Livro Psi Ambiental e Identidade de Lugar
Livro Psi Ambiental e Identidade de Lugar
Livro Psi Ambiental e Identidade de Lugar
PSICOLOGAAMBIENTAL 2011:
ENTRE LOS ESTUDIOS URBANOS Y EL ANLISIS
DE LA SOSTENIBILIDAD
XI CONGRESO
PSICOLOGA AMBIENTAL
III
ASOCIACINDE
PSICOLOGAAMBIENTAL
G.I.HUM539
UNIVERSIDADDEAMERA
G.I.HUM635
UNIVERSIDADDEAMERA
IV
PSICOLOGAAMBIENTAL 2011:
ENTRE LOS ESTUDIOS URBANOS Y EL ANLISIS
DE LA SOSTENIBILIDAD
EDITORES:
BALTASAR FERNNDEZ-RAMREZ
CARMEN HIDALGO VILLODRES
CARMEN M SALVADOR FERRER
M JOS MARTOS MNDEZ
UNIVERSIDAD DE ALMERA
ASOCIACIN DE PSICOLOGA AMBIENTAL, PSICAMB
VI
VII
VIII
NDICE
PRESENTACIN.
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XI
PREFACIO
BALTASAR FERNNDEZ-RAMREZ.
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VULNERABILIDADES SOCIO-AMBIENTALES:
OBSTCULOS Y CAMINOS HACIA LA SOSTENIBILIDAD
ZULMIRA AUREA CRUZ, RICARDO GARCIA MIRA, ADINA DUMITRU, SUSANA ALVES Y
AMLIA FRAGA.
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PRESENTACIN
ste libro recoge los textos elaborados para ilustrar las conferencias plenarias
y los simposios presentados durante el XI Congreso de Psicologa Ambiental.
Es el primero de esta larga historia de congresos que ha utilizado la etiqueta de
internacional, si bien de forma limitada. La presencia de colegas de otros pases
exiga que respetramos sus idiomas de trabajo sin traducirlos al castellano. El
portugus y el ingls se afianzan entre nosotros como idiomas acadmicos de
pleno derecho para producir y exportar psicologa ambiental, y es una
satisfaccin poder escucharlos en las conversaciones del congreso y leerlos en
el idioma en que los ponentes invitados piensan. Ninguno de nosotros ha
reflexionado sobre el modo en que cada idioma condiciona los conceptos y
los argumentos que podemos utilizar para escribir la psicologa ambiental, o
sobre la dificultad para traducirlos de manera perfecta, con las consecuencias
que eso tiene para la elaboracin terica, pero sin duda es un tema digno de
estudio.
Quisiramos dar la bienvenida a todos los colegas que se aproximan por
primera vez a la disciplina y a estas reuniones peridicas. (O usemos el femenino
como genrico). Desearamos contar con ellas en prximas ocasiones y saber
de la evolucin futura de su pensamiento y de su xito acadmico. Siempre las
recibiremos con los brazos abiertos y preocupadas por facilitar su presencia y
su integracin con nosotras.
Este libro es el resultado de un esfuerzo mltiple en el que nos hemos visto
embarcadas un buen nmero de profesoras, colaboradoras, profesionales y
estudiantes de un importante nmero de universidades y centros de
investigacin americanos y europeos. Gracias a todos ellos por ayudar con la
organizacin, por enviar sus trabajos, por su presencia, por su amable apoyo y
por poner su confianza en este modesto equipo organizador.
Gracias a las instituciones que han querido demostrar su apoyo a este evento
actuando como promotores y patrocinadores, mxime en estos tiempos de
caresta y zozobra econmica.
XI
XII
PREFACIO
XIII
Para quienes amamos los libros y hemos vivido como un desafo acadmico nuestra identidad marginal de psiclogos ambientales, ha sido una historia intensa en su brevedad, jalonada de nombres ilustres, de maestros a
los que no hemos conocido personalmente, pero cuyo pensamiento nos ha
fascinado y nos ha enseado a pensar una Psicologa ambiental que mereca un papel central en la Psicologa y en las Ciencias sociales de nuestra
poca.
2. Hasta qu punto esta historia se est degradando o entrando en una espiral
autodestructiva puede ser materia de discusin. Quiz yo sea el nico que
lo piense. Quiz no sea ms que la aoranza romntica de mi propio pasado convertido en mito colectivo. No importa. Quisiera comparar mnimamente estos magnficos manuales con la barbaridad del manual de Robert
Gifford (2007), libro que se reduce a una extenssima e interminable sucesin esquemtica de resultados de investigacin de muy corto alcance, expuestos fuera de contexto y asumidos como vlidos sin mayor espritu crtico, desintegrados en la redaccin del manual, trivial por el tratamiento
superficial y por la carencia de comentario y de anlisis terico. El antiguo
sueo enciclopdico de la acumulacin de conocimiento se deshace en
este contramodelo de listn telefnico, reducida la ciencia a mero ndice
onomstico ilegible e incomprensible. Como el rey desnudo, en qu poco
ha venido a quedar el mito cientfico de la acumulacin. Y no se trata de un
manual menor, sino de un libro que conoce ya cuatro ediciones, y que es
recomendado entre nosotros mismos como libro de referencia para conocer la actualidad de la disciplina.
3. En cuanto a las revistas de difusin cientfica, se han convertido abiertamente en un mercado de intereses, en el que los editores estn menos preocupados por sus contenidos, que empeados en cumplir los criterios formales que abrirn las puertas del ISI o de las bases de datos para empezar a
ser considerados en los estudios oficiales de impacto. Un mercado en el
que los autores planifican cuidadosamente qu puede o no enviarse a cada
revista para mejorar sus opciones de pasar los filtros para ser publicados, o
cmo trocear una investigacin para sacarle mejor partido en puntos, sin
importar la coherencia terica del conjunto. El resultado de este modelo de
produccin y difusin cientfica dista de merecer elogios. Mucho de lo que
se publica apenas sirve para rellenar el interminable manual de la acumulacin sin sentido, sin ms objetivo que la publicacin en s, el clculo
estratgico del mercado del impacto y la obtencin del deseado sexenio,
criterio menor y vulgar que nuestra universidad ha convertido por decreto
XIV
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que todo lo incluido en el libro se acomode por igual en este marco, o que
el libro, heterogneo e incidental, ofrezca una visin completa y exhaustiva del mismo.
No voy a repasar aqu el contenido de los captulos. Vaya el congresista (y
el lector ausente) directamente a disfrutar y aprender de los mismos. Aunque mi pose postista no me permite mayor alegra que la crtica corrosiva
de la cual me disculpo ante el lector que haya llegado hasta este ltimo
prrafo, espero sinceramente que encuentre entre sus pginas algo de lo
que andaba buscando al abrirlas, al repasar el ndice con el cario de quien
ama los libros, y penetrar en su breve maraa de textos con el ansia de
quien espera descubrir alguna joya escondida en los prrafos y en las sabias palabras de sus autores. Si descubre en algn rincn del libro el eureka,
la intuicin terica o el ejemplo que le sugiera por dnde continuar sus
investigaciones, el libro cobrar sentido. Tambin si el erudito lo juzga
meritorio para completar la estantera donde duermen, protegidos y silenciosos, casi sagrados, todos los libros como este que han dejado la prueba
de que una vez fuimos, y quisimos seguir siendo.
REFERENCIAS
Bechtel, Robert B., y Azra Churchman,
(Eds.) (2002). Handbook of Environmental Psychology. Nueva York: John
Wiley & Sons.
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AGRADECIMENTOS
Esta comunicao baseia-se num trabalho financiado pela EDP, realizado
com a colaborao do Dr. Srgio Moreira (Espa, Lda) e da Doutora Sibila
Marques (CIS-IUL), com quem escrevemos uma verso anterior deste texto em
2010. Agradecemos ainda a colaborao das equipas da EDP e da Fundao
EDP neste processo, em particular do Eng. Neves de Carvalho e do Dr. Srgio
Figueiredo.
REFERNCIAS
Abrams, D., Hogg, M., & Marques, J.
(2005). A social psychological framework for understanding social inclusion and exclusion, In D. Abrams, M.
Hogg, & J. Marques (eds), The social
psychology of inclusion and exclusion
(pp. 1-23). Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press.
Barreto, A. (2002). Participao cvica e
poltica e a evoluo da sociedade
portuguesa. Actas dos VIII Cursos Internacionais de Vero de Cascais (pp.
45-60). Cascais: Cmara Municipal de
Cascais.
Bryson, J. (2004). What to do when stakeholders matter: stakeholder identification and analysis technique. Public
Management Review, 6, 21-53.
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12
13
Modelo exclusivo
Modelo inclusivo
Restrito.
Tcnicos e um grupo restrito de
entidades
Tcnica.
Uma questo meramente tcnica e limitada ao espao fsico
do rio
Alargado.
Tcnicos e um grupo alargado
de entidades locais
Tcnica e social.
Uma questo tcnica, mas tambm social e comunitria, incluindo o espao fsico do rio
e sua envolvente.
Tecnocrtica.
Tecnocrtica, centralizadora e
burocrtica, defendendo que s
os tcnicos devem ter opinio
na deciso.
Democrtica.
Valoriza-se a procura do desenvolvimento sustentvel e, como
tal, promove-se a participao
local.
Indispensvel.
Componente indispensvel do
processo que inclui no s a
informao, mas tambm a
consulta e o envolvimento activo.
Representao
da
comunidade
local
Homognea e simplificada.
Desprovida de recursos, de interesse ou de capacidades para
participar. Uma massa homognea de pessoas com limitados
recursos tcnicos e mesmo cognitivos, dos quais se espera
uma postura auto centrada,
egosta, irracional e emotiva.
Heterognea e complexa.
Uma representao mais complexa das comunidades locais.
Os residentes so vistos como
um grupo heterogneo, em que
se incluem pessoas com conhecimentos relevantes, interesses
no processo e competncias
teis.
Participao
Potencial ameaa.
Perda de controlo do processo,
perda desnecessria de dinheiro e de tempo, uma vez que a
deciso no se altera.
Potencial oportunidade.
As decises podem ser modificadas em funo dos contributos destes parceiros com forte
conhecimento local.
Deciso enriquecida e
sustentvel.
A participao promove um
melhor clima relacional e faz
com que as decises sejam
mais justas.
Actores
envolvidos
Perpesctiva
sobre a decio
Ideologia de
base
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1.
Guy Debord wrote The Society of the Spectacle with the deliberate
intention of doing harm to spectacular society, which he regarded as
complicit in all that was inauthentic about the urban experience. In his
preface to the books third edition, he noted that events in the 25 years
since the original publication merely confirmed and further extended
the theory of spectacle. In 2007, two edited collections appeared to
confirm the prescient forebodings of Debord. First, in The Suburbanization
of New York, Jerilou Hammett and Kingsley Hammett asked if the worlds
greatest city is becoming just another town, i.e. the city is becoming
more private, more predictable, and more homogenized. The second
book, Evil Paradises: dreamworlds of neoliberalism, a collection of essays
assembled by Mike Davis and Daniel Bertrand Monk on the world-wide
phenomenon of plutocratic landscapes, including floating city-states
space tourism, private islands, restored monarchies, and techno-murder
at a distance. Davis and Monk claim that these are evidence of the
massive, naked application of state power to raise the rate of profit for
crony groups, billionaire gangsters, and the rich in general.
