Secondary Cities

The Global Green Growth Institute, the Ministry of Infrastructure, Rwanda Housing Authority, local authorities, and other stakeholders collaborated on the improvement of public spaces in Rwanda’s secondary cities. The report was developed after the mapping and assessment of 36 public spaces in six secondary cities in Rwanda, through citywide surveys and revision on the master plans for Rwanda’s secondary cities with technical analysis of public spaces.

This short graphic novel is about desire paths, about how people only rarely follow the designs imposed on them. You know, when a landscape architect or urban planner develops a park or something, within a few days you see that people take shortcuts, that they create their own bypasses and inroads. They simply don’t always walk where they are planned or supposed to walk, and do not always want what designers and planners want them to want. They step on the grass. In a figurative sense, desire paths may also refer to, for instance, the obstacle course skaters or parkour runners create when they draw their lines through a neighbourhood, or to the graffiti lines drawn on a wall. On an even more abstract plane the term refers to the often unforeseen way people deal with laws, authorities, and with urban designs and infrastructures, which urges these same authorities to come up with new laws and regulations to protect their designs. This is the fetishism of law or, as Graeber puts it, the utopia of rules…

Secondary cities comprise over 16% of the world's population. They play an important role in the development and operations of countries as intermediary hubs and logistics centres within national industry supply chains and production systems. They serve around 22% of the world's population living in metropolitan regions and 62% of those in smaller regional cities, towns and rural areas. As such, they have a key role to play in supporting post-COVID-19 recovery efforts. Secondary cities have, until recent years, been a neglected area of public policy and investment, especially in emerging economies. This book includes a series of vignettes presented as chapters by authors with significant knowledge and experience of disaster recovery. It provides
different perspectives on what can be done to support the sustainable and regenerative development of secondary cities in developing countries post COVID-19 do to support the sustainable and regenerative development of secondary cities in developing countries post COVID-19. These perspectives cover topics in economic and community development, infrastructure, finance, local government, logistics and governance. The book provides policy and planning recommendations, as well as practical initiatives and approaches that secondary cities can use. The book is intended for leaders and policymakers responsible for the development of secondary cities, but it will be of interest to other readers involved in urban and regional development recovery efforts post-COVID-19.

The elaboration process of Huye District Development Strategy (DDS) has been guided by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning (MINECOFIN) in collaboration with the Ministry of Local Government (MINALOC) as the overall coordinating entities; while the District championed the elaboration process by engaging all concerned stakeholders through extensive consultation meetings at all levels. Throughout the process, a participatory approach was used and boosted the exclusivity of the local population in the planning and decision-making process, which gave them a clear understanding and ownership of the proposed interventions that will lead, not only to the District social economic development, but also the overall contribution of the National Strategic ambitions (NST1).

As a host of one of the Secondary Cities identified in EDPRS2, Huye District envisions its City to develop as a Green Secondary City with essential focus on agribusiness, manufacturing, cultural tourism and education, reinforced by guidelines provided in the National Roadmap for Green Secondary City Development, a green growth policy document that was developed by the Government of Rwanda in close collaboration with Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI) with focus on Secondary Cities. GGGI further supported in the elaboration of Huye DDS by mainstreaming green growth and green urbanization strategies in this strategic document.

With a total area of 581.5 Km2, Huye District is one of the eights Districts comprising the southern province of Rwanda bordering with Nyanza District in the North, Gisagara in the East and South, Nyaruguru in the South West and Nyamagabe in the North West. Huye District is located on the main road between Kigali and the Southern Province towards the Republic of Burundi, being a strategic location for exchange of goods and services. The local economy of Huye District is driven by the agricultural and manufacturing sector, where it produces high amount of various food crops, and possess expertise in tin processing, brick making, carpentry, handcrafting and pharmaceuticals. Furthermore, District economic potentialities are basically the suitability of its lands for crops and livestock production, the historical and cultural tourism industry, abundance of water bodies for water and energy production, the industrial park, the academic research and culture, abundance of forests for manufacturing; all together creating a favorable environment for modern business.

Huye District Development Strategy is aligned to the National Strategy for Transformation (NST1), a new national strategic framework that is set to guide the initial phase of the revised country vision 2050 which targets at making the making Rwanda a upper-middle income by 2030 and high-income country by 2050, with $1240 income per capita. By doing so, Huye District will be contributing to the implementation of the sector strategies, as well as national and international commitments.

