Tianzhu lingqian: Divination Prints from a Buddhist Temple in Song Hangzhou (2007)

SHIH-SHAN SUSAN HUANG TIANZHU LINGQIAN: DIVINATION PRINTS FROM A BUDDHIST TEMPLE IN SONG HANGZHOU I n Beijing in the 1930s, the scholar and collector ofChinese rare books Zheng Zhenduo (1898- 1958) acquired an ancient printed booklet entitled Tianzhu lingqian (Efficacious lots of Tianzhu; here­ after the Tianzhu Prints), a collection of eighty-five illustrated oracular verses, from an original set of one hundred (fig. 1).1 Each page ofthe Tianzhu Prints is titled on the right "Efficacious Lot ofTianzhu Number So-and-So." The set begins with lot number 5 and ends with lot number 92, with lots 23 and 24 missing from the set. 2 Each page communicates a prophecy in a four-line verse followed by a prose explanation (jie). On the upper half of each page is an illustration; additional advice, written in short phrases, appears in a small rectangle above.3 Zheng dated these prints on stylistic grounds to the first half of the thirteenth century in the Southern Song dynasty (U27-1279), although he acknowledged that some pages oflesser quality might be based on later blocks cut in the Yuan (1279-1367) and early Ming (1368-1644) dynasties. 4 SKQS Wenyuange Siku quanshu dian zi ban, electronic edition (Hong Kong: Di zhi wenhua chuban youxian gongsi, 2002). ST]Z Guanbin (Ming dynasty, 1368-1644), comp., Hangzhou Shang TianzhuJiangsi zhi (Gazetteer ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery ofHangzhou), 15 juan, reprint of 1897 (Taibei: Zongqing tushu chuban gongsi, 1994). XCLAZ Qian Yueyou (jinshi 1244), comp., Xianchun lin'an zhi (1268), 93juan, in SKQS. ZGBC Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo gudai banhtta congkan (1961; reprint, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988). The booklet was first published in 1958 and reprinted in 1977 and 1989; see Zheng Zhenduo, Tianzhu lingqian (Shang­ hai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958); Tianzhtt lingqian (Taibei: Dongfang wenhua shuju, 1977); Tianzhu lingqian ~ (Taibei: Guangwen shuju, 1989). It was also reprinted in reduced size, with four of the original pages on a single page and an additional preface, in 1961 and 1988; see ZGBC, 1:279-305. 2 The printed frame of each lot is 175 mm high and 102 mm wide; see Xue Bing, Cha tu ben, in Zhongguo banben wenhtta congshu, ed. RenJiyu (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2002), 116. 3 On many pages there is also a slender column to the right or left of the illustration. The texts in these columns advise which spirits and deities one should pray to during illness: Buddha, the ancestors, one's own land (owned by the ances­ 1 tors), the stars, Mt. Tai, and "those deities who have been offered much incense." 4 Although the editor of the 1988 reprint labels the booklet as "the Jiading-period (1208-1224) edition" in an added cover page, Zheng states "ca. 1250" in his note to the reprint; see ZGBC, 1:304. In this brief note, Zheng acknowl­ edged that he also owned a Ming-dynasty edition, which had been discovered in the 1930S inside a Buddhist statue from the Fayuan Temple in Beijing; ibid., 1:301-3. The Ming-dynasty edition is now in the collection ofthe National Library in Beijing (Zhongguo guojia tushuguan, shanben wenxian ku, no. 15380), but it is reportedly too fragile to be viewed; see the National Library of China website: http://www.nlc.gov.cn/GB/channeh/index.html (accessed 243 The booklet, which is now kept in the National Library in Beijing,5 has not received much atten­ making printed artifa tion from art historians mainly due to its relatively low artistic quality and apparent popular appeal. Recent scholarship on temple divination, however, has unearthed a long tradition of prophetic texts merging oftwo print-r izations such as Upper in Chinese history and shown that Tianzhu lingqian is not only the oldest surviving print edition of creation of images reh the efficacious lots, but also the earliest extant publication of any Chinese temple oracles. 6 By virtue granting of miracles. 9 of both its antiquity and its richly illustrated content, the Tianzhu lingqian can shed light on the artis­ numbers ofsuch image tic, religious, and social history of Song-dynasty China, including questions of popular imagery, reli­ gious authority, and intended audience. This article proposes to evaluate the significance of the Tian­ in popularity of divina spread of printing ted zhu Prints in Southern Song China from the perspective of visual culture. By looking carefully at Scholars of illustra image and text in Tianzhu lingqian, as well as other comparative textual and visual sources, both pre­ important printing cel modern and modern, we can see with particular clarity the presence of religious elements in print cul­ into regional developn ture and Chinese social life at an important place and time: the prestigious Upper Tianzhu Monastery (Shang Tianzhu si), a sacred site dedicated to the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Guanyin), in Southern Song Hangzhou. erant carvers, printers, Hangzhou, including It is widely recognized that Buddhism was a driving force behind printing in the Tang dynasty Surra and the "picture (618-9°7), and that religious printing projects on an even larger scale (Buddhist and Daoist alike), have received due scho ern researchers use to ( especially the printing ofthe Buddhist Canon, were sponsored by the courts and the elites ofthe Song, Liao,]in, and Xi Xia states (tenth through thirteenth century)'? Economic factors contributed to the attempts have been m~ temple context. II Whi proliferation of printing during the Song period; the price of books dropped by ninety percent, thus times preserved in the 1 September 2007). I would like to thank Fran<;ois Louis for directing me to this reference. While the Ming-dynasty edition has never been published, it is referenced as "Tianzhu Guanshiyin pusa qianke published by the Yang Family publisher at the Zhong'an Bridge in Hangzhou during the Hongwu period (1368-1398)" in Wu Xiaoling, ed., Xidi shuba (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), 103. A close comparison of the Southern Song and Ming editions awaits further study, especially in terms of their carving styles and textual content. For the purpose of the present study, I accept Zheng's dating and will focus on the published set, which is generally accepted to be based on mid-thirteenth­ century woodblocks. The precise date of the booklet's printing remains to be determined. As we learn from Saren Edgren, "unlike Western books, different issues from the same blocks can span a long space of time," and "the date of carving of the blocks is more important than the date of printing of a particular copy." Therefore, "any of the books or portions of them printed from the original woodblocks" from the Southern Song period are generally regarded as Southern Song editions. See Saren Edgren, "Southern Song Printing at Hangzhou," The Museum ofFar Eastern Antiq­ uities 61 (1989): 25. Zhongguo guojia tushuguan, shanben wenxian ku, no. 16761; see the National Library of China online catalogue: http://www.nlc.gov.cn/GB/channell/index.htmi. Landscape Woodcuts: Fn Mass.: The Belknap PC! The Museum ofFar East diss., University of Chi 25-35; Edgren, "South ment and the Origins 0 tispices imp rimes en C banben, in Zhongguo ban ofBuddhist scriptures 1 muta Liaodai micang (B excavated from Khara Khoto: A Case Study 0 Washington, Seattle, 2 Peter N. Gregory and P and Sung China, ed. Pal For studies on the mak gious merit, see Robert tice, ed. Donald S. Lope Impact ofBuddhism on ( For scholarship on the ni miru Hokkekyo-e," (1982): 39-42. For scho The relatively underde1 growing number of mo pIes. Such a discrepanc~ 5 6 7 For the most comprehensive study of Tianzhu lingqian from the textual and ritual perspectives, see Michel Strick­ mann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy: The Written Oracle in East Asia, ed. Bernard Faure (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Uni­ versity Press, 2005), 34-46, 58, 85. On the role of Buddhism and Daoism in the spread of printing and book culture in East Asia, see Denis C. Twitch­ ett, Printing and Publishing in Medieval China (New York: Frederic C. Beil, 1983); Nakamura Kikunosusume, "So Fu­ kushiihan daizokyo ko," Mikkyo bunka 152 (1985): 20-40; 153 (1985): 36-59; 154 (1985): 23-50; Su Bai, Tang Song shiqi de diaoban yinshua (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1999); Kobayashi Hiromitsu, Chugoku no hanga: TOdai kara Shindai madei (Tokyo: Toshindo, 1995); Barend ter Haar, review of Lucille Chia, Printing for Profit: The Commercial Publishers ofJianyang, Fujian (IIth-I7fh centuries), Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 34 (2004): 170-82, especially 172; Zhang Xiu­ min, Zhongguo yinshua shi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), 152-58;]an Fontein, The Pilgrimage ofSud­ hana: A Study of Gandavyuha Illustrations in China, Japan, and Java (Paris: The Hague, 1967); Max Loehr, Chinese 8 9 10 II 244 -, : received much atten­ making printed artifacts more accessible to the general public. 8 The Tianzhu Prints represent the )arent popular appeal. merging oftwo print-related developments that facili tated the spread ofpropaganda ofreligious organ­ :ion of prophetic texts riving print edition of izations such as Upper Tianzhu Monastery during the Song dynasty. One was a belief that through the creation of images related to religious devotion, one could acquire religious merit and facilitate the pIe oracles. 6 By virtue granting ofmiracles. 9 The advances in printing made it cheaper and easier for people to produce large ;hed light on the artis­ numbers ofsuch images, thus increasing their spiritual reward. The other development was the growth popular imagery, reli­ in popularity of divination lots in both Buddhist and Daoist temples. This growth accompanied the snificance of the Tian­ spread of printing technology and the resulting heightened awareness of the written word. Scholars of illustrated Buddhist prints in particular acknowledge Hangzhou as one of the most y looking carefully at mal sources, both pre­ elements in print cul­ important printing centers in the Song period (960-1279); their scholarship offers valuable insights into regional developments, the relationship between printing and painting, and the network of itin­ ler Tianzhu Monastery erant carvers, printers, and publishers. Some ofthe finest printed Buddhist illustrations made in Song Juanyin), in Southern Hangzhou, including the frontispieces of various Northern and Southern Song editions of the Lotus Sutra and the" picture scroll" Wenshu zhinan tuzan (Wenshu's guidance with textual explanations), 10 g in the Tang dynasty list and Daoist alike), I the elites ofthe Song, :ors contributed to the y ninety percent, thus have received due scholarly attention; they constitute the primary objects in the "toolbox" that mod­ ern researchers use to evaluate other prints. Yet despite this fruitful scholarship, comparatively few attempts have been made to understand the circulation, function, and audience of such artifacts in a temple context." While high-quality, artistically designed, illustrated Buddhist books were some­ times preserved in the collections of the elite or in temple libraries (including those in Japan and '. While the Ming-dynasty Landscape Woodcuts: From an Imperial Commentary to the Tenth-Century Printed Edition 0/ the Buddhist Canon (Cambridge, Iished by the Yang Family Mass.: The Belknap Press ofHarvard University Press, 1968); Soren Edgren, "The Printed Dharani-Sutra ofA.D. 956," in Wu Xiaoling, ed., Xidi The Museum 0/ Far Eastern Antiquities 44 (1972): 141-52; Ming-sun Poon, "Books and Printing in Sung China" (Ph.D. and Ming editions awaits diss., University of Chicago, 1979); Miya Tsugio, "So-Gen hanpon ni miru Hokkekyo-e, " Bijutsu Kenkyu 325 (1983): Jose of the present study, I 25-35; Edgren, "Southern Song Printing at Hangzhou;" Michel Strickmann, "The Seal of the Law: A Ritual Imple­ e based on mid-thirteenth­ ment and the Origins ofPrinting," Asia Major 4,2 (1993): 1-84; Jean-Pierre Drege, "De l'icone d. As we learn from Soren tispices imprimes en Chine a l'epoque des Song (960-1278)," Arts Asiatiques 54 (1999): 44-65; and LiJining, Fojing ace of time," and "the date d are generally regarded as banben, in Zhongguo banben wenhua congshu, ed. RenJiyu (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2002). For reproductions ofBuddhist scriptures printed during the Liao dynasty, including specimens ofillustrated frontispieces, see Yingxian muta Liaodai micang (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1991). For a recent study of the illustrated Xi Xia Buddhist prints luseum o/Far Eastern Antiq­ excavated from Khara Khoto, see Anne Salicetti-Collins, "Xi Xia Buddhist Woodblock Prints Excavated in Khara 'herefore, "any of the books al'anecdote: Les fron­ Khoto: A Case Study ofTransculturation in East Asia, Eleventh-Thirteenth Centuries," (M.A. thesis, University of of China online catalogue: 8 and Sung China, ed. Patricia Buckley Ebrey and Peter N. Gregory (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1993), 4. lectives, see Michel Strick­ lford, Calif.: Stanford Uni- Washington, Seattle, 2007). Peter N. Gregory and Patricia Buckley Ebrey, "The Religious and Historical Landscape," in Religion andSociety in Tang 9 For studies on the making of Buddhist images and how it relates to the Buddhist notion of magical powers and reli­ gious merit, see Robert H. Sharf, "The Scripture on the Production of Buddha Images," in Religions o/China in Prac­ tice, ed. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (Princeton, N.].: Princeton University Press, 1996), 261-67; and John Kieschnick, The Impact 0/ Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003), 52-80. Asia, see Denis C. Twitch­ lra Kikunosusume, "So Fu­ -50; Su Bai, Tang Song shiqi I 10 ni miru Hokkekyo-e," 25-35; and Cui Wei, "Shandong sheng Xinxian Song ta chutu Bei Song fojing," Wenwu hanga: Todai kara Shindai The Commercial Publishers ~: ~specially 172; Zhang Xiu­ For scholarship on the printed frontispieces of the Lotus Sutra made in Song Hangzhou, see Miya, "So-Gen hanpon 12 (1982): 39-42. For scholarship on the Wenshu zhinan tuzan, see Fontein, The Pilgrimage o/Sudhana, 24-39. II The relatively underdeveloped study ofthe material culture ofmedieval Chinese temples forms a stark contrast to the tein, The Pilgrimage o/Sud­ growing number of monographs by Japanese art historians on the art and visual culture ofpre-modern Japanese tem­ 1967); Max Loehr, Chinese ples. Such a discrepancy is partly due to the relatively few sources from the Chinese side. For recent case studies of the 245 Korea), most of the popular images that were printed cheaply and distributed to the general public by Song temples were consumed and do not survive today. Tianzhu lingqian provides a rare opportunity to shed light on these popular prints. Associated with the well-documented temple in Song Hangzhou known as Upper Tianzhu Monastery, whose name also bears the term "Tianzhu," Tianzhu lingqian is itself a temple booklet reflecting the tradition of so-called qian divination. According to Michel Strickmann, qian temple divination texts are a unique genre in Chinese literature that is characterized by its hybrid of classical and vernacular languageY The practice itself can be traced back to the fifth century; its legacy extends to Buddhist, Daoist, and popular temples in later imperial and modern times. Although the relatively low artistic quality and apparent folk appeal of the Tianzhu Prints may prompt a modern audience to view them as popular imagery or even "folk art," readily excluding them from private scholarly elite art and thus implicitly from the scholar-elite's world in general, the Tianzhu Prints, paradoxically, offer a rare example ofearly prophetic texts whose thematic concerns were most relevant to officials and examination candidates. These concerns, expressed in both image and text throughout the booklet, may reflect the preoccupa­ tions of the metropolitan scholarly elite during the Song period and in turn suggest that the educated few formed a significant portion of the intended audience. DOMESTICATING A SACRED BUDDHIST SITE: MOUNT TIANZHU IN HANGZHOU The term "Tianzhu" in the divination title Tianzhu lingqian denotes more than a general reference to India, whose ancient name was known to the Chinese as Tianzhu!3 Rather, Tianzhu refers to Upper Tianzhu Monastery, located on Mount Tianzhu (Tianzhu shan) in Song Hangzhou. I4 The association of this term with the Hangzhou region demonstrates the domestication, of Buddhist sacred sites in medieval China. In order for Buddhism to gain popular acceptance, Chinese sites were equated with locations ofnote in India. One well-studied case is the development ofthe Isle ofPutuo (Putuo shan), art and visual culture of Chinese temples, see Paul R. Katz, Images ofthe Immortal: The Cult ofLii Dongbin at the Palace ofEternalJoy (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999); AnningJing, The Water God's Temple of the Guangsheng Monastery: Cosmic Function of Art, Ritual, and Theater (Leiden: Brill, 2002); and Tracy Miller, The Divine Nature of Power: Chinese Ritual Architecture at the Sacred Site ofJ inti (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U ni versi ty Asia Center, 20°7). For selected major publications in English on the visual and material culture ofJapanese temples, see Mimi H. Yieng­ pruksawan, Hiraizumi: Buddhist Art and Regional Politics in Twelfth-Century Japan (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni­ versity Asia Center, 1998); Andrew M. Watsky, Chikubushima: Deploying the Sacred Arts in MomoyamaJapan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004); Sherry D. Fowler, Muroji: Rearranging Art and History at the Japanese Bud­ dhist Temple (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2005); and Gregory P. A. Levine, Daitokuji: The Visual Cultures of a Zen Monastery (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005). 12 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 57. 13 Jan Fontein, for example, translated the title of the Tianzhu Prints as "Indian Divination Tallies"; Fontein, The Pil­ grimage of Sudhana, 38. 