Chuvash language

Chuvash (UK: /ˈtʃuːvɑːʃ/ CHOO-vahsh,^[3] US: /tʃʊˈvɑːʃ/ chuu-VAHSH;^[4] Чӑвашла, translit. Çăvaşla, IPA: [tɕəʋaʃˈla])^[a] is a Turkic language spoken in European Russia, primarily in the Chuvash Republic and adjacent areas. It is the only surviving member of the Oghur branch of Turkic languages, one of the two principal branches of the Turkic family.^[5]

This article should specify the language of its non-English content, using {{lang}}, {{transliteration}} for transliterated languages, and {{IPA}} for phonetic transcriptions, with an appropriate ISO 639 code. Wikipedia's multilingual support templates may also be used. (May 2019)

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Chuvash
Çăvaşla
Чӑвашла
Pronunciation	[tɕəʋaʃˈla]
Native to	Russia
Region	Volga region (esp. Chuvashia)
Ethnicity	1.05 million Chuvash (2020 census)[1]
Native speakers	740,000 (2020 census)[1]
Language family	Turkic Oghuric Chuvash
Writing system	Cyrillic
Official status
Official language in	Chuvashia (Russia)
Language codes
ISO 639-1	cv
ISO 639-2	chv
ISO 639-3	chv
Glottolog	chuv1255
Chuvash is classified as Vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger[2]
Chuvash native speaker distribution
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

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The writing system for the Chuvash language is based on the Cyrillic script, employing all of the letters used in the Russian alphabet and adding four letters of its own: Ӑ, Ӗ, Ҫ and Ӳ.

Chuvash is the native language of the Chuvash people and an official language of Chuvashia.^[6][7] There are contradictory numbers regarding the number of people able to speak Chuvash nowadays; some sources claim it is spoken by 1,640,000 persons in Russia and another 34,000 in other countries^[8] and that 86% of ethnic Chuvash and 8% of the people of other ethnicities living in Chuvashia claimed knowledge of Chuvash language during the 2002 census.^[9] However, other sources claim that the number of Chuvash speakers is on the decline, with a drop from 1 million speakers in 2010 to 700,000 in 2021; observers suggest this is due to Moscow having a lack of interest in preserving the language diversity in Russia.^[10] Although Chuvash is taught at schools and sometimes used in the media, it is considered endangered by the UNESCO,^[11][12] because Russian dominates in most spheres of life and few children learning the language are likely to become active users.

A fairly significant production and publication of literature in Chuvash still continues. According to UNESCO's Index Translationum, at least 202 books translated from Chuvash were published in other languages (mostly Russian) since ca. 1979.^[13] However, as with most other languages of the former USSR, most of the translation activity took place before the dissolution of the USSR: out of the 202 translations, 170 books were published in the USSR^[14] and just 17, in the post-1991 Russia (mostly, in the 1990s).^[15] A similar situation takes place with the translation of books from other languages (mostly Russian) into Chuvash (the total of 175 titles published since ca. 1979, but just 18 of them in post-1991 Russia).^[16]

Chuvash is the most distinctive of the Turkic languages and cannot be understood by other Turkic speakers, whose languages have varying degrees of mutual intelligibility within their respective subgroups. Chuvash is classified, alongside the long-extinct Bulgar, as a member of the Oghuric branch of the Turkic language family, or equivalently, the sole surviving descendant of West Old Turkic.^[17] Since the surviving literary records for the non-Chuvash members of Oghuric (Bulgar and possibly Khazar) are scant, the exact position of Chuvash within the Oghuric family cannot be determined.

