21 Michael Kirwan, Political Theology - A New Introduction
21 Michael Kirwan, Political Theology - A New Introduction
21 Michael Kirwan, Political Theology - A New Introduction
A New Introduction
ISBN-10 0-232-52745-8
ISBN-13 978-0-232-52745-2
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Preface vii
Man must & will have some religion; if he has not the
Religion of Jesus, he will have the Religion of Satan, &
will erect the Synagogue of Satan, calling the Prince of this
world, God; and destroying all who do not worship Satan
under the name of God.
William Blake, Jerusalem, ch. 3: To the Deists
Gray insists that the political violence of the modem West can
only be understood as an eschatological phenomenon; that the
dominant (though not exclusive) strands of Western thought have
looked to alter the very nature of human life, an aspiration which
has always tended to violence (35). He offers a devastating
critique of the faith-based ideology that led the USA and Britain
into the disastrous war in Iraq, but there is much else of impor
tance in this short book, not least a withering counterblast to the
'new atheists. The militant Darwinism of Richard Dawkins and
Daniel Dennett is a pale imitation of the relatively nuanced
critiques of Marx and the French Positivists: [contemporary
atheism is a Christian heresy that differs from earlier heresies
chiefly in its intellectual crudity (189). One consequence of this
view is the need to re-think the secularist agenda:
readership: for this reason, I have for the most part steered clear
of discussing Latin American Liberation Theology, which con
tinues to inspire a wealth of literature and interest, despite its
alleged demise, and whose significance as a cousin of
European political theology has been noted (see Petrella, 2006).
There is a similar lack of attention to other theologies which
could be gathered under the rubric political, such as feminist/
womanist, black, queer, and so on, while the challenges posed
by Islamic political theology will be addressed only indirectly.
The book is divided into four sections. The first two chapters
after this introduction attempt to set out the parameters for
political theology. This involves working with a rough and ready
distinction in chapter 2 between political theology and politi
cal mythology, which leads us to an understanding of politics
as katechon or Leviathan, or restraining force. In chapter 3,
entitled Love of the World, I will invoke the contribution of
Hannah Arendt, an important if idiosyncratic political philos
opher. Arendt offers a strident critique of Christianity, arguing
for its incompatibility with the sphere of politics, because
Christians are incapable of nurturing a love of the world, and
because the Christian virtue of humility separates the agent
from his or her deed. Though Arendts take on Christianity is
quirky, it is one which political theology needs to take seriously,
not least because Arendts own proposals have been influential
for political philosophy.
The second section (chapters 4-6) offers a breathless histori
cal overview of the patristic, medieval, reformation and early
modern roots of political theology, taking up ODonovans
specification of a High Tradition. Important figures such as
Augustine, Aquinas, Luther and Calvin will feature, as well as
the challenge for political theology posed by William T.
Cavanaughs revisioning of the early modern Wars of
Religion. The roots of this theology in the Enlightenment hope
of Immanuel Kant will also be explored.
Twentieth-century European political theology is a theology
of crisis, above all with the challenge of National Socialism, the
collapse into barbarism of the Second World War, and the
Shoah, the attempted systematic extermination of the Jewish
people. Out of these disasters there arose a desperate need to re
WHAT IS POLITICAL THEOLOGY? 15
Violent Beginnings
Scott and Cavanaugh asserted the similarity of Theology and
Politics insofar as both are constituted in the production of
metaphysical images around which communities are organised.
What metaphysical images are we talking about?
WITNESS AGAINST THE BEAST 17
CHORUS (chanting):
And nevermore these walls within
shall echo fierce seditions din,
unslaked with blood and crime;
the thirsty dust shall nevermore
suck up the darkly streaming gore
of civic broils, shed out in wrath
and vengeance, crying death for death!
But man with man and state with state
shall vow the pledge of common hate
and common friendship, that for man
hath oft made blessing, out of ban,
be ours unto all time.
(Eumenides, 978-87)
The play ends with songs of praise and joy over these alien
Powers that thus are made Athenian evermore, and over their
WITNESS AGAINST THE BEAST 19
Remember this:
our country is our safety.
Only while she voyages true on course
can we establish friendships, truer than blood itself.
Such are my standards. They make our city great.
(Antigone, 11. 231-235)
treaty is negotiable. And yet the poem does not rest with this
antagonism, rather it speaks of the possibility that these perspec
tives, the Arcadian and the Utopian, are perhaps complemen
tary, and that the mysterious meeting forces each one:
sought out until his death in 1985; thinkers of both right and left
have shown interest, including political realists such as Hans J.