14 As Strickmann remarks, "I would suppose that the T'ien-chu ofits title connects this oracle less with India than with the famous monasteries ofthat name, near Hangchow"; Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 40. For further schol­ arship sharing the view that the title of the Tianzhu Prints refers to the temple in Hangzhou, see Hegel, Reading Illus­ trated Fiction, 168; and Xue, Cha tu ben, 116-17. located offshore in Zh Chlin-fang Yli's classi< mythological "home" Other Song literar Zhipan, the author of dha and the Patriarch monk named Huili, Hangzhou in 326 CE.!" Grdharakuta, or Num ture Peak fly from Ce: historical record, pron gazetteer - to refer to t temple in this area, Up this temple was name( renditions of the Upp Hangzhou Shang Tianz, of Central India appeal temple complex. 22 Fly I world-famous Song anc Monk Huili. 2 3 Thus b) "transposed" onto the. 15 Chlin-fang Yli, "P'u-t' China, ed. Susan Naqu fang Yli, Kuan-yin: Th 353-406. 16 According to the local t sions of the mountains tain gate." See XCLA~ records preserved in th sojourn in Hangzhou a 17 Zhipan (13th century), 18 "Zhong Tianzhu Lingj 19 XCLAZ, 80.1. 20 According to the local Temple Complex: Upp known as Zhongzhu Ti as Lingshan jiaosi); see 21 XCLAZ, 80.16-17; ST 22 STJZ, "Tianzhu shan t 23 Zhipan, Fozu tongji,jua it is probably more app from India to southeast a Reintroduction to Ha xiang (Beijing: Wenwl 24 6 , .. d to the general public prints. Associated with lonastery, whose name lecting the tradition of ation texts are a unique vernacular language. '2 Buddhist, Daoist, and low artistic quality and ) view them as popular art and thus implicitly r a rare example ofearly mmination candidates. Vreflect the preoccupa­ ggest that the educated I n a general reference to 'ianzhu refers to Upper zhou. '4 The association ,uddhist sacred sites in located offshore in Zhejiang Province, as a pilgrimage site for the worship of Guanyin. According to Chiin-fang Yii's classic study, Putuo shan graduall y gained a reputation as a Chinese" Potalaka" - the mythological "home" ofAvalokitesvara (Guanyin) traditionally believed to be located in India. '5 Other Song literary sources frequently use the term "Tianzhu" to refer to Mount Tianzhu. ,6 Monk Zhipan, the author of the thirteenth-century Buddhist text Fozu tongji (Record of the lineage of Bud­ dha and the Patriarchs) traced the name Mount Tianzhu to a "founding myth" related to an Indian monk named Huili, who was said to have visited Mount Wulin (Wulin shan) in the outskirts of Hangzhou in 326 CE.'7 Huili was amazed at the local landscape, comparing it to the Indian sacred site Grdharakii~a, or Numinous Vulture Peak (Lingjiu shan). He exclaimed, "When did Numinous Vul­ ture Peak fly from Central Tianzhu [India] here?"18 This story, although not substantiated by any historical record, prompted Song writers - including the thirteenth-century compiler of the local gazetteer - to refer to the area ofMount Wulin as Mount Tianzhu. '9 The name ofthe most prestigious temple in this area, Upper Tianzhu Monastery, also reflects a strong" Indian connection. "20 A hill near this temple was named the Peak of Central India (Zhongyin feng).21 In a series of wood-block print renditions of the Upper Tianzhu Monastery included in the nineteenth-century temple gazetteer Hangzhou Shang Tianzhu jiangsi zhi (Gazetteer of Upper Tianzhu Monastery of Hangzhou), the Peak of Central India appears at the upper right corner of the fourth illustration (fig. 2), flanking the main temple complex. 22 Fly Come Peak (Feilai feng), the rocky cliff not far from the temple site that houses world-famous Song and Yuan Buddhist carvings, was named in reference to the same myth involving Monk HuilU3 Thus by the mid-thirteenth century, a sacred Indian landscape had been successfully "transposed" onto the Hangzhou region. 15 Chlin-fang Yli, "P'u-t'o Shan: Pilgrimage and the Creation of the Chinese Potalaka," in Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China, ed. Susan Naquin and Chlin-fang Yli (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 196-202; and Chlin­ fang Yli, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitefvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 25, .ites were equated with ofPutuo (Putuo shan), 353-406. 16 According to the local thirteenth-century gazetteer, "Tianzhu" and "Lingyin" refer to the northern and southern divi­ sions of the mountains around Hangzhou. It is said that the two mountains were only separated by a single" moun­ 't ofLii Dongbin at the Palace tain gate." See XCLAZ, 80.1. Similar accounts of Upper Tianzhu Monastery are also found in other Tang and Song d's Temple ofthe Guangsheng records preserved in the Ming-dynasty temple gazetteer. See, for example, the poem by Bai J uyi written during his ,filler, The Divine Nature of sojourn in Hangzhou as a local officer in the early ninth century in STJZ, 14.2b. iversity Asia Center, 2007). 17 Zhipan (13th century), Fozu tongji (completed in I269), juan 53, Taisho 49:2035.466. ~mples, see Mimi H. Yieng­ 18 "Zhong Tianzhu Lingjiu xiaoling henian feilai cidi ye?" in ibid. ,ridge, Mass.: Harvard U ni­ 19 XCLAZ, 80.1. n Momoyama Japan (Seattle: 20 According to the local thirteenth-century gazetteer, three subtemples on Mount Tianzhu constituted the Tianzhu History at the Japanese Bud­ Temple Complex: Upper Tianzhu Monastery (Shang Tianzhu si), Middle TianzhuMonastery (Zhong Tianzhu si, also aitokuji: The Visual Cultures known as Zhongzhu Tianning wanshou yongzuo chansi), and Lower Tianzhu Monastery (Xia Tianzhu si, also known as Lingshan jiaosi); see XCLAZ, 80.1-24. 21 XCLAZ, 80.16-17; STJZ, IO.¥. 1 Tallies"; Fontein, The Pil­ 22 STJZ, "Tianzhu shan tu," view 4. 23 Zhipan, Fozu tongji,juan 53, Taisho 49:2035-466. Although the term ''lei lai" can be translated literally as "fly come," :le less with India than with it is probably more appropriate to read it as an expression highlighting a sense ofmiraculous "pop-in" of a sacred site ?phecy, 40. For further schol­ from India to southeastern China. For scholarship on the Feilai feng site, see Richard Edwards, "Pu-tai-Maitreya and DU, see Hegel, Reading Illus­ a Reintroduction to Hangzhou's Fei-Iai-feng," Ars Orientalis 14 (1984): 5-50; and Gao Nianhua et ai., Feilai /eng zao­ xiang (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002). 247 Because of its effiG IMPERIAL AND ELITE PATRONAGE OF THE TIANZHU GUANYIN AT UPPER TIANZHU MONASTERY the temple and escorte sponsored rituals aime A closer look at the primary sources dating from the tenth century onwards confirms that the very icon must have created term" T ianzhu Guanyin" is a Song-dynasty popularization, and that it refers to the efficacious Guanyin the rituals felt obliged ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery, which received generous support from the imperial court as well as elite even though they were scholar-officials from the tenth through the thirteenth century.24 Some writers of the Song period Recent scholarship referred to this bodhisattva as Shangzhu Guanyin, literally "Guanyin ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery. "25 age and generous supp According to Chlin-fang Yli, the establishment of Upper Tianzhu Monastery and the reputed efficacy the Southern Song err ofTianzhu Guanyin were connected with Qian Liu (851-932), founder of the Wuyue Kingdom, who Emperor Xiaozong (r. governed the Hangzhou region in the tenth century. 26 A pertinent account frequently mentioned in Inner Court (neifu sanj Southern Song sources tells of the miraculous creation of a sandalwood Guanyin statue at Upper fu), and other offering Tianzhu Monastery that is associated with the tenth-century monk Daoyi and the sculptor Kong Ren­ qian. 27 Since its creation, the Guanyin statue was said to respond favorably to prayers, thus making the Buddhist Canon, r the temple a major pilgrimage site for people seeking the intervention ofGuanyin. 28 No records exist and donated a plaque I describing the appearance ofthe Tianzhu Guanyin; Song viewers may have beheld a small statue of the (zhuan da falun),37 In I Being (dashi xiang), a 0 white-robed feminine Guanyin - an icon praised by Su Shi and his monk friend Daoqian as the "Deity made of jade,38 In 1250, in White Robes" (Baiyi xian)29 - or perhaps a one-hundred-armed, one-hundred-eyed Guanyin.3° Additionall y, various a on Buddhism. 40 Furth( 24 Su Che (ro39-II12), Luancheng ji, 24.14, SKQS; Ye Shaoweng (fl. 1220), Sichao wenjian lu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989), jiaji, "Tianzhu Guanyin," 30-31; Li Youwu (13th century), Song ming chen yanxing lu, waiji, 9.8a, SKQS; XCLAZ, 92.rob-IIa; Zhou Bida (1126-1204), Wenzhong ji, 164. 6, SKQS; Song shi, 102.27b-28a, SKQS; Tao Zongyi (14th century), Chuogeng lu, 25.23, SKQS. In a eulogy composed for Upper Tianzhu Monastery to celebrate the success ofa sun-praying ritual, Su Shi referred to Guanyin as the "Great Being ofTianzhu" (Tianzhu Dashi); see STJZ, 2.1b. 25 Daoqian (1043-II02), Canliaozi shiji, "Ye Shangzhu Guanyin dashi, " 6.8a, SKQS; Hong Mai (II23-1202), Yijian zhi, 180 juan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), bingzhi, "Shangzhu Guanyin," 9-437; Yii, Kuan-yin, 362. 26 Qian Liu (851-932) sponsored the construction of the Cloister for Reading Scriptures at Tianzhu (Tianzhu kanjing yuan) on Mount Tianzhu; this was the earlier name ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery. See Yii, Kuan-yin, 182, 184, 254, 360. Support for the Guanyin cult by the ruling class of the Wu-Yue Kingdom went beyond Upper Tianzhu Monastery during the reign ofQian Hongshu (947-978). He and Monk Yanshou, abbot of Linyin si in the tenth century, were credited with mass-producing twenty thousand prints ofGuanyin's twenty manifestations and eighty-four thousand dhara!lt sutra scrolls and distributing them in the Hangzhou area and beyond to spread the faith ofGuanyin. See Zhang Xiumin, "Wudai Wuyue guo de yinshua," Wenwu 12 (1978): 75. 27 XCLAZ, 80.6; Zhu Mu (Southern Song), Fangyu shenglan, LI5, SKQS; Yii, Kuan-yin, 182-83 . 28 Yii, Kuan-yin, 360-69; Chi-chiang Huang, "Elite and Clergy in Northern Sung Hang-chou," in Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter Gregory and Daniel A. Getz, Jr. (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999), 305-10. 29 STJZ, 14.2b; Daoqian, Canliaozi shiji, 6.8a, SKQS; Yii, Kuan-yin, 361. 30 Here I mainly refer to Ide Seinosuke's suggestion, which differs from that ofChiin-fang Yii. Ide drew examples from some extant Southern Song paintings ofGuanyin, including the anonymous silk painting of a thousand-armed, thou­ sand-headed Guanyin in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, to suggest that the main Guanyin icon at Upper Tianzhu Monastery during the Southern Song period was the one-hundred-armed, one-hundred-eyed Guanyin. He further argued that the Taipei painting might have been sponsored by the court for the temple in conjunction with some sort of ceremony to pray for rain. See Ide Seinosuke, "Nihon no So-Gen butsuga," Nihon no bijutsu 418 (March 2001): 26-28. It is likely that both the white-robed Guanyin and the one-hundred-armed, one-hundred-eyed Guanyin were displayed, albeit in different halls of the temple. wealthy families (juha 31 According to Chlin-far [and] II35," "in saving Yii, Kuan-yin, 361. 32 In II35, under the orde (Haihui si) to preside unsuccessful. See STJ 2 youlan zhi yu, 2.15, SKQ 305· For example, both Zhu was present at a statue see Zhu Xi (1130-1200 and STJZ, 12.2b. 34 Huang, "Elite and Cle 35 Emperor Lizong visitel 1262. In some years, he 36 Ibid., II.rob; Ye Shao" 33 37 STJZ, II.II. 38 Ibid., II.IIb. 39 A crown decorated wi! remodeling project; ib 40 In II73, Emperor Xiao 4.1b, 11.9a. In 1255, Em] 11.9a, II.IIb. 41 Wu Zimu, Mengliang, 248 -' GUANYIN confirms that the very :he efficacious Guanyin ial court as well as elite ers of the Song period Tianzhu Monastery. "25 nd the reputed efficacy Wuyue Kingdom, who :quently mentioned in anyin statue at Upper he sculptor Kong Ren­ ) prayers, thus making lyin. 28 No records exist eld a small statue ofthe l Daoqian as the "Deity red-eyed Guanyin.3° (Beijing: Zhonghuashuju, ring lu, waiji, 9.8a, SKQS; rb-28a, SKQS; Tao Zongyi ,tery to celebrate the success zhu Dashi); see STJZ, 2.lb. Mai (U23-1202), Yijian zhi, tn-yin, 362. Tianzhu (Tianzhu kanjing Kuan-yin, 182, 184, 254, 360. Upper Tianzhu Monastery i in the tenth century, were 1S and eighty-four thousand faith ofGuanyin. See Zhang Because of its efficacious reputation,3I the Tianzhu Guanyin statue was frequently removed from the temple and escorted by state officials to other temples closer to West Lake to preside over state­ sponsored rituals aimed at bringing rain and saving people from floods and 10custsY The "moving" icon must have created a spectacle in Hangzhou at that time, for some scholar-officials who attended the rituals felt obliged to bow to the statue during the welcoming ceremony (ying Tianzhu Guanyin), even though they were not particularly Buddhist.33 Recent scholarship on Upper Tianzhu Monastery has extensively documented the imperial patron­ age and generous support from ranking officials and minor bureaucrats in the Song period. 34 Among the Southern Song emperors, Lizong (r. 1225-1264) was the most frequent visitor.3 5 The court of Emperor Xiaozong (r. u63-u89) presented the temple with a belt symbolizing the Third Rank ofthe Inner Court (nei/u sanpin yudai), a crown of seven jewels, a talisman in the shape of a dragon (yulong /u), and other offering vessels, all made of jade.3 6 Xiaozong also bestowed five hundred cases (han) of the Buddhist Canon, newly-printed in Fuzhou, allocated funds to build a sutra library (cangjing ge), and donated a plaque bearing his own calligraphy that read, "Turning the Great Wheel of the Law" (zhuan da /alun).37 In 1241, Emperor Ningzong (r. II95-1224) gave the temple an image of the Great Being (dashi xiang), a copy ofthe Heart Sutra transcribed by the emperor himself, and an incense burner made of jade.38 In 1250, the temple received imperial funds to repaint the Great Being (zhongcai dashi).3 9 Additionally, various abbots from Upper Tianzhu Monastery were invited to the court to give lectures on Buddhism. 40 Further donations ofcash, candles, incense, and food poured into Upper Tianzhu from wealthy families (juhao zhi jia) at the Gathering of Brightness (guanming hui).41 The Gathering on 31 Yil, Kuan-yin, 361. 32 In II35, under the order of the Hangzhou officer, the statue ofTianzhu Guanyin was removed to the Haihui Temple (Haihui si) to preside over a ritual seeking the deity's help against the drought, although the effort was reportedly unsuccessful. See STJZ, 1.6b; and Yil, Kuan-yin, 362. For more examples, see Tian Rucheng (preface dated 1526), Xihu youlan zhi yu, 2.15,SKQS;MaDuanlin(1254-1324), Wenxian tongkao, 77.37-38, SKQS;andHuang, "Elite and Clergy," 33 2- 83.. 34 m," in Bttddhism in the Sung, 35 ,3 0 5-10. 36 (il. Ide drew examples from ofa thousand-armed, thou­ According to Chiln-fang Yil, "the gazetteer of the monastery records Guanyin's success in granting rain in 998, 1000, [and] II35," "in saving the people of Hangzhou from flood in 1065," and in sparing them "from locusts in 1016"; see 37 38 lin Guanyin icon at Upper hundred-eyed Guanyin. He 39 temple in conjunction with Nihon no bijutsu 418 (March 40 one-hundred-eyed Guanyin 41 30 5. For example, both Zhu Xi and Li Youwu recounted comments by the Southern Song scholar-official Yin Chun, who was present at a statue-welcoming state ritual during the Shaoxing reign (II31-u62) in the outskirts of Hangzhou; see Zhu Xi (II30-1200), Hui anji, 7I.I, SKQS; Li Youwu(12th century),Song mingchen yanxing lu, waiji, 9.8a, SKQS; and STJZ, 12.2b. Huang, "Elite and Clergy," 295-337, especially 304-10. Emperor Lizong visited the Tianzhu Monastery in 1229, 1240, 1241, 1247, 1248, 1250, 1253, 1255, 1256, 1257, 1260, and 1262. In some years, he even went to the temple twice; see STJZ, 1I.I5. Ibid., II.lOb; Ye Shaoweng (fl. 1220), Sichao wenjian lu, 30-31. STJZ, II.II. Ibid., II.IIb. A crown decorated with seven treasures (qibao guan), jewelry, and jade shoes were part of the imperial gifts for the remodeling project; ibid. In II73, Emperor Xiaozong invited Abbot Ruona to the court to lecture on the Yuanjue Sutra (Yttanjlle jing); ibid., 4.lb, 11.9a. In 1255, Emperor Lizong invited Abbot Fazhao to lecture on the Huayan Sutra (Httayan jing) at court; ibid., 11.9a, II.IIb. Wu Zimu, Mengliang lu, 19.10, SKQS; Guanyuan Naideweng, Dttcheng jisheng, 14b, SKQS. 249 Gengshen Day (gengshen hui), also held in the temple, was mocked by the thirteenth-century wri ter W u Zimu as a celebrity show, a "Gathering ofJewelry Competition" (doubao hui) for ladies from the impe­ rial court and elite families to show off their wealth and glamourY Since the Song dynasty, the temple held the so-called Guanyin Assembly (Guanyin hui) annually to celebrate the deity's birthday on the nineteenth day of the second month according to the lunar calendar.43 This local custom evolved into the annual Pilgrims' Fair ofTianzhu (Tianzhu xiangshi), well documented in Ming and Qing sources. 44 ONE HUNDRED LOTS OF TIANZHU AND THE ORACLES OF GUANYIN IN SONG TEMPLES Given that so much research has been done on the social and religious history of Upper Tianzhu Monastery, comparatively little has been said about the qian divination practice at the temple, although several scholars have identified the Tianzhu Prints as popular images associated with the tem­ ple. 45 The labels throughout the pages of Tianzhu lingqian give us some hints about these practices. Most lots are titled on the upper right "Efficacious Lot ofTianzhu Number So-and-So." Lots 75 and 76, however, appear different from the others in terms of textuallayour and label; these were likely reprinted from replacement blocks carved later than those that made the rest of the prints (fig. 3).46 As shown in Figure 3, the label printed in the lower right reads, "Lot 76 ofTianzhu Guanyin" (Tianzhu Guanyin di qishiliu qian), directly referring to the bodhisattva ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery. 47 We can­ not be certain how lots were chosen in Song times, but evidence from later periods indicates that tem­ ple goers seeking spiritual advice probably chose a numbered lot (qian) from a container and matched it to a prophetic verse (with or without an illustration) distributed by the temple. The Tianzhu Prints are likely the reprints in book form of the paper divinations given out at Upper Tianzhu Monastery to people consulting the oracle. A crucial literary source documenting the qian divination practice at Upper Tianzhu Monastery is a story, recorded in both Hong Mai's Yijian zhi and Qian Yueyou's local gazetteer, Xianchun Lin'an zhi, about a group ofSourhern Song students visiting the temple. 