Marine Ventures Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations

Marine Ventures Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations edited by Hein B. Bjerck, Heidi Mjelva Breivik, Silje E. Fretheim, Ernesto L. Piana, Birgitte Skar, Angélica M. Tivoli, and A. Francisco J. Zangrando Published by Equinox Publishing Ltd. UK: Unit S3, Kelham House, 3 Lancaster Street, Shefield S3 8AF USA: ISD, 70 Enterprise Drive, Bristol, CT 06010 www.equinoxpub.com First published 2016 © H. B. Bjerck, H. M. Breivik, S. E. Fretheim, E. L. Piana, B. Skar, A. M. Tivoli, A. F. J. Zangrando and contributors 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 9781781791363 (hardback) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bjerck, Hein Bjartmann, editor-in-chief. Title: Marine ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations / edited by Hein Bjartmann Bjerck, Heidi M. Breivik, Silje E. Fretheim, Ernesto L. Piana, Birgitte Skar, Angelica M. Tivoli and A. Francisco J. Zangrando. Description: Bristol, CT : Equinox Publishing, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identiiers: LCCN 2015033327 | ISBN 9781781791363 (hb) Subjects: LCSH: Underwater archaeology. | Human ecology. Classiication: LCC CC75.U5 M37 2016 | DDC 930.1028/04--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015033327 Typeset and edited by Queenston Publishing, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada Printed and bound by Bell & Bain Ltd, 303 Burnield Road, Thornliebank, Glasgow G46 7UQ, UK Contents List of Tables x List of Figures ix List of Contributors xix Preface 1 1. Introduction: Marine Ventures—Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations Hein B. Bjerck and A. Francisco J. Zangrando 5 Beginnings: Early Marine Foraging and Adaptive Trajectories 2. Shells on the Hill: Marine Fauna in the Caves with Upper Pleistocene and Holocene Levels in La Garma Archaeological Zone, Cantabria, Spain 17 Esteban Álvarez-Fernández 3. The Emergence of Sedentism in Mesolithic Western Norway: A Case-study from the Rockshelters of Sævarhelleren and Olsteinhelleren by the Hardanger Fjord 33 Knut Andreas Bergsvik, Anne Karin Hufthammer and Kenneth Ritchie 4. Exploring the Role of Pinnipeds in the Human Colonization of the Seascapes of Patagonia and Scandinavia Hein B. Bjerck, Heidi Mjelva Breivik, Ernesto L. Piana and A. Francisco J. Zangrando 53 5. On the Applicability of Environmental and Ethnographic Reference Frames: An Example from the High-latitude Seascapes of Norway and Tierra del Fuego 75 Heidi Mjelva Breivik, Hein B. Bjerck, A. Francisco J. Zangrando and Ernesto L. Piana 6. Hakai, a Late-glacial to Early Holocene Paleoshoreline “Sweet Spot” on the West Coast of Canada Daryl Fedje and Duncan McLaren vii 95 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations 7. Two Case Studies in the Initial Early Holocene Colonization in Parts of Europe’s Atlantic Edges: It’s Not Getting There That Matters 105 Peter C. Woodman 8. Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity: Marine Foragers in the Archipelagos of Tierra del Fuego and Norway 123 A. Francisco J. Zangrando, Angélica M. Tivoli, Hein B. Bjerck, Heidi Mjelva Breivik, Silje E. Fretheim and Ernesto L. Piana Life Styles: Settlements and Subsistence by the Sea 9. Searching for Maritime Hunter-Gatherer Archaeological Record in the Shifting Shorelines of the South Paciic Coast (Chonos and Guaitecas Archipelago, Chile) 141 Omar Reyes, Manuel San Román and Flavia Morello 10. Archaeology of Maritime Hunter-gatherers from Southernmost Patagonia, South America: Discussing Timing, Changes and Cultural Traditions during the Holocene Manuel San Román Bontes, Omar Reyes Báez, Jimena Torres Elgueta and Flavia Morello Repetto 157 11. Home by the Sea: Exploring Traditions of Dwelling Reoccupation and Settlement Stability among Marine Foragers in Norway and Tierra del Fuego 175 Silje E. Fretheim, Ernesto L. Piana, Hein B. Bjerck and A. Francisco J. Zangrando 12. Coastal Hazards, Resiliency and the Co-Evolution of Human-Natural Systems along the Southeast Coast of Sri Lanka during the Late Quaternary (c. 30,000– 3000 BP): Preliminary Findings of the 2013 Bundala Archaeological Survey 193 Hans Harmsen and Priyantha Karunaratne 13. Icescapes and Archaeology: Interactions above and below Zero 211 Jason Rogers 14. A Submerged Mesolithic Grave Site Reveals Remains of the First Norwegian Seal Hunters 225 Birgitte Skar, Kerstin Lidén, Gunilla Eriksson and Berit Sellevold 15. Rethinking the Mesolithic of the Sado Paleoestuary, Portugal: Semi-sedentary Hunter-Gatherers 241 Joaquina Soares 16. Marine Adaptation in the Middle Mesolithic of South-eastern Norway Steinar Solheim and Per Persson viii 261 Contents 17. Fishing as a New Commercial Profession and the Dawn of New Habitation along the Norwegian Coast 277 Helge Sørheim Seafaring: Logistics, Encounters and Communications 18. 295 Indigenous Sailing in the Arctic Evguenia Anichtchenko 19. Chaloupes and Kayaks: European Mariners and the Seascapes of Intercultural Contact 311 Amanda Crompton and Lisa K. Rankin 20. The Seascapes of Santarosae: Paleocoastal Seafaring on California’s Channel Islands 325 Jon M. Erlandson 21. Marine Ventures in the Stone Age Rock Art of Fennoscandia 337 Jan Magne Gjerde 22. Marine Ventures and Thomas Bridges’ Yamana–English Dictionary 355 Magnhild M. Husøy and Elisabeth F. Swensen 23. Quartz Utilization along the Coast of Southern Norway: Results from a Stone Age Survey in Aust-Agder 367 Svein Vatsvåg Nielsen, Joachim Åkerstrøm, Jo-Simon Frøshaug Stokke and Knut Fossdal Eskeland 24. Kayaks and Chaloupes: Labrador Inuit and the Seascapes of Inter-Cultural Contact 383 Lisa K. Rankin and Amanda Crompton 25. Bronze Age Connections across the Baltic Sea: Discussing Metalwork as Source of Maritime Contacts in Prehistory 399 Uwe Sperling 417 Index ix