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Ixcatec language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ixcatec
Xwja, Xjuani
Native toMexico
RegionOaxaca
EthnicityIxcatecos
Native speakers
195 (2020)[1]
Latin
Official status
Official language in
 Mexico
Regulated byInstituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas }
Language codes
ISO 639-3ixc
Glottologixca1245
ELPIxcatec
Ixcatec is classified as Critically Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

Ixcatec (in Ixcatec: xwja or xjuani) is a language spoken by the people of the Mexican village of Santa María Ixcatlan, in the northern part of the state of Oaxaca. The Ixcatec language belongs to the Popolocan branch of the Oto-Manguean language family. It is believed to have been the second language to branch off from the others within the Popolocan subgroup, though there is a small debate over the relation it has to them.[2]

According to the Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, there were only 8 speakers of the language in 2008.[3] In 2010, 190 speakers of Ixcatec were registered.[4] In 2020, 195 people reported speaking the language .[1] The small number of current speakers is the result of a steady decline over the last 60 years, which can be attributed to anti-illiteracy campaigns by the Mexican government that discouraged the use of indigenous languages, migration from the area to the cities, and the small initial population of speakers of the language.[5]

Despite the lack of historical documentation in Ixcatec, written speech has been observed to use Latin script following the arrival of the Spaniards.[6] The earliest document written in Ixcatec is from 1939, when native speaker Doroteo Jiménez wrote a letter to Lázaro Cárdenas, the president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940.[7] Later on, an orthography for the language had begun development in the 1950s with reliance on the Spanish alphabet when necessary.

Ixcatec derives its name from the Nahuatl word ichcatl meaning 'cotton'. In Spanish it can be referred to by the term ixcateco, in which the added on suffix -teco stems from the Nahuatl suffixes -teca/-tecatl which means 'inhabitant of a place', especially one with a name ending in -tlan or -lan. This term can be traced back to the eighteenth century.[8]

Classification

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The Ixcatec language belongs to the Oto-Manguean language family, and to the Popolocan branch. The closest languages to Ixcatec, genetically speaking, are Mazatec, Chocholtec and Popolocan.[4]

Characteristics

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Like other Oto-Manguean languages, Ixcatec is a tonal language and it distinguishes between long and short vowels. Due to the low number of speakers, Ixcatec is considered a language with a high risk of disappearing.

Phonology

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Consonants

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The following table presents the consonants of Ixcatec. Plosives can be voiceless or voiced (the second row contains the voiceless plosives while the third contains the voiced ones) as well as affricates. The voiceless bilabial stop /p/ and the trill /rr/ are the only consonants to be borrowed from Spanish (though there is only one case in which /p/ possibly was not: ʔu2ča1pi1 [ʔu2ša1pi1] ‘cenzontle’.[9]

Ixcatec Consonants
Labial Dental Alveolar Alveopalatal Velar Glottal
Plosive voiceless p t tʲ ⟨ť̌⟩[a] k ʔ[b]
voiced b d dʲ ⟨ď̌⟩[c] ɡ
Fricative f[d] s ʃ ⟨š⟩[e] x[f] h
Affricate voiceless t͡s ⟨c⟩ t͡ʃ ⟨č⟩
voiced d͡ʒ ⟨ǯ⟩
Nasal m n[g] ɲ ⟨ñ⟩
Approximant[h] w j ⟨y⟩
Lateral l
Rhotic trill r ⟨rr⟩[i]
flap ɾ ⟨r⟩[i]
  1. ^ /tʲ/ and /tʲh/ appear only before the vowels /u/ and /ũ/.[10]
  2. ^ /ʔ/ always appears word-initially before a vowel, in a middle position between them, or forming a part of a consonant cluster.[11]
  3. ^ The voiced consonants /d͡ʒ/ and /dʲ/ are always preceded by the nasal /n/ and almost always by /g/.[10]
  4. ^ The voiceless labiodental fricative /f/ occurs in a few verb forms where it is preceded by a slight velar stop [kf].[10]
  5. ^ [ʃ] is pronounced as retroflex [ʂ] when it is directly before a vowel, but elsewhere it is palatalized [ʃ].[10]
  6. ^ /x/, a voiceless velar fricative, is anterior before an /i/ or /e/ and slightly posterior before an /o/ or /u/.[12]
  7. ^ /n/ becomes velarized [ŋ] before a /g/.
  8. ^ The approximants have a limited distribution: /w/ does not occur in a word-initial position and /j/ is similar in a few cases.[13]
  9. ^ a b While /r/ has once been classified as a voiced alveolar flap [ɾ],[14] /r/ can also be classified as a voiced alveolar trill [r], usually denoted with /rr/. However, Veerman (2001) argues that there is no phonemic contrast between the two.[13]