This study aims to enhance understanding of the direct and indirect ways by which the well-being of poor households is shaped by the availability and nature of transport infrastructure and services in East Africa. The study is based on data from the studies of urban mobility and non-motorized transport among low-income households conducted between 1993 and 1999 as part of the World Bank and UNECA Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Program. Two metropolitan cities (Dar es Salaam and Nairobi), and two secondary cities (Eldorect and Morogoro) are the focus of the study. The study cities appear to be reasonably representative of conditions in much of SSA. While some of the poor can be found in settlements on the urban periphery, it is a false though popular stereotype to assume that this characterizes the urban poor’s settlement patterns. In most cities the poor are widely dispersed, even where informal settlements are spatially concentrated. In fact the proliferation of informal settlements throughout urbanized areas, as well as the existence of poor households even in nominally wealthy areas, is the norm. In transport planning and policy, it is better then to think in terms of poor cities characterized by significant personal mobility constraints, rather than treating the city’s poor as isolated cases with special travel and transport needs. Thus, targeting projects to informal settlements will actually miss a lot of the poor and should be seen as short-term remedial measure, until local governments are able to implement more general pro-poor policies.

This M.A. thesis (1993) examines the urban environmental problems of Kisii town, Kenya. Focusing mainly on solid waste generation ana management, the thesis identifies the main types of waste generated and the amount collected by the Kisii Municipal Council. The thesis concludes that the town is faced with major environmental problems because of its inadequate waste management.

The adoption by United Nations (UN) Member States of Agenda 2030 in September 2015 was a major milestone: for the first time there was clear recognition from the international community of the need to focus on sustainable urbanisation, with Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11, “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”, dedicated to this aim. This included a specific provision on public space: “By 2030, provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children, older persons and persons with disabilities”1. A number of targets under SDG 11, as well as other SDGs, are linked to functional, well planned and designed public spaces to ensure urban development responds to climate change and promotes safety, inclusivity, and public health.

This report was prepared to inform review of master plans for six secondary cities in Rwanda done under the Green Climate Fund Readiness Proposal and is conducted in the frame of the joint project on green and public spaces in Rwanda’s secondary cities implemented by the Rwandan Ministry of Infrastructure, Rwanda Housing Authority and the Global Green Growth Institute. My particular inputs are on Huye and Rusizi Secondary City (Pg. 11-19 and Pg. 62-70) regarding the City profiles and mapping of their Public Spaces.

Systems of secondary cities play a vital intermediary role as economic, administrative and logistics hubs within national and global systems of cities. They have three basic spatial typologies: regional hubs, metropolitan clusters, and corridors. The pattern, rate of development, and role of systems of secondary cities are changing rapidly in response to urbanization, globalization, structural economic change, new technologies, and the rapid development of transport and communications systems. These changes have resulted in a growing gap and inequities in sub-national regional economic development, income, wealth, investment, and employment opportunities within systems of secondary cities. Closing the gap has become a significant challenge for governments. Much of the literature on the development of secondary cities tended to focus on enhancing the competitiveness of infrastructure, industry clusters, and enabling environments; however, there has been a tendency to overlook the importance of external factors: connectivity, networks, and collaboration, which significantly affect the performance of systems of secondary cities. This book seeks to address this knowledge gap. It examines ways secondary cities can work more collaboratively to improve their development prospects, lift prosperity, and leverage public resources to support equitable and sustainable sub-national economic growth and development. It outlines ways governments and other stakeholders within systems of secondary cities can invest strategically in public goods and services, improve connectivity, develop networks, and leverage common user facilities, infrastructure, and resources at different geographic levels to support inclusive, equitable, and sustainable development.

"Le nombre de plus en plus élevé de villes moyennes en Afrique nécessite de développer une analyse du phénomène urbain qui ne soit subordonnée ni à l’étude des métropoles ni à celle des communautés, lesquelles ont fait les beaux jours des études anthropologiques. Après être revenu sur l’histoire de la discipline, cet article esquisse les jalons d’une approche globale de la ville permettant d’étudier de manière comparative les centres secondaires.

An important feature of urbanization process in Africa is the proliferation of small and medium urban centers which constitute the major part of the urban population today. However in the literature these towns remain often in the shadow of studies devoted to the analysis of metropolis or small communities in the city. After a retrospective of urban anthropology’s history, this paper outlines a global approach able to grasp secondary cities in a comparative perspective."

The book comprises a collection of vignettes outlining ideas and arguments about how secondary and intermediary cities can recover from the impacts of COVID-19 and adopt a pathway towards more sustainable and regenerative development. It explores nine key sub-themes to the recovery, based on the evidence and opinions of experts in each field. It provides policy and planning recommendations, as well as practical initiatives and approaches that secondary cities can use.