Morgenthau and Henry Kissinger. Many critics confirm his
status as a brilliant but highly problematic theorist. We need to
take note of Schmitts diagnoses, but also to look for solutions
that go beyond them. His key text, Political Theology, sets out
the roots of sovereignty as a secularised theological concept. In
a companion work, Roman Catholicism and Political Form, he
presents the Church as a Machtform, a bulwark of authority
against a chaotic world, while a third work, perhaps his most
influential, The Concept o f the Political, defines politics in
terms of the Freund Feind distinction, which we turn to now.
Covenant or Leviathan?
In his article entitled Covenant or Leviathan?, Moltmann
points out two strains of political theology, arising from the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries. The first of these positions,
Covenant, derives from the Calvinist articulation of the right
of resistance against political and religious absolutism in France
WITNESS AGAINST THE BEAST 29
The answer to the Sphinx was of course Man: four, two and
three in one. In the same way Athens needs to discern his
humanity, as the pharmakos, the impossible homeopathy of
poison and cure ... nothing is more fearful or opaque than
ourselves and those akin to us, and nothing more pitiable than a
humanity deformed alarmingly out of recognition. This is the
achievement of tragedy, that in Oedipus, Lear and in the tortured
Christ, we come to pity what we fear (8). Nothing could be
further from our contemporary political world, says Eagleton,
than this language of scapegoats and blood sacrifice. We are
embarrassed by it, just as we are uneasy with the language of
revolution. But what our reluctance amounts to politically
speaking, is a choice between one kind of death-in-life and
another. Western hubris celebrates as energy what is in fact a
nihilism secretly in love with annihilation; its death drive is the
opposite of the existence of the dispossessed, who seek to
flourish in the face of death, finitide and failure. The West
the secular authorities. But between the two extremes there lay
a passionately religious indifference to political power:
T H E D O CTRINE OF TH E TW O'
Political Theology's High Traditions
a. The ro u t o f th e d em on s9
What ODonovan identifies as a triumphalist phase of
Christianity deserves closer attention. Christs Resurrection -
his overcoming of the power of death - understood as a cosmic
victory over the powers of evil, is one of the earliest Christian
theological affirmations. This corresponds to the Pauline ten
dency mentioned above: we meet it in Pauls epistles and in the
ancient and dramatic picture of the harrowing of Hell, Christ
barging noisily into Satans kingdom to release the captive souls
and lead them victoriously into heaven. The notion of a victory
procession is taken up by a number of patristic writers: Ignatius
of Antioch, in his Epistle to the Romans, describes his journey
to martyrdom as a victory procession, while Irenaeus recasts
this image under the doctrinal notion of recapitulation. Winners
as well as losers are led by Christ, in triumph, back to the Father.
This is, in short, the earliest political metaphor we have for
Christianity: a glorious military victory over enemy powers.
Constantines triumph at the Battle of Milvian Bridge outside
Rome in 312, after his having allegedly been told by Christ that
in this sign (of the cross) you shall conquer, makes this an
affirmation about history, and not just a powerful metaphor. The
fourth-century historian Eusebius captures the mood, in notori
ously slanted fashion, with his Ecclesiastical History (323/4).
Eusebius saw the hand of God at work in the conversion of the
Empire to Christianity: Constantine, was an imitation of God
himself, one who frames his earthly government according to
the pattern of that divine original, feeling strength in its con
formity to the Monarchy of God. The emperor participates, at
the level of politics, in the action of the Logos who governs
58 T H E H IS T O R Y
You see then who is this servant set over the household,
truly the vicar of Jesus Christ, successor of Peter, anointed
of the Lord, a God of Pharoah, set between God and man,
lower than God but higher than man, who judges all and is
to be judged by no one.
For they have made such a fool of you that everyone swears
by the saints that in their official capacity princes are just
pagans, that all they have to do is to maintain civic order ...
as Christ says in Matthew 10: I am not come to send
peace, but the sword. But what is one to do with the
sword? Exactly this: sweep aside those evil men who
obstruct the gospel! Take them out of circulation! ...
The tares have to be torn out of the vineyard of God at
harvest-time.
'STILLBORN G O D S'
The Enlightenment Roots o f Political
Theology
He wonders if in fact Hegel did get it wrong, after all. Did the
religious actually recede from and become compartmentalised
against the political?
