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ISSN: 1667-9202

CUADERNOS DEL CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS DE

HISTORIA DEL ANTIGUO ORIENTE

ANTIGUO ORIENTE

Volumen 14

2016

Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina

Facultad de Ciencias Sociales
Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente

Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires - Argentina

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SUMARIO / INDEX ANTIGUO ORIENTE 14 (2016)

COLABORACIONES / MAIN PAPERS

The Display of Esarhaddon’s Succession Treaty at Kalḫu as a Means of

Internal Political Control
CRISTINA BARCINA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

A Neo-Sumerian Clay Nail of Gudea in the Collection of the Department of

Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch University
RENATE MARIAN VAN DIJK-COOMBES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

La memoria colectiva judía sobre Edom y su rol en la formación de la identidad

nacional judía en la antigüedad
JUAN MANUEL TEBES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

Reconsidering the Authenticity of the Berekhyahu Bullae: A Rejoinder

PIETER G. VAN DER VEEN, ROBERT DEUTSCH & GABRIEL BARKAY . . . . . . . . . . . 99

Mito y literatura en el Reino Nuevo egipcio: reflexiones sobre el relato de Los

Dos Hermanos
MARÍA BELÉN CASTRO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

RESEÑAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS / BOOK REVIEWS

Brian B. Schmidt (ed.), Contextualizing Israel’s Sacred Writings: Ancient
Literacy, Orality, and Literary Production, 2015.
Por EMANUEL PFOH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
María José López Grande, Francisca Velázquez, Jordi H. Fernández & Ana
Mezquida, Amuletos de iconografía egipcia procedentes de Ibiza, 2014.
Por SILVIA LUPO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Alfonso Fanjul Peraza, Deserts Stories & Bedouin Legends, 2015.
Por PATRICIA ARGÜELLES ÁLVAREZ. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Roxana Flammini & Juan Manuel Tebes (eds.), Interrelaciones e identidades
culturales en el Cercano Oriente Antiguo, 2016.
Por HORACIO MIGUEL HERNÁN ZAPATA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Wolfgang Schütte, Israels Exil in Juda. Untersuchungen zur Entstehung der
Schriftprophetie, 2016,
Por PABLO R. ANDIÑACH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Jan Rückl, The Sure House. Studies on the Dynastic Promise to David in the
Books of Samuel and Kings, 2016.
Por PABLO R. ANDIÑACH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
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SUMARIO / INDEX ANTIGUO ORIENTE 14 (2016)

Jack M. Sasson. From the Mari Archives: An Anthology of Old

Babylonian Letters, 2015.
Por LUCAS G. FREIRE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

POLÍTICA EDITORIAL E INSTRUCCIONES PARA LOS COLABORADORES /

EDITORIAL POLICY AND INSTRUCTIONS FOR CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
DIRECCIONES PARA ENVÍO DE ARTÍCULOS Y RESEÑAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS /
ADDRESSES FOR ARTICLES AND BOOK REVIEWS SUBMISSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
COLABORACIONES EN NÚMEROS ANTERIORES /
PAST ISSUES PAPERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
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A NEO-SUMERIAN CLAY NAIL OF GUDEA IN THE

