Special Issue by Emmanuelle Reungoat
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Dossier spécial: Opposés dans la diversité. Les usages de l’opposition à l’Europe en France, 2014
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Papers by Emmanuelle Reungoat
Revue Française de Science politique, 2019
La note de recherche se penche sur trois aspects : les difficultés méthodologiques inhérentes à l... more La note de recherche se penche sur trois aspects : les difficultés méthodologiques inhérentes à l’enquête par questionnaire dans les mouvements sociaux, les caractéristiques sociodémographiques des participants et, enfin, leur rapport au politique et leurs revendications. Les Gilets jaunes ont mobilisé certaines fractions des classes populaires et moyennes. C’est aussi un mouvement social dans lequel se retrouvent à la fois des primo-mobilisés et des individus aux ressources militantes certaines. Les chercheurs montrent surtout l’existence de différences de profils sociaux et politiques selon le lieu et le moment de l’implication des enquêtés.
This research note comes from a collective inquiry based on a face-to-face survey conducted in situ between November 2018 an March 2019, during the Yellow Vest movement. It focuses on three area: the methodological challenges linked to survey research in social movements; the sociodemographic characteristics of participants an lastly, their engagement and demands in relation to politics. The Yellow Vest movement has mobilized certain segments of lower and middle income groupes. As a social movement, it also brings toghether people with very different levels of prior experience in political activitism. We also show the existence of different social and political profils according to the place and time at which interviewes were involved in the movement.
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chapter 2 in Nielsen, J. H.; Franklin, Mark N. (Eds.), The Eurosceptic 2014 European Parliament Election. Second Order or Second Rate?, Palgrave, p. 17-36, 2017
This chapter describes the diversity and evolution of oppositions to the European Union (EU) in F... more This chapter describes the diversity and evolution of oppositions to the European Union (EU) in France since the first EP election of 1979 1 , while questioning the specificity of the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It explains how the European issue gained saliency, showing the normalization of EU criticism in the French political space and its radicalization in 2014. The analysis reveals the weight of electoral rules in the shaping of the " eurosceptic " landscape, placing the 2014 success of the extreme-right National Front (FN) into that perspective. Assessing the effects of European integration on domestic political spaces, the chapter underlines how EP elections and the development of oppositions have contributed to reshaping the French domestic political arena while maintaining political conflicts there. Finally, in this perspective, the chapter questions the second-order model.
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(English below)
L’analyse diachronique de la mobilisation des élections européennes par les parti... more (English below)
L’analyse diachronique de la mobilisation des élections européennes par les partis français de 1979 à nos jours permet d’appréhender l’européanisation de la sphère politique nationale comme un processus dynamique construit par les appropriations de l’intégration européenne développées par les acteurs politiques nationaux. Les configurations changeantes de l’élection deviennent ainsi autant de contraintes et ressources de la compétition politique.
Deux périodes peuvent être distinguées, séparées par la césure de la réforme des règles électorales en 2003. L’étude montre combien, pendant les décennies 1980 et plus encore 1990, l’élection européenne constitue une opportunité spécifique, par rapport aux élections proprement nationales, pour les partis en position de challenger au sein de l’espace politique, en raison de des règles électorales qui la caractérisent et du développement du financement public des partis et campagnes politiques. S’ils doivent être mis en perspective avec d’autres dynamiques, ces motifs institutionnels contribuent à expliquer la montée en puissance des opposants à l’intégration européenne à droite et à gauche, et la multiplication des entreprises partisanes ad hoc dans la décennie.
A partir de 2003 la réforme de l’élection déconstruit partiellement ce cadre. L’organisation et le contexte de l’élection européenne avantagent désormais en particulier les formations de taille moyenne face aux partis majoritaires, aux plus petites formations et aux nouveaux entrants. Ils incitent également au développement de coalitions, conduisant à une adaptation des acteurs partisans qui contribue à remodeler le paysage partisan français de la fin de la décennie.
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"Voting Procédures, Financing of election campaign and emergence of Eurosceptic parties ine the Eruopean elections in France"
A diachronic analysis of the engagement for the European elections by the French parties since 1979 help us to understand the Europeanization of national politics as a dynamic process brought about by the appropriation of Europen integration developed by national political actors. the changing configurations of the election thus become constraints and resources for political competition. Two periods can be distinguished, separated by the caesura of the reform of electoral rules in 2003.
