic nature of coastal foraging at Daisy Cave suggests that its Palaeocoastal occupants were capable of taking a variety of marine resources between 10 and 9 ka. Several other Palaeocoastal sites dated between about 12 and 9 ka have been identified on San Miguel and Santa Rosa islands (Table 2). The oldest of these is CA-SMI-678/679 at Cardwell Bluffs, a large lithic scatter and shell midden complex recently dated at 12–11.5 ka, is associated with two chert sources near the east end of San Miguel Island. Lithic sites in the vicinity of this chert source have produced several chipped stone crescents and stemmed Channel Island Barbed points, distinctive artefact types considered to be diagnostic of the terminal Pleistocene or Early Holocene. Although heavily eroded, the site contains several low density shell midden loci, where in situ shells from red abalones and other rocky nearshore shellfish are associated with chipped stone tool-making debris. Most of the other early island sites are situated near springs located some distance from the Early Holocene coast and may have been campsites occupied during the dry summer season, when freshwater springs would have pulled coastal peoples away from the coast. Several early shell middens have produced bone gorges and Olivella beads similar to those found at Daisy Cave. Human population densities are usually thought to have been relatively low during the Early Holocene, but the growing number of early Channel Island sites suggests that more people were present than previously believeddwhich seems consistent with the several millennia of demographic expansion expected given the presence of fluted points on the adjacent mainland and the terminal Pleistocene occupations of Arlington Springs, Daisy Cave, and Cardwell Bluffs. With shorelines of comparable age heavily impacted by rising seas and coastal erosion, moreover, the known Palaeocoastal sites may represent just a fraction of the sites that once existed in the area. So far, no shell middens older than 9000 years have been definitively identified on the southern Channel Islands. Chipped stone crescents have been found on Santa Catalina and San Nicolas (Jertberg, 1986), however, suggesting that maritime peoples also settled the southern islands by at least the Early Holocene. Well-documented excavations at an 8600–8400 year old shell midden at Eel Point (CA-SCLI-43) on San Clemente Island, located almost 80 km off the San Diego Coast, have produced evidence for a relatively sophisticated boat and maritime technology (Cassidy et al., 2004). Harvesting of abalones and other shellfish appears to have been an important subsistence pursuit of the early Eel Point occupants, but faunal data also suggest that they regularly fished and hunted sea mammals (Porcasi et al., 2000). 5.1. Baja California That the early Channel Island sites may represent a broader Palaeocoastal tradition along the arid coasts of North America is supported by recent archaeological research in Baja California. Just a decade ago, Baja California was a virtual black hole in our knowledge of early settlement along the Pacific Coast of North America, with only one poorly documented site dated to the Early Holocene (Erlandson and Moss, 1996). Until recently, areas along the Gulf of California Coast (see Davis, 1968; Ritter, 1976, 1979, 1985, 2006) and the Sierras (Gutierrez and Hyland, 2002) had seen more archaeological research than the Pacific Coast. In the last decade, however, several teams working on or near the Pacific Coast have identified terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene shell middens with assemblages reminiscent of Palaeocoastal sites in Alta California (Fig. 4, Table 3). The origins of these coastal or maritime peoples remain obscure, but here again the earliest widely accepted archaeological materials in the area are Clovis-like fluted points that are probably terminal Pleistocene in age. Lacking associated 14C dates, these fluted points have been recovered from the surface of several peninsular sites (Aschmann, 1952; Gutierrez and Hyland, 2002; Hyland, 2006). Baja California may seem an unlikely place for Clovis hunters, but observation of Pleistocene megafaunal remains can be traced back to Jesuit missionaries of the mid-18th 2241 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Fig. 4. Map of Baja California showing the location of Palaeocoastal sites. See Table 3 for site details. Redrawn by G.N. Bailey from an original by M. des Lauriers. century, who reported the remains of probable proboscideans near modern-day San Ignacio in the Central Sierras (del Barco 1789 (1988)) where several fluted points have been found (Gutierrez and Hyland, 2002). Another fluted point was found recently at the Arce-Meza site (PAIC-70) on Isla Cedros which was connected to the mainland until about 10 ka but is now located about 23 km offshore (Des Lauriers, 2006a). At the Arce-Meza site, large bifaces, unifacial scrapers, a variety of expedient flake tools, and large amounts of debitage were observed on the surface. Except for the fluted point, similar lithic assemblages have been documented at the Richard’s Ridge (PAIC-49) and Cerro Pedregoso Table 3 Palaeocoastal sites (w9,000 cal BP or older) of Baja California Site name General location 14 Abrigo de los Escorpiones Rock Shelter Abrigo Paredón West Coast between Punta Santo Tomas and Cabo Colonet 8870–8040 (16 dates) 10,120  40 (1 date) Laguna Seca