Can we not admit that, despite all the changes that have
occurred, the religious survives in the guise of new beliefs
and new representations, and it can therefore return to the
surface, in either traditional or novel forms, when conflicts
become so acute as to produce cracks in the edifice of the
state?
tained, but on a higher level. In the end, this lack of clarity is the
weakness of Hegels religious philosophy.
One of the most accessible and useful commentaries is
Andrew Shanks, who takes us through Hegel by way of Prague.
Hegels Political Theology opens with the Czechoslovakian
novelist Milan Kundera, who introduces in his best-known novel
the phenomenon of kitsch.6 Kitsch is defined as [a] largely
self-censored perception of reality - governed by indulgence in
a common narcissim, the desire to feel good about what one is
a part o f; it is a pervasive, basic evil, exemplified, in the
words of Sabina (the novels heroine), by the image of a parade
of people marching by with raised fists and shouting identical
syllables in unison - whether those people have been mar
shalled by party leaders into a May Day parade, or whether they
are protesting Western students who cant wait to spit their
innocence in the cops faces (Shanks, 1991:2, 3).
Kitsch is therefore a kind of false consciousness, which
Shanks equates with Hegels Unhappy Consciousness. In the
Conclusion this contrasts with the idea of Living in Truth, set
out in Vaclav Havels well-known parable of the greengrocer.7
Havel is examining post-totalitarian ideology, the phase of a
dictatorship when no one seriously believes any more in the
innocence and idealism of the revolution. The Emperor is naked,
but everyone goes through the motions - because it is the easi
est and safest thing to do. Until, one day, a greengrocer decides
otherwise.
For Shanks, Hegels political theology is about the transition
from a false to an authentic consciousness: how do we resist and
overcome the deeply authoritarian seduction of ideological
kitsch - as political parade, as circle dance, as religious liturgy
- and learn to live in truth? Shanks insists that the central logic
of Christianity - the cross - provides this resistance, but like any
spiritual tradition Christianity is open to corruption. This is
where Hegel comes in. His affirmation of the infinite value of
the individual as such is at the core of his struggle with the
problem of Christian religious kitsch.
Between the two Czech moments, Shanks makes more
explicit links between Hegels concerns and some prominent
figures in twentieth-century political theology (149-83).
S T IL L B O R N G O D S 101
Dorothee Solle and Jrgen Moltmann are explicit dialogue
partners, since they engage with Hegel in their key works.
Solles Christ the Representative takes Hegels Christology to be
a restoration of the balance between two opposed doctrines of
the atonement (Luthers imputation of forgiveness and
Anselms doctrine of satisfaction). Her book Suffering and
Moltmanns The Crucified God are seen by Shanks as exemplars
of a wider movement in twentieth-century German theology,
towards a fundamental de-Platonizing of the Christian
tradition (64) - a development which Hegel has pioneered.8
We have noted in chapter 3 how Hannah Arendt argued that
Christianity lacks an amor mundi; it promotes an inner with
drawal from the world, and is therefore incompatible with
politics. For Shanks this coheres with Hegels critique of
Stoicism as a flight from action, and of the anti-political
Romantic ideal of the Beautiful Soul (156). Shanks goes on to
draw a parallel between Arendts portrayal of the thought
lessness and the banal evil of Adolf Eichmann, and Hegels
Unhappy Consciousness; other common concerns would
include the decline of the State, and of political freedom
(159-65).
As we shall see, Johann Baptist Metz likewise offers a
critique of the privatised bourgeois Christianity that so
spectacularly failed when put to the test in Germany in the
1930s. This critique matches very closely Hegels own com
ments about the state of the Church in his day. Hegel may there
fore be seen as a lonely pioneer of political theology (150)
even if there are other important themes where he and Metz
diverge - not least in Metzs resistance to an evolutionary and
elitist ideology which permits an unfeeling amnesia towards the
victims of history (152).
In brief, Andrew Shanks argues cogently for continuing to
take Hegel seriously as a pioneer of, and dialogue partner for,
contemporary political theology. For Shanks, Hegels potential
contribution is benign and necessary. Not all agree, as we have
seen: Chapter 4 of The Stillborn God, entitled The Bourgeois
God (Lilia, 2007:163-213) is Lilias account of how Christian
suspicion of Hegel is fully justified, not least concerning
whether his apparent indifference to the immense suffering of
102 T H E H IS T O R Y
Conclusion
From the children of Rousseau, Kant and Hegel, we have two
very distinctive expressions of a theologico-political vision.
