Rodriguez 2016 Transforming - Anthropology PDF
Rodriguez 2016 Transforming - Anthropology PDF
Rodriguez 2016 Transforming - Anthropology PDF
Transforming Anthropology, Vol. 24, Number 1, pp. 61–69, ISSN 1051-0559, electronic ISSN 1548-7466. © 2016 by the American
Anthropological Association. All rights reserved.
DOI: 10.1111/traa.12059. 61
literature about family life in Black communities These essays also illustrate that the concept of loss
(Billingsley 1968). McAdoo’s early collaborative in the African diaspora is more than historical sym-
projects with diverse groups of interdisciplinary bolism. Rather, loss—particularly the loss of a child
scholars also focused on multiple contexts and per- —is a historic legacy. Moreover, Black women’s
spectives of Black family life (McAdoo 1981; responses to loss have historical and contemporary
McAdoo 1988). While these publications were not implications as well as social and political intersec-
meant to offer a singular focus on Black mother- tions across the diaspora.
hood, they are examples of the minor attention A number of writers attempt to capture the
paid to Black women as mothers even in the late idea of loss as a legacy of Black oppression begin-
20th century. However, these publications, which ning with the transatlantic slave trade. Saidiya
were very focused on destigmatizing Black family Hartman (2008), for example, meditates on the
life, were foundational in the development of historic, spiritual, and existential disconnection
inquiry on Black family life, including Black from the African continent by Black people in the
women’s multiple roles in creating and sustaining diaspora. Hence, the loss of connection to places
interlocking systems of kin. As the community of of origin on the African continent is a powerful
feminist scholars expanded, there was increasing idea that shapes the core of our understanding of
interest in the multiple intersecting strategies for diaspora. In considering the relationship of loss to
survival created by Black women in poor commu- place, some scholars note that the African conti-
nities, notably, Stack’s work on Black mothers nent has also been stunned and crippled by loss.
and the creation of community networks (1974). Howard Dodson, for example, argues that “up to
As Black feminist anthropologists began to exam- one hundred million disrupted or terminated lives”
ine Black women’s roles in families, the complexity (2001:121) was a tragic loss of human capital for
of the intersection of race, gender, and class the continent. Similarly, Walker contends that the
became a central theoretical framework for exam- transatlantic slave trade constituted “the world’s
ining Black motherhood. Mullings, for example, first massive brain drain and transfer of technol-
studies Black mothers, work, and family life in ogy from Africa to the Americas” (2001:2). Yet,
Central Harlem. She not only describes their pov- there is even more to consider when examining
erty and their efforts to survive but she also docu- loss as a legacy of diasporic processes. Hartman
ments Black mothers’ attempts to develop and explores some of the complex consequences of loss
sustain their larger communities through social in the diaspora. She muses:
and political networks (Mullings 1997).
Black feminist scholars have also embraced The hope is that return could resolve the old
the importance of understanding Black mother- dilemmas, make a victory out of defeat, and
hood in African and African Diasporan contexts. engender a new order. And the disappointment
A rich body of interdisciplinary work on Black is that there is no going back to a former condi-
motherhood in Africa and the diaspora continues tion. Loss remakes you. Return is as much about
to grow, including historical research on African the world to which you no longer belong as it is
Caribbean mothers and children during slavery about the one in which you have yet to make a
(Bush 2010); social science research on the work- home. (2008:100)
ing lives of African-Caribbean women in Britain
(Reynolds 2001); and other studies of Black moth- While people of African descent may have
erhood in Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin Amer- been “remade” by loss, we have effectively and
ica not only illustrate that “the experiences of the successfully participated as agents of change in
majority of Black women represent multiple forms our own lives and communities by creating institu-
of oppression” (Steady 1981:3), but also, in Africa tions and contributing to new ideas about liberty
and across the diaspora, there is much diversity in and freedom. Yet, we also continue to experience
the factors that influence women as mothers, devastating losses of youth in cities throughout the
including national identity, cultural expectations, diaspora. The continuous remaking of Black peo-
class status, and historical legacies (Steady 1981). ple comes at a very high price.