The study shows the extent to wich, during the 1980s and even more so in the 1990s, the European elections represented a specific opportunity in the political space, compared to strictly national elections, for parties in the position of challenger, because of their election rules and the development of public financing of political parties and campaigns. If they must be put into perspective with other dynamics, these institutional reasons help to explain the rise of opponents of European integration, both on the right and the left, and the proliferation of ad hoc partisan endeavours during the decade.
From 2003, the reform of the election partly deconstructed this framework. The organisation and the context of the European election now benefited in particular medium-sized parties compared to the major parties, the smallest parties and new entrants. They also encouraged the development of coalitions, leading to the reshaping of the Frenc hpartisan landscape of the end of the decade.
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International Political Science Review, June 2015; 36 (3), Jun 2015
This study of the uses of Europe by the leaders of the Front National shows how the opening of a ... more This study of the uses of Europe by the leaders of the Front National shows how the opening of a new European political space can have indirect effects, supporting political parties at the domestic level and strengthening specific actors within political organizations. The theme of Europe, together with European elections and the European Parliament, are transformed by FN leaders into material as well as symbolic resources which they mobilize in the national political space at both inter and intra-party level. These uses of Europe reinforce the capacities and resources of the party as well as its legitimacy and visibility. It helps FN actors to widen their electoral support and allows party presidents to strengthen their position. The article reveals the specificity of the FN relationship to the European arena and underlines the strong continuity of the practices developed by the new leadership. Finally the study provides a detailed account of the process of FN Europeanization and advances understanding of the impact of European integration on domestic political competition.
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Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 2010, Vol.11, 3, p. 292-312, Jan 1, 2010
Political radicalism has generated a large scholarly interest in recent years, both in Western an... more Political radicalism has generated a large scholarly interest in recent years, both in Western and in Central Europe. Two series of explanations have been used to account for the success of radical parties in the scientific literature. The first one studies populism or radical politics through an analysis of electoral behaviour and/or radical groups' strategies at the national level of government. The second perspective deals with the European dimension of radical politics and researches critical attitudes regarding European integration under the generic term Euroscepticism. These two approaches to political radicalism have developed simultaneously but in an isolated way from each one other. The case studies presented in this volume aim at bridging this gap by focusing on the links between the Europeanization of political competition on the one hand, and the rise of radical parties on the other hand, in selected member states of the enlarged European Union.
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Politique Européenne, 2014, n°43.
L’analyse des usages de l’Europe développés par les dirigeants du FN montre comment l’ouverture d... more L’analyse des usages de l’Europe développés par les dirigeants du FN montre comment l’ouverture d’une arène politique communautaire peut, de manière indirecte, venir constituer un réel point d’appui à une entreprise partisane dans la compétition politique nationale et renforcer un groupe spécifique au sein de celle-ci. Les investissements du thème, de l’élection et de l’institution parlementaire européenne sont convertis par les acteurs frontistes en ressources matérielles et symboliques mobilisables dans l’arène domestique aux échelles inter– et intra-partisane. Ces appropriations de l’Europe viennent renforcer les capacités d’action matérielles, la visibilité et la légitimité du parti et de ses acteurs, appuyer les tentatives d’élargissement de l’assise électorale du FN et consolider la position du leader en affermissant son contrôle de l’appareil. L’analyse dégage la spécificité – relative – du FN à cet égard, soulignant que la mobilisation et les usages partisans de l’Europe peuvent être mis en relation tant à des facteurs contextuels et institutionnels domestiques, qu’aux caractéristiques idéologiques, culturelles et organisationnelles du parti. Tout en soulignant la continuité des pratiques de la nouvelle direction menée par Marine Le Pen, l’étude montre la fabrique du processus d’européanisation à l’oeuvre au FN ainsi que l’impact de l’intégration européenne sur la compétition nationale et les évolutions des pratiques politiques.
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La critique de l’Union européenne constitue une ligne doctrinale stable du programme du FN depuis... more La critique de l’Union européenne constitue une ligne doctrinale stable du programme du FN depuis la fin des années 1980. La nouvelle équipe de direction menée par Marine Le Pen inscrit ainsi son opposition à Bruxelles dans une continuité avec l’héritage du passé. Ce discours de dénonciation s’est néanmoins durci ces dernières années, à partir de la revendication d’une sortie de l’euro notamment. Or ce durcissement peut également être réinscrit dans une continuité de pratiques au sein du FN. Il vient pérenniser des usages de l’arène européenne et de sa critique comme outils de la lutte politique nationale mis en place par les dirigeants du FN depuis vingt ans. En restant radicale, la critique frontiste de l’Europe s’adapte à un nouveau contexte au sein du système partisan pour continuer à permettre aux acteurs FN de gagner à la fois en visibilité, en crédibilité et en distinction, ainsi qu’à maintenir la cohésion au sein du parti.