COLLECTION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT STUDIES OF
STELLENBOSCH UNIVERSITY

RENATE MARIAN VAN DIJK-COOMBES

rmvandijk@hotmail.com
Stellenbosch University
Stellenbosch, South Africa

Summary: A Neo-Sumerian Clay Nail of Gudea in the Collection of the

Department of Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch University
This paper discusses a previously unpublished inscribed clay nail in the collection of
the Department of Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch University. The clay nail dates to
the reign of Gudea during the Second Dynasty of Lagaš during the Neo-Sumerian
period (circa 22nd century BCE), and records the building of the temple of the god
Nindara in the city of Girsu. A transcription, transliteration and English translation of
the inscription are provided. The paper further includes discussions on Nindara and
the temples of this god.
Keywords: Clay nail – Gudea – Nindara – Temple of Nindara
Resumen: Un clavo de arcilla neo-sumerio de Gudea en la colección del
Departamento de Estudios Antiguos de la Universidad de Stellenbosch
Este artículo analiza un clavo de arcilla con inscripciones que se encuentra en la
colección del Departamento de Estudios Antiguos de la Universidad de Stellenbosch,
hasta ahora inédito. El clavo de arcilla data del reinado de Gudea durante la Segunda
Dinastía de Lagaš durante el período neo-sumerio (ca. siglo XXII a.C.), y documenta
la construcción del templo del dios Nindara en la ciudad de Girsu. Se proveen una
transcripción, transliteración y traducción al inglés de la inscripción. Este artículo
también incluye debates sobre Nindara y los templos de este dios.
Palabras clave: clavo de arcilla – Gudea – Nindara – templo de Nindara

Article received: October 31st 2016; approved: December 7th 2016.

Antiguo Oriente, volumen 14, 2016, pp. 53–64

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54 VAN DIJK-COOMBES ANTIGUO ORIENTE

INTRODUCTION

In the collection of the Department of Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch

University is a previously unpublished clay nail1 (Fig. 1). This clay nail
of unknown provenance was previously in the collection of the
Department of Visual Arts of Stellenbosch University with the collec-
tion number KG 75/2. It was presumably purchased by Professor

Fig. 1. Front view of the Neo-Sumerian clay nail.

1
Also sometimes referred to as a clay clone, e.g. Edzard 1997: 4 et passim; Hallo 1962: 3 et
passim, but see Von Dassow (2009: 76–77) for problems with this designation.

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ANTIGUO ORIENTE A NEO-SUMERIAN CLAY NAIL OF GUDEA 55

Schröder of the Department of Visual Arts. The clay nail is broken at

the tip and in its present form measures 12,5 cm. in length. The head of
the clay nail is 6,2 cm. in diameter, and the shaft measures 4,4 cm. at
the base of the head, and 2,3 cm. at the tip.
At the base of the head the clay cone is an eight-line inscription
in the cuneiform script. The bottom of this inscription is worn, espe-
cially in lines 5–7. The inscriptions can be restored as follows:

d
1 nin-dar-a For Nindara
2 lugal-[uru16] The powerful master
3 lugal-a-ni His master
4 gù-dé-a Gudea
5 énsi Ruler
6 lagaš.[KI][-ke4] Of Lagaš
7 é-gír-[su][.KI]-ka-ni His House of Girsu
8 mu-na-dù Built

Gudea, ruler of Lagaš, built for the god Nindara, the powerful master,
his master, his House of Girsu.

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56 VAN DIJK-COOMBES ANTIGUO ORIENTE

The clay nail therefore dates to the reign of Gudea of Lagaš

towards the end of the 22nd century BCE.2 Its inscription is not unique,
which allows for the restoration of the missing cuneiform signs. In the
Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia series, it is type E3/1.1.7.31.3
Edzard4 records 154 examples of this inscription, with 145 of these
being on clay nails. Suter5 records 159 examples, with 151 being on
clay nails. Of these, 69 clay nail inscriptions are from Tello, 2 are from
Uruk, 1 is from Larsa, and 79 are of unknown provenance.6 The clay
nail in the Stellenbosch University collection can be added to the clay
nails of unknown provenance which bear this inscription. Although this
inscription is only eight lines long, much can be learned from it.

COMMENTARY

Clay Nails

Clay nails differ from foundation pegs in that whereas one foundation
peg, usually made of metal, would be buried vertically in the founda-
tions of a building, many clay nails were placed horizontally in the
walls of the superstructure of the building.7 Clay nails were embedded
in exterior walls of buildings,8 roughly a metre apart from each other.9
The clay nails were meant to mark the property to which they
were affixed as belonging to a certain individual.10 In this way, clay
nails which were inscribed with dedications to deities marked the