The collection of scholarly essays in this vol- The subjects of the research in this volume are
ume brings together unique perspectives and anal- situated within and throughout the diaspora. They
yses on Black mothers with a particular focus on represent generations of African diasporic people
the concepts of violence, loss, and grief, and the rela- who struggle with racism, poverty, and other
tionship of these concepts to Black motherhood. forms of oppressive forces. While the notion of
Cheryl Rodriguez 63
their communities” (1984:2). In her stunning essay, research and policies that perpetuate the “histori-
Walker dares to consider the creative lives of cal devaluation of Black motherhood” (Roberts
Black mothers and grandmothers. She insists: 1997:939). In terms of theoretical, political, and
“They waited for a day when the unknown thing policy directions for Black feminist scholars,
that was in them would be made known; but guessed, Sudarkasa strongly argues that while refuting
somehow in their darkness, that on the day of their Moynihan and others who have viewed Black fam-
revelation they would be long dead” (Walker ilies as dysfunctional, aberrant, and abnormal,
1983:233). While she writes of the “far-reaching scholars should also focus on understanding the
world of the creative Black woman” (Walker tradition of scholarship that led to the destructive
1983:238), Walker’s essay is also a lament for her interpretations and conclusions about Black family
own mother, who expressed her creativity through life (Sudarkasa 1996).
gardening even though she was “hindered and Although theories by Black feminists make
intruded upon in so many ways” (Walker 1983:242). significant contributions to the literature on Black
Patricia Bell-Scott and Beverly Guy-Sheftall motherhood, self-definition by Black mothers is
paid homage to Alice Walker’s classic essay in the also critical to research and policy. Black mother-
1984 edition of SAGE, a Scholarly Journal on Black hood is particularly important as a source of
Women. In that same publication, these scholars self-definition beyond the roles of nurturing and
argued that the social science literature was nearly caregiving. Collins argues, “motherhood can serve
void of research on Black mothers (Bell-Scott and as a site where Black women express and learn the
Guy-Sheftall 1984:2). However, the 1980s witnessed power of self-definition, the importance of valuing,
the emergence of Black Women’s Studies and, with and respecting ourselves, the necessity of self-reli-
the publication of such scholarly works as Ar’n’t I a ance and independence, and a belief in Black
Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South women’s empowerment” (Collins 1990:118). Docu-
(1985) by historian Deborah Gray White, Black menting Black women’s lived experiences as moth-
feminist voices addressed the silences, misrepresen- ers is “a critical aspect of the meaning of
tations, distortions, and stereotypes surrounding motherhood that influences both the dominant
Black motherhood. White’s groundbreaking society’s construction and the feminist reconstruc-
research included analyses of enslaved mothers as tion of mothers” (Ladner 1972:213–214). Black
human beings, who despite their inhumane captiv- feminists researchers’ efforts to document, record
ity, took risks and made choices as they attempted and describe many dimensions of Black mother-
to raise and protect their children. hood are all components of the visions of Black
Defining Black motherhood has been key to feminist anthropology. These theories and ethno-
opposing patriarchy and racism, two interrelated graphic approaches are very apparent in the schol-
systems of domination (Roberts 1993) that shape arship represented in this volume.
and influence meanings of womanhood and moth-
erhood, resulting in brutal social and policy impli- SORROW AS ARTIFACT: MAJOR THEMES
cations for Black women. Hence, Black feminist In the 21st century, the need for feminist scholar-
knowledge production on Black motherhood has ship on Black motherhood is urgent. This is par-
been transformative. In her work on the impor- ticularly important in the discipline of
tance of a homeplace, belle hooks views Black anthropology. The scholarship in this volume
women’s homes as sites of resistance that are cen- brings together painful, complex, and multidimen-
tral to a Black family’s sense of well-being and sional descriptions and analyses of Black mother-
sense of protection from White power structures hood in the diaspora. Intersecting themes include:
(hooks 1990). Hence, in hooks’s analysis, nurtur- the importance of transnational and feminist anal-
ing becomes a revolutionary force that is especially yses of Black motherhood; Black mothers’ experi-
valuable for Black women living in White supre- ences with violence, loss, and grief; Black mothers’
macist societies. Collins defines Black motherhood conscious and activist responses to violence and
as a dynamic and dialectical institution that con- loss, particularly the loss of children; and protec-
sists of a series of constantly renegotiated relation- tion of Black children and Black communities
ships between Black women, their children, the through advocacy and activism.