Most consonant groupings contain one of the following consonants: /ʔ/, /h/, and /n/. /ʔ/ and /h/ occur in the final position of a grouping, but precede nasals and /j/ whereas /n/ usually precedes a voiced consonant: /mb/, /nd/, /nd͡ʒ/, /ŋg/, etc.[15]

Vowels

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There are five oral and five nasal vowels in the Ixcatec inventory. The following table presents the pairs of vowels with the oral one preceding the nasalized version.

Front Central Back
Close i ĩ u ũ
Mid e ẽ o õ
Open a ã

Vowels are grouped into diphthongs or non-diphthongs. A diphthong contains the vowel /i/ or /u/ (or their nasal counterparts) followed by a different vowel.[16] However, both components of the diphthong must have the same manner of articulation (oral or nasal). Diphthongs generally appear in inflectional forms of stems ending in /i/ or /u/, or their nasalized versions, and are represented with one tone.

Additionally, vowels can be distinguished by length. A long vowel is composed of two of the same vowels with identical tones. It is represented with two vowels and a single tone (e.g. cee2 ‘do’, ce2 ‘moss’). A word-final long vowel can also be the result of suffixation. For example, the word ra2te3 ‘sandal’ followed by the suffix that indicates third-person possession creates ra2tee3 ‘his/her sandal’.[10]

Phonological Alternations

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A change in context influences the sound of the consonant /h/. /h/ is pronounced as a glottal fricative [h] in a nasal context and when it is near a consonant other than [r]. Some examples include thi2 ’cane’ [thi2] and nĩ1he˜2 ‘three’ [nĩ1he˜2]. However, in an oral context and when following an /r/, it becomes velarized, as is the case with si1hi3 ’foot’ [si1xi3].[10]

Tone

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There are three tones in Ixcatec. They are represented by superscript numbers following vowels, which are the main carriers of tone. They are as follows: 1 indicates a high tone, 2 indicates a medium tone, and 3 indicates a low tone. The distinction between tones is greatest between stressed syllables since they lose most of their distinctive value in syllables that precede a stressed one. Tones may undergo changes due to the influence of adjacent tones and morphological processes.

There are nine possible combinations of tones within disyllabic words according to Fernandez (1950):[17]

Disyllabic Tone Combinations
Combination Example
1-1 ti1ye1 'black'
1-2 cu1txe2 'trash'
1-3 kwa1te3 'short'
2-1 na2ʔmi1 'cure'
2-2 tyu2si2 'lemon'
2-3 ša2xu3 'dew'
3-1 ši1ke3e3 'his/her herb'
3-2 ya3šwi2 'stick'
3-3 ka3ne3 'boiled maize dish'

Fernandez (1950) also proposed twenty-six hypothetical combinations of tones within trisyllabic words.[18]

Syllable Structure

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The syllable structure in Ixcatec is CVT in a word-initial position, and (C)VT in a non-initial position.[19] C represents a consonant or a group of consonants. Syllables that begin with a vowel only appear in a non-initial position. The initial consonant can also be the voiceless glottal stop, /ʔ/, but it does not occur when it directly precedes a vowel. V can be a simple vowel, a long vowel, or a diphthong, and T represents one tone. Disyllabic words are composed of two different tones.

Although stress is difficult to perceive in most words, it is believed that it falls on the penultimate syllable. The stress causes a prolonged articulation, slightly or prominently, on the consonant or group of consonants that follow it. The stress is clearly shown in the inflected forms, where it is displaced as a result of suffixing a syllable of the CVT type. For example, the form of the word ra2te3 ‘sandal’ is pronounced [ra2tte3] with the /t/ slightly lengthened. However, in the form ra2te3ni1 ‘our sandals’, the stress moves towards the penultimate syllable where it is expressed by lengthening the consonant /n/: [ra2te3nni1].[19]

Morphology

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Processes

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The most general morphological process in Ixcatec is affixation. However, one known account of complete reduplication occurs when the adjective ʔi1 ‘small’ becomes ʔi1ʔi1 when pluralized.[20]

Another morphological process is tonal change. In almost all the verbs and some nouns, tonal change indicates past or future tense.[20]