Chapala Northern Central Desert Near Pacific Coast, w110 km North of Guerrero Negro Isla Cedros, Pacific Coast Central Peninsula Isla Cedros 9070  60 BP 8650  60 BP 8890  60 BP Punta Prieta Rockshelter Richard’s Ridge (PAIC-49) Cerro Pedregoso (PAIC-44) Covacha Babisuri Costa Baja Rock Shelters Isla Espiritu Santo, southern Sea of Cortez, Baja California Sur Baja California Sur, ca 5 km north C age (cal BP) 12,100 cal BP (shell: 10,745  25 BPl 11,800–9100 cal BP 10,095  30 BP (charcoal) 10,520  30 BP (shell) 10,520  30 BP (shell) 9870–8300 BP (11 dates) 10,000–8600 BP (6 shell dates) w8000 BP (2 dates) Site description or contents Primary references 6.5 meter deep shell midden deposit, with marine fauna, bone tools, fish hooks, and large leaf-shaped points Small rock shelter on pluvial lake shoreline Date on ‘‘cache of 15 turban shells’’ Cultural origin uncertain Dense shell midden with diverse lithic assemblage Dense, stratified shell midden with extensive lithic assemblage and faunal assemblage dominated by a nearly exclusive maritime focus Gruhn and Bryan, 2002 Stratified rock shelter deposit, with anomalously old dates (fossil shell?) Two neighbouring rockshelters Gruhn and Bryan, 2002 Davis, 2003 Erlandson and Moss, 1996 Des Lauriers, 2006a,b Des Lauriers, 2006a,b Fujita, 2006, pp. 85–86 from basal deposits Fujita, 2006, pp. 85–86 2242 J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 (PAIC-44) sites on Cedros, stratified shell middens dated to the terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene. Radiocarbon dates on marine shell and charcoal from midden deposits at Cerro Pedregoso range from about 11.8 to 9.1 ka, while a single mussel shell from Richard’s Ridge has been dated to w12,100  150 cal BP. These two sites have produced large and small bifaces, centripetal cobblecores, ground stone tools, and flaked tools made from Pismo clam (Tivela stultorum) shells (Des Lauriers, 2006a,b), as well as diverse faunal assemblages. At Cerro Pedrogoso, the fauna is dominated by marine shellfish, bony and cartilaginous fish, sea turtle (cf. Caretta sp.), Guadalupe fur seal (Arctocephalus townsendii), and sea birds, along with quantities of sea grass and other carbonized marine floral remains. Isla Cedros has endemic populations of pygmy mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus cerrosensis) and brush rabbit (Sylvilagus bachmanii cedrosensis), but only one rabbit bone was recovered from excavations, compared to over 1000 identified bones of marine vertebrates. While these localities are the first for which radiocarbon dates confirm such an early occupation on Isla Cedros, at least five other sites on the island have similar surface manifestations, lithic assemblages, and shellfish assemblages. Like the terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene sites on the Northern Channel Islands, the Isla Cedros material indicates a strong focus on the exploitation of a diverse range of marine and littoral resources from a very early date (Des Lauriers, 2006a). Here, too, the strong emphasis on marine resources and relatively intensive early occupation of Isla Cedros suggest a population familiar with coastal settings and aquatic resources. Several other Baja California sites dating to the Early Holocene or terminal Pleistocene have been identified in the past decade. These sites are spread along the 1600 km length of the peninsula, and most are in the early stages of research, mirroring the general archaeological situation in the region. Currently, most early peninsular sites are located near the coast and have strong emphases on littoral resources (Gruhn and Bryan, 2002; Fujita, 2006). One exception is the ‘‘interior’’ site of Abrigo Paredón (Gruhn and Bryan, 2002; Davis, 2003), which dates as early as 9070  60 RYBP. This site, which lies on the shoreline of a small pluvial lake basin about 50 km from both the Pacific and Gulf of California coastlines, has a relatively shallow (w50 cm) deposit dominated by lithic debitage, limited quantities of small mammal (i.e. Lepus sp.) bone, and some Pacific Coast shellfish remains (Gruhn and Bryan, 2002). At the coastal rockshelter of Abrigo de los Escorpiones, Gruhn and Bryan (2002) uncovered a stratified shell midden at least 5.6 m deep. With basal deposits dating between about 10 and 9 ka, faunal remains suggest a strong focus on the collection of rocky-shore shellfish. One 14C date exceeds 10,000 RYBP, but Gruhn and Bryan (2002) cite a more conservative age estimate, based on a consideration of the context for each sample and issues of stratigraphic integrity. Further excavations are planned to seek deposits predating 9 ka (Gruhn and Bryan, 2002). Another early site is located on Espiritu Santo Island in the Sea of Cortez, just inside the southern tip of the peninsula (Cabo San Lucas). At the Covacha de Babisuri rockshelter, Fujita (2006) excavated a stratified deposit with cultural materials dating to at least 10,000 RYBP. Shells recovered below the 10,000 year old level produced dates in excess of 30 ka, but these anomalously old dates may indicate the use of fossil shell by the terminal Pleistocene occupants of the shelter. Similar to Isla Cedros, Espiritu Santo was probably connected to the mainland during the LGM, but had become an island by the time these coastal peoples settled there. Here, the early occupation of an island, one with very few terrestrial resources, also suggests an initial occupation of the peninsula by people familiar with the exploitation of marine resources. 