Over the next three chapters we will see whether contemporary
political theology is best understood, above all, as an act of the
eschatological imagination: a daring to visualise the outcome
of our wager on God, and of Gods wager on us. Though both
these thinkers loom large, this imagining will lean more towards
the implications of the Kantian postulates of practical reason,
albeit in ways that Kant would not necessarily recognise.
The postulates of practical reason are precisely geared
towards God rewarding the good and punishing the wicked at
the end of time, while Kants essay on theodicy turns at the
crucial moment to the Book of Job, whose truthfulness vali
dates a certain kind of theodicy (Kant: 1795). Hope acts as a
postulate, it is a heuristic device: a what if? Only by assuming
the existence of God and of an afterlife do our lives make sense.
This is important, but the understanding of hope that is
offered here is anaemic, deliberately passionless. It hardly res
onates with the scriptural witness: the desperate clinging to God
of the psalmist, of the Suffering Servant in Isaiah, of Job, or of
Christ in his abandonment; nor with the burning hearts on the
road to Emmaus. There seems to be little correspondence
between Kantian hope, and what we will encounter over the next
few chapters: the messianic hunger of Ernst Bloch and Walter
S T IL L B O R N G O D S 103
The townspeople put off proper work on the tower until they are
adequately prepared - but because technical progress and inno
vation is constant, there is always a reason for further delay. This
does not matter, as they believe the vision itself is safe: The
idea, once seized in its magnitude, can never vanish again; so
long as there are men on earth there will also be the irresistible
desire to complete the building. But generations pass, the vision
of the tower takes second place to constructing a town for the
workmen, rivalries and fights break out, and the sense of unity
behind the project disappears:
TH EO LO G Y IN A LAND OF
SCREAMS
The Crisis o f National Socialism
The doors had been closed at once, but the train did not
move until evening. We had learnt of our destination
with relief. Auschwitz: a name without significance for
us at that time, but it at least implied some place on this
earth.2
itself full with it. If the blotting paper had its way, nothing that
is written would remain. Yet another parable, likewise taken
from the Theses, helps us to understand what is at stake in the
dark times Benjamin is trying to chronicle. It is called
Angelus Novus (new angel) or the angel of history:
V
Catastrophes are reported on the radio in between pieces of
music. The music continues to play, like the audible pas
sage of time that moves forward inexorably and can be held
back by nothing. As Brecht has said, When a crime is
committed, just as the rain falls, no one cries: Stop!
VI
The shortest definition of religion: interruption.
VII
The first categories of interruption: love, solidarity which
as M. Theunissen has said, takes time, memory, which
remembers not what has succeeded, but also what has been
destroyed, not only what has been achieved, but also what
has been lost and in this way is turned against the victory
of what has become and already exists. This is a dangerous
memory. It saves the Christian continuum.
VIII
There is a new form of metaphysics, called evolutionary
logic. In it, time has been made indifferent and has come
systematically to control mans universal consciousness.
Everything is tunelessly and continually reconstructed on
the basis of this philosophy. This includes the religious
consciousness and the dialectical criticism of religion.
(Metz, 1980:170-1)
When I try to say how I see the world, I cant get away from
an image that forces itself on me and wont let go: the Ice
Age - this slow advance of cold, a freezing process which
we experience and try to forget. Ice Age in the schools, in
the factories, in the high-rise silos we live in, in those
smallest units formerly known as families. ... in the First
138 TH E C R IS IS
Conclusion
A mischievous academic colleague of mine once set the follow
ing exam question: Liberation Theology gave a voice to the
oppressed; European Political Theology gave a voice to dis
affected academic theologians. Discuss. The reader will have to
judge for herself how fair a comment this is. Certainly the gap
between Europe and Latin America should not be over
emphasised, as Metz, Moltmann and Solle were keen to main
tain a dialogue with their South American cousins. This mutual
exchange has not been without its tensions and real disagree
ments, but the convergence of basic attitudes is most poignantly
symbolised by the bloodstained copy of El Dios Crucificado,
found at the murder scene of the University of Central America,
El Salvador, in November 1989. The book belonged to Jon
Sobrino, a prominent liberation theologian; the blood was of one
of his murdered Jesuit colleagues.