Past Future
kwa1te3 ‘to have cut’ kwa3te3 ‘to cut’
kwa2cu3ndu2 ‘night’ kwa1cu2nda2 ‘night’

When there is a vowel /i/ in the last two syllables of a disyllabic or trisyllabic noun, and the possessive suffixes of the second and third persons are added, the final /i/ becomes lowered and centralized. For example, nǰi2xi3 ‘pasture’ becomes nǰi2xe3e3 ‘his pasture’.[21]

Regressive assimilation occurs in disyllabic words that have an /a/ in each syllable separated by the glottal stop /ʔ/. To form the possessive of the third person singular and plural, the first vowel assimilates to the one in the suffix.[21] For instance, na2ʔa1 ‘mother’ becomes ne2ʔe1e1 ‘her mother’.

Grammatical Persons

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The nominal phrase has at least a noun or a pronoun that frequently precedes an article and one or more adjectives. The subject of possession is expressed within the noun by the addition of an ending.[22]

There are four inflected forms for the first person, second person, third person, and collective subjects. Personal pronouns are optionally used to emphasize the person of the subject, or to avoid confusion between subjects. The pronouns that correspond to the four grammatical persons are i2na1na3 (first person), i2la3 (second person), su2wa2 (third person), and i2ni1 (first person plural).[22]

Respect shown towards a second-person subject is expressed by adding the enclitic ri1 to the end of the second-person pronoun: i2la3ri1 (‘you’ formal, equivalent to usted in Spanish). The third-person pronoun is commonly followed by a coreferential pronoun indicating the gender or plurality of the third person. This pronoun corresponds to an antecedent noun: su2wa2da3 ‘he/him’, su2wa2kua3 ‘she/her’, su2wa2ba3 ‘it’ (as with animals), and su2wa2ma3 ‘them’.[22]

Nouns

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Nouns can be either subjects or sentence complements. Most of the multisyllabic nouns in this language are compounds. The first component is generally a morpheme that classifies the noun in one of various generic classes, which includes trees, animals, flowers, people, etc. These classifying prefixes correspond to nouns with a particular generic class. For instance, the noun u2 ‘animal’ is used as a classifying prefix u2- in the names of animals. The second component of nouns does not have any significant meaning and thus cannot function on its own.[23]

Some nouns that are used most frequently as classifiers in noun compounds are:[24]

Class Examples
/u2/, animal Animals: u2- u2ni2ña3 ‘dog’

u2hñu3 ‘turkey’

/yaa3/, tree Trees and wooden objects: ya2- ya2nge2 ‘Encino’
/ ť̌u2/, round object Fruits and round objects: ť̌u2- ť̌u2škũ2 ‘eye’
/chu2/, flower Flowers: chu2- chu2ro1sa1 ‘rose’
/dii3/, man Men: di2- di2či2nga1 ‘a group of men’

Possessives

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Nouns that refer to body parts or kinship require the expression of a possessor, almost always a possessive suffix, while others, such as natural phenomena and wild animals, do not. Nouns express the person of a possessor by adding to their subjects specific suffixes and enclitics. The regular endings of the possessive include -ña na (first person), -aa (second person), -ee (third person), and -ni (first person plural).[25]

There are four inflectional possessive classes apart from a small number of irregular nouns: Class I, Class II, Class III, and Class IV.[26]

Class I

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This class is the largest of the inflectional classes. The endings of nouns in this class generate a high tone in the final vowel of the word. This vowel does not change its quality in the first-person singular and plural forms but produces a reduction of vowels in the second and third-person forms. There are two subclasses, Ia and Ib, which differ only in the ending of the third-person forms.[26]

The endings are:[26]

1st person singular -ña1na3
2nd person -a1a2
2nd person (formal) -aa1ri2
3rd person -ee1 (Ia)/ -ee2 (Ib)
1st person plural -ni2

The majority of the nouns in this class take the endings of Subclass Ia. Monosyllabic nouns in this subclass have a medium tone while the disyllabic ones have a sequence of two medium tones and multisyllabic ones end in a sequence of two medium tones.[27]

Class II

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Tonal raising is not carried out in the nouns of this class. The majority of these nouns end in a low tone, which makes up Subclass IIa, whereas others end in a medium tone, subclass IIb. These conserve the medium tone in all inflectional forms and include monosyllabic as well as multisyllabic names. The formal form of the second-person is followed by the enclitic ri1. [28]