2.
Any grounded theory of the city must encompass three tasks: reading
emerging urban landscapes and form; contextualizing the urban process
in terms of its historical epoch and geographical scale (the problems of
periodization and regionalization); and engaging the various ontological
and epistemological ways of seeing the cityscape.
3.
15
Also during the past two decades, evidence of epochal change has been
convincingly advanced. Fredric Jameson identified postmodernity as the
epoch of late capitalism, drawing attention to the totality of emergent
social, economic, political and cultural practices that characterized this
stage in capitalisms evolution. Evidence for a significant epochal shift
includes the following dynamics: Globalization, especially the emergence
of a relatively few world cities as centers of command and control in a
globalizing capitalist world economy; Network Society, including the
rise of the cyber-cities of the Information Age; Social polarization,
referring to the increasing gap between rich and poor, among nations,
different racial groups, genders, and those on either side of the digital
divide; Hybridization, the fragmentation and reconstruction of identity
and cultural life brought about by international and domestic migrations;
and Sustainability, including a widening consciousness of human-induced
environmental change. These tendencies come together in the problem
of governance, to which I will return later in this account. While these
five tendencies may find formal equivalence in previous eras (e.g. earlier
manifestations of forms of globalization), the present concatenation is
different because they have never before appeared in concert, never before
penetrated so deeply, never before been so geographically extensive, and
never before overtaken everyday life with such speed. In short, there has
never been anything as globally universal as the rise of the Information
Age. It is likely to prove as profoundly altering as the advent of the
Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions of earlier times.
5.
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each claiming to offer something that helps understand the world about
us. It is not that science has been diminished (although its hegemony
has), so much as a realization that its brilliant success in certain
applications simply does not extend to every field of human endeavor.
Postmodernism was instrumental in reinstating the intuitive and emotional
dimensions of knowing and, in so doing, dismissed the idea of a grand
theory capable of explaining everything. Under such circumstances, the
best we can do is to insist on all ways of seeing, avoid using any theory
beyond its range of applicability, and resist attempts to institutionalize
any single way of knowing. Philosopher Isaiah Berlin has warned that we
simply have to get used to living with the radical incommensurability
that exists among various philosophical persuasions; any tilt, Quixotestyle, toward false resolutions can be bought only at the price of a
damaging reductionism.
6.
7.
17
9.
18
11.
Our lexical revisions will also encompass urban politics and planning.
Stated bluntly, urban geography has trumped local politics in the USA.
By this I mean that altered geographies of contemporary urbanism are
redefining the meaning and practice of urban politics. This is because
the sprawl of cities beyond existing political jurisdictions negates the
notion of representative democracy, compromises the ability of the local
state to serve the collective interests of its constituents, and intensifies the
subordination of the local state to plutocratic privatism. Today,
jurisdictional fragmentation in megacity-regions has become a
pathological, iatrogenic condition: i.e. the clash between urban
hypertrophy and obsolete government apparatus itself causes problems
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and prevents the local state from meeting its obligations. This gap between
institutional form and urban reality is indicative of what I call high
modernism, a terminal condition for the institutions involved. Even
politicians with a sense of accountability and responsibility are stymied
by federal and state governments committed primarily to starving the
beast, that is, denying funds for authorized public programs and creating
what Naomi Klein refers to as hollow government. This task is made
easier by appointing incompetent, inexperienced cronies to important
office in order to ensure that the office will become dysfunctional. In
extremis, the state and its apparatus becomes a mere instrument through
which private interests plunder public wealth through the predator state.
12.
13.
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their goals often below the radar of formal politics. Such movements
include the activities of the much-vaunted creative classes and advocates
of green urbanism. The potential of revitalized local social movements,
globalization from below, and recovered human agency all point
optimistically to a grassroots political. In addition, local governments
themselves sometimes find incentives and opportunities for local
experiment. For instance, in Southern California, Riverside County has
been attempting to manage rapid urban growth by invoking federal
endangered species legislation; in Ventura County similar land-use
management objectives were sought through a broadly-based coalition
of grass-roots movements. Same goal, different political means. Elsewhere,
cites such as Maywood, CA, declare themselves sanctuary cities pledged
to assist undocumented migrants. Collective local state action is also
possible, as when over 700 U.S. cities signed on to a global initiative to
curb greenhouse gases. These emergent forms of socio-spatial autonomy
are evidence of a refocusing of the cognitive dimensions of city.
14.
If, as I believe, urban process and urban politics are changing and urban
theory requires revision, then surely our public policy prescriptions and
practices also require adjustment. What is good public policy for private
cities, spectacular urbanisms, and sprawl? On the face of it, we have
reached the point where rational planning interventions suitable for the
modernist city are now obsolete in the face of postmodernisms
decentered, fragmented urban pastiche. If, for example, contemporary
urban theory suggests that conventional downtowns are obsolete, does it
really make sense to promote downtown renewal when the principal
urban dynamic has everywhere shifted to the periphery? Not only that,
traditional corporate and philanthropic leadership has also quit the city
center, both geographically and morally, as headquarters evacuate to
greenfield sites and top management is endlessly relocated, often to
offshore locations. Of course, it is still possible to defend downtown
revitalization on the basis of efficient reuse of the physical and social
infrastructural investments already in place. However, such policy must
be recognized for what it is: a hugely risky investment strategy predicted
by current theory to fail. For some time, greenfield urban developments
in Southern California have occurred without conventional downtowns,
which are sometimes added later for aesthetic and identification/branding
purposes or simply to extend consumption opportunities. Not long ago,
for example, the City of Santa Ana in Orange County spent $1 million to
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refurbish and repaint a water tower engraved with the plaintive claim:
Downtown Orange County; from the air, the Palm Springs metro region
seems to be organized around a series of golf courses attached by homes
for the leisured classes; and in the absence of any public square, the City
of Anaheim holds many public gatherings in the Disneyland parking lot.
Downtowns have become externalities in this urban development
process; they are no longer constitutive of the city, but merely spectacles
or side-shows. This single fact is perhaps most emblematic of the altered
urban dynamic behind spectacular urbanisms: cities are now being built
according to new social and political-economic imperatives, including
those based in diversion, perception and cognition; and the traditional
artifacts of earlier cities, if they appear in the landscape at all, are simply
nostalgic gestures recalling former glories.
15.
NOTE:
The presentation is based on my forthcoming essay, The Urban Question after
Modernity in Cities and Fascination: Beyond the Surplus of Meaning , edited
by Schmid, H., Sahr, W. and Urry, J., where complete references may be obtained.
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INTRODUO
De uma viso sincrnica da evoluo do ser humano e a da sua interaco
ambiental, onde se acentua essencialmente a evoluo localizada de uma srie
de comunidades humanas na busca de bem-estar e de progresso tecnolgico,
as ltimas dcadas de investigao deram luz uma viso mais diacrnica e
complementar. Esta validade convergente na viso da evoluo foi produzida
pela comunho de disciplinas to diversas como a antropologia fsica e cultural,
a arqueologia, a geografia, a economia, a geologia, a biologia, a histria, a
lingustica, a filosofia, etc. Esta convergncia de disciplinas produziu uma
revoluo na concepo da evoluo do ser humano e da sua relao com o
meio ambiente com um potencial ainda no completamente realizado (para
algumas revises ver Burke III & Pomeranz, 2009, Dillworth, 2010, e Diamond,
1997).
A viso da evoluo do ser humano como uma srie ininterrupta de
tecnologias que se sucediam umas s outras (instrumentos de pedra, cermica,
ferro, bronze, etc.) at chegar moderna civilizao, no podia responder a
algumas perguntas que se impunham para interpretar os novos factos, a saber,
porque que certos povos continuaram caadores recolectores quando os seus
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devem ser aplicadas tanto no passado como no presente, desde que exista
conhecimento suficiente do contexto de aplicao para que a teorias a aplicar
possam discriminar o relevante do trivial ou irrelevante.
Aquilo que se pretende fazer neste captulo (ver tambm Palma-Oliveira,
2010) uma anlise, necessariamente breve, das vises menos adequadas do
funcionamento humano que so habitualmente usadas, e da nova viso histrica
da relao Ser Humano / Ambiente fazendo quando possvel ligaes claras
com o nvel de explicao psicolgico
AS VISES DO COMPORTAMENTO HUMANO E AMBIENTE
No o lugar para analisar de forma sistemtica todos os princpios
explicativos, muitos eles supostamente genticos, que tm sido introduzidos
para explicar de forma unitria a relao com o Ambiente (a anlise
introdutria de Gardner & Stern, 2002, a essas teorias mais que o suficiente).
Geralmente os principios explicativos unitrios tendem a radicar a sua
explicao em mecanismos genticos, e a ser aplicados de forma no
contextualista, i.e., pouco transacional e em relao com o ambiente e a tomada
de deciso. Faamos apenas uma anlise simples das duas vises essenciais: a
da racionalidade e do egoismo extremos.
Neste contexto a sua desadequao pode ser demonstrada facilmente.
Tomemos o caso do Homem como ser racional. Imaginemos que a adaptao
humana ao meio ambiente seguia os principios da racionalidade. Ora isso
significa simplesmente que, dados os factores de um dado problema, sempre
possivel descobrir qual maneira mais optimal de o resolver (para uma
explicitao de mecanismos racionais de anlise ver Palma-Oliveira, 1995).
Como sublinha Simon (1990) este mecanismo o equivalente a reconhecer
que a melhor maneira para perceber qual a forma da gelatina quando solidifica
conhecer o recipiente onde solifica, e bastaria a todos perceber o problema
para perceber como foi encontrada a resposta para ele.
Este objectivo foi perseguido ao longo do tempo pelos economistas que
tentaram descrever o comportamento dos agentes num dado meio como funo
da maximizao da utilidade obtida nesse ambiente. A impossibilidade deste
objectivo no s est bem demonstrada nos trabalhos de Simon e de Tversky
e Kahneman (1981, Kahneman, Slovic, & Tversky, 1982), mas essencialmente
no reconhecimento pelos prprios economistas da impossibilidade de aplicarem
os modelos de racionalidade e da necessidade de introduzirem mecanismos
de explicao psicolgicos (Frey & Stutzer, 2007, Akerlof & Shiller, 2009).
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que acabaram por perecer por falta de adaptao psicolgica como muito bem
assinala Diamond (2005).
Alis esta questo muito interessante do ponto de vista psicolgico. a
criatividade e o engenho uma tendncia natural do ser humano ou ela surge
quando as condies ambientais e sociais a tal obrigam? A ela voltaremos.
Apesar de haver diferenas tecnolgicas poderemos assinalar que, a partir
de 40000 AC e at cerca de 11000 AC, o aparecimento da cermica, o controle
parcial do fogo, alguma melhoria das tcnicas de trabalho da pedra, foram
fazendo o seu caminho. Mas essencialmente a melhoria nos instrumentos de
caa, como vimos nas latitudes mais a norte, foi radical depois de 40000 AC
com o aparecimento do dardo, lanas, arpes e setas. Tudo isto levou claramente
a um aumento da populao e, a julgar pelos elementos recolhidos, uma
interessante qualidade de vida com a populao a ser estimada em cerca de
200 000 pessoas que, com uma esperana de vida de cerca de 30 anos, eram
relativamente livres de doenas (Dillworth, 2010).
