EOKA

Leadership

EOKA was headed by Georgios Grivas, a Greek Army officer, World War I and World War II veteran. During the Axis occupation of Greece in World War II, he led a small, anti-communist resistance^[b] group, named Organization X.^[23][24] During the anti-communist struggle of December 1944 in Athens after the Axis withdrawal he was saved due to British intervention.^[25] Grivas assumed the nom de guerre Digenis in direct reference to the legendary Byzantine Digenis Akritas who repelled invaders from the Byzantine Empire.^[26] Second in command in EOKA was Grigoris Afxentiou, also a former officer of the Greek army. Afxentiou had graduated from the reserves Officers Academy in 1950 without previous experience on battlefield.^[27]

Objectives

The main objective of EOKA was Enosis. The organization adopted typical Greek national ideologies and displayed religious, conservative and anticommunist ideas.^[2][3] This was in agreement with the prevailing ideas of Cypriot society at the time.^[28][29] There was a widespread belief that leftists opposed national objectives and provided a certain support to the colonial regime^[30] contrary to other contemporary anti-colonial insurgencies in Africa or Asia, which were led by Marxists.^[31]

Grivas and Archbishop Makarios III disagreed about the way to rid the island of British rule. Grivas rejected Makarios' attempt to limit the campaign to acts of sabotage, avoiding loss of life. Nevertheless, he shared Makarios' view that victory would be won by diplomatic means.^[32] Grivas' goal was to subject the British to continued relentless harassment, making it clear to them that occupation carried a price, while keeping Enosis on the international diplomatic agenda.^[33] The British response to the EOKA campaign was crucial in this regard: repression would on the one hand alienate the Greek Cypriot population from British rule, and on the other hand provide Makarios and the Greek government with a stick to beat the British with before the United Nations. EOKA would ensure that there was a Cyprus problem and demonstrate to the world that the British could not resolve it.^[33]

Preparations

Grivas carried out a first reconnaissance in Cyprus as early as July 1951.^[34] Makarios was certainly skeptical, telling Grivas on one occasion that he would not find supporters for an armed struggle. The British shared the same view. Grivas finally arrived on the island in early November 1954 and set about establishing his underground network.^[35] He recruited from the Cyprus Farmers' Union (PEK) in the villages and from the two main youth movements, the Church-controlled Christian Youth Movement (OHEN) and the nationalist Pancyprian Youth Movement (PEON) in the towns.^[35][36] Grivas intended to turn the youth of Cyprus 'into the seedbed of EOKA'.^[35] The backbone of EOKA were the mountain groups, a conventional guerrilla force living in hidden camps in the forests, and the town groups, often continuing their civilian job or schooling.^[35] Supporting this armed wing was the much broader National Front of Cyprus (EMAK), which provided EOKA with intelligence, supplies, weapons, medicines, recruits and safe houses, confronted the British on the streets with demonstrations and riots and conducted the propaganda offensive.^[35]

ANE

ANE (Greek: Άλκιμος Νεολαία ΕΟΚΑ – "Alkimos Neolaia EOKA", lit. 'Alkimos Youth EOKA') was the EOKA youth movement during the struggle for enosis between 1955 and 1959. The youth organisation had a self-governing body that was directly responsible to the leader of EOKA, Digenis. Among its activities was demonstrating against the British rule in Cyprus.^[37]

From April 1955 to the dismissal of governor Armitage (October)

The armed struggle started on the night of 29 March – April 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of Markos Drakos as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.^[38][39][40] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.^[38] Grivas also prohibited attacks on the Turkish Cypriots at the time, and only wanted British soldiers and Greek collaborators to be targeted.^[41] The British, not expecting this turn of events, reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt.^[40]

At the end of April EOKA attacks temporarily paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth.^[42] A second offensive was launched on 19 June with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials.^[43][44][45] One of those bombings demolished the building of the Famagusta Police headquarters.^[43] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings, bombings and increased public disorder.^[43] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the armed resistance.^[46][47]

In August, two Special Branch members were assassinated in separate incidents. The raising of the Greek flag during demonstrations usually led to clashes with the colonial authorities, the latter removing it by force if necessary.^[43] Another major EOKA success was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou.^[43]

From October 1955 to March 1956 (Operation Forward Victory, phase I)