The endings are:[28]

1st person singular -ña1na3
2nd person -aa3 (IIa) / -a2a3 (IIb)
2nd person (formal) -aa3ri1 (IIa) / -a2a3ri1 (IIb)
3rd person -ee3 (IIa) / -e2e3 (IIb)
1st person plural -ni1

Class III

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Nouns in this class share certain irregularities in their inflected forms that reveal paradigm shifts by analogy with Subclass IIa.  The endings are:[29]

1st person singular -na3 ~ -ña1na3
2nd person -a1a3
2nd person (formal) -ri1
3rd person Ø ~ -ee1
1st person plural -ni2 ~ -i1 or -i3

Class IV

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Borrowed terms indicate the person of the possessor with the morphemes of the Ixcatec system. The type of accent that nouns receive in Spanish pronunciation, flat or acute, is diagnostic for its possessed forms in Ixcatec.[30]

Nouns with an accent of plain origin form Subclass IVa. They are pronounced with a high tone in the penultimate syllable and can also be in the final. The tone in syllables that precede a stressed syllable is sub-differentiated and pronounced with a medium or low tone. The endings of Subclass IVa coincide with those of Subclass IIa apart from the endings of the first person singular and plural:[30]

1st person singular -ña2na3
2nd person -aa3
2nd person (formal) -aa3ri1
3rd person -ee3
1st person plural -ni2

Nouns that have an acute accent in Spanish comprise Subclass IVb. They have a high tone in the final syllable of the stem while the tone is sub-differentiated in the preceding syllable. The endings of this subclass coincide with Subclass Ia except for the ending of the first person.[31]

Nouns that have an acute accent in Spanish comprise Subclass IVb. They have a high tone in the final syllable of the stem while the tone is sub-differentiated in the preceding syllable. The endings of this subclass coincide with Subclass Ia except for the ending of the first person.[31]

1st person singular -ña2na3
2nd person -a1a3
2nd person (formal) -aa1ri2
3rd person -ee1
1st person plural -ni2

Plurality

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The plural expression for personal pronouns is optional, and the same forms are commonly used to reference the singular as well as the plural. For example, to emphasize the plural of the second-person pronoun, different forms of tuihu3, a verbal root with an inherent meaning of plurality, are added to the original form: i2la3ri1tu1hu3ri1 ‘you’ (formal).[23]

However, when it is expressed in a noun it is only to indicate the plurality of the possessor. The absolute noun expresses number through lexical means with the use of numerals or other adjectives indicating quantity.[23]

Examples
hngu2 nǯi2ʔa2 ‘a house’
u1hu2 nǯi2ʔa2 ‘two houses’
u1ča1 nǯi2ʔa2 ‘many houses’

Syntax

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The Nominal Phrase

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Adjectives

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Nouns and pronouns can go before or after the different classes of adjectives and articles. Adjectives are demonstrative, qualifying, or quantitative. Most adjectives can also be used as adverbs. The order of the nominal phrase is as follows: article, quantitative adjective, noun, demonstrative adjective, and qualifying adjective. Additionally, the particle la2 is often found between the noun and its modifier. Its function is seemingly syntactic though its use is optional.[32]

Demonstrative adjectives follow the noun that they describe. The demonstrative rii2 indicates a relatively close distance much like the word ‘this’ whereas raa2 indicates a farther distance similar to ‘that’.[33]

ya2ši1la1 rii2 ‘this seat’
ya2ši1la1 raa2 ‘that seat’

They often appear in conjunctive and prepositional forms, such as:[33]

šta1 raa2 ‘after that’
nda1 raa2 ‘so that’
nda2 me1 raa2 ‘that is’

Quantitative adjectives precede the noun that they are modifying. This class pertains to all adjectives that express a quantitative concept, including numerals.[34]

ku2si2ne2

half

li1tru1

liter

chĩ2

milk

ku2si2ne2 li1tru1 chĩ2

half liter milk

‘half a liter of milk’

či1hngu2

another

ť̌hĩ2

day

či1hngu2 ť̌hĩ2

another day

‘another day’

Qualifying adjectives follow the nouns they modify. An adverb, a demonstrative, or the particle la2 can be inserted between a noun and a qualifying noun:[35]

šu2wa3

gourd

ti1ye1

black

šu2wa3 ti1ye1

gourd black

‘black gourd’

ya2

basket

š2

that

rii2

big

šhe1

 

ya2 š2 rii2 šhe1

basket that big

‘that big basket’ Mismatch in the number of words between lines: 4 word(s) in line 1, 3 word(s) in line 2 (help);