Preface This book includes papers presented at the 2013 “Marine Ventures International Symposium” in Trondheim. The Symposium aimed to …promote a dialogue between colleagues working in these main ields: a) initial developments and further elaboration of marine foraging; b) technological and logistical implications of travelling by sea; and, c) interrelations between social and cognitive systems, settlement patterns and subsistence of marine hunter-gatherers. These ields of research are a fruitful meeting place for different competencies, methodologies and theoretical traditions. Proceedings are never able to present the full account of their aims and scope. Nevertheless, it is beyond doubt that this constellation of papers constitute an outline and illustrative cases of “Marine Ventures” from Late Pleistocene to the Historical times, in a wide geographical scope from the Arctic to the very tip of the American continent, Europe and Sri Lanka. The papers encompass marine foraging from shellish in the littoral zone, hunting marine mammals in open sea and sea ice, adaptive diversity, trajectories, and intensiication in marine foraging, seafaring, encounters and communication. All in all, 27 papers were presented, of which 22 are included in this volume. Five of the participants at the symposium decided not to take part in the book, that subsequently do not include the interesting presentations from Carola Flores, Diego Salazar, Valentina Figueroa, César Borie, Laura Olguín, Philippe Béarez, Felipe Fuentes, Sandra Rebolledo, Hernán Salinas, Mónica Bahamondes (The development of early specialized maritime economies in the coast of the Atacama Desert, Chile: Interpreting a six-thousand year process, 11000–5000 cal BP), Mattias Petterson and Roger Wikell (To the end of the world—Recent results about seal hunters in the Ancylus Lake, 10000 years ago), Geoff Bailey (Submerged Coastlines, Archipelagos and the Long-term History of Coastal Dispersal), Aikaterini Glykou (Seal exploitation in Baltic Sea during the mid- and late Holocene), and Antonieta Jerardino, Nicholas Wiltshire, and Timm Hoffman (Cultural boundaries, environmental variables and biogeographic ranges: characterizing settlement at Soutpansklipheuwel, a rocky outcrop on the West Coast of South Africa). However, we are happy to be able to include additional papers from Jon Erlandson and Esteban Álvarez-Fernández who could not attend the symposium. All papers presented in the volume are peer reviewed. 1 Participants at the Marine Ventures International Symposium in Trondheim, October 2–6, 2013. From the left, Amanda Crompton, Lisa K. Rankin, Lotte Carrasco, Lucia Koxvold, Steinar Solheim, Elisabeth F. Swensen hiding behind Ernesto Piana, Hege Damlien, Per Persson, Astrid Nyland, Aikaterini Glykou, Magnhild M. Husøy, Almut Schülke, John Asbjørn Havstein, Charlotte Damm, Peter Astrup, Jan Magne Gjerde, Sara Brauer, Silje E. Fretheim, Manuel San Roman, Knut Andreas Bergsvik, Flavia Morello, Jason Rogers, Angélica M. Tivoli, Birgitte Skar, Christer Westerdahl, Evguenia Anichtchenko, Joaquina Soares, Geoff Bailey, Carola Flores, Valentina Figueroa Larre, A. Francisco J. Zangrando, Helge Sørheim, Antonieta Jerardino, Roger Wikell, Joanne McSporran, Daryl Fedje, Heidi Mjelva Breivik, Astrid Lorentzen and Hein B. Bjerck. Photo Åge Hojem, NTNU The University Museum. Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations 2 Figure P1 Preface 3 Figure P2 From the exhibition “Marine Ventures: Stone Age foragers in the seascapes of Norway and Tierra del Fuego” that was displayed at the University museum in Trondheim June 2013–June 2015. Photo Åge Hojem, NTNU The University Museum. Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations A generous grant from the Research Council of Norway, the Latin America Program, permitted a formalization of the Marine Ventures research project (208828) between The University Museum, Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) in Trondheim, and the Argentinean Centro Austral de Investigaciones Cientíicas (CADIC-CONICET) in Usuhaia, Tierra del Fuego. Project members are Hein B. Bjerck (leader), Ernesto Piana, Birgitte Skar, Angélica Montserrat Tivoli and A. Francisco J. Zangrando, the PhD candidates Heidi Mjelva Breivik and Silje E. Fretheim, and MA candidates Elisabeth Forrestad Swensen, Magnhild Moland Husøy, and Karen Ørbogen Oftedal. The project included ield studies in the form of excursions, surveys and excavations in Tierra del Fuego and Norway, focussing on problems relating to early marine foraging and the dynamics of Human–Sea relations (Work Packages 1–3). In addition, a fourth work package on heritage studies was included, comparing practices and dissemination strategies between Parque Nacional Tierra del Fuego (PNTDF) in Argentina and the World Heritage Site (WHS) Vega, Norway. Another component in the project is the exhibition “Marine Ventures: Stone Age foragers in the seascapes of Norway and Tierra del Fuego” that was displayed at the NTNU University Museum in Trondheim June 2013–June 2015. Finally, “The Marine Ventures International Symposium: Diversity and Dynamics in the Human–Sea Relation” in Trondheim, Norway, October 2–6, 2013, which mothered the present proceedings. Scientiic committee for the symposium consisted of Geoff Bailey (UK), Hein B. Bjerck (Norway), Hans Peter Blankholm (Norway), Charlotte Damm (Norway), Jon Erlandson (USA), Dominique Legoupil (France), Luis A. Orquera (Argentina), Ernesto L. Piana (Argentina), and Priscilla Renouf (Canada). The organizing committee was Silje E. Fretheim (Head), Hein B. Bjerck, Angélica M. Tivoli, and A. Francisco J. Zangrando. In the editing of this book, Hein B. Bjerck has been Editor-in-Chief; otherwise editors are listed in alphabetical order. We are grateful for all contributions from our institutions, the Research