Despite grammatical similarity with the rest of Turkic language family, the presence of changes in Chuvash pronunciation (which are hard to reconcile with other members of the Turkic family) has led some scholars to see Chuvash as originating not from Proto-Turkic but from another proto-language spoken at the time of Proto-Turkic (in which case Chuvash and all the remaining Turkic languages would be part of a larger language family).^[18]

Italian historian and philologist Igor de Rachewiltz noted a significant distinction of the Chuvash language from other Turkic languages. According to him, the Chuvash language does not share certain common characteristics with Turkic languages to such a degree that some scholars consider Chuvash as an independent branch from Turkic and Mongolic. The Turkic classification of Chuvash was seen as a compromise solution for classification purposes.^[19][b]

The Oghuric branch is distinguished from the rest of the Turkic family (the Common Turkic languages) by two sound changes: r corresponding to Common Turkic z and l corresponding to Common Turkic š.^[20] The first scientific fieldwork description of Chuvash, by August Ahlqvist in 1856, allowed researchers to establish its proper affiliation.^[21]

Some scholars suggest Hunnish had strong ties with Chuvash^[22] and classify Chuvash as separate Hunno-Bulgar.^[23] However, such speculations are not based on proper linguistic evidence, since the language of the Huns is almost unknown except for a few attested words and personal names. Scholars generally consider Hunnish as unclassifiable.^{[24][25][26][27]} Chuvash is so divergent from the main body of Turkic languages that some scholars formerly considered Chuvash to be a Uralic language.^[28] Conversely, other scholars today regard it as an Oghuric language significantly influenced by the Finno-Ugric languages.^[29]

The following sound changes and resulting sound correspondences are typical:^[30][31]

Most of the (non-allophonic) consonant changes listed in the table above are thought to date from the period before the Bulgars migrated to the Volga region in the 10th century; some notable exceptions are the č > ś shift and the final stage of the -d > -ð > -z > -r shift, which date from the following, Volga Bulgar period (between the 10th-century migration and the Mongol invasions of the 13th century). The vowel changes mostly occurred later, mainly during the Middle Chuvash period (between the invasions and the 17th century), except for the diphthongisation, which took place during the Volga Bulgar period. Many sound changes known from Chuvash can be observed in Turkic loanwords into Hungarian (from the pre-migration period) and in Volga Bulgar epitaphs or loanwords into languages of the Volga region (from the Volga Bulgar period). Nevertheless, these sources also indicate that there was significant dialectal variation within the Oguric-speaking population during both of these periods.^[31]

In the 8-10th centuries in Central Asia, the ancient Turkic script (the Orkhon-Yenisei runic script) was used for writing in Turkic languages. Turkic epitaphs of 7-9th centuries AD were left by speakers of various dialects (table):

• Often in the Chuvash language, the Common Turkic sounds of /j/ (Oghuz), /d/ (Karluk), /z/ (Kipchak) are replaced by /r/, example rhotacism:

Words for "leg" and "put" in various Turkic languages:

j - languages (Oguz): ajaq, qoj-

d - languages (Karluk): adaq, qod-

z - languages (Kypchak): azaq, qoz-

r - languages (Oghur): ura, hur- (dial. ora, hor-) ^[32]

• Often in the Chuvash language, the Turkic sound /q/ is replaced by /h/, example hitaism:

Comparison table^[32]

Сhitacism (Q > H)

• The -h- sound disappears if it is the final sound of a syllable.

Dudaq - Tuta - Lips instead of Tutah

Ayaq - Ura - Leg instead of Urah

Balyq - Pulă - Fish instead of Pulăh

Ineq - Ĕne - Cow instead of Ĕneh ^[32]

• Turkic sound -j- (oguz) and -ž- (kipchaks) is replaced by chuvash -ş-, example:

Words in Turkic languages: egg, snake, rain, house, earth

Oguz: jumurta, jylan, jagmur, jurt, jer (turk., azerb., tat.,)

Kipchaks: žumurtka, žylan, žamgyr, žort, žer (kyrgyz., kazakh.)

Chuvash: şămarta, şĕlen, şămăr, şurt, şĕr ^[32]

• The Turkic sound -š- is replaced by the Chuvash -L-, example lambdaism:

Comparison table^[32]

• In the field of vowels, we observe the following correspondences: the common Turkic -a- in the first syllable of the word in Chuvash correspond to -u- and -o-.

Comparison table^[32]

In modern times, in Chuvash [a] remains, Tatar "kapka" ~ Chuvash "hapha" (gate), when there should be a "hupha" from the root "hup - close".