The new British governor John Harding arrived at 3 October.^[58] Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, and both agreed on commencing what became known as Harding-Makarios negotiations.^[59][60] Increased security and stepping up military might was of Harding's priorities.^[61] On 26 November, Harding declared a State of Emergency – that meant, amongst other things, implementation of the death penalty for non-fatality crimes. ^[62] Repressive legislation and troop reinforcements did not succeed. The Greek Cypriot population was hostile and the Special Branch was neutered.^[63] The British response was large-scale cordon and search operations which rarely resulted in arrests or the discovery of arms caches, but which invariably alienated those whose houses were searched or who were roughed up and dragged off to be screened. Collective punishments, far from undermining support for EOKA, only succeeded in making the Greek Cypriots more hostile to British rule.^[63] Moreover, Harding viewed Cyprus very much as a pawn in the Cold War global situation: on 13 December he banned AKEL and detained 128 of its leading members, effectively crippling the only political party in Cyprus that opposed EOKA.^[63]

The inevitable result was to increase sympathy for EOKA and to assist its recruitment efforts. The problem was that the Greek Cypriot community was overwhelmingly in favour of Enosis. Far from moderates emerging with whom Britain could do a deal.^[64] It was this popular support, enabling Grivas and his small band of guerrillas to take on the growing security apparatus that Harding was marshaling against him, that sustained the armed struggle.^[64] It became clear that EOKA did have an effective intelligence apparatus and that the guerrillas were often forewarned of security intentions. Schoolchildren, domestic servants, civilian personnel on the military bases, the police, all were enlisted by Grivas in the intelligence war while the security forces were operating in the dark.^[64]

Operation "Forward to Victory" (Greek name) was launched on 18 November and was accompanied by several bomb attacks.^[65] In the urban areas, schoolchildren had a prominent role in the EOKA struggle. The Battle of Flags, escalated during the Autumn of 1955 and peaked in January and February 1956– that kept British forces busy away from chasing down EOKA.^[66][67] Schoolboys were not only participating in riots and stone-throwing against the police, but some of them were also trained to throw bombs and carry assassinations.^[68] Bombs by guerrillas and youngsters were thrown at British personnel houses, police stations and army camps.^[69][70] In some cases, EOKA members managed to steal some weaponry.^[71] The British were never to succeed completely eliminating EOKA agents from the police force.^[49]

The struggle continued in the mountains as the guerrillas expanded their network in the Troodos mountains. However, due to harsh winter conditions in addition to certain British military pressure, the activity of EOKA temporarily eased.^[72] By the end of February 1956 the British were involved in suppressing a veritable schoolchildren revolt that left one boy shot dead and the island's school system almost completely closed down.^[49]

March 1956 to March 1957 (Operation Victory, phase II)

After the failure of Makarios-Harding negotiations the British government abruptly exiled Makarios to Seychelles on 9 March 1956.^[73] This triggered a week long general strike followed by a dramatic increase in EOKA activity: 246 attacks until 31 March including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Harding. The offensive continued into April and May and the British casualties averaged two killed every week.^[74] While Harding's forces were making ground up in the mountains,^[75] EOKA guerrillas and youth were trying to assassinate members of the security forces at their leisure time or alleged traitors.^[76]

EOKA focused its activity to urban areas during this period. House bombings and riots, mostly by schoolboys, forced army to keep forces away from the mountains where EOKA's main fighters were hiding. Apart from individual citizens or soldiers in their leisure time, army and police facilities were attacked totaling 104 house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations.^[c][81] But as the pressure of Harding mounted, Grivas began targeting Turkish Cypriot policemen effectively sparking inter-communal riots and a series of strikes.^[82][83]

Harding escalated his fight against EOKA organizing a series of operations in April–July^[d] Harding also upgraded his intelligence network including the creation of the notorious X-platoon.^[85] On 10 May the first two EOKA prisoners were hanged and Grivas responded with the execution of two British soldiers.^[74] The British were concerned to counter EOKA's mountain units. Large scale operations were launched however Grivas managed to escape.^[86] He decided to move to Limassol where he established his new headquarters. Although Grivas escaped, the Troodos operations had some success for the British: 20 guerrillas and 50 weapons were captured. However, they ended up with a disaster: at least 7 British soldiers were killed and additionally 21 were burned to death by accident. The last incident overshadowed the first real success against the EOKA guerrilla forces.^[86]

