Eurasia at The Dawn of History: Urbanization and Social Change
Eurasia at The Dawn of History: Urbanization and Social Change
Eurasia at The Dawn of History: Urbanization and Social Change
OF HISTORY
URBANIZATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Edited by
MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ
University of Edinburgh
DIRK KRAUSSE
State Office for Cultural Heritage Baden-Wuerttemberg
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107147409
C Cambridge University Press 2016
INTRODUCTION
v
vi CONTENTS
Index 407
LIST OF FIGURES
1.1 (a) A modern urban landscape: Aerial view of Chicago; (b) Early
urbanism in ancient Europe: idealized reconstruction of the
Heuneburg agglomeration in the sixth century BC. page 4
1.2 The Hohmichele mound near the Heuneburg, one of the largest
Early Iron Age tumuli in Central Europe. 5
1.3 Locations of the six areas where the ‘urban revolution’ took place
independently. 12
1.4 Plan of temple A at Manching, which existed before the Late Iron
Age agglomeration was founded and was, from the beginning, at
its centre. 13
1.5 Materialized power: warrior statues from Northwestern Iberia.
These stone sculptures express the power acquired by particular
aristocratic leaders towards the end of the Iron Age and the role of
the body as a privileged space for social negotiation. 16
2.1 Stone cubes from the Indus Valley civilization. Metric analysis
indicates that they embody a measurement system based on mass. 25
2.2 Schematic diagram indicating aspects of human cognition. 26
2.3 Histogram suggesting the existence in Neolithic times of a unit of
measure, the ‘megalithic yard’. 29
2.4 The reconstruction of Maya polities using epigraphic as well as
survey data. 30
2.5 Settlement pattern in Baden-Württemberg during the Late
Hallstatt period (620–450 BC), a first step towards the
reconstruction of polities. 31
2.6 Grave 4 from the Copper Age cemetery at Varna, ca. 4500 BC,
indicating that high value was assigned to gold. 32
2.7 Statue of warrior from the Fürstensitz on the Glauberg wearing
jewellery like that found in the sumptuous grave. 34
2.8 Rich textiles from the princely burial at Hochdorf. 35
2.9 The rise and fall of the Fürstensitze, indicating principal trade
routes. 36
4.1 Two sets of cognitive features. 56
4.2 Bell-Beaker ‘package’. 59
4.3 Cross-group uniformity of appearance among the European
Bell-Beaker elites, from Scotland to Sicily, and from Portugal to
Moravia. 61
ix
x LIST OF FIGURES
body – earrings, neck ring, belt hook and attachments, finger ring,
and scabbard. Other objects bearing complex ornaments were in
the grave, but not placed on the body. 384
26.3 Schematic sketch of the woman buried in the Reinheim grave,
showing the positions of visually complex ornaments on her
body – neck ring, two fibulae, bracelets, and finger ring. 385
27.1 Cultural panorama of France before and at the beginning of the
La Tène period. 395
27.2 Medio-Atlantic carinated potteries of 5th century BC from
Brittany, Champagne, Belgium and Southern England. 397
27.3 N°1–6: Evolution of Early La Tène fibulae from their prototypes
from Spain and Mediterranean France. N°7–11; Evolution of Early
La Tène daggers and swords from their prototypes from the
Thames Basin and the Jogassian area. Different scales. N°1–2:
Tortosa (Catalonia); 3: Offaing (Belgium, prov. Luxembourg); 4:
Sogny (Champagne-Ardenne); 5: Crozant (Limousin); 6:
Icklingham (Suffolk); 7: Chaillon (Lorraine); 8: London; 9:
Saint-Gibrien (Champagne-Ardenne); 10: Hammersmith (West
London); and 11: Flaujac-Poujols (Midi-Pyrénées). 399
27.4 Examples of square enclosures from the Atlantic Bronze Age and
Atlantic First Iron Age. Cemeteries: n°1: Tagnon (Ardennes)
11th–10th century BC; n°2: Thourotte (Picardy) 11th–10th
century BC; n°3: Canchy (Picardy) early 6th century BC; n°4:
Eterville (Lower Normandy) 6th century BC; n°5–6: Basly (Lower
Normandy) late 7th century BC. Settlements: n°7: Nonant (Lower
Normandy) 15th–14th century BC; n°8: Courseulles-sur-Mer
(Lower Normandy) early 5th century BC. 401
27.5 Hypothetical evocation of the network genesis of the La Tène
Cultures. 403
LIST OF TABLES
xv
CONTRIBUTORS
Prof. Dr. David Olson, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University
of Toronto
Prof. Dr. Michael E. Smith, School of Human Evolution & Social Change,
Arizona State University
Prof. Dr. Hans Peter Hahn, Institut für Ethnologie, Goethe Universität
Frankfurt am Main
xvii
xviii LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Prof. Dr. Alain Thote, École pratique des hautes études, Collège de France
Prof. Dr. John Bintliff, School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University
of Edinburgh
Prof. Dr. Rudolf Echt, Universität des Saarlandes, Vor- und Frühgeschichte
und Vorderasiatische Archäologie
MATERIALITIES OF COMPLEXITY IN
ANCIENT EURASIA
Manuel Fernández-Götz and Dirk Krausse
3
4 MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ AND DIRK KRAUSSE
(a)
(b)
1.1. (a) A modern urban landscape: Aerial view of Chicago (Photo: M. Fernández-Götz);
(b) Early urbanism in ancient Europe: idealized reconstruction of the Heuneburg agglomer-
ation in the 6th century BC (after Krausse et al. 2016).