In this paper I examine the assumptions underlying discourses on co-production – particularly in the field of urban planning – by focussing on the local level and local actors' perspectives on secondary-city planning and development in the Global South, an urban context that has so far not been examined in-depth in the literature on co-production. Based on qualitative case studies in secondary cities in Ghana and interviews with key stakeholders, my contribution shows some implications of limited capacities of planning and policy making and a low degree of organised civil society. In contrast to this, the high degree of self-provisioning of the local people provides potential starting points for co-production. This actual gap on the ground between the ordinary people's capacity to organise and administrate, and the government's to respond, shows some practical limitations of the rather optimistic discourse on the co-production of services.

Systems of secondary cities play a vital intermediary role as economic, administrative and logistics hubs within national and global systems of cities. They have three basic spatial typologies: regional hubs, metropolitan clusters, and corridors. The pattern, rate of development, and role of systems of secondary cities are changing rapidly in response to urbanisation, globalisation, structural economic change, new technologies, and the rapid development of transport and communications systems. These changes have resulted in a growing gap and inequities in sub-national regional economic development, income, wealth, investment, and employment opportunities within systems of secondary cities. Closing the gap has become a significant challenge for governments. Much of the literature on the development of secondary cities has tended to focus on enhancing the competitiveness of infrastructure, industry clusters, and enabling environments; however, there has been a tendency to overlook the importance of external factors: connectivity, networks, and collaboration, which significantly affect the performance of systems of secondary cities. This book seeks to address this knowledge gap. It examines ways secondary cities can work more collaboratively to improve their development prospects, lift prosperity, and leverage public resources to support equitable and sustainable sub-national economic growth and development. It outlines ways governments and other stakeholders within systems of secondary cities can invest strategically in public goods and services, improve connectivity, develop networks, and leverage common user facilities, infrastructure, and resources at different geographic levels to support inclusive, equitable, and sustainable development.

This article claims space for secondary cities in urban studies. It criticizes that
scientists tend to study urban life in metropolises and, hence, do not represent
urban life in its full diversity. In reality, the majority of the worlds’ urban dwellers
live in secondary cities; therefore, research on urbanity should reflect this
fact. The article argues against simple approaches to secondary cities, such as
defining them based on a single quantitative variable like population size. It
rather proposes that anthropological research has a unique potential to reveal
the urban dwellers’ relational and situational perceptions of, and perspectives
towards, secondary cities. The paper puts this approach into practice by examining
two West African secondary cities: Kankan in Guinea and Bouaké in Côte
d’Ivoire.

With the rapid growth of the market economy coupled with a rapid urbanization, rural livelihoods and food security rely more and more on trade between rural and urban areas. A common way to look at these urban-rural commercial relationships is to analyse them in terms of flows. Both geographers and economics have their own tools and own data at their disposal to understand this complex process but also their own limits. The objective of this paper is to combine both socio-economic and spatial data, together within a quantitative analysis, mobilizing GIS and econometric modelling in order to assess urban-rural relationships through the analysis of the commercial flows from the rural to urban areas. Spatial organisation and explaining factors are also

本书试图为次级城市系统的发展方式建立一种新的思考模式。本书挑战了有关该主题的许多传 统思想，并呼吁政府改变对待国家、地区和地方发展政策和规划的方式，以支持更公平的地区 经济发展。它认为政府对于城市体系发展的支持需要采取系统的，扁平的方式。如果要使城 市体系更具韧性，繁荣并更加公平地发展，我们就必须引入一种新型的“战略架构”以支持 城市间合作发展并建立经济联系，从而为开拓新市场创造更多机会。
Connecting Systems of Secondary Cities seeks to pave a new way of thinking on approaches to the development of systems of secondary cities. It challenges much of the traditional thinking on the subject, and it calls for change in the way governments approach national, regional, and  local  development  policy  and  planning  to  support  more  equitable  regional  economic  development. It argues the need for a systemic and less structured hierarchical approach to the way governments support the development of systems of cities. If systems of cities are to be more resilient, prosper, and develop more equitably, a new kind of ‘strategic architecture’ must be introduced to support their development and link their economies in order to create more opportunities for the development of new markets.