No entanto a transio para o Mesoltico acompanhada por uma grande
crise, primeiro na Eursia, e depois nas Amricas com uma diminuio da
esperana de vida, uma diminuio da altura (5 cm) e um aumento claro dos
homicdios. Ora este padro de reduo de qualidade de vida est relacionada
com um extermnio em massa da chamada megafauna e que aconteceu a partir
dos 25000 AC e que acompanhou toda a expanso do Homo Sapiens. Essa
extino dos grandes mamferos foi durante muito tempo atribuda a alteraes
climticas. No entanto a moderna investigao arqueolgica, com base em
vrios argumentos, descarta essa hiptese na medida em que existe uma
correlao perfeita entre direco e o momento da migrao humana e a
extino da megafauna. Assim desde a destruio da Africana h cerca 40000
AC at a de Madagscar depois de 4000 AC a sequncia perfeita (Goude,
1994, Martin & Klein, 1984).
A destruio da megafauna, que durante a sua predao fez o nmero de
Homo subir de forma radical levou, como assinalado acima, a uma degradao
da qualidade de vida. Tal como seria de prever as presas diminuram em tamanho
e tudo parece apontar para que o sedentarismo de recoleco / apanha de
peixe seja o impulso principal para o comeo de vida em aldeias. O que
interessante que este estilo de vida permaneceu durantes muitos milhares de
anos e estava igualmente espalhado no mundo inteiro.
A fase seguinte a chamada fase horticultural. marcada pela domesticao.
Domesticao de animais (na chamada Eursia), com pastoreio e cultivo de
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mexicanas (1910), Rssia (1917), China (dcada de 30), Cuba (1953), Vetnam
(1962) e Algria (1963), tal como as invases dos brbaros e as ambies
territoriais dos alemes nas duas guerras mundiais esto relacionadas com a
presso populacional (Parsons, 1977).
O caso do Ruanda em 1994 esclarecedor em termos dos factores envolvidos
(Diamond, 2005):
a) Uma densidade populacional muito grande com duplicao da populao
em cerca de duas dezenas de anos, essencialmente devido introduo
de plantaes tpicas do novo mundo como o milho, batata-doce e
mandioca. (A densidade populacional do Ruanda de 760 pessoas por
m2 perto da Holandesa.)
b) Melhoria da higiene e da medicina que diminuem a mortalidade infantil
c) Imposio de fronteiras polticas em frica que levaram a exploraes
de terras no antes possveis.
d) Separaes tnicas. Htus e Tutsis que forneceram as questes de
identidade
No entanto os estudos posteriores ao massacre de 1994 demonstram uma
viso mais complexa. Basicamente a impossibilidade de alimentar a famlia foi
o que fez aproveitar a guerra civil onde as terras dos tutsis foram redistribudas,
tal como a dos htus com mais posses que foram mortos por outros htus. A
guerra civil foi usada para reorganizar a posse da terra (as pessoas cujas crianas
iam descalas para a escola mataram as pessoas que podiam comprar os sapatos
para as delas, pg. 328 Diamond, 2005)
Um das mais interessantes questes tericas que se levantam na explicao
dos comportamentos sociais histricos ou de um passado recente a importncia
do crowding para o desencadear da violncia. Todos os casos de genocdio
acima relatados merecem da parte dos nossos colegas da nova histria
ambiental uma concluso unnime, a saber, o aumento da densidade
populacional leva claramente a problemas de privacidade, a diminuio de
espao vital econmico com diminuio de espao para cultivo por exemplo
-, com um fosso cada vez maior entre os grupos na mesma sociedade, e o
aumento da violncia (Russel & Russel, 1999).
Este desafio para a psicologia do ambiente interessante na medida em que
as investigaes sobre crowding demonstraram que no existe uma relao
directa entre a quantidade de pessoas por metro quadrado e os diferentes tipos
de violncia (para uma reviso ver Loo, 1974 e Freedman, 1975). No entanto,
33
34
De notar que tudo isso implica uma evoluo psicolgica marcada nos mecanismos de
identidade social. Ou seja desde a organizao em pequenos clans onde o out-group est
perfeitamente definido at ao mundo de hoje com mltiplas identidades sociais, dentro e
fora do seu grupo primrio os mecanismos psicolgicos so muito mais complexos. Essa
evoluo psicolgica evidente e s explicada pelos mecanismos explicativos da nova
teoria da evoluo descrita por Jablonka & Lamb (2005).
35
36
37
Calhoun, J. B. (1971). Space and the strategy of life. In A. Esser, Behavior and
Environment: the use of space by animals and man. New York: Plenum
Press.
Dawes, R. (1980). Social Dillemas. Anual
Review of Psychology, 31, 169-193.
Dawes, R., & Messik, D. (2000). Social
Dillemas. International Journal of Psychology, 35, 111-116.
Diamond, J. (1997). Guns, Germs, and
Steel. New York: W.W.Norton & Company.
Diamond, J. (2005). Collapse: How societies choose to fail or survive. London:
Peguin Books.
Dillworth, C. (2010). Too Smart for Our
Own Good. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Freedman, J. (1975). Crodwing and Behavior. New York: Viking Press.
Frey, B., & Stutzer, A. (2007). Economics
38
39
40
INTRODUCTION
The literature on restorative environments has been expanding rapidly in
recent years as an increasing number of researchers seek to advance existing
lines of research and to initiate new ones. The expansion reflects the value
attached to the study of restorative environments as a complement to the study
of stress and coping within what Saegert and Winkel (1990) have called the
adaptation paradigm in environmental psychology. The expansion also reflects
on the potential for using restorative environments concepts in other broad
research paradigms. For example, with regard to the sociocultural paradigm,
some of the meanings that people have traditionally assigned to homes, parks
and other places are grounded in their use as settings for restorative activities
(e.g., Hartig et al., 2003a). Just as the values of research on restorative
environments are increasingly appreciated, however, the research area risks
becoming incoherent if efforts are not made to consolidate the work done so
far. In this chapter I contribute to the needed consolidation by addressing several
issues in measurement, some of which presently pose significant challenges for
the research area. Before discussing those issues, I will set out some basic
definitions, overview some origins of restorative environments research, and
sketch the current situation in the research area.
DEFINITIONS
I define restoration as the renewal or recovery of resources or capacities
that have become depleted in meeting the demands of everyday life. With this
definition I treat restoration as a rubric that covers a variety of processes that
can be defined with regard to the resources that become renewed. The resources
include but are not limited to a capacity to voluntarily direct attention and an
ability to mobilize physiological resources, as in reactions to environmental
41
stressors. Depending on the resources that have become depleted, the restorative
process or processes may run simultaneously, either independently or influencing
each other. These processes concern normal resource depletion rather than
pathological conditions; however, a chronic lack of restoration can have
significant clinical and public health implications.
I define restorative environment as an environment that promotes as well
as permits restoration. With this definition I mean to emphasize that the
restorative environment is defined not only in negative terms, as with the absence
of demands (i.e., aspects of a situation which permit restoration), but also in
positive terms, such as the presence of interesting and beautiful features (i.e.,
aspects of a situation which promote restoration).
ORIGINS
The roots of theorizing and empirical research on restorative environments
extend back for centuries. Although it would be a worthwhile undertaking, I
will not try to trace that development here. Some of the more recent
developments must be mentioned, however, to provide a sense of where the
research area stands today and where it can go next. To put it simply, the more
recent developments have occurred within the context of the development of
environment-behavior studies, including but not limited to environmental
psychology. The research area thus has roots in theoretical statements and
empirical studies done since the 1950s on a variety of topics. For example,
research on urban stressors (e.g., Glass & Singer, 1972) helped people to
appreciate that conditions faced by many people in cities would both create
restoration needs and hinder restoration needed from efforts to face other
demands. To take another example, research in aesthetics stimulated thinking
about why people might find particular environmental features or configurations
pleasing to the eye, and some of the ideas generated opened for thinking about
restorative processes. For example, in cultivating a functional aesthetics, Berlyne
(1960) proposed the idea of specific exploration, or a search for information
that would help reduce the uncertainty and arousal prompted when a stimulus
is encountered (see also Wohlwill,1976).
Recent origins of restorative environments research can also be discerned in
areas of professional activity such as landscape architecture and landscape
planning, architecture and urban planning, outdoor recreation planning, forestry,
and public health. Members of these different professions have for many years
and in various ways tried to manage competing land uses and guide the
expansion of the built environment while protecting and promoting the health
42
of the public and the larger ecology. For example, Driver and colleagues
elaborated on motivations and desired benefits of outdoor recreation, such as
escape and tension reduction, to provide inputs for multiple-use land
management strategies (see e.g., Driver et al., 1987; see also Knopf, 1987; Pitt
& Zube, 1987).
A theme that has run through this research and practical work is the idea
that natural environments in particular serve the restoration needs of people
who must regularly face demanding social, physical and occupational conditions
in an everyday urban environment. Research on restorative environments has
long been presented as one means to guide environmental policy and design
measures that serve the health and well-being of people living in cities by
ensuring access to opportunities for contact with nature. This remains the case
today. For example, Nordh and colleagues (2009) studied the restorative
potential of small urban parks that could be distributed across neighborhoods
in cities that are implementing densification strategies to enhance ecological
sustainability.
CURRENT SITUATION
The current situation can be characterized as one in which a growing amount
of research on increasingly diverse sets of groups and environments is being
guided by one or both of two theories. Each addresses the basic requirements
of theories about restorative environments: specification of an antecedent
condition of resource depletion from which a person needs restoration;
description of the process by which the given resources become restored; and
characterization of the environments that promote that process, as compared
to merely permitting it (see Hartig, 2004). Both theories emphasize the restorative
qualities of natural environments, but they differ in their specifications of
antecedent condition and restorative process. The two theories and the
differences between them have been outlined in many publications by this
time, and most if not all readers of this chapter will be familiar with the details.
I will nonetheless recount some of that information here to support the discussion
in subsequent sections (for more thorough treatments, see Hartig, 2007; Hartig
et al., 2010).
Psycho-evolutionary theory (PET)
One theory is concerned with recovery from stress (Ulrich et al., 1991; see
also Ulrich, 1983), defined broadly as a process of responding to a situation
seen as demanding or threatening to well-being. Stress is reflected in increased
43
negative emotion and autonomic arousal, among other changes. PET proposes
that stress recovery can occur when a scene evokes interest, pleasantness, and
calm. For a person who is experiencing stress and needs to renew resources for
further activity, it could be adaptive to view such a scene. The reaction to the
scene initially depends on visual characteristics that can rapidly call forth an
affective response of a general character. This response is thought to be hardwired; it does not require a conscious judgment about the scene, and indeed it
can occur before a person can formulate such a judgment. Scene characteristics
that elicit the response include gross structure, depth properties, and some
general classes of environmental content. With regard to the latter, Ulrich (1999)
maintains that ...modern humans, as a partly genetic remnant of evolution,
have a biologically prepared capacity for acquiring and retaining restorative
responses to certain nature settings and content (vegetation, flowers, water),
but have no such disposition for most built environments and their materials
(p. 52). Thus, the theory assigns a restorative advantage to natural environments
and features of nature over artificial environments.