6. Conclusions Geological and archaeological data suggest that the distribution and abundance of early archaeological sites along various segments of North America’s Pacific Coast are strongly influenced by the unique geological history of each region. Despite the challenges posed by postglacial sea level rise, coastal erosion, glaciation, and tectonics, recent archaeological research along the Pacific Coast has identified important sites that shed considerable light on the antiquity and nature of early human settlement along the western edge of North America. In the Pacific Northwest, California, and Baja California, archaeologists have now identified evidence for the maritime settlement of islands by at least 11.5 ka. In California, Palaeocoastal peoples used seaworthy boats to settle the Northern Channel Islands as early as 13 ka, roughly contemporary with Clovis (see Waters and Stafford, 2007). Such discoveries, along with doubts about the availability of the interior ice-free corridor until approximately 13 ka, have pushed a coastal migration theory to the forefront of the debate about how and when the Americas were first colonized. The coastal migration theory has also gained credibility in recent years because of evidence for Pleistocene seafaring in eastern Asia (Erlandson, 2002; Fedje et al., 2004) and early occupations along the Pacific Coast of South America (e.g., Dillehay, 1997; Keefer et al., 1998; Richardson, 1998; Sandweiss et al., 1998). Erlandson et al. (2007a) proposed that kelp forests along North Pacific coastlines may have provided a ‘‘kelp highway’’ for maritime peoples migrating from northeast Asia into the Americas, with a similar suite of marine resources, reduced wave energy, and holdfasts for boats along a linear migration corridor entirely at sea level. Whether such a coastal migration actually took placedor represented the earliest colonization of the American continentsdhas yet to be demonstrated, but a variety of archaeological, anthropological, geological, and genetic evidence suggests that such a scenario is increasingly likely (Erlandson, 1994, 2002; Dixon, 1999; Fedje et al., 2004; Kemp et al., 2007). When, how, and from where the first maritime peoples first reached the Pacific Coast remains uncertain. The Monte Verde site is not universally accepted, and the presence of fluted Clovis-like points in coastal areas from Washington to Baja California leaves open the possibility that the early maritime peoples in the area are descended from Palaeoindians armed with a fluted point technology. With the antiquity of maritime settlement along various areas of the west coast pushed back to between at least 13 and 11.5 ka, however, it is now clear that models featuring a late settlement of the west coast and a gradual development of maritime capabilities are no longer viable. By about 10 ka, archaeological evidence from all three geographic areas of the Pacific Coast demonstrates that coastal peoples had used seaworthy boats and other maritime technologies for more than a millennium. In all three areas, geography, faunal remains, or isotopic evidence indicate that these Palaeocoastal peoples: (1) used boats to explore and colonize offshore islands; (2) actively hunted, fished, and foraged in marine ecosystems; and (3) had economies that were fully maritimedwith a majority of their calories or protein derived from marine resources. By 10 ka, Palaeocoastal peoples along the Pacific Coast had developed the earliest examples of several maritime technologies known in the New World, including barbed bone harpoons in the Pacific Northwest, bone gorge fishhooks on the Channel Islands, early cordage and basketry made from sea grass, and shell beads traded to interior peoples. This represents a much more sophisticated maritime adaptation than most scholars would have considered possible a decade or two ago. Because even earlier coastlines lie deeply submerged and largely unexplored offshore, understanding the origins of these maritime Palaeocoastal peoples is a challenge that requires a systematic archaeological search of the drowned terrestrial landscapes that flank the Pacific Coast of North America. J.M. Erlandson et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 27 (2008) 2232–2245 Acknowledgments An early draft of this paper was presented by J.M.E. at the 2006 CALPE conference sponsored by the Gibraltar Museum. Jacob Bartruff of Eridu Consulting kindly drafted Fig. 2. We thank Todd Braje, Daryl Fedje, Terry Jones, Quentin Mackie, Judith Porcasi, and Torben Rick for assistance in compiling data on early Pacific Coast sites. We are also indebted to Clive Finlayson, Geoff Bailey, Darren Fa, anonymous reviewers, and the editorial staff of Quaternary Science Reviews for help in the review, revision, and production of this paper. Finally we acknowledge the contributions of the many scholars whose research has added to our understanding of the archaeology and palaeoecology of the Pacific Coast of North America. References Aschmann, H., 1952. A fluted point from Central Baja California. American Antiquity 17, 262–263. Ackerman, R.E., Hamilton, T.D., Stuckenrath, R., 1979. Early culture complexes of the northern northwest coast. Canadian Journal of Archaeology 3, 195–209. Ackerman, R.E., Reid, K.C., Gallison, D., Roe, M.E., 1985. 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