48 These students had arrived in the 42 Wu Zimu, Mengliang lu, 19.10. According to the traditional Chinese calendar system, which counts a cycle every sixty days, there are six days every year that are designated as gengshen days. Influenced by the Daoist notion of the "three worms" (sanshi chong), which exit one's body ongengshen days to report one's sins to the gods, Buddhists attempted to sit up the whole night on gengshen days (at Gengshen Gatherings) to prevent the "three worms" from leaving their bodies. This practice was widely documented in Song sources; see Zanning (919-1001), Zeng shi lue, juan 3, Taisho 54:2126.250-251; and Zongxiao (U51-1214), Lebang wenlei, Taisho 47:1969.177. 43 STJZ,IJ.4b. 44 YU, Kuan-yin, 363-64; Liang Shizheng (1697-1763), Xihu zhi zuan, I.69b-71a, SKQS. The Ming edition of the Tianzhu Prints, previously owned by Zheng Zhenduo and now in the National Library in Beijing, serves as the mate­ rial evidence for the continuing fame of the temple's Guanyin cult after the Song period. 45 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 40; Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction, 168. 46 Zheng did not specify which lots among the Tianzhu Prints are ofa later date; ZGBC, 1:304-5; Xue, Cha tu ben, u6. 47 The label and textual layout oflot 75 share the same formula as those oflot 76; their similarity suggests that these two responses were reprinted around the same time. See ZGBC, 1:296. 48 Hong, Yijian zhi, bingzhi, 9.437; XCLAZ, 92.lOb-ua. capital from Huzhou prior to the examinati intervention (qimeng) what his results on t (buji).49 Neither of th Although Tianzh bearing a similar title by Monk Zhipan. 50 Li efficacy of Tianzhu ba Guanyin: Lots of the Great (Tianzhu bai qian; baisanshi qian). [T matic as] an echo ( of the Great Bein~ Rarely in Song textual entry we find referenc! Hundred Lots ofTianzl thirteenth-century te: Zongjian about thirty two sets of temple div lots as Pusa yibai qian ( It is reasonable to assu that they refer to the q Although records; cult in Southern Song famous Huiyin TempI reported in the Sou the tled "Stele ofthe Illum si Guanyin fang guang to pray for lots (dao qit the Baoyan Chapel (B 49 50 51 52 53 54 Ibid. Zhipan, Fozu tongji,j~ Ibid. Cf. Strickmann, Zongjian, Shimen zhen Ibid. Li Zhu (jinshi 1418), e, zhi hui kan (Taibei: \1i 25 0 -- lth-century writer Wu capital from Huzhou to take the governmental examinations and came to Upper Tianzhu Monastery r ladies from the impe­ prior to the examination to seek Guanyin's advice. While some of the group sought Guanyin's dream 19 dynasty, the temple intervention (qimeng), one student, Tan Yi, drew three lots (chou qian) from a container (si) to learn feity's birthday on the what his results on the examination would be. Unfortunately for Tan, all three were inauspicious ,il custom evolved into (buji).49 Neither of the Southern Song sources mentions the outcome of Tan's examination, however. Although Tianzhu lingqian was not recorded in any Song written source, a set of qian divinations bearing a similar title, Tianzhu bai qian (One hundred lots ofTianzhu) was recorded in the Pozu tongji ng and Qing sources. 44 , GUANYIN by Monk Zhipan. 50 Listing it under the heading "Lots ofGreat Being [Guanyin]," Zhipan praised the efficacy of Tianzhu bai qian, whose verses were said to represent the sacred words of the Bodhisattva Guanyin: )ry of Upper Tianzhu Lots of the Great Being (Dashi qian): [There are] One Hundred Lots of the Tianzhu [Monastery} ractice at the temple, (Tianzhu bai qian) and One Hundred Thirty Lots ofthe Yuantong Temple in the Yue Region (Yuantong baisanshi qian). [They] can predict fortune and misfortune. Their efficacious responses are as [auto­ matic as] an echo (qiying ruxiang). Legends say that they were words uttered by the manifestation of the Great Being [Guanyin] (xiangzhuan shi Dashi huashen suoshu»)1 ,sociated with the tem­ about these practices. >-and-So." Lots 75 and :tbel; these were likely of the prints (fig. 3).46 hu Guanyin" (Tianzhu Rarely in Song textual sources do we encounter documentation on a temple oracle. Luckily in this short .Monastery. 47 We can­ entry we find references to two sets of temple oracles, both associated with the deity Guanyin: the One >ds indicates that tem­ :ontainer and matched Hundred Lots ofTianzhu and the One Hundred Thirty Lots of Yuan tong in the Yue Region. Zhipan lists the thirteenth-century text Shimen zhengtong (True record of the Buddhist order), compiled by Monk Ie. The Tianzhu Prints Zongjian about thirty years earlier, as his source of referenceY While Zongjian's description of the er Tianzhu Monastery two sets of temple divinations was in line with Zhipan's, Zongjian referred to the set of one hundred lots as Pusa yibai qian (One hundred lots ofthe [Guanyin] Bodhisattva) rather than Tianzhu bai qian.5 3 er Tianzhu Monastery It is reasonable to assume that these terms were used interchangeably in the thirteenth century, and tteer, Xianchun Lin'an that they refer to the qian divination practices associated with the famous Tianzhu Guanyin. ents had arrived in the :h counts a cycle every sixty Daoist notion of the "three Is, Buddhists attempted to worms" from leaving their Zeng shi lile, juan 3, Taisho . The Ming edition of the eijing, serves as the mate­ 4-5; Xue, Cha tu ben, n6. .ity suggests that these two Although records are limited, evidence suggests that the major temples dedicated to the Guanyin cult in Southern Song Hangzhou all provided their own qian divinations to temple goers, such as the famous Huiyin Temple (Huiyin si, also known as Gaoli si) in Hangzhou, whose statue ofGuanyin was reported in the Southern Song to emit auspicious light. According to a fragmentary temple stele enti­ tled "Stele ofthe Illuminating Auspicious Image ofGuanyin ofthe Song Gaoli Monastery" (Song Gaoli si Guanyin fang guang ruixiang canbei) dating to the Song dynasty, people would gather in the temple to pray for lots (dao qian) foretelling good luck (de ji).54 Another Southern Song temple in Hangzhou, the Baoyan Chapel (Baoyan yuan), was also noted for its "Inscribed Lots of the Great Being" (Dashi 49 50 5I 52 53 54 Ibid. Zhipan, Fozu tongji,juan 53, Taisho 49:2035-3I8c. Ibid. Cf. Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 40. Zongjian, Shimen zhengtong (preface dated I237),juan 3, Xuzangjing 75=15I3.298. Ibid . Li Zhu (jinshi I4I8), ed., Yucen shan Huiyin Gaoli huayan jiao si zhi, I2juan,fulu I juan, I88I edition, in Zhongguo /osi zhi hui kan (Taibei: Wenmin shuchu, I980), first collection, vol. 20,fulu, 4. 25 1 qianti), which were reported to contain efficacious responses (linggan ).5 5 In the next section, I will dis­ What we have here lit cuss more pre-modern divination texts preserved in Buddhist and Daoist sources. boo lots that are their 1 century lots were not PRE-MODERN SOURCES OF THE QIAN DIVINATION PRACTICE The fifth-century Prints. More relevant The arrival ofStrickmann's posthumous book on temple oracles in 2005 and ofthe historical compan­ dynasty through the 1 ion to the Daoist Canon edited by Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen in 2004 are timely aids of the Daoist Canon ( in the study of the Tianzhu Prints. 56 Strickmann in particular has brought to light a host of medieval with words such as Buddhist and Daoist texts that reveal a longstanding literary tradition of temple oracles shared across found mainly in Fujia religions. Several of these texts can be considered prototypes of the Tianzhu Prints, and of later tem­ Song through the Mir ple oracles in general.57 our understanding of The literary tradition of temple oracles, as Strickmann has shown, can be traced back to the fifth­ "I They suggest that not century apocryphal sutra The Book ofConsecration (Foshuo guanding jing), written and compiled by the Southern Song Hangz Chinese monk Huijian in 457 CE in Jiankang (present-day Nanjing).58 This sutra has much in com­ increase the temples' mon with a group of dhiirattI sutras, or books of spells or incantations, dating to the early medieval later medieval temph period, and was compiled for use as the basis for rituals.5 9 The tenth chapter ofthe twelve-chapter Book interpretations, and tl ofConsecration is identified by Strickmann as the" earliest example ofa Buddhist oracle sequence," one still in use today. I which inaugurates a tradition now represented in every East Asian temple. The one hundred stanzas Strickmann ident that constitute this chapter serve as spirit tablets (shence), or a book of divination (bujing). They were, lingqian; hereafter: tht as the text clearly states, "a means of resolving doubt and predicting good luck or misfortune. "60 The pIe (Shengji miao) in I concluding remarks ofthis chapter seem most relevant to our present inquiry as they specify how div­ Southern Song period. ination lots were to be used: the patron of the temp Each stanza is to be written on a separate strip of bamboo or silk [emphasis added], and they are all to in ancient times. 66 be carefully kept in a parti-colored silken pouch. Before consulting them, one should abstain from wine, meat, and the five sharp-flavored herbs, and should rinse one's mouth. The inquirer is then to select three strips from the pouch. He may in fact take as many as seven, until his hesitations regarding the subject ofinquiry are quite resolved. Not more than seven persons are to consult the oracle at anyone time, and should any of them later find that events do not turn out as predicted, they are not to speak of it. 61 55 Shi E (13th century), Chunyou Lin'an zhi ji yi, 8 juan, in Song Yuan diJangzhi congshu xubian (Taibei: Dahua shuju, 1990 ),1:6.ub-12a. 56 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy; Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A His­ torical Companion to the Daozang, 3 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). 57 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 57-75; Michel Strickmann "The Consecration Sutra: A Buddhist Book of Spells," in Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, ed. Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (Honolu'lu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1990), 58 75-u 8. Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 58; Strickmann, "The Consecration Sutra," 75-u8. For a full citation of the text, see Foshuo Guanting jing, Taisho 21: 1331.495-535. 59 Strickmann, "The Consecration Sutra," 75-u8. 60 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 59. 61 Cf. Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 59. 62 Strickmann, Chinese P 63 Except for one text (H tury, most texts are loc Four Saintly True Lora the Transcendent Respon qian, Southern Song 0 Heavens, Loving Life, a 1290 (CT 1300, TTro Succor (Hong'en lingji z, of Recording Births of, fifteenth century; (6), (CT 1303, TTIOI2), I jiangdong wang lingqia Verellen, The Taoist G 64 Strickmann, Chinese P 65 Strickmann, Chinese P dong wang lingqian, H 66 Schipper and Verellen 252 -', text section, I will dis­ What we have here literally are fifth-century game rules for drawing divination lots. Unlike the bam­ es. boo lots that are their modern counterparts, which are numbered but have no inscribed text, these fifth­ century lots were not numbered and bore inscribed oracular verses. lACTICE :he historical compan­ The fifth-century Book of Consecration may seem remote from the thirteenth-century Tianzhu Prints. More relevant to the Prints in terms ofdate are some "Daoist" oracles from the Southern Song dynasty through the Ming dynasty.62 Seven of them appear in the Ming-dynasty Zhengtong edition ght a host of medieval of the Daoist Canon (Zhengtong daozang) as a series of divination texts sharing similar titles that end with words such as "efficacious lots" (lingqian) or "precious lots" (baoqian).6 3 Such texts have been e oracles shared across ints, and oflater tem- found mainly in Fujian, Jiangxi, and Sichuan Provinces. Daoist scholars date them from the Southern Song through the Ming periods. 64 The discovery of these divination texts in the Daoist Canon pushes [12004 are timely aids our understanding of the complex religious practice in medieval China to a more sophisticated level. aced back to the fifth­ They suggest that not only Buddhist temples, such as those associated with the Guanyin cult in the and compiled by the [tra has much in com­ Southern Song Hangzhou area, but also Daoist temples offered oracular readings to attract patrons and increase the temples' (or cult's) popularity. Many components that mark the literary format of these to the early medieval later medieval temple divinations, such as the numbered labels, the rhymed poems, the appended te twelve-chapter Book interpretations, and the" Holy Advice" (shengyi), appear in the most common form of the divinations still in use today. 1 oracle sequence," one e one hundred stanzas n (bujing). They were, or misfortune. "60 The : they specify how div­ ~d] , and they are all to Strickmann identified the Oracle Lots of the Prince East of the River (Huguo jiaji jiangdong wang lingqian; hereafter: theJiangxi Oracles), aset ofone hundred divination lots used in the Shengji Tem­ ple (Shengji miao) in Ganzhou,Jiangxi Province, as "the earliest Daoist temple oracle" dating to the Southern Song period. 65 Whether the Jiangxi Oracles are Daoist, however, is questionable, given that the patron of the temple, the Prince East ofthe River, was actually Shi Gu, a local hero from Ganzhou in ancient times. 66 Ie should abstain from The inquirer is then t, until his hesitations L. sons are to consult the turn out as predicted, ian (Taibei: Dahua shuju, The Taoist Canon: A His­ utra: A Buddhist Book of y of Hawai'i Press, 1990), 8. For a full citation of the 62 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 47-56. 63 Except for one text (Huguo jiaji jiangdong wang lingqian), which can be dated more firmly to the early thirteenth cen­ tury, most texts are loosely dated from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. These texts are: (I) Efficacious Lots ofthe Four Saintly True Lords (Sisheng zhenjun lingqian ), HY1288 (CTI298, TTIOIO), 49 qian, Song; (2) Precious Oracles of the Transcendent Response ofthe Sublime Perfect One (Xuanzhen lingying baoqian), HY 1289 (CTI299, TTIOIO-IOU), 360 qian, Southern Song or Yuan; (3) All-Responding Oracle Lots of the Holy Mother Protecting the Bedchamber, from the Nine Heavens, Loving Life, and Greatly Compassionate (Daci haosheng jiutian weifang shengmu yuanjun lingying baoqian), HY 1290 (CT 1300, TTIOU), 99 qian, Southern Song or Yuan; (4) Oracle Lots ofthe True Lord ofVast Mercy and Marvelous Succor (Hong'en lingji zhenjun lingqian), HY1291 (CTI30I, TT IOU), 53 qian, fifteenth century; (5) Oracle Lots ofthe Hall of Recording Births of the True Lords (Lingji zhenjun zhusheng tang lingqian), HY 1292 (CT 1302, TTI012), 64 qian, fifteenth century; (6) Oracle Lots of the Assembly of Saints Assisting Heaven (Futian guangsheng ruyi lingqian), H Y 1293 (CT 1303, TTI012), 120 qian, Southern Song or Ming; and (7) Oracle Lots of the Prince East of the River (Huguo jiaji jiangdong wang lingqian), HY 1294 (CT 1305, TTI012), 100 qian, Southern Song. See ibid., 47-56; and Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1215-16, 1246-49. 64 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 47-56; Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1215-16, 1246-49. 65 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 50, 57; Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1248-49. Huguo jiaji jiang­ dong wang lingqian, HY1294 (CTI305, TTI012), Daozang (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1988), 32:842. 66 Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1248. 253 The Jiangxi Oracles, like the Tianzhu Prints, consist ofa series of one hundred numbered divina­ tion lots. The Ming compilation of the Daoist Canon states that these divinations were composed by conventions of the ar1 a local military officer, Fu Ye, between 1225 and 1227. According to a temple record dating to the early Ming dynasty, Fu Ye's divinations "immensely increased the cult's popularity. "67 Generally speak­ ter ofthe almanac she year cyclical system ( ing, the Jiangxi Oracles reflect the preoccupations of landowners and farmers. For example, lot 17 specifically mentions the negotiation ofthe price ofa farm (tianyuan jiagu hao shangliang). Lot 92 indi­ year associated with t cates that growing grain this year will not be as profitable as in the past (jinnian hegu bum qian), and that living expenses will increase hundreds and thousands of times (wujia xuanteng bei baiqian). Sev­ eral others, such as lot 98, which acknowledges the frequency oflabor-consuming business travels, seem An illustrated aln page depicts a group text predicting on w appear in the Tianzhl the Tianzhu Prints d to address traveling merchants hoping to profit from the trading of goods across regions. 68 Since the Jiangxi Oracles and the Tianzhu Prints are the two earliest traceable sets of divination lots, it is not surprising that they share many features. Both were products ofthe Southern Song period around the early thirteenth century, and both were associated with a specific temple and cult. Each Since much of the m~ was designed as a set ofone hundred numbered lots that featured rhyming poems and appended inter­ briefly survey moderr pretations. people living in tradi visiting a temple. Thl 69 As I will demonstrate below, the omission of overt Daoist messages or images from the Jiangxi Oracles in favor of practical concerns highlights the pragmatic nature of temple divinations, one that is shared by the Tianzhu Prints. These similarities all point to the conclusion that the South­ in number from twer ern Song was a formative period during which this temple practice gradually took shape, prospered, tainer near the altar 0 and perhaps became standardized. Although Buddhist and Daoist textual sources reveal a great deal about the development of div­ shakes the bamboo cc rest. Putting this lot, ination practices during the Song, it is worthwhile to review other types ofvisual materials related to or bei to seek the deit~ boo or wood, with on divination that were part of medieval popular culture. In the ninth century, for example, written div­ inations accompanied by images were incorporated into almanacs,7° These provided specific informa­ other curved-side up i tion about activities that should be engaged in or avoided on particular days,7! Admonitions, such as must be chosen and t not to plant new seeds (bu zhongshi), not to start construction (bu podi), or not to travel afar (bu yuan­ When a casting signa. xing) on certain dates, are comparable to those found in the Tianzhu Prints,72 67 Ibid., 2:1249. Huguo jiaji jiangdong wang lingqian, Daozang, 32:842. On the divinations composed or transcribed by Fu Ye, see Judith Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature, Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries, China Research Monograph 32 responding to the nUl cal-style poem offour in lot 15 of the Resp01 (Donghe chansi) in T: (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1987), 249. 