According to PET, the process of restoration would go something like this: a
scene with moderate and ordered complexity, moderate depth, a focal point,
and natural contents such as vegetation and water would rapidly elicit interest
and positive affect, hold attention, and so displace or restrict negative thoughts
and allow autonomic arousal to drop to a more moderate level. Restoration
would become manifest in, for example, increase in positive emotions and
lower levels of blood pressure, heart rate, and muscle tension.
Attention restoration theory (ART)
The other theory is concerned with restoration from attentional fatigue (Kaplan
& Kaplan, 1989; Kaplan, 1995). Its authors assume that people must often rely
on a central inhibitory capacity or mechanism when deploying their attention.
What they must attend to is often not of itself interesting, and to focus on
something that is not of itself interesting, a person will have to inhibit competing
thoughts or stimuli that are more interesting. It takes effort to do this, and the
persons ability to inhibit competing stimuli will become fatigued with prolonged
or intensive use. Loss of the inhibitory capacity has negative consequences that
include irritability, failure to recognize interpersonal cues, reduced self-control,
and increased error in tasks that require directed attention.
According to ART, a person can restore a diminished capacity for voluntarily
directing attention when he or she experiences fascination, a mode of attention
44
that is assumed to have an involuntary quality, not require effort, and not have
capacity limitations. When a person can rely on fascination in ongoing activity,
demands on the central inhibitory capacity are relaxed and the capacity for
directing attention can be renewed. As described by Kaplan and Kaplan,
fascination is engaged by objects or events, and by processes of exploring and
making sense of an environment. Yet fascination is not sufficient for restoration.
The theory also refers to the importance of gaining psychological distance from
tasks, the pursuit of goals, and the like, in which the person routinely must
direct attention (being away). Further, fascination can be sustained if the person
experiences the environment as coherently ordered and of substantial scope
(extent). Finally, the theory acknowledges the importance of the match between
the persons inclinations at the time, the demands imposed by the environment,
and the environmental supports for intended activities (compatibility).
Although many environments might afford the experiences of being away,
fascination, extent, and compatibility, Kaplan and Kaplan (1989) have argued
that natural environments should more readily do so than other environments.
For example, natural environments may more readily afford being away because
there are few reminders about work demands and a relative absence of people,
interactions with whom may require paying attention to ones own and the
others behavior. The Kaplans also assert that natural environments are rich in
aesthetically pleasing features, such as scenery and sunsets, which evoke less
intense, soft, fascination that permits a more reflective mode. In this regard,
they suggest that there may be an evolutionary basis for finding particular natural
features to be appealing.
Growth of the research area
The empirical research guided or informed by these theories appears to be
proceeding at an increasingly rapid rate. One indication of this increasing rate
of research activity can be seen in the citation counts for particular articles in
the research area, available from the Institute for Scientific Information (ISI)
Web of Science. For example, Ulrichs (1984) retrospective study of the
association between hospital window view contents and recovery from surgery
has been cited from 30 to more than 50 times annually in recent years. Several
other articles (e.g., Hartig et al., 1991, 2003b; Kaplan, 1995; Kaplan, 2001;
Ulrich et al., 1991) have had annual citation totals up to 20 or more in the
same period. These are relatively large numbers for the environment-behavior
field.
45
46
(e.g., Gonzalez et al., 2009, 2010; Roe, 2010) or socio-economic position (e.g.,
Kuo & Sullivan, 2001).
Second, the research area is being extended vertically through efforts to
more precisely specify the mechanisms at work. Colleagues are for example
looking more carefully at how different behavioral tests tap specific forms of
cognitive inhibition that might figure in directed attention fatigue and restoration
(e.g., Berman et al., 2008; Raanaas, et al. 2010). This is consistent with the
principle that the study of restorative environments should be informed by more
general inquiry into basic social, cognitive, emotional and physiological
processes and the relations among those processes.
These developments are positive, but they are not trouble-free. With ongoing
expansion and diversification, the research area risks becoming incoherent if
efforts are not made to build on lessons learned and so consolidate the work
done so far. In the next section I contribute to the needed consolidation by
addressing several issues in measurement.
MEASUREMENT ISSUES
My focus here will be on discrete restorative experiences that is, on the
occasions when a person with some need for restoration gets some possibility
for restoration. I will not go into the cumulative effects of multiple restorative
experiences over longer periods, as assumed for example by studies of cognitive
functioning or health in relation to residential access to green space (e.g., Kuo
& Sullivan, 2001; De Vries et al., 2003; Mitchell & Popham, 2007).
Research on discrete restorative experience takes interest in several categories
of variables. These include but are not limited to the following: (1) the antecedent
condition from which a person might restore, such as a depleted ability to
direct attention; (2) the environment that the person enters during time available
for restoration; and (3) the outcomes that reflect on actual or potential changes
in resources and/or the components of the experience that mediate those
changes. In the following, for each of these types of variables I overview the
measurement approaches that have been taken and some advantages and
disadvantages of those approaches. I consider in particular some of the problems
that have arisen in efforts to measure the components of restorative experience
specified in ART, namely, being away, fascination, extent, and compatibility.
Some of the studies that I will mention assessed the actual restorative effects of
different environments, while others measured evaluations of environments or
judgements relevant to the possibility for restoration on some occasion.
47
Antecedent condition
Several approaches have been taken to measuring the antecedent condition
(see Table 1). With a controlled induction of the antecedent condition, research
participants have been subjected to demanding tasks or other conditions
expected to induce some acute need or potential for restoration. Studies have
in practice treated the antecedent as a binary variable; some subjects underwent
a standard stress or fatigue induction procedure, while others did not. For
example, in one laboratory experiment, some subjects performed the Stroop
test at a steady, uncontrollable rate for 40 minutes to deplete their ability to
direct attention prior to the period allowed for restoration, whereas other subjects
did not (Hartig et al., 1996a). This approach can be uniformly applied across
subjects, made specific to a resource of interest, and administered just before
the environmental treatment, so that there is some immediate potential for
restoration. The amount, type and intensity of demands can also be varied
systematically; the antecedent need not be treated as a binary variable. The
approach is however time consuming and therefore costly, and its effect on
subjects may not be large, uniform or long-lasting, depending on the type and
duration of induction procedure.
Another approach to measuring the antecedent condition has involved
naturalistic induction. In practice this has also involved treating the antecedent
condition as a binary variable. For example, in an experiment concerned with
the likelihood of restoration seen in different environments, students came to
the procedure with different levels of attentional fatigue, either relatively fresh,
first thing in the morning, or relatively fatigued, in the afternoon after a lecture
(Hartig & Staats, 2006). Prior to the experimental tasks, the subjects in the
different fatigue conditions reported on levels of negative affects and their
capability for performing behaviors that would require them to direct their
attention. These checks confirmed that those who participated at the end of the
day did indeed report more negative affect and less attentional capability than
those who took part at the start of the day. This approach has the advantage of
being non-invasive, but it can be difficult to implement because it requires
scheduling the procedure at those times and in those places where subjects
have just faced the acute demands assumed to be depleting (e.g., in the room
where they just completed a lecture). This means that it may also allow less
experimental control over the timing of fatigue induction exactly prior to the
environmental treatment.
48
Table 1. Approaches taken to measuring the condition antecedent to the period for restoration
in studies of discrete restorative experiences.
Approach
Advantages
Disadvantages
Example
Controlled
induction
Naturalistic
induction
Non-invasive
Scenario
Inexpensive
Given level
Laumann, Grling
& Stormark (2003);
Fredrickson &
Levenson (1998)
All-or-nothing
49
50
51
been established just before the period available for restoration. The
disadvantage is that the degree to which restoration is actually potentiated is
not known. With the nothing variant on this approach, it is simply assumed
that all of the subjects have some need for restoration, and that measured
improvements are signs of restoration. For example, Ottosson and Grahn (2005)
obtained behavioral measures of directed attention from residents of a home
for the elderly just before and just after an hour of rest in a garden versus in
their favorite room indoors. They reported that attention improved with the
visit to the garden. The advantage with this approach is the low cost, and, in
the given example, its suitability for use with vulnerable people for whom some
form of demanding induction procedure would be inappropriate. The
disadvantage is interpretive: it is questionable whether beneficial changes found
reflect on restoration, versus, for example, stimulation. Lack of stimulation might
be invoked as an antecedent from which a person could be restored, but ART,
the theory which guided the use of attentional measures by Ottosson and Grahn,
attributes a depleted directed attention capacity to overuse rather than to
underuse.
It is hopefully clear from the presentation here that particular approaches to
measurement of the antecedent condition are better suited to some research
questions and situations than others. This holds as well for approaches to the
measurement of environment and outcomes.
Environment
As with measurement of the antecedent, multiple approaches have been
taken to measuring environmental variation relevant for restoration (see Table
2). One of these can be described as the single exemplars approach. In
experiments concerned with actual restorative effects of different environments,
it has been common to compare single examples from two broad categories,
natural and urban. For example, Hartig et al. (2003b) had subjects walk in
either a nature preserve or an area of medium density urban commercial and
retail development. A disadvantage of this approach as used to date is that it
allows little room for generalization to the broad category from which it has
been drawn; the results may not apply for many urban and natural settings.
Also, the results provide little guidance for design efforts, which usually require
more specific information on environmental variables (Velarde et al., 2007).
On the other hand, such studies typically emphasize internal rather than external
validity; it is easier and less expensive to carry out randomized experiments
when there are fewer conditions, especially when time-consuming data
52
53
Approach
Advantages
Disadvantages
Example
Single exemplars
Maximization of
difference serves the
examination of process features
Deliberate
sampling
54
55
the range of variation in those variables that are most salient in the experience
of a given environment will be more or less constrained in a simulation, and
this will in turn restrict the effect of the environment on restoration. A recent
study by Kjellgren and Buhrkall (in press) found that changes in some outcome
measures (e.g., heart rate, diastolic blood pressure) were much the same when
subjects spent 20 minutes sitting outdoors in a natural setting compared to
when they sat indoors and watched a 20 minute video of the same setting.
Other outcomes, however, indicated a greater effect of one or the other
environment. For example, systolic blood pressure declined more when indoors
then when outdoors. Also, qualitative data indicated that for some subjects, the
simulation left them feeling cut off from the world, and reminded them of the
environment they were not actually in.
Outcomes
In the foregoing I have indicated that studies on restorative environments
have measured a variety of outcomes. The different outcomes have concerned
different aspects of actual or potential restorative experiences (see Table 3).
Some have concerned changes in resources that occurred during restorative
experiences. Others have reflected on the experience in the environment thought
to mediate such changes in attentional capacity, physiological response
capabilities, and so on. Notable among these candidate mediators have been
the restorative qualities described in ART, such as fascination. Some outcomes
have concerned restoration that might occur in an existing environment that
one could plan to visit, or the possibilities for restoration in an environment
that does not yet exist.