• In the field of vowels, G. F. Miller observes another example when -u- is replaced by -wu- or -wă-

Comparison table^[32]

• The fricative -g- in some words in Chuvash corresponds to -v-

Comparison table^[32]

Ogur and Oguz

It is well known that the Oguz group of Turkic languages differs from the Kipchak in that the word “I” was pronounced by the Oguzes and Ogurs in ancient times by "bä(n)", and the rest of the Turks - by "män". Transition b < m. There is such a difference in the modern Turkic languages of the Volga region:

tat., bash. Min, ogur/chuv. Epĕn (< *pen), turk. Ben, eng. «I am»;

tat., bash. Mең, ogur/chuv. Pin', turk. Bin, eng. «thousand»;

tat., bash. Milәš, ogur/chuv. Pileš, eng. «rowan»;

tat. Мәçә, ogur/chuv. Pĕşi, Pĕşuk, az. Pišik, eng. «cat»;

tat. Miçеү, ogur/chuv. Piçev, eng. «buckle»

The linguistic landscape of the Chuvash language is quite homogeneous, and the differences between dialects are insignificant. Currently, the differences between dialects becoming more and more leveled out.^[33]

Researchers distinguish three main dialects:

• Upper dialect (Viryal) - upstream of the Sura, preserves the /o/ sound in words like ot "horse"
• Middle dialect (mixed, transitional);
• Lower dialect (Anatri) - downstream of the Sura, changes the /o/ sound to /u/ in words like ut "horse"

The word at means "horse" in Turkish language.

The Upper dialect is closer to the Oguz, the lower dialect - which is closer to the Kipchaks.

The Malokarachinsky dialect is designated as occupying a separate position.

The literary language is based on both the Lower and Upper dialects. Both Tatar and the neighbouring Uralic languages such as Mari have influenced the Chuvash language, as have Russian, Arabic and Persian, which have all added many words to the Chuvash lexicon.

All dialects established to date have their own sub-dialects, which have their own exceptional features and peculiarities, thereby they are divided into even smaller dialect forms. It turns out a dialect matryoshka where there are basic dialects, and these dialects are divided in turn into sub-dialects.

The following dialect ramifications in the Chuvash language have been identified:

1) as part of the upper dialect, the subdialects are: a) Sundyrsky; b) Morgaussko-Yadrinsky; c) Krasnochetaysky; d) Cheboksary; e) Kalininsko-Alikovsky;

2) in the zone of the middle dialect: a) Malocivilsky; b) Urmarsky; c) civil-marposadsky;

3) in the zone of the grassroots dialect: a) Buin-Simbirsk; b) Nurlatsky (prichemshanye);

Phonetic differences:

a) All words of the Upper dialect (except exc. Kalinin-Alikov subgroup) in the initial syllable, instead of the "lower" sound -U- is used -O- for example:

In English: yes, six, found

in Turi: por, olttă, toprăm

in Anatri: pur, ulttă, tuprăm

b) In the upper dialect in the Sundyr sub-dialect, instead of the sound -ü- (used in all other dialects), the sound -ö- is used, which is a correlative soft pair of the posterior -o-, for example:

in English: hut, back, broth

in Turi: pӧrt, tӧrt, šӧrpe

in Anatri: pürt, türt, šürpe

с) In the upper dialect (in most sub-dialects) the loss of the sound -j- before the sonorant -l-, -n-, -r- and stop -t- is characterized, which in turn entails palatalization of these consonants, for example:

in English: russian woman, choose

in Turi: mar'a, sul'l'a

in Anatri: majra, sujla

d) In the higher dialect (for most sub-dialects), gemination of intervocalic consonants is characteristic, as in the Finnish language, for example:

in English: shawl, drunk, crooked

in Turi: tottăr, ĕssĕr, kokkăr

in Anatri: tutăr, üsĕr, kukăr

In general, gemination itself is the norm for the Chuvash language, since many historically root words in both dialects contain gemination, for example: anne (mather), atte (father), picche (brother), appa (sister), kukka (uncle), pĕrre (one), ikkĕ (two), vişşĕ (three), tvattă (four), pillĕk (five), ulttă (six), şiççĕ (seven), sakkăr (eight), tăhhăr (nine), vunnă (ten), etc. Some linguists are inclined to assume that this is the influence of the Volga Finns at the turn of the 7th century when the ancestors of the Chuvash moved to the Volga, there are those who disagree with this statement. In one of the subgroups of the Trans-Kama Chuvash, in the same words there is no gemination at all, for example, the word father is pronounced as Adi, and mother as Ani, their counting looks like this: pĕr, ik, viş, tvat, pül, şiç, sagăr, tăgăr, vun - but many scientists assume that this is a consequence of the influence of the Tatar language. They also have many words in the Tatar style, the word “hare - kuşana” (tat.kuyan) is “mulkach” for everyone, “pancakes - kujmak” for the rest is ikerchĕ, “cat - pĕşi” for the rest is “sash”, etc.

e) In the middle and upper dialects there are rounded vowels -ă°-, -ĕ°- (pronounced with the lips rounded and slightly pulled forward), in the lower dialect this is not observed, here they correspond to the standard sounds -ă-, -ĕ-.

f) In the upper and lower dialects, consonantism is distinguished by the pronunciation of the affricate sound -ç-. Among the upper Chuvash and speakers of the middle dialect, the sound -ç- is almost no different from the pronunciation of the Russian affricate; in the lower dialect it is heard almost like a soft -ç-, as in the Tatar language.

Morphological differences:

a) In the upper dialect there are synharmonic variants of the plural affix -sam/-sem, and in the lower dialect only -sem, for example:

in English: horses, sheep, meadows, cows, flowers

in Turi: lašasam, surăhsam, şaramsam, ĕnesem, çeçeksem

in Anatri: lašasem, surăhsem, şeremsem, ĕnesem, çeçeksem

b) In the upper dialect (in most sub-dialects) the affix of the possessive case is -jăn (-jĕn), the dative case is -ja (-je), while in the lower dialect -năn (-nĕn, -n), -na (-ne), For example:

in Turi: lašaiăn, ĕnejĕn, lašaja, ĕneja, ĕneje

in Anatri: lašan(ăn), ĕnen(ĕn), lašana, ĕnene

c) in the upper dialect, affixes of belonging, with the exception of the 3rd person affix -i (-ĕ), have almost fallen out of use or are used extremely rarely. In the latter case, the 2nd person affix -u (-ü) of the upper dialect usually corresponds to -ă (-ĕ) in the lower dialect;

in English: your head, your daughter

in Turi: san puşu, san hĕrü

in Anatri: san puşă, san hĕrĕ

There is also a mixed type

d) In the upper dialect, the gemination of the temporal index -t- and -p- is used in the affixes of the 2nd person plural of the verb of the present tense, for example:

in English: are you reading, we are going

in Turi: esĕr vulattăr, epĕr pyrappăr

in Anatri: esir vulatăr, epir pyrappăr

The influence of Russian: we are going < epir pyratpăr

There is also a mixed type, as already mentioned above.

e) In the upper dialect, the affix of the possibility of verbs -aj (-ej), due to contraction, turned into a sound -i:

in English: Couldn't tell, couldn't find out

in Turi: kalimarăm, pĕlimarăm, pĕlimerĕm

in Anatri: kalajmarăm, pĕlejmerĕm

f) In the upper dialect, the singarmonic variant of the interrogative particle -i is common, in the dialects of the lower dialect, variants -a (-e) are used:

in English: Have you left? Do you know?

in Turi: esĕ kajrăn-i? esĕ pĕletĕn-i / es pĕletni?

in Anatri: esĕ kajrăn-a? esĕ pĕletĕn-e? es pĕletnĕ?

g) in the upper dialect, individual phrases turn into a complex word by shortening (contraction):

in English: apple tree, frying pan handle, earring, monkey, belt

in Turi: ulmuşşi (olmaşşi), şatmari, hălhanki, upăte, pişĕhe

in Anatri: ulma jyvăşşi / jyvăşĕ, şatma avri, hălha şakki (ear pendant), upa-etem (bear-man), pilĕk şihhi (lower back tie)

Syntactic differences:

a) In the upper dialect (in most dialects), the adverbial participle -sa (-se) performs the function of a simple predicate, which is not allowed in the middle and lower dialects:

in English: I wrote

in Turi: Ep şyrsa

in Anatri: Epĕ şyrtăm

b) In the upper dialect, analytical constructions are used instead of the lower synthetic one:

in English: Go to lunch, It says in the newspaper

in Turi: Apat şima kilĕr, Kaşit' şinçe şyrnă

in Anatri: Apata kilĕr, Xaşatra şyrnă

There is also a mixed type.