68 Huguo jiaji jiangdong wang lingqian, Daozang, 32:856. 73 69 Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 57; Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1248-49. 70 For a recent study of this almanac, together with other similar materials excavated from the Dunhuang library cave, 74 The image ofa rooste rooster, equivalent to see Alain Arrault and Jean-Claude Martzloff, "Calendriers," in Divination et societe dans la Chine medievale: Etude des 75 Sets of 50, 64, and IO( manuscrits de Dunhuang de la Bibliotheque Nationale de France et de la British Library, ed. Marc Kalinowski (Paris: Biblio­ 71 For a plate, see Susan' Tellers and Philosophet theque Nationale de France, 2003), 85-2II. Richard Smith proposes that we differentiate between calendars and Wolfram Eberhard, 5 almanacs: a calendar refers to an annual, official publication, while an almanac" denotes an unofficial calendrical work 76 Smith, Fortune-TellerJ which may be informally sanctioned." See Richard Smith, Chinese Almanacs (New York: Oxford University Press, ination by Chien Dra' 1992), I, 5. According to Pelliot and Stein, social issues form the main category of advice expressed in these almanacs: bureau­ (Honolulu: Universil 77 XuJihun et aI., Zhon cratic activities (promotion), body care, travel, ritual activities, medical activities, agricultural work, marriage, com­ to Rong Zhaozu, the mercial activities, and so on. See Arrault and Martzloff, "Calendriers," II5. in Mixin yu chuan shh 78 Wolfram Eberhard c( 72 Ibid., n6. 254 ·ed numbered divina­ An illustrated almanac printed in 877 CE and now in the British Library shows that certain graphic ns were composed by conventions of the art of fate were incorporated in almanacs early on (figs. 4, 5).73 A section at the cen­ )rd dating to the early • "67 Generally speak­ ter ofthe almanac showcases a series oftwelve animal images corresponding to the signs ofthe twelve­ year cyclical system (fig. 4).7 4 Underneath each animal, marriage advice is given to people born in the . For example, lot 17 year associated with that animal. A section providing health advice in the lower left part ofthe almanac tngliang). Lot 92 indi­ page depicts a group of ghosts (binggui) in human form believed to cause sickness (fig. 5), along with text predicting on which days one might fall ill. Answers to inquiries about marriage and sickness ~ hegu bum qian), and teng bei baiqian). Sev­ appear in the Tianzhu Prints as well, although they do not playa major role. The art of fate as seen in business travels, seem s regions. 68 the Tianzhu Prints thus uses part of a larger, semi-standardized divination repertoire. Ible sets of divination DIVINATION PRACTICES IN MODERN TEMPLES Southern Song period emple and cult. Each s and appended inter­ Since much of the material culture related to medieval monastic practice has been lost, it is useful to es or images from the people living in traditional Chinese society, "consulting a lot" (qiu qian) is an experience integral to If temple divinations, .usion that the South­ )ok shape, prospered, visiting a temple. The qian are usually long, thin strips of bamboo or wood. Arranged in sets that vary in number from twenty to more than a hundred, these lots are placed in a tube-shaped bamboo con­ briefly survey modern divination practices in order to better understand the Tianzhu Prints. For most tainer near the altar of the main hall.7 5 A temple visitor seeking help in solving a particular problem shakes the bamboo container in a downward motion until a. single, numbered lot falls away from the ~ development of div­ a! materials related to rest. Putting this lot aside, he or she then casts a pair of crescent-shaped divination blocks calledjiao or bei to seek the deity's approval of the chosen 10t.76 The divination blocks are usually made of bam­ ~xample, boo or wood, with one face flat and the other rounded. Only a result of one block flat-side up and the written div­ ided specific informa­ Admonitions, such as other curved-side up indicates the deity's approval. 77 If the casting yields a negative result, a new qian D travel When a casting signals approval from the deity, the temple then provides a printed piece ofpaper cor­ afar (bu yuan­ must be chosen and the steps repeated until it is approved. Such a process can be time-consuming. responding to the number written on the bamboo lot. This paper usually consists of a simple, classi­ cal-style poem offour lines. Sometimes additional comments are printed alongside the main poem, as mposed or transcribed by I Research Monograph 32 in lot 15 of the Responding Lots of Guanyin (Guanyin pusa lingganqian) from East Peace Monastery (Donghe chansi) in Taipei (fig. 6).78 The prophecy ofthis particular lot happens to be positive; it fore­ 73 Fora plate, see Susan Whitfield, The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War, and Faith (Chicago: Serindia, 2004), 302, fig. 264. f8-49· ,e Dunhuang library cave, 74 The image ofa rooster is labeled taisui ("Primordial Year"), suggesting that this calendar was made for the year of the Chine mMievale: Etude des 75 Sets of 50,64, and 100 seem to have been most popular in Qing China, as they are today. See Richard Smith, Fortune­ rooster, equivalent to 877 C E. (alinowski (Paris: Biblio­ Tellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese Society (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 236, 242; and te between calendars and Wolfram Eberhard, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University, 1970), 193. mofficial calendrical work Oxford University Press, 1 76 Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers, I;Jin Hsu, "Counseling in the Chinese Temple: A Psychological Study ofDiv­ ination by Chien Drawing," in Culture-Bound Syndromes, Ethnopsychiatry, and Alternate Therapies, ed. William P. Lebra (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1976), 2II. these almanacs: bureau­ lral work, marriage, com- 77 Xu Jihun et ai., Zhongguo fengsu tongshi: Songdai juan (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 2001), 607. According to Rong Zhaozu, the bei andjiao blocks can be traced back to the Tang dynasty; Rong Zhaozu, "Zhanbu de yuanliu," in Mixin yu chuan shuo, Zhongshan daxue minsu congshu (Taibei: Fulu tushu gongsi, 1969), 2:53. 78 Wolfram Eberhard collected this lot in 1964; Eberhard, Chinese Folklore, 192, fig. 10. 255 tells the smooth journey ofa traveler, a fruitful year ahead, and a certain "noble man" (guiren) who will provide guidance. The opening page of a 1964 reprint of a Japanese illustrated divination booklet bearing the liter­ ary legacy of Tianzhu lingqian illustrates how a qian and a qian container may have appeared (fig. One modern col Sage God of War (G, line verse, the origir 7).79 a full set of verses, t The insertion of these images in a divination booklet adds a ritual dimension to the divinations and links the printed divinations with the divination practice within the temple context. The diagram of metaphors containe( ing "Holy Advice" the container for divination lots (Gosenbako no zu) is marked with specific measurements and bears a pIe, the first qian re~ label that reads "Great Compassionate and Merciful Bodhisattva Kannon [Guanyin]" (Daiji daihi kanzeon bosatsu). On the left of the container is a sample identified as "The Bamboo Lot" (Gosentake) and the accompanying explanatory text gives specific measurements for its length, width, and depth. The lot is inscribed "Lot Number One, Great Auspice" (Daiiji daikichi).80 Strickmann identified some ofthe prophetic verses in this Japanese booklet as identical to those ofthe thirteenth-century Tianzhu Prints, although the accompanying illustrations are not the same, their designs reflecting instead a Japanese artistic tradition. Very often, if a temple provides the oracle service, it also publishes a booklet containing the con­ tent of all the available prophecies, as well as additional interpretations of each lot. Such booklets are inexpensive at best, and sometimes distributed without charge. They are primarily consulted by tem­ ple priests, who supply visitors with further details about the lots they have chosen. 8! According to Susan Naquin, in 1820S Beijing a pilgrim group at the Miaofeng Shan Temple took charge of printing and interpreting the divinations as part of their temple service. 82 The most popular divinations since the Qing era (1644-1911) have been the Efficacious Lots of the Guandi (Guandi lingqian), the God of War; the Lots ofthe Heavenly Empress (Tianhou qian); and the Lots ofGuanyin (Guanyin qian).8 3 Domes­ tic concerns, such as marriage, childbirth, and family, are among the topics most frequently addressed in the Lots ofGuanyin.84 79 This page has been published in Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 22. According to Strickmann, the 1964 book­ let is associated with the tenth-centry Japanese Tendai saint Ganzan Daishi (912-985), who enjoyed a posthumous cult as "an incarnation of Kannon (Guanyin)"; ibid., 7-29. 80 For the illustration of the lot container from the Ganzan booklet, see ibid., 22. 81 Eberhard, Chinese Folklore, 193. 82 Susan Naquin, Beijing: Temples and City Life, I40o--I90o(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 534. 83 You will attain in] litigation yOl your crops [mul nancy will yield Also interesting froJ Dongpo" (Dongpo j2 also known as Su Dc pretation text, I wit inations for Daoist tl that his name is still A quick compar. longevity of such a , in the modern qian 1 advice written in thl thing not seen in Cn In their layout the Ti and text below" (fi! widely used in illust raphy of Wise and Be the nearly contempo Other qian booklets include Lots of the East Peak (Dongyue qian), Lots of the Sage Doctor Huatuo (Huatuo qian), Lots of Lii Dongbin (Liizu qian), Lots ofthe Earth God (Tudi qian), and Efficacious Lots ofthe General Manager ofLand and Water 85 Ibid., 238. (Shuilu zongguan lingqian). The latter addresses concerns particular to travelers, while others reflect regional concerns; 86 Ibid., 239. the Huatuo qian and Liizu qian often showcase divinations on medical inquiries. See Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philoso­ 87 Eberhard also ment phers, 242; Eberhard, Chinese Folklore, 191-99; Rong, "Zhanbu de yuanliu," 43-51; ChenJinguo, "Simiao lingqian de a temple in Shaanxi liuzhuan yu fengshui xinyang de kuosan," Zongjiao xue yanjiu 58 (2003): 61-73; Yoshimoto Shoji, Taiwan simiao yao­ 88 For a well-cited exal qian yanjiu (Taipei: Wulin chuban yaoxian gongsi, 1990); and Sakai Tadao, Imai Usaburo, and Yoshimoto Shoji, Chil­ the British Library I goku no reisen, yakusen shilsei (Tokyo: Fukyosha, 1992). For a recent study of the medicine tallies (yaoqian) in contem­ ies ofthe shangtu xit porary Hong Kong, see Carole Morgan, "I've Got Your Number: Hong Kong's Medical Prescription Sli~s," Sanjiao the Law: Images of C wenxian 4 (2005): 1-88. Museum of Art, 195 84 Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers, 242. nese Narrative I1lustl 25 6 .< Ian" (guiren) who will One modern collection of qian divinations in booklet form is known as the Efficacious Lots 0/ the Sage God 0/ War (Guan Shengdi lingqian) (fig. 8).85 Printed in the middle part of each page is a four­ det bearing the liter­ line verse, the original response the worshipper received after selecting a numbered lot. In addition to ve appeared (fig. 7),79 a full set of verses, the booklet contains an interpretation (jie) of each verse, which elaborates on the o the divinations and metaphors contained in them. Below the verse are eight groups ofthree characters each under the head­ Itext. The diagram of ing "Holy Advice" (shengyi). These offer general advice on what to do and what to avoid. For exam­ urements and bears a ple, the first qian reads, lanyin]" (Daiji daihi You will attain merit and fame. Your blessing and wealth will be complete. [If you are involved Iboo Lot" (Gosentake) in] litigation you will obtain a proper settlement. Ifsick, you will become well. [Ifyou are a farmer] th, width, and depth. your crops [mulberries and hemp] will ripen. Your marriage [will be] round [satisfactory] . Preg­ nancy will yield a son. Travelers will return home. 86 mann identified some ~nth-century Tianzhu 1S reflecting instead a Also interesting from a historical perspective is an additional interpretation called" Interpretation by containing the con­ Dongpo" (Dongpo jie), reportedly written by the famous Northern Song scholar Su Shi (1036-1101), lot. Such booklets are also known as Su Dongpo.87 Although it is hard to prove that Su Shi originally composed the inter­ 'ily consulted by tem­ 10sen. 81 According to pretation text, I will argue later in this article that Su Shi did write the comments for some qian div­ )ok charge ofprinting that his name is still linked with qian divinations to this day. t inations for Daoist temples. It is perhaps because ofSu Shi's active involvement in temple divinations ular divinations since A quick comparison of this modern example with the Southern Song Tianzhu lingqian reveals the lingqian), the God of anyin qian).83 Domes­ longevity of such a written convention. Each divination in the Tianzhu booklet, like its counterpart in the modern qian booklet, also includes a four-line verse, an interpretation text, and a list ofgeneral : frequently addressed advice written in three-character phrases. The Tianzhu Prints, however, also bear illustrations, some­ thing not seen in Chinese divination lots collected from the Qing and modern periods. TIANZHU LINGQIAN AND VISUAL TRADITIONS rickmann, the 1964 book­ ho enjoyed a posthumous Press, 2000), 534. 1tuo (Huatuo qian), Lots of rfanager ofLand and Water I In their layout the Tianzhu Prints follow the so-called shangtu xiawen style, meaning" illustration above and text below" (fig. 9). This design formula can be traced back to the tenth century and became widely used in illustrated prints in the Song period, such as the eleventh-century book Ancient Biog­ raphy o/Wise and Benevolent Women (Gu lienu zhuan) (fig. 10).88 Compared to the painterly quality of the nearly contemporaneous thirteenth-century Buddhist scroll Wenshu's Guidance with Textual Expla­ 85 Ibid., 238. ; reflect regional concerns; ~ortune-Tellers and Philoso­ 86 Ibid., 239. 87 Eberhard also mentions the additional interpretation text attributed to Su Shi in a Guandi booklet that circulated in "Simiao lingqian de I Shoji, Taiwan simiao yao­ nd Yoshimoto Shoji, Chi/­ a temple in Shaanxi Province in the 1930S; Eberhard, Chinese Folklore, 193. 88 For a well-cited example ofearly single-sheet printing featuring the shangtu xiawen style, see the 947 prayer sheet from the British Library (Or.82I0/P.20) depicting Mafijusri (Wenshu), in Whitfield, The Silk Road, 301, fig. 263. For stud­ 19UO, cHies (yaoqian) in contem­ rescription Slir>,s, " Sanjiao ies of the shangtu xiawen tradition, see Julia Murray, "Evolution of Buddhist Narrative Illustration," in Latter Days of the Law: Images ofChinese Buddhism, 8so-I8S0, ed. Marsha Weidner (Lawrence, Kans.: University of Kansas, Spencer Museum of Art, 1994), 137-38; Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction, 164-72; and Julia Murray, Mirror of Morality: Chi­ nese Narrative Illustration and Confucian Ideology (Honolulu: University ofHawai'i Press, 2007). 257 nations (Wenshu zhinan tuzan) (fig. II), produced by the private printing house ofOfficial]ia's Family in Hangzhou,8 9 the Tianzhu Prints appear rough (fig. 12). Despite their simplici ty, the Tianzhu Prints blend varied visual conventions, ranging from the pictorial narrative to the symbolic graphic, from high art to popular art. For example, the illustration oflot 64, which shows a man and a woman inter­ acting in a picture plane graphically framed by a watery realm and a tree to the left (fig. 13), is com­ parable to the slightly disjointed compositional style used in the Classic of Filial Piety album by the Song literati artist Li Gonglin (I049-II06) (fig. 14).90 Many illustrations in the Tianzhu Prints employ a highly economical, paratactic system that ultimately derives from pre-Song traditions. As Maggie Bickford explains, "In early China, auspicious images appear as 'singles,' or as multiples of an indi­ vidual motif, as various motifs arrayed in strings or grids, or in sets or geometric configurations, or in complex interrelationship. "9 1 Oftentimes, these motifs" exhibit indifference to distinctions among the disparate traditions from which they draw their stock of motifs;" they cross and cross again between elite and vulgar domains. The images elicit a varied reception, rang­ ing from informed introspection to uneducated acceptance as customary, appropriate, and deco­ rative pictures. 92 Although no exan zhima ("paper horses" pasted sculptures of 11 broad range ofinexpeJ (such as the demon-q cious symbols were sc observations in the So With the Tianzhu Pri traditions, our next fa examination of the te: cious, another one-fot of eighty-five) prediCi The arrangement of symbols in many of the Tianzhu lots corresponds to Bickford's notion of auspi­ min chubanshe, 1999: 'Tartar' Dynasty (III5 cious imagery. For example, in lot 20, signs and symbols crowd an empty, groundless, two-dimen­ sional plane (fig. 15).93 As Robert Hegel has noted, the selected symbols and figures are "seemingly scattered at random throughout the picture area," with no significant background added to the pic­ 96 Stephen Little et aI., 1 ther examples ofbrom ture plane. 94 It is the combination of specific symbols - rather than their spatial coherence - within the picture plane that matters. The merger of the decorative, graphic, and pictorial in the Tianzhu Prints can be further linked to a much more widespread tradition prevalent in the visual culture of the eleventh to the thirteenth century that can be seen in such diverse formats as relief carvings from reli­ 97 98 gious architecture (fig. 16) and tombs (fig. 17; cf. fig. 30),95 bronze mirrors (fig. 18),96 painted ceramic pillows (fig. 19),97 and even illustrated paper money (fig. 20).9 8 89 The printed handscroll is now in the Otani collection in Japan. It consists of several sheets of paper carefully pasted together; on each sheet are six illustrations with their accompanying texts arranged beside and underneath them; see Fontein, The Pilgrimage ofSudhana. Prior to its relocation to the Otani Library, the scroll was owned by the late Kanda 99 Kiichiro, who gave his Chinese friend Luo Zhenyu permission to publish it; see Luo Zhenyu,jishi an congshu (Com­ pilation of the Jishi Studio) (1916). For further publications of the Otani scroll, see Higashi aJia no botoke tachi, 229, 263, 264. 