Council of Norway, the authors, Russell Adams and Equinox, and all peer reviewers for making this book possible. Trondheim / Ushuaia, September 25, 2015 Hein B. Bjerck Heidi Mjelva Breivik Silje E. Fretheim Ernesto L. Piana Birgitte Skar Angélica M. Tivoli A. Francisco J. Zangrando 4 —8— Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity: Marine Foragers in the Archipelagos of Tierra del Fuego and Norway a. francisco J. Zangrando, angélica M. Tivoli, Hein B. BJerck, Heidi MJelva Breivik, silJe e. freTHeiM and ernesTo l. Piana This chapter explores some conventional assumptions for complexity in marine hunter-gatherer contexts. Evidence and interpretations of settlement patterns and archaeological structures, decorated artifacts and ishing intensiication process are examined with the intention to assess how far the association of those features can be recognized in long-term archaeological contexts of the Beagle Channel (Tierra del Fuego) and the Mesolithic Norway. Associated inferential problems are discussed on the basis of a comparative analysis. This study shows that factors usually linked to complexity can be identiied in both areas, but they operated over different time spans and at different points in the long archaeological sequences. It was also observed that such lines of evidence confront serious problems of resolution and integrity (e.g., poor organic preservation), which in turn are conditioned by diverse scientiic presumptions. In order to stimulate studies of increasing or decreasing complexity in hunter-gatherer societies, this paper inally notes that the complexity conception needs to be archaeologically clariied and strengthened in contrast to typological perspectives. Introduction Complex hunter-gatherers are commonly characterized by high population densities, large resident group sizes, sedentism, territoriality, food storage and intensiication (commonly of ish resource exploitation). Despite the fact that there are very few ethnographic examples that correspond to the deinition of complex hunter-gatherers (Kelly 1995), archaeologists constantly claim to discover evidence of “complexity” among marine foragers around the world. George P. Murdock (1969) was among the irst to stimulate others to think about the beneits of the aquatic environments in the social organization and complexity of hunter-gatherers. He provides an extensive and inluential ethnographic treatment of the relationship between subsistence patterns and spatial organization of human populations: ishing (including shellishing and the pursuit of aquatic animals) is the only relatively simple mode of subsistence that appears conducive to a settled way of life, and it is highly probable that Keywords: Subarctic and Subantarctic regions, ishing, settlement patterns, portable art 123 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations prior to the irst appearance of agriculture 10,000 years ago the only sedentary populations for many millennia were groups of ishermen. (Murdock 1969, 144) Thus, Murdock interprets that a marine based subsistence may have played an important historical and cultural role in the transition to early agriculture. Moreover, Murdock notes that “not only are ishing societies commonly sedentary, but they often support social institutions of much greater complexity than are found among hunter-gatherers” (Murdock 1969, 145). More recent and extensive ethnographic studies support this general relation between ishing and sedentary or semi-sedentary settlements patterns and labour organization including social ranking and leadership (e.g., Binford 2001; Kelly 1995). To deine what constitutes “cultural complexity” is a challenge, but it is even more dificult to establish how it can be assessed archaeologically. The Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers: The Emergence of Cultural Complexity volume edited by Price and Brown (1985) formed the basis for the archaeological study of complexity in hunter-gatherers and encouraged investigations worldwide. Papers in that volume present a wide range of case studies and important efforts to relate theoretical conceptions of cultural complexity with different archaeological features such as size of sites, architectural form, art elaboration, resource intensiication, etc. More recently, the identiication in the archaeological record of several of those features has been considered problematic (e.g., Arnold 1996), and it is dificult to ind in the literature a general consensus about the evolutionary implications of complexity in hunter-gatherer societies. Part of the scientiic community accepts that there are many forms of complexity, and that many historical trajectories can lead to it (e.g., Kim and Grier 2006; Rowley-Conwy 2001). On the other hand, some scholars reduce the spectrum to those hunter-gatherers which are socially stratiied and have labour relationships with institutionalized inequality and political structures (e.g., Arnold 1996; Fitzhugh 2003, 3). This contribution is not a detailed review of theoretical conceptions about complex huntergatherers, for which important references are quoted immediately above. The research topic of this paper is to explore causality and inferential problems related to the evaluation of complexity in archaeological studies of marine hunter-gatherers. Since ethnography has been one of the main avenues used to comprehend the material record in archaeology, the ethnographic worldview has greatly inluenced how cultural changes in coastal and marine archaeological settings are interpreted, leading to progressivist views in historical trajectories (RowleyConwy 2001). This assumption is frequently brought into the study of marine contexts of high latitudes, where the high productivity of these environments is normally presented as a necessary pre-existing condition for complexity (Yesner 1980). The productivity of these environments has no ecological limits for increasing population densities, allowing changes in labour relationships towards craft specialization and social competition (Fitzhugh 2003, 5–6). But, if the marine environment can be described as afluent, is complexity an inevitable result in social evolution? Are non-complex foragers in those marine ecosystems less common than complex hunter-gatherers? Is there, in fact, a worldwide deterministic relationship between high latitude marine ecosystems and social complexity among marine hunter-gatherers? The research topic of this paper is necessarily time transgressive and the perspective is primarily archaeological. Following previous proposals (e.g., Ames 1985, 1991; Fitzhugh 2003; Moss 2011; Price 1985; Yesner 1996), empirical data for the development from partial to full seden124 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity tism, the elaboration of art (commonly in portable objects), and labour re-organization (food intensiication) are here used as archaeological measures for testing models and assumptions of complexity. These factors are examined with the intention to assess how far the association of features in the development of social complexity among hunter-gatherers can be recognized in a long-time perspective through the archaeological record, dealing with taphonomic and visibility problems as well as aspects of how different research traditions inluence this subject. Our paper thus addresses issues identiied in discussions of time perspectivism (Bailey 2007, 2008) emphasising how differences in scales and archaeological signatures affect our understanding of historical processes. We believe that archaeological information is robust enough to provide important comparative insights about those issues and to test predictions derived from ethnographic models. High latitude archipelagic seascapes, with prominent ecological productivity and resource concentrations, are found in different sub-Arctic and sub-Antarctic sectors of the world, especially in Scandinavia, Northwest North America and the Southwest Coast of Patagonia. Their geographical similarities are an interesting research platform that allows studying how humans have adapted (Bjerck 2009; Bjerck and Breivik 2012; Bjerck and Zangrando 2013). This statement does not aim to promote general laws. On the contrary, controlling some of the variables in ecologically similar contexts may improve our understanding of the human responses to the constraints and affordances related to a maritime lifestyle. Following Geoff Bailey and John Parkington (1988), we consider the variability in both human behaviour and environmental conditions as a valuable intellectual resource for comparison, rather than viewing variability as a limitation for the large-scale comparisons. Evidences from two archaeological coastal landscapes are compared: the Beagle Channel in southernmost South America and the Mesolithic Norway. These scenarios show different trajectories in human history: while evidence of social stability through the Holocene has been recognized for the Beagle Channel (Orquera and Piana 1999a), the archaeological record of Mesolithic Norway supports important changes in the social organization of hunter-gatherer populations (Bjerck 2008). A well-organized synthesis of the ecological parameters and main characteristics of the archaeological record is provided in this volume by Breivik and co-authors for both geographical areas. Here we focus on presenting evidence and interpretations of settlement patterns and archaeological structures, decorated artifacts and ishing intensiication processes. Information concerning settlement patterns and subsistence activities may also be supplemented by the data presented by Fretheim and Bjerck in this volume. Finally, interpretations of social evolution and associated inferential problems are integrated and discussed on the basis of a comparative analysis. Marine Hunter-Gatherers in the Southern Tip of South America Settlement Patterns and Archaeological Structures In the southernmost Patagonia most of the known coastal sites are shell middens. These archaeological sites present evidence of marine hunter-gatherer occupations from 7200 cal. BP to the nineteenth century (Orquera and Piana 1999a, 2000, 2001). All studied and sampled shell middens include evidences of multiple activities; lithic and bone tools and debris, ornamental gear, faunal remains, etc. In general, shell middens do not represent specialized activities. In the northern shore of the Beagle Channel, a large majority of shell middens are ring-shaped 125 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations Figure 8.1 Ring-shaped shell midden in Puerto Calero, Beagle Channel; the structure has a diameter of 5.5 meters and a depth of 1.1 meters. Photography by Atilio Francisco Zangrando. mounds (Figure 8.1, Puerto Calero) that tend to be clustered in large groupings (Barceló, Piana and Martinioni 2002). The excavations of some sites show that the visible pits inside the ringshaped mounds are around to 20 m2 and loor areas of 7 m2 (Figure 8.2, Túnel VII). There are no important variations in the sizes or shapes of the structures along the chronological sequence of 7000 years (Piana and Orquera 2010). Ethnographic information indicates that human mobility was high and conducted along short distances (Orquera and Piana 1999b, 267). Huts were used like tents rather than houses: they were places to get protection from weather inclemency, while most of the activities were performed outside (Piana and Orquera 2010). Canoes facilitated transport costs. Some historical sources indicate that existing depressions in the ground were used to install dwellings (e.g., Bridges 1947, 67). But several sources also point out that the ground