Other lexical differences:

Another feature between the upper and lower dialects:

in English: We, you

in Turi: Epĕr, Esĕr

in Anatri: Epir, Esir

There are also those grassroots Chuvash (living in Kama) with a biting dialect who use the riding version of Epĕr, Esĕr. It has been established that the correct historical form is the pronunciation of Epĕr, Esĕr, A comparison with the Tatar Turkic languages, which are close to the Chuvash language, determined historical justice.

Ep / Epĕ - I, Epĕ+r - We

Es / Esĕ - You, Esĕ+r - You

Affixes -ĕr/-ăr are converted from singular to plural:

Epĕ şitrĕm - Ep+ĕr şitrĕm+ĕr / I got there - We've reached it

Epĕ şyrtăt - Ep+ĕr şyrtăm+ăr / I wrote - we wrote

Ham vularăm - Ham+ăr vularăm+ăr / I read it - we read it

There is no suffix in the Chuvash language "+ir" so this is a big mistake. No one says "kiltĕm+ir", vularăm+ir", çitrĕm+ir". Don't say "Hamir turăm+ir". There is a dialect with pronunciation "Ep+ĕr+ĕn" - instead of "Pir+ĕn" (our), and "Es+ĕr+ĕn" - instead of "Sir+ĕn" (your) on this we can assume that their pronunciation was historical, because the structure is more correct, but because of what evolution it transformed into "pirĕn/sirĕn".

Ep+ĕr pĕr+le - We are one

Es+ĕr ik+sĕr - The two of you

There are also very different words.

The dispute over the literary language

The modern Chuvash literary language was formed on the basis of a grassroots dialect, before this period an old literary language based on an upper dialect was in use. There are linguists who believe that the mother tongue was still the riding dialect of the Chuvash, when now it is considered to be the primary grassroots dialect. Their arguments are based on certain factors, here are some of them: 1) the migration of the Chuvash in the post-Horde period was from north to south, and not vice versa, the further they moved away from the root region towards the south and east, the more their language was subject to changes. Russian language was strongly influenced by the Kipchak languages (steppe raids), and after the settlement of Simbirsk by Russian people (at that time a very large city, much larger than Cheboksary), the dialect of the grassroots Chuvash in the area of Buinsk was strongly influenced by the Russian language, which is easily provable, all the most ancient records of the Chuvash language made by different travelers, such as G. F. Miller and others, contain words only of the upper-level dialect and not one of the lower-level. . 3) The U-dialect of the grassroots Chuvash is the influence of the Kipchak language, the O-dialect is the influence of the Oguz language. 4) One of the rules says that the sound -T- standing at the end of a borrowed word in Chuvash falls out, for example: friend - dust - tus, cross - krest - hĕres... The auslaut [t] is not pronounced in oral speech, it disappears in the position after the consonant [s] (the latter in this case is replaced by a soft [ş]): vlast' ~ vlaş, vedomost' - vetămăş, volost' - vulăs, pakost' - pakăş, sançast' - sançaş, oblast' - oblaş. In addition, the affixal [t] is not pronounced orally and in certain verb forms established as a literary language: pulmast' < [pulmaş] ~ It doesn't happen, the correct historical form: "pulmas". As well kurmast' < [kurmaş] ~ He doesn't see it, the correct historical form: "kurmas". As well kilmest' < [kilmeş] ~ It doesn't come, the correct historical form: "kilmes". The historically correct affix is "-mas/-mes", instead of "-mast'/-mest' ", which appeared as a result of the influence of the Russian language. As is known, the form with the ending -st' and -st is not peculiar to the Chuvash language by its nature, which means it is a late influence of the Russian language on the dialect of the lower Chuvash. Affixes: -mes/-mas, -mep/-map, -men/-man. 5) The letter T softens only when it is preceded by the sounds E, Ĕ, Ü, I, for example: kilet', peret', Üket', Kĕtet', if the letter T is preceded by the sounds A, Ă, O, Ü, then it does not soften Jurat, Kalat, Urat, Păhat, Kajat. In the grassroots dialect, all the end T's soften. 6) A simple shortened address in the literary language has become unacceptable, only respectful treatment has been left with the correct pronunciation: Instead of "Es juratan" - "Esĕ juratatăn" - "do you love". "Ep pyrap" - "Epĕ pyratăp" - "I'm coming". 7) Instead of the supreme dialect "Kajappăr - Уходим, Utappăr - Приходим, Vulappăr - Читаем", it is customary to write and speak in a grassroots dialect subject to Russification: " Kajatpăr, Utatpăr, Vulatpăr". Gemination as a primary phenomenon, as in the Upper, and not the influence from Finnish, is argued on the basis of the words: Anne - Mom, Atte - Dad, Šăllăm - Brother, Pĕrre - One, Şulla - Summer, Hĕlle - Winter ...