90 Richard Barnhart et aI., Li Kung-lin's Classic ofFilial Piety (New York: The Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 1993), 171, 91 fig. 126. Maggie Bickford, "Three Rams and Three Friends: The Working Lives of Chinese Auspicious Motifs," Asia Major 12, I (1999): 145. 92 Ibid., 131. 93 Note that the motifs showcased in lot 20 are comparable to those in lot 18 (fig.I). 94 Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction, 168. 95 The examples illustrated here are the relief images from the eleventh-century Bizhi Pagoda (Bizhi ta), located in the temple complex ofthe Lingyan Monastery (Lingyan si), Shandong Province; and the brick relief from the J in-dynasty (early-thirteenth-century) Tomb No. I in Macun,Jishan, Shanxi Province. For plates, see Wang Rongyu et aI., Lingyan si (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1999), 57; and Liu Wenzhe et aI., PingyangJin mu zhuandiao (Taiyuan: Shanxi ren­ 25 8 . 100 ed., Lushun bowuguan I Jiang chutu tongjing (B The ceramic pillow illl yao cizhen (Beijing: Rl For a plate, see Zhong~ cal representation ofp: tury Southern Song hu under the watchful su ity of Song Paper M011 Meng Yuanlao (prefac 6. 7a. SKQS. The "pa which have been docu notion de tresorerie dans j "Southern Song Printi in China andJapan (L, contemporary Taiwan Up in Flames: The Ephe For scholarship on the Chung K'uei," The B Queller and the Art of of door gods, see Mar Gong," Archives ofAs) This corresponds to tb cultures display such J Temple," 213. ..... ' fOfficial]ia's Family ty, the Tianzhu Prints mbolic graphic, from LU and a woman inter­ ~ left (fig. 13), is com­ al Piety album by the 'ianzhu Prints employ Although no examples from this time period remain, a type of ephemeral popular artifact called zhima ("paper horses") should be mentioned here. This term refers to both three-dimensional paper­ pasted sculptures of horses, houses, and figurines, used ritually as burnt offerings to the gods, and a broad range ofinexpensive two-dimensional art. These cheap paper sheets printed wi th images ofgods (such as the demon-queller Zhong Kui, the God of Wealth Caishen, and the door gods) and auspi­ cious symbols were sold in stationery shops, especially during the New Year or for festivals or ritual observations in the Song capitals. 99 :raditions. As Maggie multiples of an indi­ : configurations, or in istinctions among the INTERPRETING A FORTUNE: aried reception, rang­ ppropriate, and deco- ord's notion of auspi­ mndless, two-dimen­ gures are "seemingly Llnd added to the pie­ 11 coherence - within torial in the Tianzhu le visual culture ofthe ief carvings from reli­ [8),9 6 painted ceramic SYMBOLIC USE OF TEXTS AND IMAGES With the Tianzhu Prints now placed in the broader cultural context ofdivination materials and visual traditions, our next focus of inquiry is the texts and images of the Tianzhu Prints themselves. A close examination of the text reveals that about one-fourth of the predictions are considered very inauspi­ cious, another one-fourth are warnings or cautionary divinations, and about one-half (forty-four out of eighty-five) predict good fortune. Ioo The positive prophecies all include similar advice above the min chubanshe, 1999), 246, fig. 269. For a study of the relief carvings inJin tombs, see Ellen Johnston Laing, "Chin 'Tartar' Dynasty (III5-1234) Material Culture," Artibus Asiae 49,112 (1988-89): 73-126, especially 76-84, II7. 96 Stephen Little et aI., Taoism and the Arts o/China (Chicago: The Art Institute ofChicago, 2000), 354, fig. 135. Forfur­ ther examples ofbronze mirrors showing a similar pairing ofa tortoise and a man in long robes, see Lushun bowuguan, ed., Lushun bowuguan cang tongjing (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1997), 187, figs. 136-37; and Wang Shilun, ed., Zhe­ jiang chutu tongjing (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1987), fig. 147. 97 The ceramic pillow illustrated here is an example ofJin-dynasty (III5-1234) Cizhou ware; see Zhang Ziying ed., Cizhou yao cizhen (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2000), 73. 98 For a plate, see Zhongguo guchao tuji (Beijing: Zhongguo jinrong chubanshe, 1987), 3. In a recent study of the physi­ cal representation ofpaper money in the Song period, Richard von Glahn identified this specimen as a thirteenth-cen­ tury Southern Song huizi bill, and noted that the illustration shows" two men carrying bales ofgrain into a storehouse under the watchful supervision of a figure in official robes"; see Richard von Glahn, "Re-examining the Authentic­ ; of paper carefully pasted ity of Song Paper Money Specimens, "Journal o/Sung-Yuan Studies 36 (2006): 93-98, especially 98. and underneath them; see 99 Meng Yuanlao (preface dated II47), Dongjing menghua lu, 7.1b, SKQS; WU Zimu (preface dat(!d 1274), Mengliang lu, s owned by the late Kanda 6. 7a. SKQS. The "paper horse" stationery is also related to the paper money offering observed in medieval rituals, vu,jishi an congshu (Com­ Ii ajia no botoke tachi, 229, which have been documented in Daoist, Buddhist and other sources; see Hou Ching-lang, Monnaies d'offrande et fa .-Iuseum ofArt, 1993), 171, notion de tresorerie dans la religion chinoise (Paris: College de France, Institut des Haures Etudes Chinoises, 1975); Edgren, "Southern Song Printing at Hangzhou," 33; Robert Hans van Gulik, Hayagrlva: The Mantrayanic Aspect o/Horse-Cult in China andJapan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1935), 46; and Zhang, Zhongguo yinshua shi, 157-58. For an inspiring study of contemporary Taiwanese pasted-paper sculpture made primarily for funeral purposes, see EllenJohnston Laing et aI., :ious Motifs," Asia Major Up in Flames: The Ephemeral Art o/Pasted-PaperSculpture in Taiwan (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004). For scholarship on the pictorial representations of Zhong Kui, see Sherman Lee, "The Lantern Night Excursion of Chung K'uei," The Bulletin 0/ the Cleveland Museum 0/ Art 49,2 (1962): 36-42; and Stephen Little, "The Demon Queller and the Art ofQiu Ying, " Artibus Asiae 46,112 (1985): 22-41. For scholarship on the pictorial representations of door gods, see Mary H. Fong, "Wu Daozi's Legacy in the Popular Door Gods (menshen) Qin Shubao and Yuchi i (Bizhi ta), located in the Gong," Archives 0/ Asian Art 42 (1989): 6-21. ·elieffrom theJin-dynasty 100 This corresponds to the observations made by Jin Hsu in his analysis of modern Taiwan. Hsu pointed out that not all 109 Rongyu et aI., Lingyan cultures display such patterns ofpositive reading in divination systems of this sort; Hsu, "Counseling in the Chinese 'iao (Taiyuan: Shanxi ren- Temple," 213. 259 illustrations. The advice for lot 25 (fig. 21) reads, "It is auspicious to seek officialdom. If you seek wealth, you will succeed. Pregnancy will yield a son. Marriage negotiations will be successful. Grain will ripen. You will recover from sickness," and so on. The inauspicious divinations also include sum­ maries at the top, but these warn of misfortune, such as delay in attaining office, no pregnancy, preg­ nancy yielding a daughter, unsuccessful marriage negotiations, and so on.101 This formula is almost identical to that found in modern qian booklets. By the thirteenth century, certain pictorial conventions had been established in visual culture to symbolize money, wealth, and rank in office. The majority of the Tianzhu Prints, both positive and negative, employ these motifs in their compositions. The motif of a deer, for example, appears in twenty-seven lots, the word "deer" (pronounced lu) being a pun on the word lu, literally "official salary" or "honorarium," but with the metaphorical sense of success in general. I02 In lots 25 (fig. 21) and 50 (fig. 22), a male figure dressed as a scholar-official (with an official cap) and a woman seem to be attentive to the presence of a deer and a cart loaded with scrol1s.103 On a twelfth-century painted ceramic pillow made by a Cizhou kiln, the deer image is juxtaposed with the characterfu to evoke the concept offulu, "fortune and wealth" (fig. 23).10 4 A similar yet even more elaborate use of a deer sym­ bol is found on a bronze mirror dated 1331, now in the Palace Museum, Beijing (fig. 24).10 5 Here, the deer is shown crossing a bridge followed by other auspicious symbols, including a figure holding a jar that emits beams of light and a crane emerging from the door of a cavern-heaven. The design of this bronze mirror is comparable to that of lot 50 of the Tianzhu Prints (fig. 22), especially the beams of light emanating from an object and its pairing with a deer. In lot 48 (fig. 25), the deer stands on the far side of a river;106 its placement implies that the petitioner will have to wait patiently for wealth to fig. arrive. A similar scene with a deer standing across a river also appears on the Cizhou pillow mentioned Southern Song above (fig. 19), suggesting that this motif was a common pictorial convention in popular imagery. In lot 28 (fig. 26), the deer is simply cut off, which is interpreted as "very inauspicious" (da buxiang).107 she, 1958). I Lot 18 j duo, Tianzhu l. A more direct reference to money can be found in the motif of strings of coins, rendered as two crossed bags with tassels at both ends and laid on the ground (figs. 1,15,38).108 Such a symbol refers directly to monetary gain by merchants and farmers alike, and should be differentiated from the motif ofa deer, which specifically symbolizes official salary. The strings ofcoins appear at least eighteen times in the Tianzhu Prints,109 and the motifcan also be found in other visual contexts of the time. The Pre­ cious Coupon ofthe Zhenyou Reign (Zhenyou baojuan), an example ofJin-dynasty paper money printed 101 See lots 7, 15, 17, 19, 26, 28, 30, 38, 39, 45, 46,54,59,63,66,67,69,74,77,79,82,83, and 86; ZGBC, 1:279-98. 102 I would like to thank Julia Murray and Patricia Ebrey for their help with this interpretation. 103 ZGBC, 1:283, 289. 104 Yutaka Mino, Freedom ofClay and Brush through Seven Centuries in ]'z'u-chou Type Wares, 960---1600 A.D. (Blooming­ ton, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1980), II6, fig 124. 105 See Little, Taoism and the Arts, 354, fig. 136. 106 ZGBC, 1:289. 107 Ibid., 1:284. 108 Ibid., 1:282. 109 A string or strings of coins are illustrated in lots II, 12, 16, 18, 20, 45, 47,51,53,56,62,76,77,80,81,85,89, and 92; ibid., 1:280-82, 288-92, 296-3°0. Fig.2 Pic 260 1368- 1644 Juan, repri . .~ - · cialdom. If you seek 1 be successful. Grain ons also include sum­ , no pregnancy, preg­ his formula is almost d in visual culture to lts, both positive and · example, appears in lu, literally" official .102 In lots 25 (fig. 21) nd a woman seem to lfth-century painted racter fu to evoke the ~ate use of a deer sym­ (fig. 24).10 5 Here, the a figure holding a jar n. The design of this pecially the beams of he deer stands on the atiently for wealth to lOU pillow mentioned popular imagery. In -ious" (da buxiang).107 Fig. I Lot 18 from Tianzhu lingqian. Wood-block print. Fig.3 Lot 76 from Tianzhu lingqian. Southern Song dynasty, 13th century. After Zheng Zhen­ duo, Tianzhu lingqian (Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chuban­ she, 1958). oins, rendered as two Such a symbol refers ltiated from the motif t least eighteen times · of the time. The Pre­ paper money printed 6; ZGBC, 1:279-98. )0. 60-I6oo A.D. (Blooming­ 77, 80, 81, 85, 89, and 92; Fig.2 Picture 0/ Mount Tianzhu (detail) . Wood-block print. Qing dynasty, 1897. After Guanbin (Ming dynasty, 1368-1644), comp., Hangzhou Shang Tianzhu Jiangsi zhi (Gazetteer ofUpper Tianzhu Monastery ofHangzhou), 15 juan, reprint of 1897 (Taibei: Zongqing tushu chuban gongsi, 1994). ;'filii ~-Ji&~ ~ ~ • li ± ;I 5R ~ --­- tf: Fig.4 Printed almanac (detail). Ink on paper. Tang dynasty, 877. From Dunhuang, Cave I7. British Library (Or.82Io/P.6). ~fi After Susan Whitfield, The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War, and Faith (Chicago : Serindia, 2004), fig. 264. ~ fit 1fJ *~ ~ 11 fIR Jt Ii! Jl •• AI ..... tr •• • m J& :I A _ Fig.5 Printed almanac (detail). Ink on paper. Tang dynasty, 877. From Dunhuang, Cave 17. British Library (Or.82Io/P.6). After Whitfield, The Silk Road, fig . 264. ;ff 3 lIJ mJ ~it ~ •• A • • ~ - Fig . 6 Responding Lots of Guanyin . Wood-block print on paper. Ca. 1960s. East Peace Monastery (Donghe chansi), Taipei. After Wolfram Eberhard, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University, 1970), fig. it IO. Fig. 7 Opening page of the Ganzan Oracle. Wood-block print. I964. After Michel Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy : A •,1 1£ ,I)' it II ~ The Written Oracle in East Asia (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005), fig. 13a. Fig.8 Booklet ofthe Efficacious Lots ofthe Sage God of War (Guan Shengdi lingqian). Detail of the complete interpretations of the first three lots. Wood-block print. 20th century. After Richard]. Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers: Divinations in Traditional ChineJe Society (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), fig. 6.2. 6 " 1'''." eo (eo.., <'''.( oe-f\JtIl otI'CI4'1'• • O~r.LJtIl o tHCS< tIl - ~ - ~ l• ~ ,) lnl ~ . . . .# . ' ,=---_.,­ #4tt l~-<~~ Itm\ _1-tR$n '"'-1 {ail 11­ ~Qt..J\J .... k:*1=St .... I ~ta~:toot4,~a~.o~ .... ~~~~~~""~ ~~~~rt~~\e.,a-t( {..~~ \ ~~.r..~l~'\! ""~~. ~ .l..l *.Ji ~ ~ 1 ~ ~:ttilK~ ~ WK 111 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ :W_IE~ ~~m::!1 ;a~-N= iQ!!~~~ **&itf« ~.. ""~).E.~ ijl< •• _ oW·· *« ~'E , •• !ja .~i ~ ~ C- 8;' t'--­ bI) 'OJ cc: 0.. '@ f-< 0 ~ oj '"c: ..c ~ " ~ '§-o ... 0.. '\:;j ~ ; , I" ,!:; ,i: ~ ,!:; ,~ '-> ~ "-< 0 C) OJ <l.J '" c: .g S ... ...o.. .. ~~-- ___.II 4Ti .at- !H:- -< .• • -<a ;~ .• .. .... .. ct:L~$am! . 1m( 1( •• 3:Ir<~~ 33: i ~----------------------------------------------~oo ~ ~ • "* * ••• Wi ,. *mW' *~~~. • .1-1 p.; c;- H 0 N ...; 00 0 Fig.9 Lot 68 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.1O Xinkan gu Lienit zhuan (detail). Wood­ block print. Song dynasty, 1063; reprinted in 1215. After Robert E. Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction in Late Imperial China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1998), fig. 4.3. Fig. II Wenshu zhinan tuzan (detail). r Printed by theJia Family Printing HOI Otani University Library, Kyoto. After (Compilation oftheJishi Studio) (1916 '.­ 'lian. detail). Wood­ reprinted in ding Illustrated anford, Calif.: , fig. 4.3 . ~~* . ~ "* Fig.12 Lot 12 from Tianzhu fingqian. Fig. II Wenshu zhinan tuzan (detail). Handscroll, wood-block print . Printed by the Jia Family Printing House. Southern Song dynasty. Otani University Library, Kyoto. After Luo Zhenyu,Jishi an cang shu (Compilation of the Jishi Studio) (I9 I6 ). Fig.15 Lot 20 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.16 Relief from the Bizhi Pagoda, Monastery, Shandong Province. North dynasty, nth century. After Wang Rot aI., Lingyan si (Beijing : Wenwu chuba 1999)· Fig.13 Lot 64 from Tianzhu lingqian . Fig.14 Li Gonglin, Classic of Filial Piety. Detail of chapter 17. Ink on silk. Northern Song dynasty, ca. 1085. P . Y. and Kinmay W . Tang Family Collection, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Promised Gift ofJack C. Tang and Oscar L. Tang (L. 199°.3.1). After Richard Barnhart et aI., Li Kung-lin's Classic of Filial Piety (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), pI. 14. . - Fig . 15 Lot 20 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.16 Relief from the Bizhi Pagoda, Lingyan Monastery, Shandong Province. Northern Song dynasty, lIth century. After Wang Rongyu et aI. , Lingyan si (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1999)· c$J 4 ial Piety. Detail of chapter 17. Ink on I085. P. Y. and Kinmay W . Tang litan Museum of Art, New York. d Oscar L. Tang (L. 199°.3.1). After -lin's Classic of Filial Piety (New York: 93), pI. 14· Fig.17 Relieffrom Tomb No. I, Macun,Ji­ shan, Shanxi Province . Jin dynasty, early 13th century. After Liu Wenzhe et al. , PingyangJin mu zhuandiao (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chuban­ she, 1999), fig. 269 . Fig. I9 Painted Cizhou ware ceramic Fig . I8 Mirror with Daoist adept under a pine tree. Bronze, D. 14.6 cm. Song dynasty (960-1279) . Palace Museum, Beijing. After Stephen Little et al., Taoism and the Arts of China (Chicago: The Art Institute of Chicago, 2000), fig. 135. (Beijing : Renmin meishu chubanshe, ,- Relieffrom Tomb No. I, Macun,Ji­ hanxi Province. Jin dynasty, early 13th T. After Liu Wenzhe et a!., PingyangJin ctndiao (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chuban­ )9), fig. 269. Fig.19 Painted Cizhou ware ceramic pillow. Jin dynasty, 12th-13th century. After Zhang Ziying, ed., Cizhou yao cizhen Mirror with Daoist adept under a pine :onze, D. 14.6 cm . Song dynasty 279). Palace Museum, Beijing. After [l Little et a!., Taoism and the Arts of Chicago: The Art Institute of Chicago, fig. 135. (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2000), 73­ Fig.20 Printed paper money specimen. Southern Song dynasty, 13th century. After Nei Menggu qianbi yanjiu hui et a!., eds., Zhongguo guchao fuji (A compilation of pictures of ancient Chinese paper money) (Beijing: Zhongguo jintong chubanshe, 1987), 3. Fig.21 Lot 25 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.23 Painted Cizhou-cype ceramic pillow. Song dynascy, 12ch century. Afcer Yucaka Mino, Freedom ofClay and Brush through Seven Centuries in Northern China: Tz'u-chou Type Wares, 96o- I6oo A.D. (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana Universicy Press, 1980), fig. 124. Fig.25 Lot 48 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.24 Mirror wich Daoist adept in front of a cavern-heaven. Bronze, D. 19.9 cm. Yuan dynascy, 133l. Palace Museum, Beijing. After Lictle ec al. , Taoism and the Arts ofChina, fig. 136. . '.~ ... Fig.23 Painted Cizhou-type ceram ic pillow. Song dynasty, 12th cent ury. After Yutaka Mino, Freedom ofClay and Brush through Seven Centuries in Northern China: Tz'u-chou Type Wares, 96o- I6oo A.D. (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana U niversity Press , 1980), fig. 124. 