Marseille, das heute in etwa 855.000 Einwohner_innen (1.349.772 in der Me- tropolregion) aufweist und mit 35 km Ufer und 24 km Reede die gleiche Fläche wie Paris umfasst, erscheint vor diesem Hintergrund ein interessanter Fall von Secondary City zu sein. Denn die Stadt, die oft als Ansammlung von 111 so- ziopolitisch und topographisch sehr konträren Vierteln beschrieben wird, kann in puncto Image als paradigmatischer Gegenpol zu Paris aufgefasst werden. Liegen bei Paris in den massenmedialen Repräsentationen die Topoi der Liebe und der Grande Nation auf der Hand, wird Marseille traditionell mit Krisen- themen wie Arbeitslosigkeit und Kriminalität, aber auch mediterranen Asso- ziationen konnotiert; damit korreliert eine Vision Marseilles als ville noire bzw. solidarische Kosmopolis. Gleichzeitig ist der Diskurs der Secondary City, von dessen Popularität interaktive Foren von Zeitungs-Portalen oder sozialen Netzwerken zeugen, wie sie über The Telegraph, Matador Network oder Pinterest verfügbar sind, in Bezug auf die Stadt erst relativ rezenten Datums, was mit dem großen europäischen Stadt- und Hafensanierungsprojekt EuromØditerranØe zu tun hat, das ab Mitte der 1990er Jahre konkrete Gestalt angenommen hat.

Drawing on a collaborative research programme with teams from India, the Sudan, Nigeria and Argentina, this is one of the most detailed research initiatives on small and intermediate urban centres. Although it was published in 1986, it still has much of relevance to this topic

Secondary systems of cities in Africa (SSCA) have become the subject of renewed interest by scholars and international development organisations. This book explores the role played by secondary cities in the development of African countries and regions. It includes a review and discusses trends, influences, and challenges, including the forces of New Economic Geography, facing the development of secondary cities in Africa. Using a systems approach, it examines urban governance, economic, development, social, and environmental factors that
have shaped the development of secondary cities. Eight country and city case studies illustrate how they have approached urbanisation, decentralisation, and other processes supporting secondary city development. Case studies include Cape Coast in Ghana, Dire Dawa in Ethiopia, Gabès in Tunisia, Huambo in Angola, Ibadan in Nigeria, Mombasa in Kenya, Gqeberha (formerly Port Elizabeth) in South Africa, and Touba‑Mbacké in Senegal. These case studies provide insights and knowledge about the challenges facing the development of secondary cities within the selected countries. Learning outcomes are presented for each country case study, followed by an outline of opportunities open to secondary cities in Africa to become more competitive, dynamic, and liveable. The roles that international development assistance agencies and organisations can play to support the development of secondary systems of cities are discussed. The book concludes with a call for a new urban age agenda for
the management and development of African secondary cities. This is focused on the need for improved urban governance, management, planning and economic development, and for enhancing connectivity and logistic systems to build collaborative partnerships between secondary cities and create a strong network of national systems of cities across the continent.

Kankan, founded in the eighteenth century and Guinea’s second largest city in terms of inhabitants, is the centre of the Upper Guinea Region, located some 650 kilometers northeast of the capital Conakry. According to the newest census, 220 000 people are living in the city. Due to Kankan's proximity and the common Mande cultural background, its populace describe their hometown not only in comparison to Conakry, but also in contrast to Mali’s capital Bamako. My aim in this contribution is to look at how Kankan’s inhabitants imagine their city. Hereby, I focus on Kankan’s imagery that consists of two different images, namely the ‘rebellious’ and ‘the traditional’ city: Why has Kankan for a long time been regarded as a rebellious city and what consequences did this have for Kankan’s infrastructure and inhabitants? What is behind the name Nabaya Kankan’s inhabitants have given to their city?

The post-apartheid era in South Africa demonstrated a grand shift in the country’s legislation. Local government legislation was particularly affected, as it was at the municipal level that the policies of apartheid were visible. Part of addressing the legacy of spatial segregation included a suite of legislation aimed at addressing the legacy of apartheid and the deep socio-economic inequality present by ensuring that local government had high levels of autonomy. By forging the concept of “developmental local government”, the legislation cemented local government as an active branch of state, able to address the post-apartheid goal of redistribution. My research focuses on one aspect of this legislation, the categorizing of municipalities. South African local government legislation is outlined in a way that provides greater autonomy to municipalities that are deemed “metros” whilst simultaneously describing the model of “cooperative governance” which describes all levels of government as being equally crucial and able to perform governance. The case of Buffalo City Municipality (BCM) forms the focus of my case study because it is an example of a small city that was promoted to ‘metro status’. My research teases out the political and technical hopes, dreams and realities of ‘metro status’. It relies on a narrative qualitative inquiry based on the input from 19 interviewees (including academics, national government ministers and municipal employees) and an analysis of the governmental, legislative and media archives focussed on the local government transformation in the country.
Being prompted by the work of Jennifer Robinson, who asks scholars to consider the trajectory of urban labels and the theories they are grounded in, I do not take for granted the jurisdictional/legislative label of “metro” and I seek to answer the question: Is bigger better? Further, the growing questions on the absence of scholarly research on smaller cities gives this research room to ask questions regarding a city caught between larger and smaller cities. BCM demonstrates a municipality whose hopes to be a big city may have been rooted more in appearances rather than in fact. Whilst the term metro speaks to a set of technical assumptions of the characteristics of a city, BCM demonstrates an example of how politics plays a large part in how local government policy is enacted. Where ‘metro status’ can be perceived simply as a change in jurisdictional status, BCM demonstrates that even for a small city the prestige of ‘metro status’