*There is also a mixed type, where all variants of the case are used at once, this is especially noticeable in those settlements that arose at the turn of the 17th-20th centuries, such villages created by combining speakers of upper and lower dialects gave birth to a more universal dialect where both options were used .

As characteristic of all Turkic languages, Chuvash is an agglutinative language and as such, has an abundance of suffixes but no native prefixes or prepositions, apart from the partly reduplicative intensive prefix, such as in: шурӑ - white, шап-шурӑ - snow-white, хура - black, хуп-хура - jet black, такӑр - flat, так-такӑр - absolutely flat, тулли - full, тӑп-тулли - chock full (compare to Turkish beyaz - white, bem-beyaz snow-white, kara - black, kap-kara - jet black, düz - flat, dümdüz - absolutely flat, dolu - full, dopdolu - chock full). One word can have many suffixes, which can also be used to create new words like creating a verb from a noun or a noun from a verbal root. See Vocabulary below. It can also indicate the grammatical function of the word.

The number system is decimal. The numbers from one to ten are:

• 1 – pĕrre (пӗрре), pĕr (пӗр)
• 2 – ikkĕ (иккӗ), ikĕ (икӗ), ik (ик)
• 3 – wişşĕ (виҫҫӗ), wişĕ (виҫӗ), wiş (виҫ)
• 4 – tăwattă (тӑваттӑ) tvată (тватӑ), tăwat (тӑват), tvat (тват)
• 5 – pillĕk (пиллӗк), pilĕk (пилӗк), pil (пил)
• 6 – ulttă (улттӑ), IPA: [ˈultːə], ultă (ултӑ), IPA: [ˈult̬ə], ult (улт), IPA: [ult]/IPA: [ult̬]
• 7 – şiççĕ (ҫиччӗ), IPA: [ˈɕitɕːɘ], şiçĕ (ҫичӗ), IPA: [ˈɕitɕ̬ɘ], şiç (ҫич), IPA: [ˈɕitɕ̬]
• 8 – sakkăr (саккӑр), IPA: [ˈsakːər], sakăr (сакӑр), IPA: [ˈsak̬ər]
• 9 – tăhhăr (тӑххӑр), tăhăr (тӑхӑр)
• 10 – wunnă (вуннӑ), wun (вун)

The teens are formed by juxtaposing the word 'ten' and the corresponding single digit:

• 11 – wun pĕr (вун пӗр)
• 12 – wun ikkĕ (вун иккӗ), wun ikĕ (вун икӗ), wun ik (вун ик)
• 13 – wun vişşĕ (вун виҫҫӗ), wun vişĕ (вун виҫӗ), wun viş (вун виҫ)
• 14 – wun tăwattă (вун тӑваттӑ), wun tvată (вун тватӑ), wun tvat (вун тват)
• 15 – wun pillĕk (вун пиллӗк), wun pilĕk (вун пилӗк), wun pil (вун пил)
• 16 – wun ulttă (вун улттӑ), wun ultă (вун ултӑ), wun ult (вун улт)
• 17 – wun şiççĕ (вун ҫиччӗ), wun şiçĕ (вун ҫичӗ), wun şiç (вун ҫич)
• 18 – wun sakkăr (вун саккӑр), wun sakăr (вун сакӑр)
• 19 – wun tăhhăr (вун тӑххӑр), wun tăhăr (вун тӑхӑр)