larger Black community and each other (Collins
1990:118). Through their analyses, Black feminist A Transnational and Feminist Analysis
scholars have challenged oppressive definitions of One of the major themes in this volume is that of
motherhood. Moreover, they have confronted anti-Black violence as a transnational, global
Cheryl Rodriguez 65
Black Mothers’ Conscious and Activist Care Feminist sociologist Nancy Naples uses the
In contrast to the essays that examine state-spon- term “activist mothering” to describe women’s
sored violence, death, and loss, Riche Barnes’s self-conscious struggles against racism, sexism,
research with middle-class Black mothers in the poverty, and violence. She argues that the concep-
southern United States explores loss through the tualization of activist mothering challenges essen-
violence of miscarriage or other traumatic birth tialist interpretations of mothering practices. In
outcomes. Barnes’s essay, “She Was a Twin: her research on the community-based work of
Black Strategic Mothering, Race-Work, and the African American and Hispanic women, Naples
Politics of Survival,” connects many of these reconceptualizes the interconnectedness of commu-
losses to the stress of multiple responsibilities, nity work (labor), political activism, and mother-
including caring for families and contributing to ing. She argues that these three aspects of social
the ongoing development of the Black commu- life are typically analyzed separately. Yet, activist
nity, as well as the invisible work that is inherent mothering brings these factors together. Naples
to most women’s daily lived experiences. The contends, “Activist mothering not only involves
women in Barnes’s study provide care for their nurturing work for those outside one’s kinship
communities through work that the author group but also encompasses a broad definition of
describes as racial uplift, a term used by Black actual mothering practices” (Naples 1992). Smith’s
women in the early 20th century club movement. ethnographic research challenges essentialist inter-
In a study that engages the insights of over 20 pretations of mothering by describing the radical
Black, middle-class married mothers, Barnes resistance and the horrific murder of Aurina
examines race work and mothering in a 21st cen- Rodrigues, a seasoned activist who spoke out
tury context. This analysis of Black mothers’ com- against police torture of her son and daughter.
munity work underscores the profound impact Smith’s analysis shows us that state-sponsored vio-
that Black women have made to freedom move- lence targets and tortures Black mothers by deny-
ments as well as to the survival of Black commu- ing them the possibility of raising their children in
nities everywhere. Moreover, while there were peace or, even more devastatingly, by denying
always concerns about the safety of activists dur- mothers the right to see their children live and
ing the civil rights movement, there are few inves- become adults. Many of these mothers respond
tigations of health issues related to the stress of with anger and grief that is both public and pur-
activist work during this era. In her discussion of poseful.
Black women’s major roles in civil rights activism, In the United States, Black mothers’ public
Giddings (1984) recounts SNCC activist Diane and purposeful responses to state-sponsored racial
Nash’s refusal to accept bail after being arrested violence against their children, although not a
and jailed in Mississippi. Nash was pregnant at recent phenomenon, are embodied by the mothers
the time of her imprisonment and she understood of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown. In an
that her activist work would have a profound online article entitled, “Why the Urgent Anger of
impact on her child’s life as a citizen of the Michael Brown’s Mother Matters,” blogger Aisha
racially segregated United States. From her jail Harris argues that public, highly visible and raw
cell Nash exclaimed, “I believe that if I go to jail emotionality of parents like Leslie McSpadden
now it may help hasten that day when my child and Michael Brown, Sr. are “finally forcing us to
and all children will be free—not only on the day face the fact that things won’t change unless voices
of their birth but for all their lives” (Giddings like theirs finally start to be heard.”2
1984:279). Similarly, Fleming documents the pow- Black feminist research contributes to the
erful contributions of SNCC activist Ruby Doris sharing, hearing, and witnessing of these messages
Smith, whose commitment to social change was from mothers, families, and residents of commu-
not dampened nor conflicted by motherhood. nities that are Black, poor, and historically vic-
However, Ruby Doris Smith died at the age of timized. Through our work with women in poor
25. Fleming argues that some of her friends and communities we learn that mothers’ sorrow and
colleagues blamed the social movements of that grief serve as critical weapons in struggles for jus-
time for the young mother’s death: “Some charge tice. For example, in my work with public hous-