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Savoir/Agir, n°26, décembre 2013, Dec 2013
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dans A. Crespy et M. Petithomme (dir.), L’Europe sous tension. Appropriation et contestation de l’intégration européenne, Paris, L’Harmattan, Logiques Politiques, 2010
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in B. Wassenberg, F. Clavert, P. Hamman (Hrsg.) Contre l’Europe? Anti-européisme, euroscepticisme et alter-européisme dans la construction européenne de 1945 à nos jours (Volume I): les concepts, Franz Steiner Verlag, p. 155-171, 2010
"Presenting oneself as an opponent to the European Union appears as a new stake of the political ... more "Presenting oneself as an opponent to the European Union appears as a new stake of the political struggle acted by French political parties to impose their own definition of the political space. This specific struggle is carried on trough words and firstly trough political labels. Being an opponent to the European Union is a political posture that could bring potential stigmatization. Parties build strategies of discourse to face it and maintain themselves in political legitimacy, contributing by the way to delimit it.
Different ways of acting against stigmatization through political discourse are analyzed here. Some of them are corresponding to behaviors described by E. Goffman in its study: the rejection of the stigmata which shows a strategy using dissimulation of negative political labels. The institution of a new positive identity by the diffusion of new words to identify the opposition to the EU, such as “eurorealist” or “eurocritic”. Besides, gradually all the anti-EU parties adjust their position in rejecting a full opposition to the EU to prefer claiming for another Europe. The acceptance of the stigmata is the last behavior that can be observed. But it remains uncommon and appears only in right wing parties using the French term “souverainisme”. These parties apply double labels: for the outside and for the inside, depending on the audience talked to.
To give a label to the posture toward the EU is a chance to reconsider the dominant definition of political space for these parties. The discourse on the EU allow them to institute a negotiation in the definition of their place in the political space. This discourse is thus a tool for several purposes: these parties aim at distinguishing themselves in the political space and also one from another, knowing that they are defending very similar positions. Anti-EU parties develop strategies to stigmatize their opponents through their pro-EU position, using negative labels too. Finally, the presentation of the anti-EU position is strategically used as a tool to re-define the main political cleavage that divides political space between right and left. We have seen that anti-EU parties are using the introduction of their position to organize the political space trough a new cleavage which divides parties between pro and anti-EU. It allows consequently theses organizations to give up their peripheral place in the partisan competition, in order to appear as one main part of the cleavage and of the French political space.
"
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PHD by Emmanuelle Reungoat
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Conference Presentations by Emmanuelle Reungoat
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Dictionary Entry by Emmanuelle Reungoat
Dictionnary Entry- Euroscepticsm,
in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dic... more Dictionnary Entry- Euroscepticsm,
in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dictionary of European Actors, Brussels, Larcier, 2015.
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Notices dans E. Lambert-Abdelgawad, et H. Michel, Dictionnaire des acteurs de l’Europe, Bruxelles... more Notices dans E. Lambert-Abdelgawad, et H. Michel, Dictionnaire des acteurs de l’Europe, Bruxelles, Larcier, 2015.
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Entry in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dictionary of European Actors, B... more Entry in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dictionary of European Actors, Brussels, Larcier, 2015.
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Special Issue by Emmanuelle Reungoat
Papers by Emmanuelle Reungoat
This research note comes from a collective inquiry based on a face-to-face survey conducted in situ between November 2018 an March 2019, during the Yellow Vest movement. It focuses on three area: the methodological challenges linked to survey research in social movements; the sociodemographic characteristics of participants an lastly, their engagement and demands in relation to politics. The Yellow Vest movement has mobilized certain segments of lower and middle income groupes. As a social movement, it also brings toghether people with very different levels of prior experience in political activitism. We also show the existence of different social and political profils according to the place and time at which interviewes were involved in the movement.