was intentionally deepened to 50 cm (e.g., Gusinde 1986 [1937], 367 and 380; Hyades and Deniker 1891, 343). Archaeological and experimental studies have revealed that the construction of huts have not demanded much labour investment and the formation of ring-shaped mounds has not implied surface digging; in excavated sites the central pit was produced by simple accumulations of shells and other remains around the hut (Orquera and Piana 1999b, 282). Excavations have also demonstrated that the sites were normally re-occupied at the same spot, and that related use of space remained through time (Orquera and Piana 1999a, 23–44). Decorated Artifacts Dánae Fiore (2011, 2012) has analysed the decoration of bone artifacts from archaeological sites of the northern shore of Beagle Channel. She notes that the decorated artifacts include 126 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity Figure 8.2 Túnel VII site; occupations have been placed in the XVIII and XIX centuries (Orquera and Piana 1996). Drawing above: inner circle shows the interior of the hut with a sequence of burned sediments. The outer circle shows the boundary of the ring-shaped structure (Orquera and Piana 1999a, 63). Below: Floor of the hut exposed during excavation (Photo: Luis Orquera). Túnel VII site has been jointly excavated by Luis Orquera and Ernesto Piana (Argentina) and Jordi Estévez Escalera and Asunción Vila Mitjá (Spain). 127 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations four broad categories: tools (harpoon points, awls, wedges, rods, etc.), ornaments (beads and pendants), objects of unknown function (e.g., sub-rectangular tablets), and unmodiied bones (decorated bones or broken bone pieces). Archaeological studies shows that decoration was highly concentrated in the early occupations and extremely infrequent in the Late Holocene (Fiore 2011, 2012; Orquera and Piana 1999a). Due to the variety and details of their carved designs, the decoration of harpoon points involved a considerable labour investment (Fiore 2011). Such investment was sustained between 7200–4600 cal. BP and indicates that the cultural function of these tools was effective within its socio-economic context, not necessarily implying craft specialists or social complexity. Fishing Intensiication Zooarchaeological studies have been conducted on several sites on the Argentinean shore of the Beagle Channel with ages ranging between 7200 and 100 cal. BP. Good conditions for bone preservation have allowed a detailed reconstruction on subsistence patterns along the sequence. These studies shows that, although a maritime hunter, gatherer and isher strategy remained stable through time (Orquera and Piana 1999a), the exploitation of animal resources varied temporarily (Tivoli and Zangrando 2011; Zangrando 2009a, 2009b). At the beginning of the sequence, within a period of six to eight hundred years, pinnipeds predominated over other animals. After 5600 cal. BP, a diversiication process took place, not relecting an increase in taxonomic richness but showing a greater representation of alternative resources to pinnipeds, like guanacos, seabirds and marine ish (Zangrando 2009a). For the last 1500 years of the regional sequence, a dramatic increase of skeletal remains of ish marks a process of ish intensiication. The addition of a new category of pelagic ish resource provides evidence for increased effort suggesting labour reorganization in ishing activities (Zangrando 2009a, 2009b). There are no variations in ishing gear along the sequence, but the construction of ish traps was recently documented for the Late Holocene in the North Coast of the Beagle Channel (Vázquez and Zangrando in prep.). Mesolithic of Norway Settlement Patterns and Archaeological Structures The Mesolithic of Norway (11,500–6000 cal. BP) encompasses a number of traditions, cultures and techno-complexes, and regional differences in material culture and adaptation seem to increase throughout the period (Bjerck 2007). The Norwegian coast was colonized by huntergatherers with an aquatic oriented subsistence pattern at the Pleistocene/Holocene transition at 11,500 cal. BP. Most Mesolithic settlements are found in coastal areas, and point to subsistence patterns with heavy reliance on marine resources. Early Mesolithic settlements are also found in the mountain plateaus, and in the Late Mesolithic there are also abundant sites in the wooded lowlands of East Norway. The settlement pattern in the Early Mesolithic indicates high residential mobility: the sites are generally small, and no dwellings other than expedient tent loors (c. 10 m2) are recorded. All in all, Early Mesolithic sites seem to relect small and highly mobile social units, with relatively uniform subsistence strategies, and little elaboration of social territories (Bjerck 2007; Breivik 2014). 128 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity At Vega, the Middle Mesolithic period (10,000–8500 cal. BP) settlement pattern is more diverse and also represents major labour investments. The oldest permanent dwelling structures in the form of up to one meter deep pit houses (10–12 m2) are dated to 9–10,000 cal. BP. They point to a more structured settlement pattern that probably marks a system of seasonal occupation of differentiated settlements, larger residential sites with several houses as well as smaller stations (also with houses). This difference is also marked by abundant lithic waste and procurement tools (for production of tools and equipment) at residential bases—in contrast to a high amount of readymade tools (for hunting activities) at the stations. Further evidence of a more sedentary lifestyle is recognized in the Late Mesolithic (8500– 6000 cal. BP). In addition to pit houses, there are also thicker cultural deposits at the settlements. A Late Mesolithic dwelling discovered during the