Claudio Fuentes
Claudio Fuentes S. (Nos, 1966). Ph.D. in Political Science (UNC Chapel Hill, USA, 2003). Licenciatura in History (Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1991). I have worked on issues concerning institutional and political change, international relations, transnational advocacy networks, human rights and police violence, and constitutional and political reforms.
I am involved in professional as well as voluntary organizations concerning social science, human rights and deepening democratic institutions in Chile and Latin America. Former President of the Chilean Association of Political Science, and Former Consejero at the Presidential Commission against Corruption in Chile, appointed by President Michelle Bachelet (2015). I have been involved in campaigns concerning the implementation of a Constituent Assembly in Chile.
I am a full professor at the School of Political Science, Universidad Diego Portales (Santiago, Chile)
I am involved in professional as well as voluntary organizations concerning social science, human rights and deepening democratic institutions in Chile and Latin America. Former President of the Chilean Association of Political Science, and Former Consejero at the Presidential Commission against Corruption in Chile, appointed by President Michelle Bachelet (2015). I have been involved in campaigns concerning the implementation of a Constituent Assembly in Chile.
I am a full professor at the School of Political Science, Universidad Diego Portales (Santiago, Chile)
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Papers by Claudio Fuentes
Referencia completa: Claudio Fuentes. 2018. Un enclave duro de eliminar: reforma al financiamiento de las fuerzas armadas. En: Piñera II. ¿Una segunda transición?. Barómetro de política y Equidad. Pp 47-64. Santiago: Ediciones Sur. ISBN: 978-956-208-106-1.
En este informe se da cuenta del marco jurídico actual sobre financia- miento de campañas y partidos en Chile, se da cuenta de una cuantificación aproximada del financiamiento electoral a partir de información pública, se indican los mecanismos de control existentes y el estado del debate actual. En la parte final se entregan conclusiones y recomendaciones.
the right engaged in constitutional reforms to retain some power in Congress. Following the argument underlined by the editors of this volume, political restraints allowed the transition to move forward in incremental processes of reforms. However, as the political and social context changed after 2000, these restraints affected the latitude of leaders to engage in deeper reforms. I suggest three distinctive periods: from 1984 to 2000 in which actors “played by the rules”; from 2000 to 2005 in which actors decided to eliminate the authoritarian enclaves; and from 2005 to 2010 in which actors pushed for, and became more receptive to democratic institutions. Gradualism and top-down bargaining processes are the two main features of this political process, which embody, I will argue, the essence of the political strategy designed by the Concertación. Paradoxically, this strategy was a key feature explaining the Concertación success at the beginning of the transition and a lost election twenty years later.
how we understand the capitalist mode of production, sociocultural relations and the distribution of political power within a
state. This paper presents a systematic study of the way in which
these three dimensions (territorial, socio-cultural and political) are
addressed in the constitutions of 59 countries in different parts of
the world. We identify what we refer to as four worlds of
recognition, based on these texts’ distinctive configurations of
indigenous rights. We then analyse emblematic cases as a means
of better illustrating each of these groups. The paper makes a
theoretical–conceptual and empirical contribution by identifying
certain clusters of indigenous rights that are present cross regionally and within regions of the world.
específico pero relevante de la sociedad como son los indígenas en Chile contemporáneo, a partir de dos dimensiones: su asistencia a votar —participación electoral— y su inclinación ideológica —preferencia electoral—. Se estudian cuantitativamente los factores sociodemográficos que pueden explicar tanto la participación como la preferencia electoral. Además, se analizan diacrónicamente los resultados electorales en las quince comunas del país que tienen más de 50% de población indígena. Se concluye que la interacción entre las variables alta pobreza y alta población indígena inciden en la participación electoral y en la preferencia ideológica; además, el examen pormenorizado de las comunas revela trayectorias de comportamiento muy disímiles y que están mediadas por su propia historia electoral, el tipo de elección que se enfrente y cambios en la regla sobre la voluntariedad del voto.
Abstract: This article is a response toward George Tsebelis' argument (2018) concerning the incentives for constitutional replacement in Chile. It suggests that Tsebelis' model may work better to explain dynamic of constitutional reforms than dynamic of replacement. As some authors have addressed, this article suggests that there are some crucial exogenous conditions of the constitutional-institutional realm that may influence the possibility of replacing a given constitution and such conditions are not present in the case
este estudio muestra el predominio de vínculos no programáticos (clientelares) y que implica transacción de información, recursos materiales, e influencia a cambio de votos. Se distinguen además nítidamente dos estrategias de campaña, una tradicional fundada en históricas redes de intermediación y otra profesionalizada que
racionaliza y hace más eficiente la colocación de recursos.
El estudio constituye un aporte empírico y conceptual al estudio de patrones de intermediación política en contextos de creciente desafección política.