1.2. The Hohmichele mound near the Heuneburg, one of the largest Early Iron Age tumuli in
Central Europe (after Krausse et al. 2016).
1. Between Myth and Logos: After this introductory chapter by the editors,
the first part continues with Colin Renfrew’s (Cambridge) overview on
the main approaches and fields of study offered by cognitive archaeology.
David R.Olson (Toronto) examines the role of the invention of writing in
the development of those cognitive functions that we take as characteris-
tic of modern forms of rationality. On a similar line, Almudena Hernando
(Madrid) discusses ‘individuality’ as the result of an individualization pro-
cess that transforms personal identity.
2. The Development of Social Differentiation: At the beginning of the second
thematic block, Jean Guilaine (Paris) considers the impact of social differ-
entiation throughout the Mediterranean Neolithic. John Chapman and
Bisserka Gaydarska (Durham), meanwhile, present the spectacular results
from recent research at the 4th-millennium BC Trypillia mega-sites of
Eastern Europe. On a broader basis and presenting examples from Bosnia,
Ukraine, and Germany, Johannes Müller (Kiel) interprets late prehistoric
centralization processes as triggers of social control in nonliterate societies.
3. Approaching Social Complexity: The development of early state formations
represents a much-debated but fundamental aspect of growing complexity.
Fred Spier (Amsterdam) analyzes this question from the point of view
of ‘big history.’ Gary M. Feinman (Chicago), for his part, explores how
ancient economies worked and varied and how the diversity of economic
arrangements can underpin societal change and variation.
4. Urbanism through the Ages: Concepts, Models, and Definitions: This part is
devoted to comparative urban studies,both through theoretical discussions
and concrete examples from different parts of the world. Michael E. Smith
(Tempe) reviews three main approaches used by archaeologists to define
and identify early cities, advocating the use of a polythetic set of archae-
ological attributes to study the nature and intensity of ancient urbanism.
Equally refreshing is the chapter by Hans Peter Hahn (Frankfurt), who
examines the dynamics of urbanization in the global context on the basis
of African examples.
5. Ancient Civilizations at the Turn of the Axis: This part starts with Jan Ass-
mann’s (Heidelberg) discussion of the concept of the ‘Axial Age’ pro-
posed by Karl Jaspers. Whereas his chapter is mostly centred on Egypt,
the next contribution by Mario Liverani (Rome) distinguishes between
‘conservative’ and ‘innovative’ cultural areas in the Near East in the period
8 MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ AND DIRK KRAUSSE
between ca. 800–400 BC. Moving on to the Far East, Alain Thote (Paris)
traces the growing trend towards individualization visible in elite burials
of 1st-millennium BC China. Also thematically closely linked is the next
chapter by Svend Hansen (Berlin), who studies the giant tumuli of the
Iron Age using the key words ‘tradition,’ ‘monumentality,’ and ‘knowledge
transfer.’
6. Times of Connectivity: The Mediterranean on the Move: The 1st millennium
BC was a period of increasing connectivity in the Mediterranean and its
surrounding areas. John Bintliff (Leiden/Edinburgh) analyzes the topic of
social change in the European Iron Age through the use of the Annales
historians’ concept of structural history as well as recent developments
in neuroscience. Of central importance for this period was the impact
of Phoenician colonization, which is addressed by María Eugenia Aubet
(Barcelona). A comparative view of the Mediterranean and temperate
Europe is offered by John Collis (Sheffield), who contrasts two different
traditions of urbanization.