L’analyse diachronique de la mobilisation des élections européennes par les partis français de 1979 à nos jours permet d’appréhender l’européanisation de la sphère politique nationale comme un processus dynamique construit par les appropriations de l’intégration européenne développées par les acteurs politiques nationaux. Les configurations changeantes de l’élection deviennent ainsi autant de contraintes et ressources de la compétition politique.
Deux périodes peuvent être distinguées, séparées par la césure de la réforme des règles électorales en 2003. L’étude montre combien, pendant les décennies 1980 et plus encore 1990, l’élection européenne constitue une opportunité spécifique, par rapport aux élections proprement nationales, pour les partis en position de challenger au sein de l’espace politique, en raison de des règles électorales qui la caractérisent et du développement du financement public des partis et campagnes politiques. S’ils doivent être mis en perspective avec d’autres dynamiques, ces motifs institutionnels contribuent à expliquer la montée en puissance des opposants à l’intégration européenne à droite et à gauche, et la multiplication des entreprises partisanes ad hoc dans la décennie.
A partir de 2003 la réforme de l’élection déconstruit partiellement ce cadre. L’organisation et le contexte de l’élection européenne avantagent désormais en particulier les formations de taille moyenne face aux partis majoritaires, aux plus petites formations et aux nouveaux entrants. Ils incitent également au développement de coalitions, conduisant à une adaptation des acteurs partisans qui contribue à remodeler le paysage partisan français de la fin de la décennie.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Voting Procédures, Financing of election campaign and emergence of Eurosceptic parties ine the Eruopean elections in France"
A diachronic analysis of the engagement for the European elections by the French parties since 1979 help us to understand the Europeanization of national politics as a dynamic process brought about by the appropriation of Europen integration developed by national political actors. the changing configurations of the election thus become constraints and resources for political competition. Two periods can be distinguished, separated by the caesura of the reform of electoral rules in 2003.
The study shows the extent to wich, during the 1980s and even more so in the 1990s, the European elections represented a specific opportunity in the political space, compared to strictly national elections, for parties in the position of challenger, because of their election rules and the development of public financing of political parties and campaigns. If they must be put into perspective with other dynamics, these institutional reasons help to explain the rise of opponents of European integration, both on the right and the left, and the proliferation of ad hoc partisan endeavours during the decade.
From 2003, the reform of the election partly deconstructed this framework. The organisation and the context of the European election now benefited in particular medium-sized parties compared to the major parties, the smallest parties and new entrants. They also encouraged the development of coalitions, leading to the reshaping of the Frenc hpartisan landscape of the end of the decade.
Different ways of acting against stigmatization through political discourse are analyzed here. Some of them are corresponding to behaviors described by E. Goffman in its study: the rejection of the stigmata which shows a strategy using dissimulation of negative political labels. The institution of a new positive identity by the diffusion of new words to identify the opposition to the EU, such as “eurorealist” or “eurocritic”. Besides, gradually all the anti-EU parties adjust their position in rejecting a full opposition to the EU to prefer claiming for another Europe. The acceptance of the stigmata is the last behavior that can be observed. But it remains uncommon and appears only in right wing parties using the French term “souverainisme”. These parties apply double labels: for the outside and for the inside, depending on the audience talked to.
To give a label to the posture toward the EU is a chance to reconsider the dominant definition of political space for these parties. The discourse on the EU allow them to institute a negotiation in the definition of their place in the political space. This discourse is thus a tool for several purposes: these parties aim at distinguishing themselves in the political space and also one from another, knowing that they are defending very similar positions. Anti-EU parties develop strategies to stigmatize their opponents through their pro-EU position, using negative labels too. Finally, the presentation of the anti-EU position is strategically used as a tool to re-define the main political cleavage that divides political space between right and left. We have seen that anti-EU parties are using the introduction of their position to organize the political space trough a new cleavage which divides parties between pro and anti-EU. It allows consequently theses organizations to give up their peripheral place in the partisan competition, in order to appear as one main part of the cleavage and of the French political space.
"
PHD by Emmanuelle Reungoat
Conference Presentations by Emmanuelle Reungoat
Dictionary Entry by Emmanuelle Reungoat
in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dictionary of European Actors, Brussels, Larcier, 2015.
This research note comes from a collective inquiry based on a face-to-face survey conducted in situ between November 2018 an March 2019, during the Yellow Vest movement. It focuses on three area: the methodological challenges linked to survey research in social movements; the sociodemographic characteristics of participants an lastly, their engagement and demands in relation to politics. The Yellow Vest movement has mobilized certain segments of lower and middle income groupes. As a social movement, it also brings toghether people with very different levels of prior experience in political activitism. We also show the existence of different social and political profils according to the place and time at which interviewes were involved in the movement.