A noun that expresses possession is repeated before an adjective or replaced by the particle la2: [36]

šhu3ni1

our.cave

šhu3

cave

šhe1

big

šhu3ni1 šhu3 šhe1

our.cave cave big

‘our big cave’

šhua1ni2

our.Language

la2

PTCL

šhũ1

beautiful

šhua1ni2 la2 šhũ1

our.Language PTCL beautiful

‘our beautiful language’

An adjective in predicative function goes before the noun:[36]

ť̌ʔui1

clean

ʔnee1

his/her.clothes

ť̌ʔui1 ʔnee1

clean his/her.clothes

‘his/her clothes are clean’

The suffix of negation -ʔa2na1 follows a predicated adjective, but precedes the enclitic for grammatical person:[37]

si1ʔa1 ‘you are lazy’
si1ʔa2ʔa2na1 ‘you are not lazy’
ñu1ma1 mi2 ‘I am poor’
ñu1ma1 ʔa2na1 mi2 ‘I am not poor’

Articles

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The definite article sa1 or sa2 is rarely used and less so when the determination is ambiguous. It is used most often with names of people or nouns that refer to people as well as nouns indicating possession. Additionally, it precedes the noun just like quantitative nouns and can be interchanged with the particle la2. The tone of the determinate article frequently coincides with the first tone of the noun it precedes.[38]

sa2

mi2č

ʔa2

sa2 mi2č ʔa2

‘the woman’

pdu2ha3

puerta

ndiee1

his.house

sa2

the

ho2se1

Jose

pdu2ha3 ndiee1 sa2 ho2se1

puerta his.house the Jose

‘the door of Jose’s house’

Pronouns

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Coreferential pronouns are used in coreference with a noun, subject or object, mentioned earlier in conversation. They indicate the gender of this noun in third-person forms of the possessive, verb, or the personal pronoun su2wa2. [39]

Each one of the four pronouns is morphologically related to the prefixes for noun classifiers.[40]

Pronoun Classifier
da2 In names of masculine persons di2-
kua2 In names of feminine persons kua2-
ma2 In names of groups of people mi2-
ba2 In names of animals u2-

Third-person pronouns are formed by placing the personal pronoun before the coreferential pronouns:[22]

su2wa2 da3 ‘he’
su2wa2 kua3 ‘she’
su2wa2 ba3 ‘it’ (animal)
su2wa2 ma3 ‘them’

Verbs

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Ixcatec is a head-marking language with arguments of transitive and intransitive verbs being marked by various suffixes.[41] Word order is SV when unmarked. Subject arguments precede the verb in main clauses whereas adverbial clauses cause them to follow the verb instead with a cross-reference suffix attached to the verb.[42] However, word order for mono-transitive main clauses is strictly SVO.[43]

Verbs can be inflected for grammatical persons and number by means of suffixes attached to stem words.[44]

Suffix Person Examples
-na3 First (singular) šte2na3 ‘I dance’

ba2ka2na2 ‘I jump’

-i1 First (plural) šti1 ‘we dance’

ba2ki1 ‘we jump’

-ri2 Second (singular; formal) šte2ri2 ‘you dance’

ba2ka2ri1 ‘you jump’

-ma3 Third (plural) šte1ma3 ‘they dance’

ba2ka2ma2 ‘they jump’

The prefixes ba2tu2- and kwa1tu2- represent present and past tense and are distinct in the third-person plural form:[44]

ba2tu2ba2ne2 ‘they eat’
kwa1tu2ba2ne2 ‘they ate’

In interrogatives forms there are affixes indicating person as well:[45]

bu2- (second-person plural; formal) nda1ču2 bu2šte2 ‘Why did you dance?’
nda1ču2 bu2ba2ka2 ‘Why did you jump?’