7. Early Urban Cultures from South to North:Following on the previous chapter
by Collis, this part presents four case studies of centralization and urban-
ization processes in the Mediterranean and Central Europe. Jonathan
Hall (Chicago) explores the origins of the Greek polis, Massimo Osanna
(Matera) analyzes the settlement structures in the hinterland of the Ionian
coast of Southern Italy, and Simon Stoddart (Cambridge) outlines the
development of political landscapes in Etruria. That similar processes also
took place north of the Alps is shown by Manuel Fernández-Götz’s (Edin-
burgh) and Dirk Krausse’s (Esslingen) chapter on the development of
urban centres in the Early Iron Age of temperate Europe. Finally, Martín
Almagro-Gorbea (Madrid) summarizes the evidence for founding rituals
and myths in the so-called Celtic world.
8. Changing Symbols, Changing Minds?: The last thematic block uses the
example of La Tène art to discuss the cognitive dimensions of chang-
ing visual representations. At least in the beginning, it was a ‘grand style’ –
to use Earle’s (2002) expression – which strengthened the bonds between
dominant persons who shared the same language, endowing them with
a symbolic capital that distinguished them from the common people of
their communities. Rudolf Echt (Saarbrücken) describes the transition
from the Hallstatt to the La Tène period, understood as an ‘axis displace-
ment’. Otto-Hermann Frey (Marburg) analyzes the cultural influences
and symbolic motives of the new art style, whereas Peter Wells (Min-
nesota) concentrates on the cognitive implications of the changing visual
world.To conclude,Pierre-Yves Milcent (Toulouse) proposes a new ‘mul-
tipolar’ model for the origin of the La Tène cultures, in a setting where
the Atlantic regions also play an important part.
MATERIALITIES OF COMPLEXITY IN ANCIENT EURASIA 9
On the basis of the ‘History of Culture’ perspective adopted in this book (Mor-
ris 2000), the objective is that these different sections will attract different types
of readers: Some may be interested only in the theoretical and methodolog-
ical contributions on comparative urbanization, individualization, or writing;
others may prefer concrete case studies such as those on China, Ukraine, or
southern Italy; and still others may want to read about specific aspects related
to the development and cognitive implications of La Tène art. Although this
book does not pretend at any time to provide a complete picture – neither
thematically nor geographically – of ‘Eurasia at the dawn of history,’ it aims to
contribute to the development of ‘grand narratives’ that help to make archaeo-
logical and ancient historical research more accessible for the broader discussion
in the humanities and social sciences (Broodbank 2013; Renfrew 2007; Scarre
2005). In what follows we comment on individualization, urbanization, and the
fractality of power.
B. Olsen (2007) has recently stated that if there is one social trend that runs
through the whole of humanity,it is increasing materiality.Although this is true,
a no less significant development should be added:the growing importance that
individualism has acquired in comparison with relational identity (Hernando
2002, 2012). Societies always combine features of both modes of identity, but in
varied ways – there is no white or black, but shades of grey (Fowler 2016). Thus
throughout history we find multidimensional degrees of relational personhood,
ranging from more ‘relational’ identities to others that put greater emphasis on
individuality; in the latter, the sense of an interior ‘I’ that is separate and distinct
from the rest of the world is more developed (Dülmen 2001; Hernando 2002;
see Chapter 4). As different studies have shown, the process of individualization
occurred as the identity counterpart of greater socioeconomic complexity and
hence the increasing division of functions (Elias 1994; Hernando 2012). In fact,
it was not until the seventeenth century that the term ‘individual’ was applied
to persons, which indicates that only then were the degree of individualization
and the number of people affected sufficient to be recognized as a reality by
language (Elias 1991; Hernando 2002).
In present-day state societies, the individual human being depends more on
him- or herself (i.e. the individual has a growing number of alternatives and a
greater range of choice). In contrast, in societies with a lower level of socio-
economic complexity the basic structure of personality tends to show a greater
consonance with the basic structure of the social group in question (Elias 1991).