Ormen Lange project (Site 68, House 5; Åstveit 2008) consisted of a sunken loor with a diameter of 5.5–6 m (25 m2) and 15–25 cm in depth. Stone-lined postholes were found along the wall area, and the central ireplace had two ventilation ditches running out through the wall mounds (Åstveit 2009). Three houses were excavated by H. Bjerck (1990) on Vega Island: Åsgarden 1, Middagskarheia 1 and Porsmyrdalen 3; the irst two are the oldest dated pit-houses in Norway (c. 9500 cal. BP). These sites show that the areas of housepits vary between 13 m2 and 19 m2, while loor areas are between 7 m2 and 12 m2 (Bjerck 1990, tab. 2; Figure 8.3). The excavated Åsgarden 1 dwelling was part of an aggregation of 20 visible housepits (Bjerck 2008, ig. 3.12)—all of them circular or oval, 3–4 by 3 m and c. 50 cm deep. Further north, near Tromsø, rectangular dwellings over 40 m2 with nonsunken loors have been excavated, dated to c. 9000 cal. BP (Skandfer et al. 2010). In sum, the archaeological record of the Middle and Late Mesolithic depicts larger residential units and a higher degree of residential stability (Bjerck 2007), though a large number of dwellings from this period still seem to be fairly simple huts. Decorated Artifacts Quite remarkable, a decorated wooden implement, dated to 8200 cal. BP, was recovered from a bog near Oppdal in the inland of Central Norway (Gustafson 1986). The delicate incised zig-zag lines and triangle imprints resemble the patterns found on the numerous decorated wood and bone implements from Denmark (Andersen 2013). The fact that this unique Mesolithic wooden artifact also is decorated suggests that artistic displays were presented. This is also supported by the red ochre pieces that often appear in the highly humiied cultural deposits at the Mesolithic settlements. Occasional line and net patterns on the Middle Mesolithic star shaped shafthole clubs and pick axes of basaltic rock point in the same direction (Skår 2003). Thus, the scanty record of portable art from Mesolithic Norway is presumably a result of poor organic preservation. A few sites with exceptional preservation conditions have produced a range of bone artifacts of which some are decorated. The Mesolithic layers (8000–7000 cal. BP) from the rockshelter of Viste included bone arrows and arrow shafts, a dagger handle and a smoother with geometric décor elements. Also neck pendants made from bone and teeth were recovered (Olsen 1992, 182 with reference to Lund 1951). Decorated bone artifacts are additionally known from the Skipshelleren rockshelter (c. 6000–6400 cal. BP) and the oldest sequence on the Kotedalen site (c. 7400 cal. BP) (Olsen 1992). Three soapstone animal igurines (two birds and one whale) have been recovered from Late Mesolithic settlements in Hordaland 129 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations Figure 8.3 Middagskarheia 1 site, Vega, Norway (above) and house foundation in plan and sections (below). Photograph by Atilio Francisco Zangrando; Drawing by Hein Bjerck (1990, ig. 13). 130 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity in West Norway (7000–6000 cal. BP, Bergsvik 1996; David Simpson pers. comm.). In Late Mesolithic West Norway, there is also a tradition of decorated tiny line sinkers with geometric patterns, parallel lines, zig-zag lines, triangles, rhombs or “net-patterns.” Fishing Intensiication Unfortunately, the same poor preservation has dissolved most direct evidence of food remains on settlements. There are but few Mesolithic sites that contain organic remains. It is not possible to identify temporal trends in relation to the exploitation of animal resources. Still, this fragmented data shows that a large variety of environments were used for subsistence purposes along the Norwegian coast (Bjerck 2007; Hufthammer 2006; Indrelid 1978). Figure 8.4 shows faunal compositions in some Mesolithic sites in Norway. Aquatic resources dominate among mammals, both from riverine-coastal landscapes, beavers (Castoridae), otters (Mustelidae), and marine environments, dolphins (Delphinidae), seals (Phocidae), cetaceans (Phocoenidae). Marine resources are especially abundant in the Kotedalen, Frebergsvik and Mortensnes sites. Deer (Cervidae) are particularly abundant in Lok 3 Halden site, but this resource is also presented in the Tørkop and Kotedalen sites. Bone remains of canids (Canidae), felids (Felidae), hares (Leposidae), etc. are also presented in Mesolithic sites, but with lower representations. Bird bone remains corresponding to at least ten families are present on the reviewed sites. The only family represented in all sets with proportions ranging from 30 to 100% is the auk (Alcidae). Other birds are particularly important in some sites: Accipitridae (Tørkop), Laridae (Mortensnes), Phalacrocoracidae (Kotedalen), Phasianidae (Skoklefald). Although ten families of ish are represented in the reviewed Norwegian Mesolithic zooarchaeological assemblages, there is an overwhelming dominance of species of the Gadidae family. Fishing activities were clearly focused on this resource with the only exception of the Skoklefald site, where bone remains of herrings (Clupeidae) are the most common. Today, cods (Gadidae) are abundant everywhere in the Norwegian seascapes. In January–March large schools of Barents Sea cod migrate south to the spawning grounds in Northern Norway. It is not surprising that these resources have been vital to the Mesolithic populations. Line sinkers made of stone appear on most coastal settlements after 10,000 cal. BP and, when preservation conditions permit, also bone ish hooks. However, the most convincing evidence of ishing intensiication in the Late Mesolithic and onwards is the very evident relation between large settlements and stable ishing grounds, e.g., the many tidal currents (Bergsvik 2001a, 2001b). While there are no direct