Of first interest are those outcomes which have been used to reveal that
some form of restoration has actually occurred. Measures of actual restoration
capture changes in resources as they are underway or just after a period spent
in a given environment. For example, Hartig et al. (2003b) collected data on
cardiovascular activity, attention, and emotional states at multiple time points
before, during and after a walk in a nature preserve or city center, so that they
could track the emergence and persistence of different kinds of effects. Such
measures of actual restoration have provided relatively strong evidence of
practically meaningful environmental effects. Evidence of actual restoration in
turn has been used to support claims about the pathways through which
restorative experiences can over time cumulatively come to affect individually
and societally significant physical and mental health outcomes. The main
disadvantage with these measures is that they are relatively costly to obtain.
56
They may require a demanding experimental set up, and the necessary
equipment and/or processing of biological samples can be expensive. Because
some effects of interest may be quite subtle, studies of actual restoration may
require relatively large samples. Such issues may in turn limit options for the
sampling of environments, especially if data collection is done in field settings.
In contrast to measuring changes in the resources themselves, some
researchers have used measures of perceived restoration; they have asked people
to report on changes taken to be indicative of restoration. For example,
Hansmann and colleagues (2007) interviewed visitors to an urban forest and a
park in Zurich, and asked them to report on their level of stress and how wellbalanced they felt when they came to the forest/park and then again at the
moment of the interview. In another example, the focus was not on the particular
occasion, but rather on the typical occasion in which a person entered into an
environment that they had available for restoration. Hartig, Lindblom and Ovefelt
(1998) asked the respondents in their survey to report on the degree to which
they experienced particular changes characteristic of restoration while in their
homes (e.g., relax and unwind). The advantage of such an approach is its low
cost and so suitability for use with large samples of people and environments.
The weaknesses include the potential for inaccuracy with retrospective reports,
the potential for retrospective reports to be biased by the current state, and
communication to the subject that the research takes interest in particular kinds
of change.
A third type of outcome has concerned the perceived likelihood of restoration
in an environment that a person might visit. Such measures have been used in
conjunction with scenarios that specified some need for restoration. Given such
a scenario, research subjects have been asked to make judgments about the
possibility of realizing restoration in some form or another. For example, Staats
and colleagues (2003) asked their subjects to imagine themselves as either
extremely attentionally fatigued after an extended period of intense mental work
or fully refreshed after a long vacation. Given one of these scenarios, the subjects
viewed a series of photographic slides suggesting a walk through a forest or a
city center. They subsequently rated the likelihood of several possible restoration
outcomes (e.g., renewing energy, losing all tension, regaining the ability to
concentrate) with a one-hour walk in the environment shown. A similar though
simpler kind of measure has also been used in research that treated environments
as cases. Nordh and colleagues (2009) had some of their subjects rate the
likelihood of restoration for each of the parks in their sample using a single
item, I would be able to rest and recover my ability to focus in this
57
Type
Advantages
Disadvantages
Example
Actual restoration
Perceived
restoration
Inexpensive relative
to repeated measures
meant to capture actual change
Perceived
likelihood of
restoration
Perceived
restorative quality
environment. A strength of such measures is that they tap into the experiences
that people have had with restoration in different environments and bring that
experience to bear on environments that they might visit in the future. As such
they are particularly well-suited to studies in which the research question
concerns the design or availability of alternative future environments. One
objection with such measures is that an individuals judgment of restoration
likelihood may correspond only poorly with restoration that he or she might
eventually realize on a particular occasion. Insistence on such tight
correspondence is however misguided; a variety of factors aside from
characteristics of the environment may hinder restoration on a given future
occasion. A more appropriate criterion is whether an environment that a sample
of raters anticipates will support restoration to some degree will tend to do so,
considered over multiple people and occasions. Note that this approach can
build on the assumption that already at a fairly early age most people normally
58
will have acquired substantial experience in making judgments about how well
they can restore in particular environments. It is advisable however to check
on subjects familiarity with the environments of interest; it may be necessary
to adjust for differences in familiarity in the statistical analyses (e.g., Hartig &
Staats, 2006).
Finally here, a fourth type of outcome is intermediate in character; such
measures capture aspects of a persons subjective experience of the environment
that in theory enable and sustain restoration. The components or aspects of
restorative experience specified in ART have received particular attention. Selfreport measures of those constructs (being away, fascination, extent, and
compatibility) have been described variously as measures of perceived
restorativeness, restorative quality, and restorative potential. With the former
two descriptions, the measures are seen as tapping qualities of experience in
environments that have actually supported restoration to some degree (e.g., as
in studies of favorite versus unpleasant places; Korpela & Hartig, 1996) or that
could be expected to support restoration on some future occasion. Reference
to restorative potential more narrowly implies that the measures can be used to
characterize future environmental encounters; however, as with judgments of
restoration likelihood, ratings of restorative potential framed in terms of the
constructs in ART may be assumed to build on substantial experience with
environments that have supported restoration to varying degrees (cf. Wohlwill,
1974). Thus, they are simultaneously retrospective and prospective.
The first attempt to measure the constructs in ART was made in 1987 for a
field experiment that compared the restorative effects of natural, urban and
passive relaxation conditions. In constructing that first measure, Hartig and
colleagues (see 1991) referred to an early statement of the theory, which had
not yet been named ART (see Kaplan & Talbot, 1983). That earlier formulation
of the theory specified multiple forms of coherence among the contributors to
restoration; these later were folded into the extent construct (see Kaplan &
Kaplan, 1989). Providing initial though incomplete evidence of the mediating
role of the ART constructs, the overall score for the prototype measure (the sum
of all items) was found to correlate modestly and significantly with the percentage
of errors detected in a proofreading task performed after the environmental
treatment; the higher the restorative quality perceived in the treatment, the
better the performance.
The measure was re-worked with input on specific items from, among others,
Stephen and Rachel Kaplan and Tom Herzog, and then published as the
Perceived Restorativeness Scale (PRS; Hartig et al., 1996b; see also Hartig et
59
al., 1997a). A further revision was published not long after (Hartig et al., 1997b).
Hartig has shared a fourth revision with colleagues since then, but he did not
perform further validation work prior to its release; that version has been used
by, for example, Purcell and colleagues (2001). The successive revisions of the
PRS responded to a variety of criticisms. For example, the validation studies
done with the initial revision found that, looking across the environments studied,
factor analyses did not consistently find four factors that could be labeled being
away, fascination, coherence, and compatibility (Hartig et al., 1996b, 1997a).
Items for being away, fascination, and compatibility frequently grouped together
in various constellations, while the items meant to represent coherence usually
defined a separate factor. The negative wording of those four items opened for
the reasonable criticism that the relative distinctiveness of the factor they defined
was a methodological artifact, and not a reflection of their common content.
Other researchers have commented on the wording of items in later revisions
of the PRS. For example, Payne (2010) observed that some items reflect personal
assessments (i.e., It is easy to do what I want here) while others may reflect
more general beliefs (e.g., This place is fascinating).
In addition to the several translations of one of the later versions of the scale
(e.g., Hidalgo & Hernandez, 2001, cited in Hernandez & Hidalgo, 2005;
Martinez-Soto & Montero, 2010; Hug et al., 2010), several authors have
proposed alternatives to the PRS. Among these are the Restorative Components
Scale (Laumann et al., 2001), the Perceived Restorative Components Scale for
Children (Bagot, 2004), a short-form of the PRS in Italian, though with
substantially altered items (see Berto, 2005), and the Perceived Restorative
Characteristics Questionnaire (Pals et al., 2009). Also, Herzog and colleagues
(2003) developed a set of single-item measures for use with an environmentsas-cases approach to measurement of the environment.
A recurrent issue with such ART-based instruments has been the lack of
consistency in item loadings and the anticipated four-factor structure looking
across study environments. Two or more factors have commonly been
moderately to strongly correlated, and items have shown large cross-loadings.
The Kaplans have presented the constructs in ART as independent, and in some
environments they may only be weakly related. In other environments, however,
they may be strongly related, and in a causal fashion, considered over the
course of a restorative experience that may begin before the person actually
enters the environment. For example, anticipated compatibility may open for a
sense of being away, which may be further reinforced by fascination while on
site. It is thus reasonable to ask whether the pattern of (possibly causal) relations
60
61
discussion here nonetheless will hopefully help to consolidate the field, in that
it suggests ways to build on and bring together the work done. For example, it
may help researchers to make more informed choices regarding the
measurement of the antecedent condition, and to choose to include measures
of hypothesized mediators, in their experiments on restorative effects of different
environments.
All of this said, a more complete discussion of variables of interest is still
needed. Such a discussion would consider more systematically the contextual
and individual difference moderators of the relationship between environment
and outcomes as well as the temporal parameters of the restorative process or
processes as manifest in different outcomes. The significance of such variables
has been implied at different points in the foregoing discussion, as with the
potential influence of familiarity on judgments of restoration likelihood. Attention
to these categories of variables will also help to advance the development of
the research area.
REFERENCES
Berlyne, D. E. (1960). Conflict, arousal
and curiosity. New York: McGrawHill.
Berman MG, Jonides J, Kaplan S (2008)
The cognitive benefits of interacting
with nature. Psychological Science,
19, 1207-1212.
Berto, R. (2005). Exposure to restorative
environments help restore attentional
capacity. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 25, 249-259.
Bodin, M., & Hartig, T. (2003). Does the
outdoor environment matter for psychological restoration gained through
running? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 4, 141-153.
Bowler, D. E., Buyung-Ali, L. M., Knight,
T. M., & Pullin, A. S. (2010). A systematic review of evidence for the added
benefits to health of exposure to natural environments. BMC Public Health,
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regulation, and childrens place preferences. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 22, 387-398.
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of favorite-place prescriptions: A field
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435-438.
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(2001) Rating scale measures of restorative components of environments.
J Environmental Psychology, 21, 3144.
Laumann K, Grling T, Stormark KM
(2003) Selective attention and heart
rate responses to natural and urban
environments. J Environmental Psychology, 23, 125-134.
Martinez-Soto, J., & Montero y LopezLena, M. (2010). Perception of restorative qualities and environmental preference. Revista Mexican de Psicologa, 27, 183-190. In Spanish.
Mitchell R, Popham F (2008) Effect of exposure to natural environment on health inequalities: an observational population study. Lancet 372, 1655-1660.
Nordh, H., Hartig, T., Hgerhll, C., & Fry,
G. (2009). Components of small urban
parks that predict the possibility for
restoration. Urban Forestry and Urban
Greening, 8, 225-235.
Ottosson J, Grahn P (2005) A comparison
of leisure time spent in a garden with
leisure time spent indoors: On measures of restoration in residents in geriatric care, Landscape Research, 30: 1,
23-55.
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INTRODUCCIN
El objetivo de este Taller consiste en realizar un ejercicio prctico y crtico,
as como participativo, de evaluacin de la sostenibilidad de una accin
integrada en un Plan de Accin Local. Para este ejercicio se ha preparado un
escenario basado en un entorno real del municipio de Bilbao para el que se
propone una posible accin que se podra enmarcar en el Plan de Ambiente
Sonoro que este municipio est desarrollando actualmente.