2
The exact date of Gudea’s reign is uncertain, but at least part of it coincided with that of Ur-
Nammu, the founder of the Third Dynasty of Ur (Steinkeller 1988), which places Gudea’s reign
towards the end of the 22nd century BCE.
3
Edzard 1997: 13–131.
4
Edzard 1997: 130.
5
Suter 2000: 23.
6
Suter 2000: 298.
7
Ellis 1968: 85, 90. See Ellis (1968: 46–93) for more on foundation pegs. See also von Dassow
(2009: 77–79) for more on the differences between pegs and nails in Mesopotamian architecture.
8
von Dassow 2012: 124.
9
Chiera 1938: 93.
10
Ellis 1968: 87.
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ANTIGUO ORIENTE A NEO-SUMERIAN CLAY NAIL OF GUDEA 57

building to which they were originally affixed as being the property of

the deity to whom they, and therefore the building itself, were dedicat-
ed. Additionally, because many clay nails bearing the same inscription
would be used for one building, they could help identify that building
if it fell into disuse or ruin, or if it was to be renovated.11

Gudea

Gudea (line 4) was the seventh ruler of the Second Dynasty of Lagaš,
and is well-known today for his statuary—over twenty statues are
known, the exact amount is debated based on authenticity, whether the
statues from the art market are authentic or forgeries, and identity,
whether the uninscribed statues represent Gudea or another royal figure
from the Second Dynasty of Lagaš.12 The Gudea Cylinders, the longest
extant text in the Sumerian language,13 record the building of the
Eninnu, the main temple at Girsu, modern-day Tello, the religious cap-
ital of the Lagaš city-state, which was dedicated to Ningirsu, the patron
deity of Lagaš. Gudea was so well respected and revered during his
own time that he was posthumously deified, with his cult being contin-
ued by the Third Dynasty of Ur.14

Nindara

Nindara (line 1) was the husband of the goddess Nanše. Nanše and
Nindara were the city deities of Nina,15 modern Zurghul, a harbour city
in the southeast of the city-state of Lagaš.16 This is evidenced in
11
von Dassow 2012: 126.
12
For example, Colbow (1987: 121–147) catalogues 20 statues, Edzard (1997: 29–67) provides
the inscriptions for 26 statues, and Suter (2000: 29) notes 21 statues. See Muscarella (2005) for
the difficulties with the subjectivity of judging the Gudea statuary as authentic.
13
For transliterations, translations, and discussions on the Gudea Cylinders, see Edzard 1997:
68–106 RIMEP E3/1.1.7.CylA-E3/1.1.7 Cylfragms 11(+)2 and 12; Römer 2010; and Suter
2000.
14
Suter 2012: 61.
15
Also Niĝin, Nenua or Ninâ, Edzard 1998–2001: 322–323.
16
Edzard 1998–2001: 322; Frayne 2008: 78.
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58 VAN DIJK-COOMBES ANTIGUO ORIENTE

Segment A:15 of the Ḫendersaĝa Hymn where Nindara is called the

“king of Niĝun [Nina] in its spacious location.”17 Nindara is also called
“the lord of the holy sea” in the Ḫendersaĝa Hymn,18 which may be
linked to his rulership of Nina, which, as mentioned, was a harbour
city.
The Ḫendersaĝa Hymn also describes Nindara as “the king of
Lagaš,”19 but this title better suits Ningirsu, the tutelary deity of the
Lagaš state. The cult of Nindara was centred at Ki’esa, which was in
the “Nähe von Lagaš,”20 but he also had places of worship in Girsu, as
evidenced by the clay nail under discussion and similarly inscribed
artefacts, in Nina, and in the temple of dnin-MAR.KI in Gu’aba, in the
southeast of the Lagaš state.21
Lugal-uru16, “the powerful master” (line 2) is Nindara’s most
common epithet.22 Gudea also once refers to Nindara as “the master
and warrior” in the inscription of Statue B viii:53–54.23 The epithet
“powerful master” was already used for Nindara during the Early
Dynastic period by Enannatum I in a royal inscription on a boulder now
housed in the British Museum BM 11439924 and by Enmetana in an
inscription on a door socket now housed in the Iraq Museum.25 The epi-
thets “the powerful master” and “the master and warrior” represent
Nindara as a mighty and formidable god, which is further supported by
the inscription on Gudea Statue B ii:12–15 which describes Gudea as
the one “to whom Nin-dara gave strength.”26