On 9 August the British authorities hanged three more EOKA prisoners; however, Grivas did not retaliate this time. Widespread strikes were held in protest.^[87] In November 1956 due to the Suez Crisis large numbers of British troops were transferred off Cyprus allowing Grivas to launch a new offensive. EOKA launched a wave of attacks in what would become for the British "Black November" with a total of 416 attacks, 39 killed, 21 of them British. After the Suez debacle, the British military strength was increased to 20,000 and Harding managed to direct a new offensive.^[87]

Although EOKA activity was severely suppressed in the mountains its armed struggle continued in the urban areas while the British forces were apparently impotent.^[88][86][89] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957 which lasted nearly one year.^[89]

From March 1957 to November 1957

Harding continued to pressure EOKA despite the unilateral truce imposing security measures on villagers. This backfired at the British Forces as EOKA made gains in the field of propaganda.^[90][91][92]

Meanwhile, PEKA^[e] was continuing the struggle for Enosis with political means, while EOKA was trying to recruit new members. Priests and teachers, under strict secrecy, were the scouting for young men aged 14–24, and were mostly successful.^[93] Grivas reorganized EOKA's structure.^[94] By Autumn, Grivas was increasing his autonomy from Greece and Makarios and was planning to attack the Left and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek government and Makarios were unable to prevent those initiatives.^[95]

December 1957 – August 1958 (Foot governorship and intercommunal violence)

Sir Hugh Foot arrived in Cyprus in December 1956, when it was obvious that a military victory for the British was not imminent.^[119][120] Grivas at that time was planning a gradual escalation of EOKA's attacks on the British forces but in mid-December, he called for a truce to give space for negotiations to take place. The truce broke on 4 March 1958 when a new wave of attacks was unleashed but this time, Grivas ordered his guerrillas not to attack Turkish Cypriots to avoid intercommunal violence that could lead to partition.^[121]

From August 1958 to the Zurich and London Agreements

British authorities were unable to suppress EOKA activity, so the British government was trying to reach a solution that would not embarrass Britain. The MacMillan Plan put an effort in this direction. Greeks rejected the plan as they saw it as an open door leading to the partition of the island and Grivas cancelled the truce on 7 September.^[140] A new armed campaign was launched and the targets differed significantly from the previous periods. Grivas ordered guerrillas to "strike indiscriminately at every English person wherever they can be found" resulting in the death of 8 British citizens in 104 incidents attacks in the following two months.^[141] But while the military force of EOKA was growing, Greek Cypriots were getting frustrated from the intercommunal violence and the struggle against the British. Makarios hinted in an interview that he was ready to shift his stance and accept an independent Cyprus. This development infuriated Grivas but was backed by influential members of the Greek Cypriot Community. EOKA was losing its broad support base. ^[142]

During the last months of 1958, all parties had reasons to favour a compromise. Greek Cypriot side was afraid that partition was becoming more and more imminent, Greece was anxious that the ongoing situation could lead to a war with Turkey, Turkey had to manage the ongoing crises at its eastern borders and the British did not want to see NATO destabilizing because of Greek-Turkish war. On 5 December, the foreign ministers of Greece and Turkey acknowledged the situation and a series of meetings were arranged that resulted in London-Zürich Agreements. This was a compromise solution in which Cyprus would become an independent and sovereign country.^[143] Both Makarios and Grivas accepted the agreements with a heavy heart, but Turkish-Cypriot leadership was enthusiastic about the compromise. On 9 March 1959, Grivas issued a leaflet declaring his acceptance to London agreements.^[144]

According to historian Heinz Richter, the activities of EOKA resulted in the death of 104 British soldiers, 54 policemen (among them 15 Greek Cypriots, 22 Turkish Cypriots and 12 British) and 238 citizens (among them 26 British, 203 Greek Cypriots and 7 Turkish Cypriots)^[145]

Museums and Monuments

A memorial museum dedicated to the EOKA campaign was created in 1960. It is located in the centre of Nicosia.^[153]

There are various monuments dedicated to the members of EOKA who died during the years of combat who are largely regarded as war-time heroes by Greek-Cypriots. Part of the central jail of Nicosia established by British governor Harding functions after the Cypriot independence as a museum. This includes the prisons cells, the gallows and the "Incarcerated Graves" of 13 EOKA fighters who were either executed or killed by the colonial authorities.^[154]