Como herramienta de evaluacin de la sostenibilidad local se utiliza SISPAL50 que ha sido desarrollada en el marco del proyecto I+D+i SISPA-Local, que
ha sido parcialmente subvencionado por el Ministerio de medio Ambiente
(Aspuru, et al. 2008). La meta de este proyecto fue el desarrollo de nuevas
herramientas aplicables a la evaluacin y seguimiento de planes de accin en
el mbito municipal, desde una perspectiva sostenible e integral (ambiental,
social, econmica), con la participacin plena de los actores implicados y
sobre una base de conocimiento que permitiera la mxima objetividad y
transparencia, lo cual contribuye tanto a impulsar la implantacin de la Estrategia
de Medio Ambiente Urbano en Espaa, como a apoyar a las administraciones
locales en sus tomas de decisiones.
El proyecto SISPA-Local lo llev a cabo un equipo transdisciplinar (Ingeniera,
Fsica, Ciencias Ambientales, Psicologa Ambiental, Arquitectura y Urbanismo,
Biologa, Geografa, GIS, Economa Ambiental) dentro de la Unidad de Medio
Ambiente (MA) de TECNALIA, siendo la gestin medioambiental estratgica y
la sostenibilidad urbana dos de las lneas de trabajo de esta unidad. En estas
reas cualquier problema de decisin se caracteriza por conflictos entre valores
e intereses que compiten, y diferentes grupos que los representan.
Para abordar este tipo de problemas, por definicin complejos, en TECNALIAMA se acude a modelos de anlisis multicriterio (MCDA) en coordinacin con
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A EVALUAR EN EL
TALLER
Este apartado sirve para introducir la accin local sobre la que se pretende
aplicar la herramienta SISPSA-L50, con el objeto de evaluar la sostenibilidad
de su puesta en marcha. Para familiarizarnos con dicha accin primero se
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Figura 3. Mapa de Ruido Estratgico del mbito de estudio, con indicacin de rea de accin prioritaria
En este contexto, como parte del Plan del Ambiente Sonoro de Bilbao 20102015, se propone la reduccin de la capacidad de la principal va de trfico de
la zona, convirtindola en un boulevard con trfico limitado a vehculos de
transporte pblico y de servicios. La actuacin implica la ampliacin de las
aceras a ambos lados de un doble carril central (actualmente se trata de una
doble va de 6 carriles) sobre el que se aplicara una limitacin de velocidad de
50 km/h.
Se propone que junto a la mejora acstica o la ganancia de espacio asociadas
a la accin propuesta en la zona de actuacin, el anlisis de su grado de
sostenibilidad deber considerar aspectos no positivos como el que la accin
suponga la redistribucin del trfico por vas alternativas con el consiguiente
aumento de circulaciones por las mismas, etc.
METODOLOGA DEL TALLER
El objetivo de este Taller consiste en realizar un ejercicio prctico y crtico,
as como participativo, de evaluacin de la sostenibilidad una accin integrada
en un Plan de Accin Local, que en nuestro caso es convertir en boulevard el
principal vial del distrito de Deusto-Bilbao, accin que posiblemente forme
parte del Plan del Ambiente Sonoro de Bilbao 2010-2015 que se est
desarrollando actualmente.
Parra llevar a cabo este ejercicio se propone acudir a una metodologa en la
que se combina el trabajo en grupos pequeos (TGP) con presentaciones a
todo el auditorio (PA). Se propone organizarse en siete grupos de trabajo, uno
por cada una de las dimensiones identificadas en el modelo de evaluacin de
la sostenibilidad: gestin y administracin local, estructura urbana, dinmica
territorial, dinamismo socio-econmico, calidad de vida, movilidad, y entorno.
Cada grupo de trabajo deber evaluar la accin en la dimensin correspondiente
(TGP) para despus presentar los resultados de su grupo a todo el auditorio,
donde adems se realizar la valoracin conjunta y critica de los resultados
(PA). Previamente se realizar una presentacin y contextualizacin tanto de
la accin como de la herramienta de trabajo (PA).
La estructura y fases del taller son: 1) Contextualizacin de la accin:
presentacin del mbito de estudio y del diagnstico de la zona (PA), 2)
Presentacin de la accin (PA), 3) Familiarizacin con la herramienta de trabajo
(PA), 4) Valoracin parcial de la sostenibilidad de la accin: cada grupo de
trabajo valorar la sostenibilidad de la accin respecto a la dimensin asignada
a su grupo utilizando el modulo de la herramienta SISPA-L50 correspondiente
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REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
Alguacil Gmez, J. (2000). Calidad de vida
y praxis urbana: nuevas iniciativas de
gestin ciudadana en la periferia de
Madrid. Madrid: CIS/Siglo XXI.
78
OMS (2006). Constitucin de la Organizacin Mundial de la Salud. OMS, Bruselas, versin del 1 de septiembre de
2006. Consultado el 18 de julio de
2008 en [www.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/
bd46/s-bd46_p2.pdf]
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Energy efficiency and energy conservation are current themes in daily life
and in scientific research. Worldwide environmental problems caused by fossil
fuels led to a new way of looking at energy resources. Presently it is the
environmental threat, rather than the possibility of oil scarcity, as it happened
during the 1970s oil crisis, that motivates action (Corral-Verdugo, 2001; Stern,
1992). Development of new technologies for energy efficiency is needed but
will not succeed unless consumers behaviour changes. Therefore, studies on
energy efficiency have been focusing more and more on the promotion of pro
environmental attitudes and behaviour (Gifford, 1997).
An approach commonly used to predict human behaviour consists of studying
and measuring individual attitudes. In the last decades, an extensive body of
research in Environmental Psychology has been focusing on beliefs and attitudes
regarding environmental issues and on how those relate to individuals
behaviour. Pro-environmental beliefs and attitudes, and environmental concern,
understood as appreciative feelings towards the environment expressed through
a sense of caring for environmental issues and problems (e.g. Schultz et al.
2004, 2005), have been found to be often, although not always (e.g. Sjberg,
1998), related to each other and to shape ones environmental interest (Stern,
2000; Stern et al. 1995). Also, a high level of environmental concern felt by the
majority of people is seen as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition to achieve
a decrease in negative environmental impacts in contemporary Western societies
(Takcs-Snta, 2007). However, holding pro-environmental beliefs does not
necessarily lead to adopting pro-environmental behavior (Corral-Verdugo, 2003)
and more research to address that relationship is needeed. According to Steg
and Gifford (2008) pro-environmental behaviours are closely related to social
norms. The Norm Activation Model explains that relationship: behaviours result
from personal norms, or a sense of moral obligation to act in a particular way.
Social norms are activated when individuals are aware of the consequences of
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special attributes (e.g. major utilization, for corridors and different expositions
to natural light, for classrooms) helped defining the sampling sites. Regarding
lighting, observations consisted in verifying if lights were switched-off or not,
when classes finished and teachers and students left the room; regarding
computers, in turn, it involved observing the mode of operation (switch-off,
stand by or switch-on) after use.
A first set of observations, undertaken by the researchers, was dedicated to
lighting in corridors, student and teachers rooms, and gymnasiums. It was carried
out during one week in fixed time intervals (from 1pm to 2 pm). The weather
conditions were registered in order to evaluate the need for electric lighting.
During this period, computers at the teachers rooms were also observed for
the mode of operation after use. After this task was completed, a questionnaire
was applied to the members of the staff responsible for each particular area.
The questionnaire had two questions: (1) In the school, how frequently do
you leave a room with the lights on? (a Likert scale, ranging from 1, never,
to 5, always), and (2) Why? (a multiple-choice question with several answer
alternatives: financial concern, environmental concern, habit,
forgetting, rearing practices, following orders, or other).
In a second phase, also for a period of one week, a set of observations,
regarding lighting in classrooms, was undertaken by the members of the staff
previously selected and trained (19). They were asked: i) to observe if lights,
from dashboards and ceilings in classrooms, were switched off or not, for each
class last five minutes and after the teacher left the room (from 1.25 pm to 1.30
pm); and ii) to apply to the teachers under observation (53) the questionnaire,
described above, that had previously been applied to them. Data from those
observations are now under analysis.
The third phase of this study will characterize the school community in
terms of its norms, values and beliefs regarding energy use and environment.
The New Nature-Human Interdependence Paradigm scale (Corral-Verdugo,
Carrus, Bones, Moser, Shina, 2008), and the energy conservation scale, based
on the Norm Activation Model (Abrahamse & Steg, 2009) will be used. A
special questionnaire will be applied to the school occupants to measure their
knowledge on energy use and energy efficiency, and on renewable energy
sources.
The main outputs of this study will produce a detailed characterization of
the school community, regarding behaviour, norms, beliefs and knowledge,
concerning energy use and energy efficiency, a dimension which, according to
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Abrahamse et al. (2005), most of the studies related to energy use and energy
efficiency do not take into consideration. In this view, it is our belief that the
description of psychological variables for each group of the school community
(i.e. students, teachers, and staff) will contribute to a better understanding of
practices regarding energy use and energy efficiency in the school. It will also
allow establishing a more complete set of recommendations pertaining to the
intervention devoted to test energy efficiency under the NZES concept.
The study Efficient Transportation Systems Based On More Ecological
Mobility Patterns In The Azores Islands aims to evaluate some of the emergent
transportation processes and technologies, which, coupled with more ecological
mobility patterns, may have a profound effect on the ecological efficiency of
the islands transportation system. Its overall objective is to contribute to efficient
transportation systems, through the use of more ecological mobility patterns.
However, since the behavioural and attitudinal dimensions of mobility are of
critical importance, it will also attempt to characterize the psychological
environmental acceptance of the new proposed models (car sharing and/or
carpooling). More specifically, it will try to understand the attitudinal dimension
of mobility the set of values and beliefs that shape those mobility patterns
and the degree of acceptance to be expected from the population (attitudes,
subjective norms, control, emotions and behavioural intentions), regarding
alternative forms of mobility.
A first exploratory study was conducted to assess factors of aversion and
attraction affecting mode choice and behaviour modification. The identification
of these factors will facilitate the design of a disaggregate travel behaviour model
which directly predicts Azorean travellers modal switching behaviour, due to
either a transport service change (carpooling/carsharing as alternatives), or to
an individual desire for greener mobility behaviours. Hopefully, a utility function
based on discrete choice model will capture the influence of the alternatives,
attributes and levels, on the decision makers choice. This will allow us to
forecast the needs and expectations of current Azoreans, and thus to provide
more sustainable mobility solutions for the generations to come.
A pilot, preliminary survey (containing both Declared and Revealed
Preferences) was conducted on early July 2010, in order to test the final survey
structure and the experimental design validity, and to allow further refinement
of both zoning and sampling schemes.
Since there were no historical data to compute, even roughly, for the survey
sample sizes, the population was divided in strata (segments) disjointed and
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covering the whole island population, with the use of territorial units (counties).