'i, ! -1.1 f,9 Fig .25 Lot 48 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.24 Mirror with Daoist adept in front of a cavern-heaven. Bronze, D. 19.9 cm. Yuan dynasty, 133I. Palace Museum, Beijing. 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'/1':=..:.::::::.).'.: : '- I • • ·. ; .IJ-4f'"i~:~ ",}~ I -~'t~:-.~:· ~ I" j'--i" I I.i ... =-rn • •{ ... l' 1\ .f... J ; -::j"<:'\' ;? '0)"' 1 .,..... .. --....:.. t ~: - -.....,...;: ~----] ~./.')~<:j .J..;j'). : 0.:17 ':' ~J i I I r \-. .\. ,'.... ~ ul.::A ; I ·:::':;o::.. :~.. I J. I! 1-1"-tT"ETI:J <"" ,-.,:\ 'I •,,<. \ I-+-r-' ') t:"J:(..... I" 11'-. i' .. ~. ~ ~ i<:-~)k" ,?·\ l~'-'-'r: "I":''i''-'! ~~., -,;.. ..... :.~, '..It'\'i'~;J;,t·~ ... . >, "" "',.... /1/;" :--",r;'1 JI~/". ......./. .,,, ". '. ~ - i 0 "\..,,J .. . . . , .I t $<:1 *', ~ "1M' t.--l ,.-.J -:1"\ J.:.~ :w-). I' /"i ' I / ' I : 1 ~,~ ,'t:... Y. ~. :1", '\1 . .' I' ~• ~.. I "". ..' I ,. . .,- .; ,~, ' h , .1 , 7~ ,I). i~:~ r.J.r tlq .# "-lol:> • ,/-'::~ 1'~1 -f~ ~~ 1Jit n ,1;;TH ! ;~: ,; .: <:( .~ f" or;, I ..... - ".i ;. !fi';, -~':\ ~ '. ( l 1 I t~ Atl ~;~·<~·i, ~~ j.J.. If'il l ""'~l ::1 ;); -'-','.1"j ~ I' '. ltR./.-. . . In f.I~ i,""':: ~ " ;,..-/ I c ... . . /J "J:.rrJ f~' ~.t,""- ;J.Q.. 1' 1"- t· : -'I". -"'..' · ,:...:" 1' ,.. . "" Jr~-(~1 r> :- '_____~~L _~..r!£·~_1?~ :__.....~3;S~ 7·~.r:~~·i I -~~.!~~;-t"'1 " '"- ~ "'-~{\n/ r:;,i ,::;:.:..; r- :' .'t~~.(I:'-:~ e !:1, :r~·;"". ~fi)D.)rk~\~/ ~~)/~~·:,.\,,:.(jr)')"Yq)~~~~J.:) ) ~l.: .;J~)\J i ... ·..,.. "':;:ts.: :.,. _/" -:.4;,:::./ ,',\" ,)./ "i !, :::....f'\~(;:I~ ' G 1-.-.. ._ ." .. \ A ' /, I '" ~ I \ .- ' ,J./ f '! p·.if' ...-~ '~l y~ J :t~.. ........I ~(> /.-1" I' t\ · p L. ~ I '''=1' I'" ~' • J • ~, I f'.....' - , '11 II l';,. Fig.28 Painted mural from the tomb of Han Shixun. Detail of the northwestern wall of the rear room in Tomb M4, Xuanhua, Hebei Province. Liao dynasty, nth century . After Hebei sheng wenwu yan jiusuo, ed ., Xuanhua Liao mu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2001), vol. 2, pI. 96. J ,[" y.. ~ dt',--r"I I.;)'j~"'''': ''~ i ~ ' :-, 1 ", -:' :,; ' / . .. , '?"', '''" -' .. -. ' .. .,it ' ... ,....-!\ -(\ ,.. ,~ '< ') <-- . '-.-;\....:.r~:;:\.-y-::.;y~'.' ~::-;,.....', .- _.,...., " .....::: ,~ ; ~ "i l r?'~i t ', ~ .~~~~~~~~~--;~~~~~ ~~:t~ Fig.27 The Precious Coupon of the Zhenyou Reign (Zhenyou baojuan). Wood-block print. Jin dynasty, 1213- 1216. After Nei Mengg u qianbi yanjiu hui et aI. , eds. , Zhongguo guchao tuji, 20. Fig.29 Lot 73 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.30 Lot 26 from Tianzhu lingqian. Fig.31 Lot 66 from Tianzhu lingqian. 30 -' -~ 29 ted mural from the tomb of Han il of the northwestern wall of the rear b M4, Xuanhua, Hebei Proyince. Liao 1 century. After Hebei sheng wenwu ., Xuanhua Liao mu (Beijing: Wenwu 001), yol. 2, pI. 96. : 73 from Tianzhu lingqian. - 26 from Tianzhu lingqian . 66 from Tianzhu lingqian. 30 31 I I , ! 33 I I I I I Fig.32 Lot 52 from Tianzhtt lingqian. Fig·33 Lot 46 from Tianzhttlingqian . Fig.34 Lot 70 from Tianzhtt lingqian. 32 . .--~------ ..... -------.---------------.----------.---­ .--.-.--------------......-----......-. I'i .~ I'i .~ I'i .~ N ;,t N ;,t ~ :.:::"'~" :.::: ;,t .~ ~ to:: :.::: N '::! to:: h to:: 0 S to:: "" "" "" ~ h <.!::: S 0 <.!::: S 0 0 \0 '<t- H '" '" ciJ '<t­ 0 ~ "­ H ~ e; <.!::: ~ '" '" ciJ e; N H ~ ciJ ~ --.--.~~-.--­ --_._­ ,.' >-rj ~ "";::;" ~ ~ N ;:s '" "":::-: ~ 3 0 ;:r> t" G\ ~ t-< '-..1 V.> ciQ" ,'. ------,,_. -~ -------. .. ------ . ~-- .. between 1213 and 121 The motif is also de Province/II and the e (fig. 28).II2 Similarly of wealth and appear The motif of one text, appears in thirt to those appearing i Three Officials, it is. appointment. II5 But symbolic meanings on a wheeled cart. A torial arrangements' The accompanying t her]" (Yu yin guiren e dom. IIl Some prints, scroll as bait (fig. 29). fishing reputation," It should not be predict failute in offi entangled or crossed, shu jiaojia) (fig. 30) symbolize obstacles t IIO See Zhongguo guchao III See Xianyangshi we pI. 60. II2 See Hebei sheng we ilar motif of a figure wall of the passagew' would like to thank II3 See lots I2, 20, and 2_ of the Northern Son II4 The scroll motif appt 66,70,73,78,81,82, II5 For the scrolls of the Fig.39 Lot 43 from Tianzhu fingqian. tion: Chinese Painting for the triptych of th (Boston: Museum 0 II6 ZGBC, 1:283, 290, 2 II7 Ibid., 1:289. II8 Ibid., 1:295. II9 Lots 26, 46, 52, and panying texts; ibid., -' .' .r between 1213 and 1216, bears a series ofcrossed strings ofcoins on the upper part ofthe sheet (fig. 27).IIO The motif is also depicted in murals of the tenth-century tomb of Feng Hui in Binxian, Shaanxi Province/II and the eleventh-century Liao-dynasty (907-II25) tomb M4 in Xuanhua, Hebei Province (fig. 28).II2 Similarly, silver ingots, represented as smaller vertical sticks on the ground, are also signs of wealth and appear on some of the Tianzhu Prints.II3 The motif of one or more scrolls, often referred to as "documents" (wenshu) in the accompanying text, appears in thirty-six lots and thus deserves special attention. II4 Because this motif is comparable to those appearing in Southern Song religious paintings of the Buddhist Kings of Hells or the Daoist Three Officials, it is safe to identify it as a reference to the paperwork ofan official or to a bureaucratic appointment. II5 But depending on how the scrolls are illustrated on each individual divination, their symbolic meanings vary from auspicious to inauspicious. In lot 50, scrolls radiating light are shown on a wheeled cart. A deer appears in front of the cart, greeting a scholar official (fig. 22). Similar pic­ torial arrangements are found in lots 25, 53, 62, and others, all of which are considered auspicious. II6 The accompanying text explains, "If one encounters an ideal woman, one will receive treasure [from her]" (Yu yin guiren er huo caibao) and get promoted in the "affair ofscrolls" (wenshu zhi shi), i.e. official­ dom. II7 Some prints, such as lot numbers 31, 34,54,57, and 73, show a scholar seated in a boat, using a scroll as bait (fig. 29).II8 This is a literal translation ofthe folk saying "diao ming diao yu," "fishing fame, fishing reputation," which likens the search for fame to fishing. It should not be taken for granted, however, that scrolls are auspicious signs. Many divinations predict failure in officialdom by rendering the scrolls in a specific way. When two scrolls are shown entangled or crossed, for example, they are considered inauspicious. Described as" crossed scrolls" (wen­ shu jiaojia) (fig. 30) or "entangled scrolls" (wenshu goujiao) (fig. 31) in the accompanying texts, they symbolize obstacles to success in officialdom.II9 In some illustrations, the crossed scrolls appear along IIO See Zhongguo guchao tuji, pI. 12. III See Xianyangshi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, ed., Wudai Feng Hui mu (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 2001), 57, pI. 60. II2 See Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, ed., Xuanhua Liao mil (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2001), vol. 2, pI. 96. A sim­ ilar motif of a figure carrying strings of coins appears on the east wall of the passageway of Tomb No. I, and the west wall of the passageway of Tomb NO.2; see Su Bai, Baisha Song mu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1957), pIs. 18, 36. I would like to thank Alex Chermside for this reference. II3 See lots 12, 20, and 29; ZG BC, 280, 282, 284. The motif of ingots is also found in Song funeral art, such as the mural of the Northern Song tomb at Baisha; Su, Baisha Song mu, pI. 22. II4 The scroll motif appears in lots 8, 10, II, 14, 15, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 38, 40, 43, 45, 46,52,53,54,55,56,57,58,59,62,65, 66,7°,73,78,81,82,87,89,91, and 92; ZGBC, 1:279-300. II5 For the scrolls of the Ten Kings of Hell produced by the Lu workshop in Ningbo, see Wen Fong, Beyond Representa­ tion: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th-I4th Century (New York: The Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 1992), 336-41; for the triptych of the Three Officials, see Tung Wu, Tales from the Land of Dragons: I,OOO Years of Chinese Painting (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1997), 63-65. II6 ZGBC, 1:283, 290, 293. II7 Ibid., 1:289. II8 Ibid., 1:295. II9 Lots 26, 46, 52, and 66 all refer to the motif of crossed scrolls as .. entangled scrolls" or .. crossed scrolls" in the accom­ panying texts; ibid., 1:283,288,29°,293. It is interesting to note that the four-line verse in lot 26 predicts a forthcom­ 281 with the motif of a poisonous snake expelling vapors from its mouth, spreading disaster (fig. 32),l2° According to the interpretation text oflot 46 (fig. 33), both the crossed scrolls and a snake flicking its tongue and emitting vapors (tengshe tuqi) predict a coming event that will endanger the peace of the household (jiazhai you buning zhi shi).I2I In the upper right corner of the illustration, a small figure striking a wheel ofdrums in the sky symbolizes the thunderclap caused by the anger of the god (lei fa zhen tian hun).I22 This compares closely to the depiction of a discordant household (zhaihu buning) in lot 70 (fig. 34), which also shows a thunder god striking the thunder drums in the sky. A scroll is shown burning in the air, which may imply the loss of a bureaucratic job, and a person is chasing a deer (i.e. salary) away. 123 Lot 65 (fig. 36) can a layman who may be right side of the bed 0 typical bun-shaped ha outward. Shown in pr shipful pose. A burnin ofcrossed scrolls appe~ tion is slow in its predi It also states that if tht to the stars (bing jiuhl< THE ROLE OF MONASTIC FIGURES ters were agents ofhe a run an appeal to the S1 With the aforementioned pictorial motifs constituting the main repertoire and iconography of the mentality of people in Tianzhu Prints, religious overtones are thus far surprisingly absent. Except for the title of the divina­ Buddhism or Daoism tion booklet, which links the divinations to Upper Tianzhu Monastery and the cult ofGuanyin, none appealing to every sou ofthe images or texts makes any direct reference to the deity, or even to the temple. The non-religious, Ofparticular valut tic setting (fig. 32).129 . pragmatic nature of the divinations also characterizes the Jiangxi Oracles discussed earlier. In the Tianzhu Prints, the only indication ofa religious aspect is the presence in several illustrations ofBud­ a desk in front of the I dhist or Daoist clergymen performing the types of services they actually offered to the community. 124 hangs to the left of the Three ofthe positive divinations depict a monk. Together with a deer, strings ofcoins, or precious picture.~earby,alam jade hidden in a rock, he is presented as a guide, advisor, or divine mediator who leads the petitioner the ground are several (she tu qi) in the lower to discover wealth, money, and good fortune. 125 The advising role of the monk illustrated here is not unlike the counseling role played by priests in temples today. Several negative divinations also involve monks, although not in the temple context. Rather, they appear in a medieval household healing a portending bad luck in Although it is unclear layman, either by conducting a ritual or administering medicine. In lot 40 a sick man is seated on a fortune, as the interprc bed while a layman, perhaps a doctor, offers him medicine from a bottle (fig. 35). A monk stands along­ zai bing zhi). The scene illustrat, laypeople in their hon: Abbot Biancai Yuanjil side, perhaps serving as a consultant, while a pair of crossed scrolls lies on the ground, symbolizing obstacles to success in officialdom. As we learn from the accompanying text, the sickness was caused by demon spirits (yaomo shang sheng huohuan), bur by taking the wondrous medicine in the bottle, the petitioner will soon be freed from his worries (hu zhong cheng miaoyao, feijiu qu fanjie). 126 126 Because the agents of s ing battlefield. This lot is unusual in that it addresses a military general (jiangjun).lts illustration depicting warriors tinely engaged in exon carrying a military flag is also comparable to the J in-dynasty relief from Tomb NO.1, Macun, Jishan, Shanxi Province; and the Demonic in Chii see fig. 17. 127 ZGBC, 1:293. 120 See lots 46 and 52; ibid., 1:288, 290. In lot 52, the snake is emitting a character that reads zai, "disaster." 128 For a comparison of ex 121 Ibid., 1:288. Lot 88 also depicts a snake; the accompanying text uses the same phrase, "a snake emitting air"; ibid., of religious practices CI 1:299· 122 Ibid., 1:288. Chine ancienne, Extreme ination to the Medicir 123 Ibid., 1:294. ford, Calif. : Stanford U 124 A monk is depicted in lots 12, 32, 35,40, and 52; a Daoist priest is shown in lots 65 and 80; ibid., 1:280, 283, 286, 290, guo zaoqi de daojiao yix 293,297· 125 The four-line verse in lot 35 states that "the foreign (hu) monk shows [youl the way to return" (hu seng yin lu gui); tianshi dao de qiyuan," ibid., 286. 2:318- 22. 129 ZGBC, 1:290. 282 19 disaster (fig. 32 ).120 Lot 65 (fig. 36) can be viewed as a Daoist version oflot 40.127 A bedroom scene is again shown, with end a snake flicking its a layman who may be sick seated on the couch bed. Another figure, perhaps a doctor, stands on the right side of the bed offering medicine. On the other side of the bed, a Daoist priest, identified by his anger the peace of the tration, a small figure mger of the god {lei fa outward. Shown in profile, he holds a ritual tablet or incense sticks clasped in both hands in a wor­ old (zhaihu buning) in shipful pose. A burning candle suggests that the scene takes place at night, and the inauspicious image ~ sky. A scroll is shown ofcrossed scrolls appears on the ground near the priest. The interpretative text warns that this divina­ 1 is chasing a deer (i.e. typical bun-shaped hairstyle and ritual gowns decorated with cloud-mountain patterns, stands facing tion is slow in its prediction so temple visitors are not advised to consult this lot (cigua chizhi buyi zhan). It also states that if the malady lingers and the medicine is inefficient, one should commission a ritual to the stars (bing jiuhuan lianmian, fuyao weixiao, yi jiao xing rang zhi). Both doctors and ritual mas­ ters were agents ofhealing in Song China. 12s The interpretation text seems to suggest that in the long run an appeal to the stars may be more powerful than taking medicine. It may reflect the pragmatic 1d iconography of the the title of the divina­ cult ofGuanyin, none ,Ie. The non-religious, scussed earlier. In the Ll illustrations of Bud­ 1to the community.124 gs ofcoins, or precious mentality of people in Song China: rather than fixing their hopes on one particular religion (whether Buddhism or Daoism) or one authority (medical or ritual) for help, they would hedge their bets by appealing to every source of aid. Of particular value for the study of Song visual culture is lot 52, which shows a monk in a domes­ tic setting (fig. 32).129 The monk, holding a brush and writing something on a handscroll, is seated at a desk in front of the bed of a sick man. A painted scroll depicting what looks like a seated Buddha hangs to the left of the desk. It is likely that the monk is conducting some sort of ritual in front of the 10 leads the petitioner picture. Nearby, a lamp stand with a burning candle indicates that this event takes place at night. On the ground are several symbols of bad luck. As the interpretive text states, "a snake emitting vapors" illustrated here is not (she tu qi) in the lower right corner reveals the character zai, "disaster." The motif of crossed scrolls, ivinations also involve portending bad luck in officialdom, appears on the ground as well. Also visible are two bell-like objects. II household healing a Although it is unclear from current research what these represent, they are likely also symbols ofmis­ ick man is seated on a A monk stands along­ fortune, as the interpretive text makes it clear that "three disasters will arrive at the same time" (san ground, symbolizing The scene illustrated here seems to depict a service actually performed by the Tianzhu monks for 1e sickness was caused laypeople in their homes. An example of this practice is described in the story of the Northern Song icine in the bottle, the Abbot Biancai Yuanjing. Noted for his magical healing power, Abbot Biancai would visit laymen's zai bing zhi). fanjie).126 ;tration depicting warriors tl,Jishan, Shanxi Province; ~ai, "disaster." snake emitting air"; ibid., 126 Because the agents ofsickness were sometimes perceived as demons, Buddhist or Daoist priests during the Song rou­ tinely engaged in exorcism to drive them out ofthe victim's body; see Richard von Glahn, The Sinister Way: The Divine and the Demonic in Chinese Religious Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 98, 100-I. 127 ZGBC, 1:293. 128 For a comparison of exorcist (wu) and medical (yi) practices in the Song, see Xu, Zhongguo fengsu, 430-33. For studies of religious practices conducted to heal patients, see Donald Harper, "Physicians and Diviners: The Relation of Div­ ination to the Medicine of the Huangdi neijing (Inner canon of the Yellow Thearch)," in Divination et rationalite en Chine ancienne, Extreme-Orient Extreme-Occident 21 (1999): 91-IIO; Michel Strickmann, Chinese Magical Medicine (Stan­ ibid., 1:280, 283, 286, 290, ford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003); Strickmann, "Seal ofthe Law," 1-83; Lin Fushi,Jibing zhongjie zhe: Zhong­ guo zaoqi de daojiao yixue (Taibei: Sanmin shuju, 2003); and Zhang Xunliao, "Donghan muzang chutu jiechu qi han tianshi dao de qiyuan," in Zhongguo daojiao kaogu, ed. Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin (Bei jing: Xianzhuang shuju, 2006), ~turn" (hu seng yin lu gui); 2:318-22. 129 ZGBC,I:290. 28 3 houses to perform healing services. I30 His consecrated water (ju shui) was said to be so efficacious that the Confucian elite 0 sick people who drank it would be cured. In 1076, Ling Tao ofJiaxing County, Zhejiang Province, requested that Abbot Biancai visit his son, who seemed to be possessed by a wandering female ghost.I3I and its specific form 0 of cosmic change. "13 Abbot Biancai set up an altar in Ling's house, with an image ofGuanyin placed at the center.I3 2 Hold­ (U30-1200) formed ing a willow branch, he circumambulated the altar three times while chanting charms and sprinkling time-consuming, for water on the afflicted boy to drive out the wandering ghost. I33 suIt the Yijing was h The Tianzhu temple gazetteer records numerous stories celebrating the Tianzhu monks' magical a (to be located ideally powers and achievements. 