Infertility remains a neglected issue in Bangladesh’s reproductive health policy; instead, the emphasis has always been on the problem of overpopulation. As a result the dominant state ideology in Bangladesh is related to controlling...
moreInfertility remains a neglected issue in Bangladesh’s reproductive health policy; instead, the emphasis has always been on the problem of overpopulation. As a result the dominant state ideology in Bangladesh is related to controlling fertility, and the implementation of Family Planning programmes has become a success story for the country (Ahmed and Chowdhury, 1999; Country Report, 2006). Although no epidemiological study has been conducted in the national level to know the prevalence rate of infertility in Bangladesh, a global review of infertility from the World Fertility Survey and others estimated infertility rates in South Asian countries stated 4% in Bangladesh. Another estimate of overall primary and secondary infertility in South Asia, on the basis of women at the end of their reproductive lives in the age group 45-49 years, suggests an infertility rate of approximately 15% in Bangladesh (Vaessen, 1984; Farely, 1988, cited in Kumar, 2007), which is the highest among all South Asian countries. There is evidence that potential causal factors of infertility are also widely present in Bangladesh. Studies showed that in the South Asian region reproductive health problems such as sexually transmitted diseases (STD), urinary tract infections (UTI), reproductive tract infections (RTI), unhygienic delivery, postpartum infection and unsafe obstetric and abortion procedures are linked to sepsis and pelvic infections, which can cause infertility (Unisa, 2010; Ali et al., 2007; Prasad 2005; WHSEA, 2002a; Jejeebhoy, 1998). A report by WHSEA (2002b) suggested that the prevalence of STDs in Bangladesh is still unknown, but following their analysis of small scale studies conducted between 1989 and 1997, Bangladesh has a high prevalence of STDs. Other investigation reported that the estimated number of people with STDs in the country is around 2.3 million (SDNP-2002). A recent study of truck drivers in Bangladesh found a high prevalence of the herpes simplex virus (HSV-2), at 25.8% (Gibney et al., 2002). WHSEA’s (2002b) report also suggested that in Bangladesh the prevalence of RTIs amongst women is 56% in rural and 60% in urban settings. It is noted in addition, that because of the under-reporting of secondary infertility in health facility based studies, the information that is available on causes of infertility is likely to consistently underestimate the role of infections, which are the most frequent cause of secondary infertility, 55% as reported by WHSEA (2002a). Compounding the problem is the increasing number of abortions and unhygienic birth practices in Bangladesh, which can also result in a higher likelihood of pelvic infections. It has been observed that only 5% of births in Bangladesh are attended by a health professional (WHSEA, 2002b) and abortion practice have increased in recent times in the country (Rahman, 2000). A cross-sectional study revealed that 66% of the women surveyed reported that they had experienced at least one complication during their last pregnancy and/or childbirth (Ahmed et al., 1998). Furthermore, the other indirect causal factors of infertility are also worth mentioning here, such as poverty, tuberculosis, malnutrition, anaemia, and low-birth-weight. For example it is already acknowledged that poverty increases the risk of infertility in many ways, for example, the scarcity of water and the lack of access to nutrition and health care make women more vulnerable to RTI, which may cause secondary infertility among them (Unnithan-Kumar, 2001). This is the case in Bangladesh, where 36% of people live below the poverty level. Also a number of studies done in India found that tuberculosis is another indirect causal factor of female infertility (Haque, 2002; Kumar, 2008). Haque (2002) reported globally Bangladesh ranks as the fourth highest country in terms of the prevalence of TB, and contains 3.6% of the TB cases diagnosed worldwide. There is also evidence of the effect of maternal nutritional status, e.g. weight and mid-arm circumference, and anaemia on the incidence of sterility (Jejeebhoy, 1998; Singh, 2007). According to a Human Development report, 59% of young girls suffer from chronic malnutrition in Bangladesh (WHSEA, 2002b). This is further confirmed through the Government of Bangladesh Country Report (2000), which stated that approximately 70% of pregnant mothers in Bangladesh suffer from malnutrition and high rates of anaemia (Country Report, 2000). Another factor contributing to infertility is low-birth-weight, with 50% of all infants in Bangladesh being born underweight (Fuchs, 1992). In addition to these practical issues, infertility has a deep cultural dimension. Whilst Bangladesh is an anti-natalist state, the society is pro-natalist. For various economic, cultural and religious reasons children are necessary and extremely valued in this society. Consequently, being childless has a wide range of consequences for both rural and urban Bangladeshi women, in terms of social stigma, familial violence, and psychological or economic disadvantages, with the essence of all these consequences being ‘suffering’. Studies show that in a patriarchal society like Bangladesh where motherhood is synonym of womanhood, childlessness destroys the identity of womanhood, which results in marginalisation (Nahar and Richters, 2011; Nahar, 2010b, 2010c, 2012). However, despite the fact that there are significant potential risk factors for infertility in Bangladesh, and that infertility results is a serious disruptions to people’s/women’s wellbeing, there are hardly any services available for infertility in Bangladesh (UNFPA, 1996). In a comparatively recent discussion of maternal health in Bangladesh, Graham (2001), by using the source of ‘Bangladesh Demography and Health Survey’ data, provided a list of reproductive health care services in Bangladesh. There too was no mention of infertility service in the list. A more recent qualitative exploration, the experiences of infertile women in terms of their health seeking in Bangladesh, found that there are hardly any public or NGO services for infertile people/ women. Along with a wide range of informal private services, there are only a few biomedical services available in the private sector, and these are expensive (Nahar, 2010a). With this as a backdrop, in this paper I will explore the stakeholders’ views on the lack of infertility services in Bangladesh.