Urban marketing has recently been adopting the concept, and the label, of “second city”. However, this concept requires sharper theoretical definition in order to turn heuristic. Thus far, it has been conceived in relation to an “ideology of ranking”, strictly related to the worldview of post-modern globalization. A more fruitful definition of “second cities” results from Charles S. Peirce’s idea of secondness: a city is second to another not in quantitative, but in qualitative and relational terms. The semiotic model of Jurij M. Lotman offers a suitable methodology to analyse this relational definition, as it is exemplified by the case-study of the rivalry between Melbourne and Sydney. A historical survey of their relation shows that the latter progressively embraced an identity of “secondness” so as to successfully market an alternative vision of urban life. Melbourne therefore provides a model for non-quantitative construction of urban distinctiveness.

This text summarises an ongoing research project about small cities which are usually not included in the research
agenda on global cities. We aim at bridging between research focused on global or world cities and that on
smaller or secondary cities in Africa. Arguing against the view of smaller Third World cities as mere towns, as “not
yet cities”, and therefore irrelevant to world city theorizing, this project intends to develop an alternative analytical
approach to think differently about these small cities in the South. Basing ourselves on ongoing ethnographic
research in Ghana, Congo and Namibia, we argue that these secondary cities are fully urban in that they generate
networks and practices that extend far beyond the local limits of these cities and their immediate rural hinterland,
and that they often manage to do so in more successful ways than their larger counterparts. At the same time
these secondary cities are sites in which new and different forms of urban life and imagination are being shaped,
offering the perspective of an alternative African urban future.

In Garoua and Maroua, the main cities of the North and Far North regions of Cameroon, waste management can be analysed
from the perspective of urban governance, as a local political arena. Such an approach, through the study of the connections between material culture, the appropriation of space and techniques of the body, can also reveal how «waste » has been defined locally as an ambivalent object of power, at times as its emblem and source, at times as the stigma of its collapse.

De nieuwe burgemeester van Den Haag zou meer aandacht mogen besteden aan het internationale profiel van de stad. Behalve dat een corruptievrij gemeentebestuur natuurlijk noodzakelijk is, en dat vreugdevuren voortaan misschien beter op een beeldscherm kunnen worden vertoond (zie 'de Speld') kan de nieuwe burgemeester ook meer doen aan het internationale karakter van Den Haag. De woorden 'Den Haag, stad van Vrede en Recht' zijn de afgelopen weken in de berichtgeving nauwelijks langsgekomen. Voorganger Krikke hield zich meer bezig met vrede áchter de voordeur dan in het publieke domein. Het terugdringen van huiselijk geweld is een zeer belangrijk streven dat zeker niet uit het oog verloren dient te worden. Maar er is meer. De van oudsher Legal Capital of the World profileert zich als ontmoetingsplaats voor mondiale vraagstukken. Dit doet zij door een sterke economische positie in te nemen, kennis en innovatie onderdak te bieden en cross-overs te clusteren en faciliteren. De afgelopen jaren is Den Haag op dit gebied succesvol. https://www.trouw.nl/opinie/gun-den-haag-een-meer-internationaal-georienteerde-blik~b7134aa3/

In Southeast Asia, how flooding is named or studied is not only a matter of fact, but distinctions of flooding as ‘beneficial’ or ‘disaster’ elicit specific reactions from city management, government and residents. This is particularly true in cities across Myanmar, which have been chronically under-resourced to deal with flooding. This paper investigates the overlooked informal work of residents to manage flooding in urbanising Hpa An, a secondary city located along the Salween River. I draw on a hydrosocial approach and emphasise the practices of residents in local water management and responses to flooding. This contributes to our knowledge about flooding in Myanmar, as at present attentions have focused on large-scale, top down plans for water infrastructure in the country. I argue that close analysis of these practices in Hpa An reveals local hydrosocial relations as dynamic, locally embedded and responsive to change, but in ways that do not necessarily privilege the governance of water as development intervention or a centralised, statist endeavour. Without this knowledge of local responses and management of flooding, we are in a poor position to understand their impacts and interactions with broader changes in Myanmar and in a changing climate.