17
etcsl t.4.06.1. For the transliteration in the etscl, see http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-
bin/etcsl.cgi?text=c.4.06.1# and for the English translation, see http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-
bin/etcsl.cgi?text=t.4.06.1#
18
etcsl t.4.06.1 Segment A:25.
19
etcsl t.4.06.1 Segment A:26.
20
“vicinity of Lagaš,” Edzard and Farber 1974: 98.
21
Selz 1995: 217.
22
Falkenstein 1966: 88.
23
Edzard 1997:37 RIMEP E3/1/1/7/StB viii:53–54.
24
Frayne 2008:182 RIMEP E1.9.4.10.
25
IM number unknown. Frayne 2008: 225 RIMEP E1.9.5.20.
26
Edzard 1997: 31 E3/1.1.7.StB ii:12–15.
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ANTIGUO ORIENTE A NEO-SUMERIAN CLAY NAIL OF GUDEA 59

A similar epithet is known for Nanše, nin-uru16(-n), “powerful

mistress,” and, according to Selz,27 can identify Nindara as the mascu-
line equivalent of this goddess. In this regard, the Sumerian composi-
tions Nanše and the Birds relates how Nanše created birds,28 and in the
Ḫendersaĝa Hymn Nindara is called darmušen,29 which can be translated
“the cock”30 or “francolin.”31 Although the exact meaning of darmušen is
uncertain, the mušen determinative makes it clear that Nindara is
described as some kind of bird, and Nanše and Nindara can therefore
both be associated with birds and with each other.

The Temple of Nindara

The clay nail records the building of the Temple of Nindara in Girsu
(line 7). This is not the only temple of Nindara which was built (or
rebuilt) by Gudea. A royal inscription of Gudea on a steatite tablet
which was excavated at Ur and is now housed in the British Museum,
BM 119012, records that Gudea built Nindara’s temple at Ki’esa, the é-
làl-túm, the “House producing date syrup.”32 One of Gudea’s year
names is “year: the house of Nin-dara was built.”33 The question is to
which temple of Nindara does this refer, because if it refers to the tem-
ple at Girsu, the clay nail can be dated to a specific year in the reign of
Gudea. Falkenstein34 suggests that the temple at Girsu is the temple
mentioned in the year name, but also states that this temple is once
called the é-làl-túm in Ki’esa, and because these represented two dis-
tinct temples, the year name cannot refer to both temples. Edzard35
identifies the year name as referencing the rebuilding of the é-làl-túm
temple at Ki’esa.
27
Selz 1995: 217.
28
For this text and a full discussion thereof, see Veldhuis 2004.
29
Etcsl c.4.06.1.
30
Etcsl t.4.06.1 Segment A:25.
31
Veldhuis 2004: 234. Although Veldhuis (2004: 122) also translates darmušen as “partridge.”
32
Edzard 1997: 132 RIMEP E3/1.1.7.32.
33
Edzard 1997: 27.
34
Falkenstein 1966: 88.
35
Edzard 1997: 28.
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60 VAN DIJK-COOMBES ANTIGUO ORIENTE

The first mention of a temple of Nindara is in the Early

Dynastic III period in two inscriptions of Enannatum I, one being a
clay tablet from Lagaš now in the Iraq Museum (IM 76644), and the
other an inscribed boulder of unknown provenance now in the British
Museum (BM 114399). Both inscriptions record Enannatum’s restora-
tion of this temple.36 Because these inscriptions record the restoration
of Nindara’s temple, and not its building, the original temple must date
to before the Early Dynastic III period. The inscription on AO 9, a stat-
ue of Ur-Bau, Gudea’s predecessor, also records the building of a tem-
ple for Nindara.37 However, neither the Enannatum I inscriptions or the
Ur-Bau inscription give more information regarding the location of the
temple, and George38 notes that these inscriptions could refer to either
the temple at Girsu or the é-làl-túm temple at Ki’esa.
A royal inscription of Uruinimgina/Urukagina39 on a tablet
from Lagaš and now in the Louvre, AO 4126, records an attack by
Lugal-Zagesi of Umma against Lagaš in which “in Ki’eš, he [Lugal-
Zagesi] plundered the temple of Nindara and bundled off its precious
metals and lapis lazuli.”40 Because the cult of Nindara was centred at
Ki’esa, it could logically be argued that the é-làl-túm temple was of
such importance, and its rebuilding was so important that it would be
recorded in a year name of Gudea. However, the temple in the year
name is merely “é-dnin-dar-a,”41 and not é-làl-túm as could be expected
if this was the temple which was built. Other year names of Gudea
include “mu ÍD.dnin.g̃ír.su-ušumgal ba-ba-al-la,” “year: the canal
‘Ningirsu, the dragon’, was dug,” and “mu balag̃ ušumgal-kalam-ma