134 A monk Wenjie (active in the eleventh century) was known among Song offifty milfoil stalks, ~ scholar-officials as a fortune-teller who had knowledge of the past and future and the ability to read ing the milfoil stalks minds. He correctly predicted the death of his friend Shen Gou (1028-1067), who once served as the would reflect symboll Hangzhou prefect (1062-?). 135 It is believed that Monk Wenjie derived his magical powers from chant­ that only a few follow divination. I4I Needles ing Guanyin charms (ruyi fun zhou). Using this technique he was even able to make the water in a bot­ tle boil. He kept a relic of the Buddha in a glass bottle, and day and night the relic moved as long as the monk moved; the faster the monk walked, the faster the relic turned in the bottle. I36 The presence formed in public Bud of the monastic figures in the Tianzhu Prints not only reflects Guanyin's efficacy, but also advertises Although the Cor the magical services provided by the monks of Upper Tianzhu Monastery. by members of the eli Song literati also parti Liao, the large numbe PROPHECIES OF OFFICIALDOM AND EXAMINATIONS services were a lucrati' who came to the capl There are no records ofwho used the Tianzhu Prints or why, but an analysis of their motifs gives us an reported to have crowe idea of the concerns of the people who consulted the oracle. Unlike the Jiangxi Oracles, whose con­ tent is geared towards a rural audience such as landowners and farmers, the majority of the Tianzhu vided a wide range of extrapolation. "143 A d Prints feature prophecies about officialdom and examinations, which in turn reflect the concerns of grams and pictures, is elite scholar-officials, male students, and their families in metropolitan Hangzhou. Scholarship on Song religious culture has shown that divination was not confined to any specific gender or class in Chinese society, nor was it an un-Confucian activity.I37 It is widely recognized that 130 For more examples of religious practitioners who attained special powers, see Richard Davis, "Introduction: Miracles as Social Acts," in Images, Miracles, and Authority in Asian Religious Traditions, ed. Richard Davis (Oxford: Westview University of Hawai'i (Ph.D. diss., Universil Obsession with Death. ing Weal and Woe: T, Liao, "Qiqiu shenqi: S 138 Smith, Fortune-Tellers Press, 1998), 1-22, especially IO. 131 Hong, Yijian zhi, bingzhi, 16-498; STJZ, I3.IOb-IIa. 132 Both texts recorded in Yijian zhi and STJZ refer to this image as Guanyin xiang; it is not clear whether this image is a statue or a painting. See Hong, Yijian zhi; STJZ, I3.IOb-ua. 139 For the Yijing diagrarr jing: Zhongguo gongl 140 Zhu Xi, Zhouyi benyi 133 Hong, Yijian zhi; STJZ, I3.IOb-ua; von Glahn, The Sinister Way, 294. 134 Monk Dexian, for example, visited a virgin's chamber to chase away the ghost disturbing her; STJZ, I3.I2a. I09-IO. 141 Smith, Fortune-Tellers. 135 Shen Gua (I03I-I095), Mengxi bitan, 26 juan (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1996), 20.268-69; STJZ, I3.IIb-I2a. of the forthcoming bo sic ofChanges) and its J 136 STJZ, I3·ub-I2a. 137 For scholarship on the Song elite and popular religious practices, see the articles on Song religion and society by var­ ious authors in Patricia Ebrey and Peter Gregory, eds., Religion and Society in T'ang and Sung China (Honolulu: Uni­ versity ofHawai'i Press, 1993); Valerie Hansen, Changing Gods in Medieval China, II27-I276(Princeton, N.].: Prince­ ton University Press, 1990); Patricia Ebrey, "Sung Neo-Confucian Views on Geomancy, " in Meeting of Minds: Intel­ lectual and Religious Interaction in East Asian Traditions of Thought, ed. Irene Bloom and Joshua A. Fogel (New York: 142 Liao, "Popular Religie 143 Ibid., 273. For a list 0/ in Dongjing menghua II Columbia University Press, 1997),75-107; Chikusa Masaaki, "S6dai no jutsushi to shidaifu," in So-Gen bukkyo bunkashi 144 According to Liao Hsi namely the year, mon message;" (2) guaying, kenkyu (Tokyo: Kikuko shioin, 2000),479-93; Edward 1. Davis, Society and the Supernatural in Song China (Honolulu: ers had drawn." See Li 28 4 """, '" heir motifs gives us an !d Oracles, whose con­ ajority of the Tianzhu reflect the concerns of the Confucian elite of the Song dynasty were particularly interested in the Yijing (Book of changes) and its specific form ofdivination, which was believed to provide answers to "the patterns and processes of cosmic change. "138 The reinterpretations of Yijing divination by the great synthesizer Zhu Xi (II30-1200) formed a core element of the Confucian orthodoxy.1 39 According to Zhu Xi, an elaborate, time-consuming, formal divination ritual called the" Ritual ofthe Milfoil" (Shiyi), performed to con­ sult the Yijing was held in a scholar's private room. 140 The required paraphernalia included "a table (to be located ideally in a secluded room), a divining board, an incense burner and incense, a container of fifty milfoil stalks, and writing materials." The ritual involved meticulous procedures such as select­ ing the milfoil stalks from the container multiple times, grouping the selected stalks in ways that would reflect symbolic terms associated with the cosmic order, and so on. It is reasonable to assume that only a few followers ofZhu's teaching would have abided by his instructions and performed the divination. 141 Needless to say, such "orthodox" and sophisticated Yijingdivination practices endorsed by members of the elite like Zhu Xi was very different from the popular qian divination practice per­ formed in public Buddhist and Daoist temples. Although the Confucian Yijing was highly intellectual, other historical records show that many Song literati also participated in religious practices ofa more popular nature. According to Hsien-huei Liao, the large number of fortune-tellers in the capitals Kaifeng and Hangzhou suggests that mantic services were a lucrative business that might have attracted many customers among aspiring students who came to the capitals for examinations. 142 In Southern Song Hangzhou, divination stalls were reported to have crowded the Central Market (zhongwa) and Imperial Avenue (yujie). These stalls pro­ vided a wide range of mantic services, including "physiognomy, astrology, word analysis, [and] fate extrapolation. "143 A divination practice called guaying or guige guaying, which made use of both dia­ grams and pictures, is particularly noteworthy.1 44 Wei Tai (I050-1IIO) and Zhou Hui (b. 1126) report :hou. onfined to any specific widely recognized that University of Hawai'i Press, 2001); Hsien-hui Liao, "Popular Religion and the Religious Beliefs of the Song Elite" (Ph.D. diss., University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles, 2001); Hsien-hui Liao, "Visualizing the Afterlife: The Song Elite's o be so efficacious that y, Zhejiang Province, dering female ghost. 131 at the center.I3 2Hold­ :harms and sprinkling lllzhu monks' magical as known among Song llld the ability to read N"ho once served as the cal powers from chant­ lake the water in a bot­ relic moved as long as bottle. 136 The presence LCY, but also advertises ONS Obsession with Death, the Underworld, and Salvation," Hanxue yanjiu 20, 1(2002): 399-439; Hsien-hui Liao, "Explor­ is, "Introduction: Miracles I Davis (Oxford: Westview ing Weal and Woe: The Song Elite's Mantic Beliefs and Practices," T'oung Pao 91, 4/5 (2005): 374-95; and Hsien-hui Liao, "Qiqiu shenqi: Songdai keju kaosheng de chongbai xingwei yu minjian xinyang," Xinshixue 15, 4 (2004): 41-90. 138 Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers, 108. 139 For the Yijingdiagrams discussed by Zhu Xi and other Song scholars, see Shi Wei et ai., eds., Zhouyi tushi dadian (Bei­ clear whether this image is her; STJZ, 13.12a. ; STJZ, 13·ub-12a. religion and society by var­ eng China (Honolulu: Uni­ r6(Princeton, N.J.: Prince­ , in Meeting ofMinds: Intel­ Ishua A. Fogel (New York: , " in So-Gen bukkyo bunkashi d in Song China (Honolulu: jing: Zhongguo gongren chubanshe, 1994), 1-585. I would like to thank Richard Smith for directing me to this source. 140 Zhu Xi, Zhouyi benyi (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1976), "shiyi," la-5a; Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers, 109-10. 141 Smith, Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers, 109-U. For a new study ofYijing scholarship in the Song dynasty, see chapter 5 of the forthcoming book by Richard Smith, Fathoming the Cosmos and Ordering the World: The Yijing (I Ching, or Clas­ sic ofChanges) and its Evolution in China (Charlottesville, Vir.: University of Virginia Press, 2008). 142 Liao, "Popular Religion," 270-73. 143 Ibid., 273. For a list of divination stalls in Southern Song Hangzhou, see Wu Zimu (fl.. 1276), Mengliang lu, 20 juan, in Dongjing menghua lu wai si zhong (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1998), 13.234. 144 According to Liao Hsien-huei, Guaying divination referred to two methods: (1) guige uses" a person's eight characters, namely the year, month, day, and hour of his birth, to form a hexagram and attached to it to [sic] a versified mantic message;" (2) guaying, which is pictorial, uses" images of various human beings, birds, or beasts that the practition­ ers had drawn." See Liao, "Popular Religion," 250; and Chikusa, "S6dai no jutsushi to shidaifu," 485-88. 28 5 that most scholar-officials (shidaifu) oftheir time consulted guaying divinations and many found them accurate. 145 ously, writing inaco from it. "154 Four year Among the eighty-five extant prophecies of the Tianzhu Prints, fifty-five depict one or more consulted the Lots of scholar-officials as the protagonist(s). 146 Such figures all follow a standardized form: they are men wear­ tunes for the rest of [ ing long robes, a belt, and an official cap - the official dress of a Song scholar-official working for the According to Ch government. In many lots, the interpretation texts also set a specific tone by addressing petitioners as friendships with ma in 1071.156 Abbot Bi literati (shiren) or officials (guanren or guanyuan).147 For example, lot 62 shows an official riding a deer to greet a cart bearing a scroll (fig. 37).148 On the ground, two strings ofcoins radiate auspicious light. son of lameness by t In the sky, a seal which may symbolize the power of a bureaucratic official is shown descending on Su's brother-in-law, clouds. The prose explanation foretells fame and promotion as a scholar-official. The four-line verse to obtain the jinshi dt addresses the petitioner's prospects for gaining fame, which is predicted to manifest itself soon and be abbot of Upper Tiam known to people of the four directions (ming xian sifang yang). The appended interpretation explains for the even closer tie that the official riding the deer (guanren cheng lu) and pointing to the seal on the clouds (zhi yun zhong Like Su Shi, who con yin) portends fame (cheng ming zhi xiang), while the cart with the scroll symbolizes a promotion at court (wenshu zai che shang bi zhu ting zhuan). Similar scenes appear on other pages. 149 A Song literatus who is known to have been interested in the qian divination practice is the tow­ stop by the main WI ering scholar, official, poet, painter, and calligrapher, Su Shi. While in exile and concerned about his "officials" (guanren) I officials visiting the t John Chaffee has "examination prophe future, he visited Daoist temples where he is said to have composed the interpretation texts still used in some modern temples. 150 In 1094, when he was relocated to Qianzhou, Su Shi visited the Xiangfu tion system, the majl Temple with a friend. He consulted the temple oracle and obtained" the second Lot ofthe True Lord(s)" through the early tWI (Zhenjun di er qian).151The "Lot of the True Lord(s)" may refer to the Lots ofthe Four Saintly True Lords (Sisheng zhenjun lingqian) - divinations closely related to the Zhenwu cult and possibly associated with the Daoist movement of the Correct Law of Heavenly Heart (Tianxin zhengfa) during the Northern and were qualified tc Songl 52 - or the True Lord of the North Dipper (Beidou zhenjun) - one of the highest Daoist deities whom Su Shi mentioned frequently in his writings in the 1090s.153 Su Shi took the prophecies seri­ received the highest ( mental post.161 In contrast to th( were exceptionally diJ ing and ladders to sue 145 See Zhou Hui (1I26-after II98), Qingbo zazhi, 12juan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuchu, 1994), 3, 104-5. 48,49,5°,51,53,55,56,57,58,59,62,63,64,66,67,73. 74, 78, 80, 81, 83, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, and 92; ZGBC, 153 In 1099, Su Shi invitl North Dipper (Beido Being of the North:C 1:279-300. 147 Lots 18 and 51 address the recipients as shiren; lots 20, 21, 22, 27, 62, 86, and 91 address the recipients as guanren or three medieval Daoisl "Perfected Beings"; t 146 The scholar appears in lots 8, 9, 10, II, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 45, 47, 148 149 150 151 152 guanyuan; ibid., 1:279-300. zhun lingqian, HYI2S Ibid., 1:292. (CT 1302, TTIOI2); ~ For similar scenes of a scholar-official with a seal or a scroll on clouds along with money, see lots II, 20, and 53; ibid., 154 Su, Dongpo tiba, 653. 1:280,282,290. 155 Ibid., 654. They are entitled "Colophon for the Qian Requested from the Xiangfu gong in Qianzhou" (Ti Qianzhou Xiangfu gong 156 Huang, "Elite and Cl qi qian) and "Inscribing the Efficacious Lot of the North Dipper" (Shu Beiji lingqian). Su Shi, Dongpo tiba, in Zhong­ 157 STJZ, Ipa. Su Shi h guo shuhua quanshu, ed. Lu Fusheng (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1993), 1:653-54. For a recent study ofSu 158 Ibid., 14.16b-17a. Shi's divination practice, see Liao, "Popular Religion," 225-27. For broader studies ofSu Shi's involvement in Bud­ 159 Zhipan, Fozu tongji,j dhism and Daoism, see Beata Grant, Mount Lu Revisited: Buddhism in the Life and Writing ofSu Shi (Honolulu: Uni­ 160 John Chaffee, The Th versity of Hawai'i Press, 1994); and Zhong Laiyin, Su Shi yu daojia daojiao (Taibei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1990). University Press, 198 Su, Dongpo tiba, 653. 161 Ibid., 105. Schipper and Verellen, The Taoist Canon, 2:1246. 162 Ibid. 286 ,", ... 1 many found them lepict one or more they are men wear­ :ial working for the ssing petitioners as fficial riding a deer te auspicious light. )wn descending on The four-line verse st itself soon and be ·rpretation explains .ouds (zhi yun zhong promotion at court practice is the tow­ :oncerned about his .tion texts still used visited the Xiangfu ofthe True Lord(s)" ~r Saintly True Lords iblyassociated with lring the Northern ~hest Daoist deities :he prophecies seri­ )4-5· ,6,37,38,42,43,45,47, )0,91, and 92; ZGBC, recipients as guanren or ously, writing in a colophon about the lot he received at Xiangfu Temple: "Respect, bow again, I learn from it. "154 Four years later, while in exile in Hainan in 1098, Su Shi visited the Tianqing Temple and consulted the Lots ofthe North Dipper (Beiji lingqian) "in order to determine the fortunes and misfor­ tunes for the rest of [my] life" (yijue yusheng zhi huofu jixiong).1 55 According to Chi -chiang Huang, Abbot Biancai Yuanj ing ofDpper T ianzhu Monastery had close friendships with many Song scholar-officials including Su Shi, who served as vice prefect ofHangzhou in 1071. 156 Abbot Biancai even exerted his supernatural healing power to cure Su Shi's four-year-old son oflameness by touching the child's head. 157 Qin Guan (1049-IIOO), another scholar who was also Su's brother-in-law, came to Abbot Biancai for comfort after he failed the government examination to obtain thejinshi degree. 158 The friendship between intellectuals such as Su Shi or Qin Guan and the abbot ofDpper Tianzhu Monastery in the Northern Song period may be seen as a historical precedent for the even closer ties that developed between the elite and this temple in the Southern Song period. Like Su Shi, who consulted the oracles in the Daoist temples he visited, metropolitan officials might stop by the main worship hall to consult Guanyin about their career prospects. 159 The so-called "officials" (guanren) or "literati" (shiren) mentioned in the Tianzhu Prints make reference to these officials visiting the temple. John Chaffee has identified the subcategory of divinations aimed at scholar-officials in general as "examination prophecies. "160 These prophecies were a cultural product ofthe governmental examina­ tion system, the major means to select scholars for official posts in China from the medieval period through the early twentieth century. Those who passed the provincial exams received a juren degree and were qualified to participate in the higher exams in the capital. The select few who succeeded received the highest degree, that ofjinshi, and would have a better chance of securing a good govern­ mental post. 161 In contrast to their earlier counterparts, the examinations conducted under the Southern Song were exceptionally difficult. As Chaffee puts it, the Song examinations were the "thorny gates oflearn­ ing and ladders to success. "162 Needless to say, the unsuccessful greatly outnumbered their more for­ 153 In 1099, Su Shi invited the Daoist priest Deng Shou'an to offer Su's newly made wine to the Perfected Being of the North Dipper (Beidou zhenjun); it is thus likely that the "zhenjun" mentioned in the 1098 entry means the Perfected Being of the North Dipper. See Su, "On Worshipping the Dipper" (Ji chao duo), Dongpo tiba, 654. Strickmann listed three medieval Daoist scriptures that might be related to the lingqian tradition under the patronage ofvarious Daoist "Perfected Beings"; these include: (I) Sisheng zhenjun lingqian, HYI288 (CTI298, TT101O); (2) Hong'en lingji zhen­ zhun lingqian, HY1291 (CTI30I, TT1OII), fifteenth century?; and (3) Lingji zhenzhun zhusheng tang lingqian, HY 1292 (CT 1302, TT1OI2); Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 48-49. 154 Su, Dongpo tiba, 653. 155 Ibid., 654. 156 Huang, "Elite and Clergy," 305-10. i Qianzhou Xiangfu gong 157 ST]Z, 13.2a. Su Shi later wrote a poem to thank the monk; see ST]Z, 13.2b-3a. , Dongpo tiba, in Zhong­ 158 Ibid., 14.16b-17a. For a recent study ofSu 159 Zhipan, Fozu tongji,juan 53, Taisho 49:2035.318c. 's involvement in Bud­ 160 John Chaffee, The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations (Cambridge: Cambridge r;u Shi (Honolulu: Uni­ University Press, 1985), 178. lesheng shuju, 1990). 161 Ibid., 105. 162 Ibid. ots II, 20, and 53; ibid., 28 7 tunate contemporaries. 