In past and future tenses, the prefix ku- can be used with different versions of its spelling corresponding to the initial phoneme of the verb. Another prefix is xw-.[46]

pi2na3 ‘I go’
xwi2na3 ‘I went’
xwi1na3 ‘I will go’

Vocabulary

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Numbers

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  • /hngu²/: one
  • /ju¹hu¹/: two
  • /nĩ¹hẽ²/: three
  • /njũ¹hũ¹/: four
  • /ʃʔõ¹/: five
  • /ʃhõ³/: six
  • /ja¹tu²/: seven
  • /hni²/: eight
  • /nĩ¹njẽ²/: nine
  • /ʔu²te³/: ten

Interrogatives

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Frequently used pronoun interrogatives almost always contain a variation of the consonant clusters ndi- or nda-:[40]

Interrogatives
ndi2ra2 'where'
nda1ra2 'what'
ndi2sa1 'when'
nda2cu1 'why'
nde2de1 'how/what'
nda2na1ra2 ~ ya2ra2 'who'

Notes

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  1. ^ a b "Diferentes lenguas indígenas". cuentame.inegi.org.mx. Retrieved 2023-01-21.
  2. ^ Fernandez de Miranda, Maria Teresa. (1956). Glotocronologia de la familiar popoloca. Mexico, DF: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH)
  3. ^ Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, "SÓLO QUEDAN OCHO HABLANTES DE XWJA O IXCATECO EN SANTA MARÍA IXCATLÁN, OAXACA", Press Release, May 27, 2008
  4. ^ a b "Ixcatecos – Lengua". Atlas de los Pueblos Indígenas de México. INPI (in Mexican Spanish). Retrieved 2023-01-21.
  5. ^ Monaghan, John D. and Jeffrey Cohen, "30 Years of Oaxacan Ethnography," in "Supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, Volume 6: Ethnology," Victoria R. Bricker, John D. Monaghan, Eds. University of Texas Press, 2000.
  6. ^ Evangelia Adamou. The Popolocan languages. Soeren Wichmann. Languages and Linguistics of Mexico and Northern Central America: A Comprehensive Guide, Mouton de Gruyter, In press. ⟨halshs-03153566⟩
  7. ^ Swanton, Michael. (2008). La escritura indigena como "material linguistico". Una carta en lengua ixcateca al presidente Lazaro Cardenas. In van Doesburg, Sebastian (ed), Pictografia y escritura alfabetica en Oaxaca, 353-387. Oaxaca: Instituto Estatal de Educacion Publica de Oaxaca
  8. ^ Evangelia Adamou. The Popolocan languages. Soeren Wichmann. Languages and Linguistics of Mexico and Northern Central America: A Comprehensive Guide, Mouton de Gruyter, In press. ⟨halshs-03153566⟩ p. 3
  9. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950.
  10. ^ a b c d e f Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358., p. 326
  11. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. pp. 21-22
  12. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p.25
  13. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358. p. 326
  14. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p.27
  15. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358., p. 327
  16. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 326
  17. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p.30
  18. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p.30-32
  19. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 327
  20. ^ a b Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p. 58
  21. ^ a b Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p. 59
  22. ^ a b c d Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 329
  23. ^ a b c Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 330
  24. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, pp. 330-31
  25. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 332
  26. ^ a b c Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 334
  27. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, pp. 334-35
  28. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 336
  29. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, pp. 337-38
  30. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 339
  31. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 340
  32. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, pp. 344-45
  33. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 345
  34. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 346
  35. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 348
  36. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 349
  37. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 350
  38. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, pp. 350-51
  39. ^ Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 352
  40. ^ a b Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología, 35, 323–358, p. 354
  41. ^ Adamou, E. (2021). Subject preference in Ixcatec relative clauses (Otomanguean, Mexico). Studies in Language., 41(4), 872–913., p. 881
  42. ^ Adamou, E. (2021). Subject preference in Ixcatec relative clauses (Otomanguean, Mexico). Studies in Language., 41(4), 872–913., p. 882
  43. ^ Adamou, E. (2021). Subject preference in Ixcatec relative clauses (Otomanguean, Mexico). Studies in Language., 41(4), 872–913., p. 883
  44. ^ a b Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p. 66
  45. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. pp. 66-67
  46. ^ Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1950. p. 68

References

[edit]
  • Evangelia Adamou. The Popolocan languages. Soeren Wichmann. Languages and Linguistics of Mexico and Northern Central America: A Comprehensive Guide, Mouton de Gruyter, In press. https://shs.hal.science/halshs-03153566
  • Fernandez Carrillo, Maria Teresa. (1959) “FONEMICA DEL IXCATECO.” Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
  • Veerman-Leichsenring, A. (2001). Ixcateco: La Frase Nominal. Anales de Antropología., 35, 323–358.
  • Veerman‐Leichsenring. (2004). Popolocan Noun Classifiers: A Reconstruction. International Journal of American Linguistics., 70(4), 416–451. https://doi.org/10.1086/429208
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