Identity in these communities is much more relational; that is, it is more deter-
mined by relations with the group: People know who they are more as a result
of their identification with the group than through the differences that mark
10 MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ AND DIRK KRAUSSE
them out within it. An interesting example can be found in Leenhardt’s (1979)
study of the Kanaks of New Caledonia, where nobody knew who he was as
a separate individual, but each was defined through his relationship with oth-
ers: A person was the father of his son, the son of his father, the nephew of
his uncle, the brother of his sister, and so on. Therefore, the major criticism
that can be made of current applications of so-called action theory is that it
establishes the ‘individual’ of modernity as the main protagonist throughout
history, without paying attention to other ways of perceiving reality and there-
fore constructing identity (Fowler 2004; Harris 2009; Thomas 2004). The way
in which the peoples of Antiquity perceived the world and acted in it was very
far removed from our modern Western rationalism, and it has to be stressed
that not only their technology – as often thought – but also their mentality and
being-in-the-world were different (Chic García 2014; Hernando 2002) because,
as the concept of materiality shows, the material and the cognitive spheres are
not separate but inextricably linked (see the earlier discussion). As Wells (2008:
58–59) has rightly stated, ‘the brains of infants in Iron Age Europe developed
their cognitive maps differently from the way our brains do today’. Instead
of projecting our modern reasoning and emotions onto the past, we should
start by recognizing that the past was ‘a foreign country’ (Lowenthal 1985), a
world of ‘otherness’. Although we still lack many keys to understanding the
past, acknowledging its complexity is a good starting point.
Closely linked to the process of individualization is the way in which reality
is represented, in which two basic mechanisms can be recognized: metonymy
and metaphor (Hernando 2002; Olson 1994). Whereas in the first the symbols
or signs used to represent reality are part of that reality (e.g. a tree, a rock, the
sun), in the case of metaphor reality and the signs that represent it are different
things (e.g. a map, a clock). In practice, all societies use both forms of repre-
sentation, but they do so to varying degrees: Oral societies favour metonymy
and contemporary societies metaphor. In this context, writing and its deriva-
tions (mathematical and chemical formulae,etc.) imply a qualitative change that
transforms people’s relationship with the world, because they are forms of rep-
resentation that use abstract signs invented by the human mind (Goody 1986;
Harris 2009; Olson 1994, 2016; see Chapter 3). By increasing the degree of the
metaphorical representation of reality and therefore rationalization and abstrac-
tion, the feeling that an ‘I’ exists that is distinct from the rest of human and
nonhuman nature also increases: Thinking becomes less ‘globalizing’ and more
‘fractured.’ In simple terms we could say that whereas written knowledge –
transmitted through solitude, reading, and writing – favours individualization,
orally transmitted knowledge – repeated and passed on through communica-
tion with others – reinforces relational identity. Given that the chronological
framework discussed in this book includes the invention and spread of the first
writing systems starting from areas such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, and China
MATERIALITIES OF COMPLEXITY IN ANCIENT EURASIA 11
1.3. Locations of the six areas where the ‘urban revolution’took place independently (after Smith
2009).
‘We also have to give up the modernist liberal myth that change and progress
was always accomplished peacefully and freely, and that conflict, disruption and
migration did not occur in Prehistory.’
If we adopt a Foucauldian approach (Foucault 1980), the development of
major agglomerations represented a new technology of power that enabled a
more hierarchical and centralizing ideology to be articulated (see also Müller,
Chapter 7 in this volume). From this point of view, and in line with the con-
cept of materiality, their appearance can also be seen as a way of reinforcing
social cohesion and political control:Urban centres are usually the expression of
more unequal societies and at the same time contributed to the construction
of those inequalities. Their internal structure often indicates initial planning
and a manifestation of the principles of social order that govern communities.
In many cases, their foundation was a deliberate response to a political deci-
sion and was accompanied by a series of ritual performances and myths (see
Almagro-Gorbea, Chapter 23). In this context, it is important to emphasize
that one of the principal motivations for erecting the monumental fortifica-
tions that characterize many urban settlements would have been precisely to
reinforce the feeling of belonging to the group, social cohesion, and political
control by undertaking collective works of great magnitude, which in addition
needed periodic repairs. From this perspective, fortifications can also be seen
as symbols of communal labour and identity.
1.4. Plan of temple A at Manching, which existed before the Late Iron Age agglomeration was
founded and was, from the beginning, at its centre (after Sievers 2010, modified).