163 It was the competitive nature ofthe exams that inevitably caused many pre­ occupied scholars to resort to divinations and seek help from the spirits. 164 Those scholars and students TlANZH who came to Hangzhou for examinations visited Upper Tianzhu Monastery to seek divine comfort as part ofthe "exam ritual." In her discussion ofthe pilgrimage to Upper Tianzhu Monastery to worship The study ofthe Tianzhu Pr Guanyin, Chlin-fang Yli specified that the dream oracle was particularly popular among the literati and that some of them also consulted the qian. Citing the temple gazetteer, she referred to the group ofexam hopefuls from Huzhou described above. 165 Tan Yi dreamt ofeating an eggplant - a symbol of and images of the Tianzhu defeat - and later failed the exam. Hong Mai recorded Tan's return to the temple two years later for the qian divination, the dream oracle having convinced him of Guanyin's efficacy. Tan did not have much luck even on his second visit - the three lots he chose were reported to be inauspicious. 166 Certain divinations among the Tianzhu Prints foretell exam success for these students. The expla­ nation oflot 51 (fig. 38) claims, "If a scholar (shiren) chooses this lot, he will certainly be the champion ofthe examination. He will wear the divine laurels, and his fame will be known throughout the world" (cigua shiren zhanzhi, bizuo kuixuan, shouzhe xiangui, mingbo tianxia). 167Ifa juren scholar who passed the prefectural examinations selected lot 20 (fig. 15), he was promised glory and fame. 168 This fortune is ular imagery associated wi t Hangzhou, illuminate ans The concerns about suc for Song scholar-officials' p practice widely available in shown that elite Confucian other social classes did, mu( how this particular class ofI guish themselves from the p acterized by its elite audie reflection upon the past. 172 1 similar to that of lot 43 (fig. 39), which promises the success of a juren in examinations (bi huo xian­ age art historians from dra\\ gui).169 Lot 73 (fig. 29) specifies that if a scholar with ajinshi degree chooses this divination, he will receive good news about a governmental post (wenshu zhi xi). The inclusion of extensive texts as part of the repertoire of popular imagery may reflect an inten­ tional design on the part ofa temple to attract an educated audience, for even though Confucian schol­ ars were regularly exposed to popular imagery, they paid more attention to the textual explanations. A comparable, if not quite identical, strategy of combining text and image in the making of popular religious imagery can also be found in the monumental Buddhist carving site Baodingshan in Dazu, Sichuan Province, dated to the Southern Song period. 17oAs Angela Howard eloquently demonstrates, even at such a rural site where carvings were designed for a predominantly rural audience, texts accom­ panying the images were densely carved all over the cliff to add religious authority, as well as to attract educated pilgrims.171 lingqian illustrates one way in their daily life. Here is ani as the audience for popular Prints that connect these tv. While issues relevant t( illustrations, the intended a Female images frequently a] ination and officialdom (fig~ bolized in so many of the T judge a man's worthiness as 172 For studies on Song literati 163 Chaffee's compelling figures detailing degree quotas and ratios show that these Southern Song literati were given an exceptionally competitive examination. For example, the ratio of juren to jinshi degrees was set at 1:14 (7 %) in 1127, lowered to 1:I7 (5.9 %) in 1163, then raised to 1:16 (6 %) in 1175. The chance of succeeding in a supplemental exami­ nation (ju shi) for provincial candidates residing in Lin' an in the year I222 was as low as 0-4 %. This meant that of the 2,493 candidates who came to Hangzhou that year for the examination, only ten passed. See ibid., 8, 97, 98, 106. 164 Ibid., 9, 177-81. 165 ST]Z, 1.6b-7a; Yii, Kuan-yin, 362. 166 Hong, Yijian zhi, bingzhi, 9.437. 167 ZGBC, 1:290. 168 Ibid., 282. 169 The motif of chasing a deer away in lot 43 is comparable to the same motif in lot 70 (fig. 34). 170 Angela Howard, Summit of Treasures: Buddhist Cave Art ofDazu, China (New York: Weatherhill, 2001). I71 See, for example, the extensive texts accompanying the images identified by the author as "Buddha Shakyamuni Repays his Parents' Kindness with Great Skillful Means" and "Hell Tribunals and Punishments," in ibid., 30-38, 48-55. 288 l ch'ang (I555-I636) (Cambridl tions: Uses ofthe Past in Chim aI., Li Kung-lin's Classic ofFil Chinese Art," Artibus Asiae 5l Treasures from the National P. tan Museum ofArt, 1996), 14 associated pictorial represent Gonglin and Northern Song B~ 173 Scholar-officials also appear i Five Hundred Lohans made b· scholar-officials are shown in goku kaiga sogo zuroku (Tokyc tation, figs. 145-46; Ide, "Nit 174 Female figures associated wid 1:279,281, 28 3-84,286,289­ 175 Xu, Zhongguo /engsu tongshi, 3 -" l ~ i :!. ~ -I ~ ~ ~ , caused many pre- :I Lolars and students : divine comfort as nastery to worship among the literati I erred to the group )lant - a symbol of two years later for . Tan did not have auspicious. 166 udents. The expla­ .y be the champion ughout the world" )lar who passed the ~.168 This fortune is Ltions (bi huo xian­ divination, he will ay reflect an inten­ h Confucian scholICtual explanations. making of popular dingshan in Dazu, ntly demonstrates, ience, texts accom­ as well as to attract I• 1 TIANZHU LINGQIAN: POPULAR IMAGERY IN CONTEXT The study ofthe Tianzhu Prints sheds light on a little-studied facet ofSong visual culture: printed pop­ ular imagery associated with the temple divination practice. In the absence oforiginal sources, the texts and images of the Tianzhu Prints, in use at the Buddhist Upper Tianzhu Monastery in Southern Song Hangzhou, illuminate answers to questions regarding their audience, designer, and commissioner. The concerns about success in officialdom expressed in the Tianzhu Prints provide visual evidence for Song scholar-officials' participation in popular religious practices, especially the qian divination practice widely available in Song temples. While scholarship on Song cultural and social history has shown that elite Confucian scholars participated in popular religious practices just as people from other social classes did, much of the art historical inquiry about the Song literati (shi) has focused on how this particular class of people played active roles as creators ofpainting and calligraphy to distin­ guish themselves from the popular and the vulgar. Known as literati art, this exclusive art form is char­ acterized by its elite audience, celebration of spontaneity, calligraphic beauty, and sophisticated reflection upon the past. 172 The strong statements of artistic intent from Song literati artists discour­ age art historians from drawing further connections between the elite and popular imagery. Tianzhu lingqian illustrates one way in which the educated scholar-officials interacted with popular imagery in their daily life. Here is another facet ofChinese visual culture that has rarely been discussed: literati as the audience for popular art. It is the temple and the illustrated divinations such as the Tianzhu Prints that connect these two seemingly separate worlds.I73 While issues relevant to officials and examination candidates pervade the divination texts and illustrations, the intended audience of the Tianzhu lingqian should not be confined to the male elite. Female images frequently appear alongside scholar-officials in those divinations pertaining to exam­ ination and officialdom (figs. 21, 22, 38),174 perhaps because money, wealth, and rank in office - sym­ bolized in so many of the Tianzhu Prints - are all major criteria by which a woman's family would judge a man's worthiness as a potential husband. I75 In other divinations highlighting issues of mar­ 172 For studies on Song literati art, see Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting: Su Shih (I037-IIOI) to Tung Ch'i­ g literati were given an et at 1:14 (7 %) in 1127, a supplemental exami­ This meant that of the )id., 8, 97, 98, 106. ch'ang (I555-I636) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971); Christian F. Murck, ed., Artists and Tradi­ tions: Uses of the Past in Chinese Culture (Princeton, N.J.: The Art Museum, Princeton University 1976); Barnhart et aI., Li Kung-lin's Classic ofFilial Piety; Robert Harrist, "The Artist as Antiquarian: Li Gonglin and His Study ofEarly Chinese Art," Artibus Asiae 55,3 (1995): 237-80; and Wen Fong, "The Scholar-Official as Artist," in Possessing the Past: Treasures from the National Palace Museum, Taipei, ed. Wen Fong and James c.y. Watt (New York: The Metropoli­ tan Museum ofArt, 1996), 147-57. For a new study on the Northern Song literati's involvement in Buddhism and the associated pictorial representations ofgatherings of monks and lay elite Buddhists, see An-yi Pan, Painting Faith: Li Gonglin and Northern Song Buddhist Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007). 173 Scholar-officials also appear in popular visual imagery from the Song period. For example, in several scrolls from the Five Hundred Lohans made by the Ningbo workshop of Lin Tinggui and ZhouJichang in the late twelfth century, scholar-officials are shown in domestic settings offering incense in the presence of monks. Suzuki Kei, comp., Chil­ hill, 2001). "Buddha Shakyamuni lents," in ibid., 30-38, goku kaiga sogo zuroku (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1983), vol. 4, JT 10--001,51/100,18; Fong, Beyond Represen­ tation, figs. 145-46; Ide, "Nihon no So-Gen butsuga," fig. 76. 174 Female figures associated with examination and officialdom appear in lots 8, 13, 22, 25, 29, 35, 36, 50, 51, and 91; ZG Be, 1:279,281,283-84,286,289-9°,300. 175 Xu, Zhongguo fengsu tongshi, 339. 28 9 riage (fig. 13) or pregnancy (fig. 9), women also play an important role. I76 As discussed above, a num­ ber of Southern Song records show female temple goers from wealthy Hangzhou families attending lay gatherings (such as Gengshen Gatherings) at Upper Tianzhu Monastery. These women might have come to the temple to pray for success in office on behalf of their husbands or sons. Pregnant women with or without a direct connection to the scholar-officials, such as the one illustrated in lot 68 (fig. 9), may have prayed to Guanyin for a son who would succeed in attaining an official position. Even pilgrims - whether farmers, merchants, or illiterate women - coming from rural areas to hear their fortune would find the divinations related to the metropolitan elite expressed in the Tianzhu texts appealing since scholar-officials were regarded as successful role models in Song society. Although no written source records who designed the illustrations ofthe Tianzhu Prints, it is prob­ able that the illustrator was a folk artisan who designed practical printed images, such as New Year's pictures and posters of door gods sold or printed by the "paper horses" stationery shops. Visual arti­ facts of this kind would have been popular with local residents as well as with tourists and pilgrims, and might have been sold (or distributed for free) in temples or popular stationery shops.I77 It is also possible that the designer was affiliated with Upper Tianzhu Monastery, such as a lay artisan who came to the temple routinely, or a monk-illustrator in residence. I78 Like the group of nineteenth-century pilgrims at Miaofeng Shan Temple who volunteered to print and interpret the divination lots, the Tianzhu Prints may have been assembled and printed by lay people performing a service for Upper Tianzhu Monastery in the thirteenth century. The existence ofa Ming-dynasty edition ofthe Tianzhu Prints implies that the tradition of printing divination booklets was carried on at the same temple well after the Song period. To maximize the appeal of the divinations, the designer of the Tianzhu Prints added illustrations as visual cues to the texts in order to help those who could not read. Even literate persons may have found illustrations a welcome addition to the oracular texts. The designer knew quite well how to manipulate popular symbols effectively; he repeated a few simple templates to construct his illustrated series, de-emphasized the coherence of the pictorial composition, and stressed the importance ofeach individual sign. The visual principles governing the Tianzhu illustra­ tions are so straightforward that a general audience could easily understand them. It is reasonable to assume that Upper Tianzhu Monastery was the primary commissioner of the original Tianzhu Prints. Even taking into consideration the abundant extant examples of Chinese temple divination booklets dated to the later imperial and contemporary times, it is still exceptional to find one as elaborately illustrated as the Tianzhu Prints.I79 The unusual inclusion ofvisual elements in an oracular booklet verse for those who cO all classes of people, th In order to increas favor of pragmatic cor range of personal prob be the result of the te offering them a sat is£) "Tianzhu Guanyin" i Hangzhou. From the sacred words of GuanJ only iconographical c reflects the timely aid disease. Consequently a pragmatic solution ing in thirteenth-centl a divination lot, and r see a much more com] from the high to the 11 This article is dedicated t< thank the Royal Research tial Award of Rice Univel whose comments and su~ Chicago, the 2006 Intern: sity ofChicago; the Unive tance of my colleagues, fi Valerie Hansen, Richard ~ Sumei Yi, Li Yang, Hsiao· ful comments of Fran<;ois 176 For images of women, see lots 15, 19,41,46,61,68,72,75,77, and 82; ibid., 1:281-82, 287-88, 292, 294-97· 177 Edgren, "Southern Song Printing at Hangzhou," 23, 33. 178 Historical sources inform us of the artistic achievements of some Southern Song monks. For example, Monk Ruofen (active late 12th century to early 13th century), who was in charge of the bookkeeping (shuji) at Upper Tianzhu, was said to be good at painting landscapes ofWest Lake, tides ofthe Qiantang River, and mountain scenes; see Xia Wenyan (preface dated 1365), Tuhui baojian,juan 4, in Zhongguo shuhua quanshu, ed. Lu Fusheng (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1993), 2:877. Although Monk Ruofen's painting style does not seem to be comparable to the popular imagery of the Tianzhu Prints, we cannot exclude the possibility that there were other monks in residence who were well versed in popular visual traditions and were capable of designing the illustrations in the Tianzhu Prints. 179 The only illustrated temple divinations dating to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are the Japanese divination booklets discussed in Strickmann, Chinese Poetry and Prophecy, 10-29. 290 I. ... ,? -'1:.,' r .cussed above, a num­ ou families attending These women might Ids or sons. Pregnant . one illustrated in lot 19 an official position. om rural areas to hear d in the Tianzhu texts ~ society. lzhu Prints, it is prob­ ~s, such as New Year's ~ry shops. Visual arti­ tourists and pilgrims, lery shops.I77 It is also a lay artisan who came )f nineteenth-century le divination lots, the 19 a service for Upper ~dition ofthe Tianzhu In at the same temple signer of the Tianzhu could not read. Even ar texts. The designer few simple templates :ial composition, and : the Tianzhu illustra­ in an oracular booklet may be viewed as an ambitious attempt by the temple to render the written verse for those who couldn't read. By offering divinations that were attractive and comprehensible to all classes of people, the temple could bring in additional worshippers. In order to increase their appeal, the divination lots downplay specifically religious concepts in favor of pragmatic concerns. This is evident in the repertoire of temple prophecies, which address a range of personal problems, from family, health, and finances, to career concerns. Such a design may be the result of the temple's pragmatic desire to compete with other temples and attract visitors by offering them a satisfying service. Only because the Tianzhu Prints include the terms "Tianzhu" or "Tianzhu Guanyin" in the lot labels can we associate them with Upper Tianzhu Monastery in Song Hangzhou. From the text and pictures alone, one would never know that these were made to be the sacred words of Guanyin. The presence of a monk in several illustrations as a healer of the sick is the only iconographical cue that makes the Tianzhu Prints" religious" or "Buddhist." Such a design reflects the timely aids provided by the religious institution in times of impending death or serious disease. Consequently, the abrupt presence of a Daoist priest in one Tianzhu lot is not a mistake but a pragmatic solution by the designer of the Tianzhu Prints. From the perspective of a lay person liv­ ing in thirteenth-century Hangzhou, it was probably no surprise to walk into a Buddhist temple, select a divination lot, and receive a fortune showing a Daoist priest. From these perspectives, we begin to see a much more complex Song society in which people, ideas, and values were traversing boundaries from the high to the low, the secular to the sacred, and back again. I :m. commissioner of the examples of Chinese , it is still exceptional ,ion ofvisual elements r ACKNOWLEDG EMENTS This article is dedicated to Richard Barnhart, whose broad interest in Chinese art has been an inspiration. I would like to thank the Royal Research Fund and Fritz Research Grant of the University of Washington in Seattle, and the Presiden­ tial Award of Rice University for their generous support at different stages of this project. I wish to thank the audience whose comments and suggestions I received when presenting at the 2005 Association of Asian Studies conference in Chicago, the 2006 International Convention of Asian Scholars in Shanghai, and at lectures I gave in 2006 at the Univer­ sity ofChicago; the University ofIllinois, Chicago; and Rice University. I am grateful for the valuable feedback and assis­ tance of my colleagues, friends, and students, including David Brody, Patricia Ebrey, Kyoko Tokuno, Susan Naquin, Valerie Hansen, Richard Smith, Richard von Glahn, Saren Edgren, Yun-chiu Mei, Kathleen Hamilton, Alex Chermside, Sumei Yi, Li Yang, Hsiao-wen Cheng, and Anne Saliceti-Collins. The final manuscript greatly benefited from the insight­ ful comments of Fran<;ois Louis and two anonymous readers. -88,292, 294-97. Dr example, Monk Ruofen ii) at Upper Tianzhu, was Lin scenes; see Xia Wenyan langhai: Shanghai shuhua omparable to the popular nks in residence who were :he Tianzhu Prints. 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