Within each stratum, the rules of simple random sampling were applied, and
respondents were dimensioned by proportional affectation. 100 respondents
participated in the pilot survey. Each respondent was asked to tell his current
travel behaviour, to indicate his own levels of attraction/repulsion with a set of
statements, to choose among transport modes for four Declared Preferences
scenarios, and to provide information pertaining to some socioeconomic
characteristics.
The characteristics of the respondents, or of the decision maker, will also
integrate the mode choice model estimation, as dummy variables. Information
about these respondents indicated that, at the time of the survey, most of them
were female (68%), between the ages of 20 and 55 yrs old, employed full-time
(78 %), holding a college education (61%), with incomes at or below 2000 /
month (over 80%), had driver licenses (about 83%), of which 54% were car
owners.
The existing transport modes in So Miguel include bicycle, motorcycle,
walking, car (as solo driver or as passenger), bus, mini-bus, co-workers
carpooling and combinations of modes.
Approximately 68% of the answers indicated the current dominant
commuting mode (private car): 59% as solo drivers, and 9% as passengers.
20% of the respondents walked to work, and 8% used public transportation.
These findings can be explained by the high amount of people with driver
licenses, the high rate of car ownership, and the insufficient coverage of bus
routes and mini-bus modes in the island of So Miguel.
The purposes of most revealed preferences trips were either commuting to
work (40%) or returning to home (45%). More than 50% of responders had a
commute distance of less than 5 kilometres, with a mean distance of 9,7 kms.
This may explain why 44% of the respondents lunch at home. Commuting
time average was 18 minutes, with 50% of the trips under 10 minutes.
Respondents attitudes and perceptions of transport modes may affect their
preference and choices (Outwater et al., 2003). Core factors, motivations and
barriers or explanatory reasons are considered as attributes of the given
alternatives, affecting transport mode choice and framing mobility patterns.
Some of these latent variables were separated into four categories of responses:
factors influencing any type of travel use, factors influencing car choice, factors
influencing public transport mode choices and factors influencing carpooling
systems choice.
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costs are relatively lower than private car, and is recognized as effective for
GEE reductions. Car-sharing (10%) has induced some demand from private
car, but it was not so attractive in this case.
A broad conclusion is that private automobile mode (and ownership) is still
widely chosen, even when other private alternative car modes are given.
Nordlund et al. (2008) state that inverting the habit of using a car requires a
sufficiently important moral motivation. A three-factor interaction between
intervention, car habit and personal norm is significant for both car use as a
driver and for total car usage.
Components of habit and behaviour modification cannot, at present, be
accurately decomposed in order to integrate flawless forecast models. Still,
they emerge at the very core of the subject, and are capable of generating
dominant patterns of mobility for entire complex systems.
REFERENCES
Abrahamse, W. & Steg, L. (2009). How do
socio-demographic and psychological
factors relate to households direct and
indirect energy use and saving. Journal of Economy Psychology. 30, 711720.
Abrahamse, W., Steg, L., Vlek, C. & Rothengatter, T. (2005) A review of intervention studies aimed at household
energy conservation. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 25, 273291.
Beiro, G. & Cabral, J. A. S. (2007). Understanding attitudes towards public
transport and private car: a qualitative
study. Transport Policy, 14, 478489.
Cantillo, V. & Ortzar, J. D. (2006). Implications of thresholds in discrete choice
modeling. Transport Reviews, 26(6),
667691.
Corral-Verdugo, V. (2001). Comportamiento proambiental: una introduccin al estudio de las conductas protectoras del ambiente. Santa Cruz de
Tenerife: Editorial Resma.
Gifford, (1997). Environmental Psychology: principles and practice (2nd ed).
Needham Heights, Massachusets:
Allyn & Bacon.
Mokhtarian, P. L. & Ory, D. T. (2005).
When is getting there half the fun?
Modeling the liking for travel. Transportation Research Part a-Policy and
Practice, 39(2-3), 97-123.
Nordlund, A.M., et al. (2008). Interrupting
habitual car use: the importance of car
habit strength and moral motivation for
personal car use reduction. Transportation Research Part F 11(1), 10-23.
89
Stern, P. C., Dietz, T., Kalof, L. & Guagnano, G. A. (1995). Values, beliefs, and
pro-environmental action: Attitude formation toward emergent attitude objects. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 25, 1611-1636.
Takcs-Snta, A. (2007). Barriers to Environmental Concern. Research in Human Ecology, 14(1), 26-38.
Vugt, M. V., et al. (1996). Commuting by
car or public transportation? A social
dilemma analysis of travel mode judgements. European Journal of Social
Psychology, 26, 373-395.
Zeid, M. A. (2007). Experienced and anticipated well-being: application to travel. Psychology for Economists Course (14.137). Boston: Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
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VULNERABILIDADES SOCIO-AMBIENTALES:
OBSTCULOS Y CAMINOS HACIA LA SOSTENIBILIDAD
RICARDO GARCA-MIRA(1), ZULMIRA AUREA CRUZ BOMFIM(2), ADINA DUMITRU(3),
SUSANA ALVES(4) Y AMLIA FRAGA(5)
RESUMEN
El objetivo de este simposio es presentar estudios que tienen como objetivo discutir
sobre la temtica de la vulnerabilidad ambiental y social y proporcionar una reflexin
de los obstculos y caminos hacia la construccin de una sostenibilidad participativa.
Sabemos que la degradacin ambiental urbana es causada en su mayora por el hombre
que propicia vulnerabilidades que, a su vez, retornan al hombre a travs de los desastres
u otras formas de riesgos ambientales. Las dimensiones ambiental y social de la
vulnerabilidad dialogan de tal manera, que los desastres y cambios ambientales pueden
ser entendidos como hechos sociales, y no slo como fenmenos fsicos, pues los
grupos y sociedades que estn ms afectadas por los desastres naturales y los cambios
ambientales son aquellas que estn inmersas en situaciones de pobreza y riesgo,
privacin, desigualdad social en comunidades locales, etc. Presentaremos algunas
investigaciones que pretenden la realizacin de una reflexin sobre la asociacin entre
vulnerabilidad y determinadas situaciones de riesgo ambiental, vulnerabilidades en
contextos de desarrollo humano (jvenes y mayores) y vulnerabilidad en contextos
laborales. Como estrategia de afrontamiento para la vulnerabilidad, en estos estudios,
se incluye la sostenibilidad ambiental y social como un importante camino de
potenciacin de resiliencias. En resumen, los aspectos que se abordarn son los
siguientes:
a) Vulnerabilidades asociadas a situaciones de riesgo ambiental
a.1. Vulnerabilidad y riesgo. Los incendios forestales desde una perspectiva
comunitaria (Ricardo Garca-Mira)
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
Universidade da Corua.
Universidad Federal do Cear.
Universidade de Timisoara.
Edinburgh College of Art.
Universidade da Corua.
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VULNERABILIDADES ASOCIADAS
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del riesgo por incendio o por almacn nuclear, en un marco social o cultural
determinado, as ser la actitud de las personas afectadas en relacin con su
modo de afrontarlo, actitudes que estn moldeadas por una serie de factores
como (vase Tretting y Musham, 2000): a) el sentimiento de implicacin de la
comunidad en la toma de decisiones sobre el riesgo; b) la satisfaccin con la
informacin recibida; c) la confianza en las instituciones y en el Gobierno; d)
las propias creencias sobre los riesgos para la salud; e) el conocimiento sobre
las nuevas y modernas tecnologias de prevencin o extincin.
V ULNERABILIDAD
COMUNITARIA.
Y RIESGO .
LOS
(2)
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(3)
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Dentro de las categoras en las que se han ordenado los datos, en cuanto a
aspectos laborales generales destacan 2 unidades temticas. La primera referida
a los lugares de descanso/ pausa comida, al respecto una persona participantes
afirmaba hay seccins donde non se fai traballo continuo, quero decir, que si
se pode interrumpir o traballo en calquer momento e non pasa nada, e hai
outras seccins nas que non se pode, () nas seccins onde se pode parar si
teen comedor para poder irse a tomar o bocadillo, donde hai unhas mquinas
de bebidas quentes, fras, y logo despois en todas as seccins si hai unha zona,
non para que te poas al relajado a tomar nada pero si polo menos para que
podas tomar un refresco, un caf, de tanto en tanto (Grupo 3. Mujer. 53aos.
36trabajando a turnos, sin turno de noche); la segunda unidad temtica se
refiere a los desplazamientos casa-trabajo, otra de las personas participantes
opinaba al respecto del siguiente modo mi turno de trabajo es 7 7 y 10 horas
pero en realidad son 9 9 y 11 horas porque tengo que salir de aqu, llegar a mi
puesto de trabajo, volver o sea ya no es un turno de y eso condiciona
mucho (Grupo1. Mujer. 48 aos. 20 trabajando a turnos).
Entre los aspectos laborales ms directamente relacionados con el trabajo a
turnos cabe sealar las unidades temticas referidas, en primer lugar, a la
voluntariedad de la noche, uno de los participantes hablaba as: sobre todo,
siempre pondra un punto que creo que tiene que ser, que tenemos que luchar
por ah siempre, que es la voluntariedad, hay gente que por su ritmo biolgico
que acopla mucho mejor (Grupo2. Hombre. 37 aos. 10 trabajando a turnos);
en segundo lugar, a los criterios de edad para dividir turnos, una participante
expona que en Madrid hai sitios que s, que a xente que leva moitos anos fai
slo turno de ma e outros teen turno de tarde e os que van entrando novos
van collendo a turno de noite, nalgn hospital que eu si sei que hai que a xente
vai escollendo os turnos segn a edad que tea de antigedad na empresa pero
eso xa non nada fcil poelo (Grupo3. Mujer. 61 aos. 35 trabajando a
turnos); en tercer lugar, a los fines de semana y festivos, en relacin a ellos se
apuntaba: nosotros tenemos alguna nave que trabaja, 5 maanas, 5 tardes y 5
noches, vale? Pero siempre tiene el fin de semana libre y la gente de ah no
cambia, no quiera cambiar para otra porque tener todos los fines de semana
libres merece la pena para la gente sacrificarse (Grupo 2. Hombre. 37 aos.
10 trabajando a turnos); y en cuarto lugar a la responsabilidad personal:
descanso, trabajo fuera del trabajo a veces, el trabajo que te llevas para casa
es el de dormir, y eso no te lo paga nadie (Grupo 2. Hombre. 45 aos. 20
trabajando a turnos).
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Y SOSTENIBILIDAD
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REFERENCIAS
Abramovay, M.; Castro, M, G. Jovens em
situao de pobreza, Vulnerabilidades
sociais e Violncias. Cadernos de Pesquisa. So Paulo, 2002.
Bohle, P & Quinlan, M. (2000). Managing
Occupational Health and Safety: A
Multidisciplinary Aproach. South Yarra: Mcmillan Publishers.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (2002), A ecologia do
desenvolvimento humano: experimentos naturais e planejados. Porto Alegre: ArtMed, 2002.
Communities and Local Government. Indices of Deprivation 2007. Retrieved
October 28, 2009 from http://
www.communities.gov.uk/communities/neighbourhood-renewal/deprivation/deprivation07/003) Nuclear waste transportation: case studies of identifying stakeholder risk information
needs. Environmental Health Perspectives, 111(3), 263-272.