evidences for storage, it has been suggested that ish may be easily conserved by simple means as smoking or air drying (Bjerck 2007). Discussion The presented examples reveal that the recognition of archaeological indicators for huntergatherer complexity varies mainly according to historical contingencies through long time periods, different completeness of preservation in archaeological palimpsests, and diverse perceptions of the empirical data by the scholars. While there are no variations in house sizes along the archaeological sequence in the Beagle Channel, leading to sustain cultural stability over 6500 years (Orquera and Piana 1999a), sophisticated art production in portable objects have occurred 131 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations Figure 8.4 Taxonomic families of mammals, birds and ish represented in bone assemblages in some Mesolithic sites of Norway. Data were taken from: Bergsvik 2001b; Jaksland 2001, 2005; Mikkelsen 1975; Mikkelsen, Ballin and Hufthammer 1999; Schanche 1988; Senneset and Hufthammer 2002. 132 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity in the irst two millennia of the sequence, whereas the intensiication of ish took place in the last 1500 years (Zangrando 2009a, 2009b). Along the Norwegian coast, changes in the structures of sites have been identiied, more evidently between the Early Mesolithic and Middle–Late Mesolithic occupations. This change is believed to relate to a shift in subsistence pattern, from a heavy reliance on pinnipeds to intensiication of ishing (Bjerck et al., this volume). This historical trajectory could be tested with the zooarchaeological record for some sectors of the coast of Norway (Ritchie, Hufthammer and Bergsvik 2013); but unfortunately the poor preservation of organic material (Bjerck 2007) makes it dificult to assess the regional extent of this process. The inferences made about sedentism in marine hunter-gatherer societies rest primarily on the structural characteristics of the sites, basically as these increase in size a greater labour investment is anticipated. Although there is a general agreement that the increase in the sizes of the houses relects an increase of the sizes of the co-resident groups, there are signiicant differences in the criteria used to interpret changes in the archaeological record. In Mesolithic Norway, changes in settlement patterns are based on tent dwellings around 10 m2 in Early Mesolithic, to 30–60 cm deep and 13–25 m2 large pit houses in the Middle–Late Mesolithic, though small tent- or non-sunken hut loors are also represented in this last period. It is noteworthy that dwelling structures with similar house pit areas (20 m2) are abundant in the Beagle Channel, which is ethnographically documented in association with small residential groups and high mobility patterns (cf. Fretheim et al., this volume). As we have seen, the construction of these huts has not demanded much labour investment (Piana and Orquera 2010). However, it is striking that the hut foundations in the Beagle Channel have also been interpreted as semipermanent, semi-subterranean dwellings by other researches (e.g., Yesner 1996). There does not seem to be a general agreement or a clear set of criteria on how to evaluate the archaeological signatures used to infer mobility patterns among the presented cases. In sum, there is a clear need to strengthen and clarify which methodological tools work best with the structural properties of coastal sites (cf. Fretheim et al., this volume). Some scholars have pointed out that the production of art on portable artifacts was conducted by specialists in the northwest coast of North America, involving the existence of social status and a network system for trade (Ames 1991; Matson and Coupland 1995; Moss 2011). Scholars have also proposed that art could have worked as symbolic tools as a mean of labour manipulations by leaders (e.g., Arnold 1996). The production of portable art can operate under very different circumstances in the social assessment of marine foragers. Fiore (2006, 2011) has indicated that decorated harpoon points are concentrated in the earliest occupations of the Beagle Channel region, being extremely rare in later stages of the archaeological sequence. Decorating harpoon points involves considerable labour input due to the detailed carving of decorative designs. Such labour investment was sustained during the irst 2000 years of the 7200–4700 cal. BP archaeological sequence). Facing the normal risks of the colonization of new landscapes with low population densities and considerable separation among groups, to maintain interaction networks is a prerequisite for ensuring biological reproduction and maintenance of social ties during the process (Wobst 1974). The art on portable objects provides a support and a channel of interaction using the symbolic attributes of the artifacts (Conkey 1980; Gamble 1982, 1990; Mithen 1996). Therefore, it is possible to see the expressions of portable art in early occupations of the Beagle Channel as building mechanisms between groups, allowing 133 Marine Ventures: Archaeological Perspectives on Human–Sea Relations reproductive relationships that strengthen social bonds (Fiore 2006). In conclusion, the establishing of a system of visual communication can also be related to a colonization process of an archipelago, helping to minimize the risks of a sparsely populated landscape. In Mesolithic Norway, decorated artifacts appear in the oldest context with preserved organic material, and very likely art expressions were also practiced in the Early Mesolithic. For Asle Bruen Olsen, the absence of décor in later contexts speaks of a declining trend in bone decoration in Late Mesolithic and Neolithic times (1992, 183). However, the art seems to be transferred to other materials and is expressed through