L’analyse diachronique de la mobilisation des élections européennes par les partis français de 1979 à nos jours permet d’appréhender l’européanisation de la sphère politique nationale comme un processus dynamique construit par les appropriations de l’intégration européenne développées par les acteurs politiques nationaux. Les configurations changeantes de l’élection deviennent ainsi autant de contraintes et ressources de la compétition politique.
Deux périodes peuvent être distinguées, séparées par la césure de la réforme des règles électorales en 2003. L’étude montre combien, pendant les décennies 1980 et plus encore 1990, l’élection européenne constitue une opportunité spécifique, par rapport aux élections proprement nationales, pour les partis en position de challenger au sein de l’espace politique, en raison de des règles électorales qui la caractérisent et du développement du financement public des partis et campagnes politiques. S’ils doivent être mis en perspective avec d’autres dynamiques, ces motifs institutionnels contribuent à expliquer la montée en puissance des opposants à l’intégration européenne à droite et à gauche, et la multiplication des entreprises partisanes ad hoc dans la décennie.
A partir de 2003 la réforme de l’élection déconstruit partiellement ce cadre. L’organisation et le contexte de l’élection européenne avantagent désormais en particulier les formations de taille moyenne face aux partis majoritaires, aux plus petites formations et aux nouveaux entrants. Ils incitent également au développement de coalitions, conduisant à une adaptation des acteurs partisans qui contribue à remodeler le paysage partisan français de la fin de la décennie.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Voting Procédures, Financing of election campaign and emergence of Eurosceptic parties ine the Eruopean elections in France"
A diachronic analysis of the engagement for the European elections by the French parties since 1979 help us to understand the Europeanization of national politics as a dynamic process brought about by the appropriation of Europen integration developed by national political actors. the changing configurations of the election thus become constraints and resources for political competition. Two periods can be distinguished, separated by the caesura of the reform of electoral rules in 2003.
The study shows the extent to wich, during the 1980s and even more so in the 1990s, the European elections represented a specific opportunity in the political space, compared to strictly national elections, for parties in the position of challenger, because of their election rules and the development of public financing of political parties and campaigns. If they must be put into perspective with other dynamics, these institutional reasons help to explain the rise of opponents of European integration, both on the right and the left, and the proliferation of ad hoc partisan endeavours during the decade.
From 2003, the reform of the election partly deconstructed this framework. The organisation and the context of the European election now benefited in particular medium-sized parties compared to the major parties, the smallest parties and new entrants. They also encouraged the development of coalitions, leading to the reshaping of the Frenc hpartisan landscape of the end of the decade.
Different ways of acting against stigmatization through political discourse are analyzed here. Some of them are corresponding to behaviors described by E. Goffman in its study: the rejection of the stigmata which shows a strategy using dissimulation of negative political labels. The institution of a new positive identity by the diffusion of new words to identify the opposition to the EU, such as “eurorealist” or “eurocritic”. Besides, gradually all the anti-EU parties adjust their position in rejecting a full opposition to the EU to prefer claiming for another Europe. The acceptance of the stigmata is the last behavior that can be observed. But it remains uncommon and appears only in right wing parties using the French term “souverainisme”. These parties apply double labels: for the outside and for the inside, depending on the audience talked to.
To give a label to the posture toward the EU is a chance to reconsider the dominant definition of political space for these parties. The discourse on the EU allow them to institute a negotiation in the definition of their place in the political space. This discourse is thus a tool for several purposes: these parties aim at distinguishing themselves in the political space and also one from another, knowing that they are defending very similar positions. Anti-EU parties develop strategies to stigmatize their opponents through their pro-EU position, using negative labels too. Finally, the presentation of the anti-EU position is strategically used as a tool to re-define the main political cleavage that divides political space between right and left. We have seen that anti-EU parties are using the introduction of their position to organize the political space trough a new cleavage which divides parties between pro and anti-EU. It allows consequently theses organizations to give up their peripheral place in the partisan competition, in order to appear as one main part of the cleavage and of the French political space.
"
in Lambert-Abdelgawad (Elisabeth), Michel (Hélène) (dir.), Dictionary of European Actors, Brussels, Larcier, 2015.