The tens are formed in somewhat different ways: from 20 to 50, they exhibit suppletion; 60 and 70 have a suffix -мӑл together with stem changes; while 80 and 90 juxtapose the corresponding single digit and the word 'ten'.

• 20 – şirĕm (ҫирӗм)
• 30 – wătăr (вӑтӑр)
• 40 – hĕrĕh (хӗрӗх)
• 50 – allă (аллӑ), ală (алă), al (ал)
• 60 – utmăl (утмӑл)
• 70 – şitmĕl (ҫитмӗл)
• 80 – sakăr wunnă (сакӑр вуннӑ), sakăr wun (сакӑр вун)
• 90 – tăhăr wunnă (тӑхӑр вуннӑ), tăhăr wun (тӑхӑр вун)

Further multiples of ten are:

• 100 – şĕr (ҫĕр)
• 1000 – pin (пин)
• Example: 834236 - sakăr şĕr wătăr tvată pin te ik şĕr wătăr ulttă (сакӑр ҫӗр вӑтӑр тӑватӑ пин те ик ҫӗр вӑтӑр улттӑ), IPA: [ˌsakərɕɘrʋət̬ərt̬əʋat̬ə↗p̬inʲt̬eǀikɕɘrʋət̬ər↘ultːəǁ]

Ordinal numerals are formed with the suffix -mĕš (-мӗш), e.g. pĕrremĕš (пӗррӗмӗш) 'first', ikkĕmĕš (иккӗмӗш) 'second'. There are also alternate ordinal numerals formed with the suffix -ӑм/-ĕм, which are used only for days, nights and years and only for the numbers from three to seven, e.g. wişĕm (виҫӗм) 'third', tvatăm (тватӑм), pilĕm (пилӗм), ultăm (ултӑм), şiçĕm (ҫичӗм), wunăm (вунӑм).^[82]

Some notable suffixes are: -ҫӑ for agent nouns, -лӑх for abstract and instrumental nouns, -ӑш, less commonly, for abstract nouns from certain adjectives, -у (after consonants) or -v (after vowels) for action nouns, -ла, -ал, -ар, and -н for denominal verbs.^[83] The valency changing suffixes and the gerunds were mentioned in the verbal morphology section above. Diminutives may be formed with multiple suffixes such as -ашка, -(к)ка, -лчӑ, -ак/ӑк, -ача.^[84]

1. Хӗвелӗн икӗ арӑм: Ирхи Шуҫӑмпа Каҫхи Шуҫӑм.^[85]
1. The Sun has two wives: Dawn and Afterglow (lit. "the Morning Glow" and "the Evening Glow").

2. Ир пулсан Хӗвел Ирхи Шуҫӑмран уйрӑлса каять
2. When it is morning, the Sun leaves Dawn

3. те яра кун тӑршшӗпе Каҫхи Шуҫӑм патнелле сулӑнать.
3. and during the whole day (he) moves towards Afterglow.

4. Ҫак икӗ мӑшӑрӗнчен унӑн ачасем:
4. From these two spouses of his, he has children:

5. Этем ятлӑ ывӑл тата Сывлӑм ятлӑ хӗр пур.
5. a son named Etem (Human) and a daughter named Syvlăm (Dew).

6. Этемпе Сывлӑм пӗррехинче Ҫӗр чӑмӑрӗ ҫинче тӗл пулнӑ та,
6. Etem and Syvlăm once met on the globe of the Earth,

7. пӗр-пӗрне юратса ҫемье чӑмӑртанӑ.
7. fell in love with each other and started a family.

8. Халь пурӑнакан этемсем ҫав мӑшӑрӑн тӑхӑмӗсем.
8. The humans who live today are the descendants of this couple.

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