that the unique stresses to which [Ruby Doris ing residents in the United States, I argue that
Smith] was subjected because of her status as a activism and leadership within poor Black com-
powerful female administrator in SNCC actually munities typically emerges from and is shaped by
contributed to her death” (Fleming 2001:210). women’s experiences with the politics of race,
Cheryl Rodriguez 67
about the ways in which Black mothers stand up the civil rights movement not only by her activist
to grief and terror, it is also urgent that our work vision of freedom but also through her caring
challenge persistent stereotypes about Black interactions with the youth of the Student Nonvio-
women and Black motherhood. In various forms lent Coordinating Committee, who came to her
of popular media, including newspapers and televi- town of Ruleville, Mississippi in 1962. As James
sion, the murdering of Black youth by police often argues, “Historically othermothering and commu-
raises questions about Black mothering practices, nity othermothering have been critical to the sur-
thus blaming Black women at the most painful vival of Black communities” (1993:51). These
times of their lives. A number of Black feminist nontraditional forms of mothering are powerful
scholars have written about the frustrations of and critical as we continue contemporary struggles
wading through the negative stereotypes about for Black lives everywhere. Through their expres-
Black motherhood. In an essay entitled, “The sions of pain and loss, through their public and
Impossibility of the Good Black Mother,” Tope private outrage, Black mothers make Black lives
Fadiran Charlton argues, “from the pediatrician’s matter. In the names of Ella Baker, Fannie Lou
office to the streets I call my own, it is not the Hamer, and all the “othermothers” who paved
myth of the good mother, but that of the Bad paths to freedom for all of us: let Black mothers’
Black mother, that renders my motherhood at sorrow be more than an artifact of oppression and
turns, invisible and suspect” (Charlton 2013:1). violence—let their sorrow, pain, and grief be
Furthermore, in her detailed analysis of the impact sources of inspiration to feminist minds. Let their
of controlling images on social policy, Julia Jor- sorrow, pain, and grief be forces for seeking jus-
dan-Zachery argues that the intersection of gender, tice, peace, and safety for our children.
race, and class often prevents Black women from
the protection and support necessary to be “good”
mothers and women, although they are judged by Cheryl Rodriguez Africana Studies, University
the hegemonic image of the “good” woman of South Florida, Tampa, FL, 33621;
(2009:116). How, indeed, do we create tension crodriguez@usf.edu
between prevailing ideas about good mothering
and the practices of women whose primary focus
for their children is survival?
Finally, all three of the contributors to this NOTES
volume make some reference to the roles of 1. There is one essay in this collection that is
“othermothers.” These othermothers may be sis- not by an anthropologist. The inclusion of this
ters, aunts, or childless women who are willing to piece to the project demonstrates the receptivity to
share responsibilities for nurturing children, youth, interdisciplinary collaboration that is also an
and communities. In these times of protest and important component of Black feminist thought.
civil unrest about the killing of Black mothers’ 2. http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_slatest/2014/
children and the unnecessary losses endured by 11/25/michael_brown_s_mother_why_the_video_of_
Black families, our work should continue to revisit leslie_mcspadden_s_anguish_at_the.html
the ways in which Black women—as othermothers 3. http://www.childrensdefense.org/newsroom/
—have given birth to institutions and organiza- child-watch-columns/child-watch-documents/ella-
tions in the name of freedom. We must remember baker-civil-rights.html
that as the mother of the Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee, Ella Baker articulated a REFERENCES
rationale for unrelenting civil action when she Bell-Scott, Patricia and Beverly Guy-Sheftall
1984 For Mothers and Daughters. SAGE: A Scholarly Jour-
said, “Until the killing of Black men, Black moth- nal on Black Women 1(2):2.
ers’ sons, becomes as important to the rest of the Billingsley, Andrew
country as the killing of White mothers’ sons, we 1968 Black Families in White America. London: Prentice-
Hall.
who believe in freedom cannot rest.”3 Baker’s Bush, Barbara
words were more than just an appeal for the lives 2010 African Caribbean Slave Mothers and Children: Trau-
of Black males, Baker was also humanizing Black mas of Dislocation and Enslavement Across the Atlantic
World. Caribbean Quarterly 56:69–94.
women, whose roles as mothers to Black children Charlton, Tope Fadiran
had been historically diminished, caricatured, and 2013 The Impossibility of the Good Black Mother. Time.Com.
disregarded by the White population. Fannie Lou Collins, Patricia Hill
1990 Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge.
Hamer was also an othermother who transformed
Cheryl Rodriguez 69