AMSCO Chapter 6
AMSCO Chapter 6
AMSCO Chapter 6
Guided Reading & Analysis: The Constitution and The New Republic, 1787 - 1800
Chapter 6- The Constitution and New Republic, pp 103-129
Reading Assignment:
Ch. 6 AMSCO; If you do not have the AMSCO text, use chapter s 9 & 10 of American Pageant
and/or online resources such as the website, podcast, crash course video, chapter outlines,
Hippocampus, etc.
Purpose:
This guide is not only a place to record notes as you read, but also to provide a place and structure
for reflections and analysis using your noggin (thinking skills) with new knowledge gained from the
reading. This guide, if completed in its entirety BOP (Beginning of Period) by the due date,
can be used on the corresponding quiz as well as earn up to 10 bonus points. In addition, completed
guides provide the student with the ability to correct a quiz for points back! The benefits of such
activities, however, go far beyond quiz help and bonus points. Mastery of the course and AP
exam await all who choose to process the information as they read/receive. This is an optional
assignment. So young Jedi what is your choice? Do? Or do not? There is no try.
Directions:
1. Pre-Read: Read the prompts/questions within this guide before you read the chapter. (Image captured from docstoc.com)
2. Skim: Flip through the chapter and note titles and subtitles. Look at images and read captions. Get a feel for the content you are about to read.
3. Read/Analyze: Read the chapter. If you have your own copy of AMSCO, Highlight key events and
people as you read. Remember, the goal is not to fish for a specific answer(s) to reading guide questions, but to consider questions in
order to critically understand what you read!
4. Write Write (do not type) your notes and analysis in the spaces provided. Complete it in INK!
Section 1: HIPP+
Source: Articles of Confederation : March 1, 1781, National Archives, Public Domain
VII. When land forces are raised by any State for the common defense, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of
each State respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State
which first made the appointment.
VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in
Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all land
within each State, granted or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such
mode as the United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and
levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several States within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled.
Historical Context:
Delegates from the Why did James Madison and Alexander Hamilton
states worked want to draft an entirely new document rather
through a series of than just amending the Articles of
compromises to Confederation?
form a
1.
Constitution for a
new national
government, while 2.
providing limits on
federal power.
3.
1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Delegates from Thomas Jefferson was not at the Convention. He was
the states serving as minister to France and was abroad. He
worked through called the Convention An Assembly of Demigods.
a series of Does this indicate a tendency toward the Federalist or
compromises Anti-Federalist side of the Constitutional debate?
to form a
Constitution
for a new
national
government,
while providing
limits on
federal power.
Key Concepts
& Main Ideas NAnalysis
o
Calls during the t
eHow does the Bill of Rights differ today
ratification ts
process for than their original intent in 1791?
greater
guarantees of
rights resulted in
the addition of a
Bill of Rights
shortly after the
Constitution
was adopted.
Which Amendment was the most
important to the Anti-Federalists?
Explain why.
The French
Revolutions spread
throughout Europe and d. Excise taxes
beyond helped fuel
Americans debate not
only about the nature of
the United States
domestic order, but also
about its proper role in How did Thomas Jeffersons view of the French
the world. Revolution differ from Alexander Hamiltons?
The American
Revolution and the
ideals set forth in the Following Jays Treaty, George Washingtons
Declaration of approval rating, to borrow a modern phrase,
Independence had plummeted and there was even talk in the
reverberations in House of impeaching him. Why was this treaty
France, Haiti, and Latin so offensive to some?
America, inspiring future
rebellions.
George Washingtons FAREWELL ADDRESS - Read and highlight main points (make sure you note each key concept as
summarized in your AMSCO test!) (Excerpts captured from https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/gwfare.htm)
31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this
conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a
great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and
benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary
advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a
Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! Is it
rendered impossible by its vices ?
32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and
passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be
cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave
to its animosity or to its affection, either which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.
The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it
makes the animosity of the nation subservient projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the
enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation
making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a
disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded
citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without
odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for
public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and
independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to
mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful
nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be
constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence Is one of the most baneful foes of Republican
Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may
resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little
political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let
us stop.
37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent
controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate
ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient
government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as
will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our
interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival ship, interest, humor,
or caprice?
40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at
liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less
applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be
observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy
should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of
things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so
disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to
look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that
character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being
reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
How long did the nation follow Washingtons lead on 2-term limit?
Food For Thought: Why is George Washingtons Farewell Address read aloud on the floor of the Senate annuallyevery year since 1862?
C
o
n
As national political These two political parties are NOT the
institutions
same as the Federalists and Anti-
developed in the new
United States, Federalists of the Constitutional
varying regionally Convention and ratification process.
based positions on
economic, political, What is similar?
social, and foreign
(between Feds & Anti-Feds and the first two
policy issues political parties)
promoted the
development of
political parties.
As the first
national
What is different?
administrations
(between Feds & Anti-Feds and the first two
began to govern political parties)
under the
Constitution,
continued debates
about such issues
as the relationship
between the
national
government and
John Adams is one of the most underrated
the states,
presidents. Support, refute, or modify this
economic policy,
statement.
and the conduct of
foreign affairs led
to the creation of
political parties.
New claims will arise; women will demand the vote; lads from 12-21 will think their rights not enough attended to; and every man who has not a farthing, will demand an
equal voice with any other. Source: John Adams, warning against expanding suffrage, 1776
Give the votes to the people who have no property, and they will sell them to the rich. Source: Gouverneur Morris, 1787
..