DfT (Department for Transport) (2005).
Home Zones. Challenging the future
of our streets. London: DfT.
Drew, C.H., Grace, D.A., Silbernagel,
S.M., Hemmings, E.S., Smith, A., Griffith, W.C., Takaro, T.K., Faustman,
E.M. (2 DETR. (2000). Sustainable Development Commission building a better quality of life: A strategy for more
sustainable construction. Department
of the Environment, Transport and the
Regions: London, UK.
Folkard, S. (2008). Shift work, safety and
aging. Chronobiology International, 25
(2&3) 183-198.
Folkard, S. y Tucker, P. (2003). Shift work,
safety and productivity. Occupational
Medicine, 53, 95-101.
Garca-Mira, R.; Real, J.E.; Uzzell, D.; San
Juan, C. & Pol, E. (2006). Coping with
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(1)
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106
107
108
109
110
111
OCUPACIN DE LA
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(3)
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(4)
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las propuestas tericas respecto a la misma. Mostrar estas dos fuerzas, estas
dos direcciones de la vida, es tarea del presente trabajo.
Por privatizacin se entender, aqu, el proceso de racionalizacin del
espacio y las relaciones sociales que inici en el siglo XIX; precisamente, cuando
el pensamiento industrial dividi a la vida en dos mitades: la mitad pblica,
donde estableci que slo se deba trabajar y producir y consumir; y la mitad
privada, donde se deba hacer todo lo dems. Dicha separacin y ordenacin,
tuvo, al menos dos consecuencias. Por una parte, la dimensin pblica de la
vida qued supeditada a las exigencias de la economa, el comercio y la
produccin: el espacio pblico se convirti, entonces, en un medio para el
movimiento de personas y mercancas: se privatiz en la medida en que el
movimiento reemplaz la idea de estar en la calle por la de atravesarla. Y por
la otra, la forma de relacionarnos en pblico qued tambin regida por la
lgica de la racionalidad capitalista, que, desde entonces y hasta ahora,
establece que en pblico uno debe de comportarse distante, indiferentemente,
como si estuviera tratando con cosas cuya importancia radica en aquello que
uno obtiene de ellas.
Ahora bien, en el fondo de dicho proceso lo que se encuentra es el proyecto
de una vida programada y definida de la misma manera para la totalidad de la
gente; programacin y definicin que, evidentemente, escapa a la misma gente,
y a la que, en consecuencia, sta tiene que acomodarse, le guste o no, lo
quiera o no. El sentimiento de que uno no controla su propia vida, de que hay
tanto qu hacer, qu cumplir, qu trabajar, proviene precisamente de aqu,
como tambin el estrs, el hasto y la violencia tan a la usanza hoy en da. Pero
todo proyecto tiene su contraparte, y as, frente y contra a una existencia pblica
privatizada, se ha venido elaborando un proyecto de vida distinto: el arte de
vivir cotidiano (ciertas prcticas, ciertas acciones, ciertos momentos) o, ms
tericamente, la esttica de la existencia elaborada por Foucault, o las propuestas
de la Internacional Situacionista, especficamente, las de Vaneigem.
ESPACIO PBLICO
NEOLIBERAL?(5)
No hay duda que desde los aos ochenta hasta estos das se han consolidado
lo que Cox (1993) denomin nuevas polticas urbanas. stas NPU se han basado
en la creciente importancia en las polticas locales de la promocin de la ciudad,
el marketing competitivo, los eventos espaciales, la regeneracin de los centros
(5)
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117
ltimo barmetro semestral del 2009, slo superado en junio del 2010 por el
paro y las condiciones laborales, a pesar de contar con un ndice de
victimizacin relativamente bajo y estable en torno al 20% de la poblacin.
El sentimiento de inseguridad ciudadana establece vnculos con factores
psicosociales que van ms mucho ms all del hecho de haber sido o no vctima
de un delito. Entre sus mltiples consecuencias negativas est la evitacin de
ciertos espacios urbanos, lo cual favorece su ocupacin por parte de grupos
socialmente excluidos, contribuyendo as a su guetizacin. En este sentido,
algunos autores vienen advirtiendo de la existencia de un proceso global de
progresiva evitacin de los espacios pblicos hacia espacios semiprivados ms
controlados y seguros, que afecta especialmente a gran parte de las ciudades
americanas y a algunas de las europeas y que pone en grave riesgo la
supervivencia del espacio pblico, entendido como un espacio de
heterogeneidad y encuentro.
El estudio observacional de los usos de 40 espacios pblicos en la ciudad
de Barcelona durante un periodo de 3 meses, llevado a cabo con la colaboracin
del Ajuntament de Barcelona est revelando, sin embargo, unos niveles de
afluencia y utilizacin de los espacios seleccionados muy elevados que pone
en cuestionamiento parte del discurso acerca de la desaparicin del espacio
pblico. Junto a una tendencia de evitacin de ciertos lugares por una parte de
la ciudadana, se encuentran tambin parques y plazas urbanas que rebosan
de actividad social en determinados momentos del da y que constituyen
verdaderos espacios de interrelacin significativa. Por contra, es la
conceptualizacin del espacio pblico como lugar seguro y ordenado la que
se desvanece. En su lugar sta se presenta como distintos lugares heterogneos,
intrnsecamente ligados a su realidad local, en los que se manifiestan las
desigualdades y conflictos propios de una sociedad urbana compleja sometida
a un continuo proceso de evolucin donde la sensacin de seguridad se trata
tan slo de algo temporal y aparente.
Las transformaciones sociales que la ciudad experimenta como resultado
entre otros factores de una mayor diversificacin tnica y de la existencia de
nuevas fracturas sociales contribuyen a una complejizacin de la convivencia
de los usos y actores en el espacio pblico que implica un aumento potencial
de la conflictividad. Sin embargo, las transformaciones no hacen los espacios
ms inseguros sino que evidencian el delicado y dinmico estado de equilibrio
que caracteriza lo urbano y la necesidad de polticas pblicas eficaces orientadas
a disminuir la tensin social y las desigualdades estructurales.
118
119
120
los espacios pblicos. Una forma de hacer ciudad y de habitar los espacios
pblicos que, lejos de responder a los intereses gubernamentales y/o a los
intereses econmico-tursticos, se genere a partir de la ciudadana y para ella.
Los espacios pblicos rebosan actividad, s, pero con frecuencia se trata de
una actividad marcada y programada, ya sea a partir del diseo del espacio
que delimita lo que hacer, ya sea a partir de las normas que regulan los
comportamientos a desarrollar. Nuestro espacio de discusin ha evidenciado,
al contrario, la necesidad de pensar y construir otros espacios pblicos, espacios
habitables donde haya cabida para todos y todas (para las mujeres, los jvenes,
los inmigrantes, los nios, la gente mayor, las personas con dificultades de
movilidad o con problemas psquicos o sensoriales, etc.). La heterogeneidad
de las formas de vida urbana tiene que encontrar su eco en un espacio pblico
que posibilite su implementacin y desarrollo, y no que ponga cortapisas al
mismo. Como apunta Bonet (2007:43) se hace necesario apostar por un modelo
de gobernanza real donde se reconozca el protagonismo social de los distintos
actores invisibilizados en la poltica formal que constituyen el tejido social
productivo metropolitano. Un modelo que no escamotee el conflicto en aras
de soluciones consensuales, sino que permita facilitar la creatividad social que
surge de la potencia del disenso, y que genere un espacio pblico incluyente,
dinmico y creativo.
Se hace necesario un espacio pblico que se despliegue y haga posible el
discurso de la cotidianeidad de la ciudad, donde se hagan visibles y posibles la
multiplicidad de prcticas sociales y urbanas que tienen lugar, a su vez, a travs
de la multiplicidad de trayectorias e interacciones sociales que se producen y
reproducen en l. Un espacio pblico que no limite las actividades, sino que
sea entendido como espacio de relacin y de interaccin por excelencia, donde
exista la posibilidad de expresarse de forma libre y alternativa. Un espacio de
movilizacin, donde se puedan inventar e implementar prcticas sociales,
nuevas e imprevistas, de toda la vida pero tambin novedosas y rompedoras.
Un espacio pblico donde todo/a ciudadano/a tenga la oportunidad de expresar
su sentir y su hacer, donde ste pueda implicarse, donde las iniciativas
ciudadanas no sean estigmatizadas, sino reconocidas y valoradas.
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e a cidade: entre o visvel e o no visvel. En Nas margens: ensaios sobre o
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BERNARDO HERNNDEZ
Universidad de La Laguna
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CONCLUSO
Com este conjunto de trabalhos pode-se concluir que:
a) O conceito de identidade do lugar necesita de umadiscriminao terica
importante que o relacione sistemticamente comoutrosconceitos
importantes da psicologa
b) Existe umnvel de definio do conceito que compaginavelcom as teoras
de Identidade, nomeadamentecomIdentidade Social, na medida em que
os sujeitosexperimentais se comportam de forma equivalente como se
estivessemsujeitos a categorizaessociais (i.e., grupos sociais)
estudadasna literatura da Psicologia Social. A exteno dos fenmenos
empricos notavel.
c) possivel distinguir conceitos relacionados com a identidade de forma
sistemtica para alm da Identidade Social, tal como as Atitudes e o
Apego/vinculo.
d) possivel relacionar estesconceitoscom teoras mais ligadas aoself como
a psicologa positiva e o conceito de felicidade.
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REFERNCIAS
Berlyne, D.E. (1974) Studies in the ne experimental aesthetics. Steps toward an
objective psychology of aesthetic
appreciation. New York: Halstead.
Bonaiuto, M.; Breakwell, G.M.; Cano, I.
(1996) Identity Processes and environmental threat: the effects of nationalism and local identity upon perception of beach pollution. Journal of
CommunityandApplied Social Psychology, 6, pp.157-175.
Brewer, M.B. (1991) The social self: on
being the same and different at the
same time. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17, 475-82.
Brewer, M.B. (1993) The role of distinctiveness in social identity and group behaviour. In M.A. Hogg and D Abrams
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Cattell, V., Dines, N., Gesler, W., & Curtis, S. (2008) Mingling, observing, and
lingering: Everyday public spaces and
their implications for well.being and
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Di Maso, A., Vidal, T. & Pol, E. (2008) La
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Dixon, J., &Durrheim, K. (2000) Displacing place-identity: A discursive approach to locating self and other. British
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Galindo, M.P., &Corraliza, J.A. (2000)
Environmental aesthetics and psychological well-being.Psychology in
Spain, 4 (1), 13-27.
Galindo, M.P., & Hidalgo, M.C. (2005)
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Figura 1. Atribucin de inmediatez del problema del cambio climtico Fuente: EBA 2009.
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Figura 3. Motivaciones para actuar contra el cambio climtico Fuente: EBA 2009.
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Figura 4. Motivaciones para no actuar contra el cambio climtico Fuente: EBA 2009.
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Andrey, J. y Mortsch, L. (2000). Communicating About Climate Change: Challenges and Opportunities. En Climate
Change Communication, Proceedings
of an International Conference. http://
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Castro, R. de (2006) La construccin social de la sostenibilidad. Perspectivas
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