14 MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ AND DIRK KRAUSSE
A final aspect that we would like to point out is the crucial role of sanctuar-
ies as focal points for social aggregation and collective identity construction. In
periods of centralization, communal rituals develop to sustain the new higher
order of social organization (Kristiansen 1998). From the Mesopotamian ziggu-
rats to the urban sanctuaries of the Greek poleis and the public spaces within the
Late Iron Age oppida of temperate Europe, religion appears to be an essential
element in most urbanization processes, being at the root of the fusion of pre-
viously scattered communities. In some cases it has even been determined that
the existence of a place for cult activities and/or supralocal assemblies preceded
the concentration of a significant number of people or even the fortification
of the area (cf. Fernández-Götz 2014) (Figure 1.4).
the extent that it can be called ‘the age of enclosure’ (Harding et al. 2006). Sub-
division was not restricted to reinforcing the differentiation between ‘interior’
and ‘exterior’ in agglomerations through the construction of artificial defences,
but also affected many other and varied spheres, such as the division of agri-
cultural land into plots, delimitation of farm boundaries, segregation of liv-
ing units within settlements, or the establishment of sacred areas and funerary
enclosures.
Over and above their diversity, an aspect common to all these manifesta-
tions is the intention of including and excluding, of establishing a practical but,
also and above all, symbolic distinction between the ‘internal’ and the ‘external.’
This process is,therefore,a phenomenon that can only be fully understood from
a broader perspective, because fragmentation or division is closely linked to
increasing rationality and growing socioeconomic/technological complexity.
At the risk of oversimplifying, and without trying to establish a universal equa-
tion of absolute value, we could coin the following formula – the more divisive
the society, the more space is divided – which can be explained by the fractal
relationship between persons and culture (Descola 2013; Hernando/González-
Ruibal 2011). In a sense, as a society itself displays more divisions it also estab-
lishes more divisions in the material world, and this in turn shapes new ways
of perceiving space and moving in it. Thus, the enclosures would express, in
spatial terms, the progressive establishment of limits and distinctions within and
between communities.
The process described went hand in hand with increasing social and eco-
nomic complexity and would have affected not only relations between the
persons themselves but also the form in which humans perceived their rela-
tionships with other beings and natural phenomena. Although the degree of
individualization, rationalization, and abstraction would still have been embry-
onic in comparison with the levels reached in subsequent periods of history, in
terms of mentality the last few millennia BC saw growing division and frag-
mentation: between persons, between them and nature, in the landscape, and
in the internal organization of settlements. In a Foucauldian sense, the rhetoric
of the political sphere can be uncovered even in aspects as apparently trivial as
the decoration of ceramics. By applying this approach to the protohistory of
the Northwestern Iberian Peninsula, González-Ruibal (2006–07) points out
that power in the Late Bronze Age lay not only in treasure or in large metal
hoards: The bronze axe used by a farmer and the path he takes from the open
hamlet to the hillfort were also imbued with power relations. Similarly, in the
Late Iron Age the capillary action of domination and control can be seen both
in the warrior statues and in cooking pots, rectilinear house plans, and hair pins
(Figure 1.5).
As noted at the beginning, the material reality around us shapes our habitus
and imbues us with unwritten social rules and ways of speaking and moving
(Hodder 2012). When material culture changes, so do persons, because the
16 MANUEL FERNÁNDEZ-GÖTZ AND DIRK KRAUSSE
1.5. Materialized power: warrior statues from Northwestern Iberia. These stone sculptures
express the power acquired by particular aristocratic leaders towards the end of the Iron Age and
the role of the body as a privileged space for social negotiation (after González-Ruibal 2007).
material transforms them, and they come to perceive reality, nature, and the
body in a different way. Riding a horse instead of walking, using a glass ves-
sel instead of a wooden one, consuming wine, and separating different rooms
within a house are not merely incidental aspects that reflect aesthetic or tech-
nical changes alone; they actively and profoundly influence the construction
of identity, whether consciously or unconsciously. In fact, studying material
culture can be valuable for gaining access to issues outside conscious awareness
(Hernando 2012). Finally, behind all these transformations we should note not
MATERIALITIES OF COMPLEXITY IN ANCIENT EURASIA 17
NOTES
1. ‘Individualization, Urbanization and Social We thank D. Beilharz for her assistance in the
Differentiation: Intellectual and Cultural production of this volume.
Streams in Eurasia (800–400 BC).’ Organiz- 2. Directly related to this topic was the interna-
ers: Prof. Dirk Krausse, Dr. Manuel Fernández- tional conference ‘Appropriating Innovations:
Götz, Dr. Denise Beilharz, and Prof. Martin Entangled Knowledge in Eurasia, 5000–1500
Bartelheim. The conference was funded by BCE,’ which was held in Heidelberg in January
the German Research Foundation (DFG) and 2015.
the Ministry of Finance Baden-Württemberg.
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