new motifs in these periods. In sum, social complexity is not the only condition for the production of art on portable artifacts, and symbolic expressions are not only constructed under institutionalized leaderships in marine hunter-gatherer societies. A inal discussion concerns the relationship between the intensiication of ishing and social evolution. Notwithstanding the fact that focal resources (e.g., salmon) are variable in intensity at both different locations and points in time; (Cannon, Yang and Speller 2011), specialized strategies could be essential to maintain high demographic levels and seem to be correlated with sedentism, storage and social stratiication. As an evolutionary corollary, residential group size and permanence would increase, leading to ownership claims over resources and resource extraction locations, which would combine with territoriality and violence over competition for resources (see Fitzhugh 2003, 227–244). At the southern tip of South America, ethnographic and archaeological information do not indicate semi-permanent settlements, storage or the existence of highly hierarchical social units (see Orquera and Piana 1999a, 118–119). The archaeological record of the Beagle Channel does not provide evidence of technology that could have increased the eficiency of ishing, like ish hooks or ishing nets. Though ish traps are known in Navarino Island (Furlong 1917), and were also recently recognized at few locations of the Beagle Channel (Vázquez and Zangrando in prep.), this does not seem to have been a widespread strategy. Nevertheless, a signiicant increase in the exploitation of ish resources is documented in the later part of the archaeological sequence, together with the addition of a new category of pelagic ish. These facts provide evidence for increased effort and suggest labour reorganization in ishing activities (Zangrando 2009b). Although hunter-gatherer groups located in southernmost Patagonia can be presented as an ethnographic exception regarding the quantity of food stored and intensiication (Binford 2001, 392), the case demonstrates that hunter-gatherer groups can adopt different paths in an intensiication process. This also supports the idea that intensiication should be viewed as a multi-dimensional process, which is not always related to increased social complexity (Zangrando 2009b). Conclusion When archaeological features commonly assigned to cultural complexity are applied as expectations for marine hunter-gatherers, discussions face empirical problems and such characteristics are dificult to relate. The present study led us to recognize some factors usually linked to complexity for two archaeological landscapes located at afluent marine environments at both ends of the world, but they operated over different time spans and at different spatial scales in long sequences at both locations. It was also observed that diverse lines of evidence confront problems of resolution and integrity (e.g., poor organic preservation), which is also conditioned by diverse scientiic presumptions. In other words, it seems that the archaeological fea134 Exploring Trajectories towards Social Complexity tures that were correlated showed a limited explanatory power with regards to documenting complexity in marine hunter-gatherer contexts. In part, this is due to the empirical and methodological challenges by imposing ethnographic models on long term archaeological contexts. But the scales on which we suppose that complexity interacted are also uncertain. Archaeologists generally have an instinctive reaction to interpret changes toward a greater cultural complexity. This distorting effect is a corollary of the progressivist view of social evolution, wherein the simple hunter-gatherer evolves into the complex hunter-gatherer, and then into horticulture and inally into agriculture (Rowley-Conwy 2001; Moss 2011, 2012). While this comprehension may be valuable in order to understand trajectories in universal human history, it may be less suitable for understanding development in hunter-gatherer societies on smaller spatial scales. Indeed, it must be admitted that there is a rich empirical base in which many (if not most) of the hunter-gatherer historical trajectories in the world never resulted in horticulture or agriculture. In this sense, we consider that complexity should not be seen as a narrow and essentialist viewpoint (e.g., non-egalitarian, socially stratiied hunter-gatherers with institutionalized labour relationships). Such perspective would only lead discussions in some speciic parts of the world under particular socio-political conditions (e.g., some sectors of the Northwest Coast of North America or Jomon in Japan). It is noteworthy that important inter-regional variations regarding complexity have even been recognized along the North Paciic Rim (Moss 2011, 2012). Like other time transgressive phenomena, complexity can be considered part of a continuum and a non-directional process in which there is not necessarily a determined socio-political typology or an endpoint (Kim and Grier 2006; Rowley-Conwy 2001). In this way, archaeological explorations of complexity can be open to a broader perspective that stimulates studies of increasing or decreasing complexity through different scales in marine hunter-gatherer contexts. Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Marine Ventures project (2011–2014). Marine Ventures was managed by the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), The University Museum in cooperation with the Centro Austral de Investigaciones Cientíicas (CADIC-CONICET). A four month grant was awarded to Atilio F. Zangrando for working at the NTNU (Trondheim, Norway). The project and Zangrando’s grant were funded by the Research Council of Norway (project 208828). 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