36
Frayne 2008: 171 RIMEP E1.9.4.2 iv:7–8; 182 RIMEP E1.9.4.10 i:11–ii:3 respectively.
37
Edzard 1997: 19 RIMEP E3/1.1.6.5 v:2–3.
38
George 1993: 118, 167.
39
For more on the reading of this name, see for example Edzard 1991 and Lambert 1992. See
also Frayne (2008: 245–246), who calls this ruler “URU-KA-gina,” for a discussion on the
previous literature of the reading of the name. The present work follows the more recent trend
to use both names, as for example Selz (2005: 17), “Uru-inimgina/Iri-KA-gina,” and Marchesi
and Marchetti (2011: 244), “Uru’inimgina, Urukagina” who also transcribe the name as
“Eri’enimgennâk.”
40
Frayne 2008: 278 RIMEP E1.9.9.5 v:3–7.
41
Edzard 1997: 27; Falkenstein 1966: 8.
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ANTIGUO ORIENTE A NEO-SUMERIAN CLAY NAIL OF GUDEA 61

ba-dím-ma,” “year: the harp ‘Dragon of the Land’ was fashioned.”42

This suggests that if an object or structure had a unique name, like
Nindara’s é-làl-túm temple at Ki’esa, that this name would be included
in the year name rather than the more generic “é-dnin-dar-a,” or “tem-
ple of Nindara.” This would argue instead that the temple mentioned in
Gudea’s year name is the temple of Nindara at Girsu, which is simply
called the é-gír-su, the “house of Girsu” or the “temple located at
Girsu,” and which does not appear to have a unique name as the é-làl-
túm at Ki’esa does.
Furthermore, Suter43 lists 159 records for the building of the
temple of Nindara at Girsu—one foundation tablet, seven bricks and
151 clay nails—but only one foundation tablet which records the build-
ing of the temple of Nindara at Ki’esa. While the lack of objects record-
ing the building of the temple at Ki’esa can be partly explained by the
fact that Ki’esa has not been located or excavated, this cannot fully
explain it because, as previously mentioned, of the 151 clay nails
recording the building of the temple at Girsu, only 69 of these were
excavated at Tello/Girsu. This suggests that if the building of the é-làl-
túm at Ki’esa was of such importance that its building was commemo-
rated in one of Gudea’s year names, that more objects recording this
building would be known. The evidence then seems to point to the
Gudea year name referring to the building of the temple of Nindara at
Girsu, and not the building of the é-làl-túm at Ki’esa.

CONCLUSIONS

Although the provenance of the clay nail in the collection of the

Department of Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch University is unknown
and the inscription is only eight lines long, it provides a wealth of infor-
mation about its origin. The inscription on the clay nail is a dedication
to the god Nindara and marks both itself and the temple to which it was
attached as the property of this god. The original location of the clay
42
Edzard 1997: 27.
43
Suter 2000: 23.
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62 VAN DIJK-COOMBES ANTIGUO ORIENTE

nail was therefore the temple of Nindara at Girsu, and it can be dated
to a specific year in the reign of Gudea because of the year name which
mentions the building of this temple.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper was written within the framework of a Post-Doctoral

Research Fellowship at Stellenbosch University. My thanks to Izak
Cornelius of the Department of Ancient Studies of Stellenbosch
University for granting me permission to study and publish the clay
nail.

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