As for disaffection: there is a certain amount of theological
grumpiness around, and Metz in particular has been taken to
task for his negativity, as we shall see in chapter 13. Once
again, it seems, we have to account for a tension between
Augustinian and Thomist strains in how the Church relates to
society. It is hardly surprising if Metz, Moltmann and Solle tend
towards the former, given the horrendous events that shaped
their youth. Assessing their legacy is not easy. Their writings are
dated in many respects, which is far from surprising, because
they were engaging with other theological styles and questions
that have themselves receded from relevance. And if it appears
that Solles work has had the shortest shelf-life, again this is not
surprising, in the light of her sustained and effective engage
ment with the other publics for theology: the Church and the
wider society, as well as the academy.
W E WHO CO M E A F T E R 139
Then again, there is that rolling news bulletin, with its brutal
trivialisation of suffering - those advent calendars!
It may be an appropriate judgement is to follow Jon Sobrinos
lead, in claiming for liberation theology the definition of a reli
gious classic, and ask whether the same title belongs to the
work of this distinctive generation of theologians. Sobrino here
follows David Tracy in The Analogical Imagination, where the
classic describes articulations of the spirit that prove to be of
enduring fruitfulness. A definitive judgement on the validity of
a classic, by its nature, has to be postponed. Nevertheless, pro
visionally we would be laying claim to:
A Theological Response
Helmut Peukert, yet another German theologian, has attempted
to articulate a critical theology o f communicative praxis, or a
theology of communicative action along these lines.2 His
F R O M D E S P A IR T O W H E R E ? 143
engagement with contemporary philosophers of science led him
to the view that scientific rationality is based upon commu
nicative action, making the insights of Habermas an appro
priate way forward for thinking about science and theology
together. However, according to Peukert, the deep structure of
communicative practical reason, which is characterised by
equality, reciprocity and solidarity, contains a glaring contra
diction. There is a gap between the universalism of the
communication ethics he develops and the annihilation of
the innocent other in history. Simply put: what is the status of
the victims of history? If there is no possibility of solidarity with
them, then an ideal communication ethic is a sham. Com
municative discourse is in principle unlimited and unrestricted,
but it is evident that when perfect solidarity has finally been
achieved, these lucky few (Bertolt Brechts phrase: we who
come after):
The angel threw [Satan] into the abyss, locked it and sealed
it, so that he could not deceive the nations any more until
the thousand years were over. After that he must be set
loose for a little while ... After the thousand years are over,
Satan will be set loose from his prison and he will go out
to deceive the nations scattered over the whole world.
(Revelation 20:1-3, 7-8)
T H E P O L IT IC A L W O RD O F G O D 163
are hardened, the forces ranged against Jesus bring about his
death in what looks like a typical scapegoating scenario (Act
III); the dramatic twist comes with Act IV (The Resurrection),
in which, instead of pouring out his wrath, God vindicates his
Son by raising him from the dead, and by offering mercy and
new life to his killers. The final Act (the Coming of the Holy
Spirit) celebrates the power given to the apostles to step into the
streets of Jerusalem and create a new community in the public
sphere of this world.
Schwagers theological explication of Girards mimetic
theory has considerable political implications.6 Once again, as
with the Old Testament stand-off between Pharoah and
YHWH, we have between Act Ills and IV, a confrontation
between two versions of God. Both Jesus and his killers live and
act out of religious conviction; both sides appealed to their God
for vindication. So the question which hangs over Golgotha,
therefore, is: who was right? Jesus the Crucified, or the ones
who crucified him? God is silent at Golgotha, which makes it
look as if Jesus was desperately deluded, and the ones who
destroyed him as a blasphemer were in the right. But the
Resurrection gives us the definitive answer: God is the God of
Jesus Christ, and not the God of the zealous mob. The
Resurrection is, so to speak, the Fathers No to the death of His
Son.
Astonishingly, the first words of the Risen Lord are peace be
with you. They are not at all the words of vengeance or
condemnation which we might expect (see the parable of the
vineyard in Mark 12:1-10, and its crux question: what will the
owner of the vineyard do to those tenants who killed his son?).
This is what is distinctive, therefore, about the new community
which is gathered in Act V This new gathering here is different
from the gathering of a mob which shores up its dubious reli
gious identity over against heretics or outsiders. It gathers, not
around an unwilling scapegoat victim, but around the Lamb of
God, who gave himself willingly for the lives of others.7
170 T H E G IF T
We do not know what the future holds, says Metz, and the task
of the Church is to institutionalize this agnosticism towards the
future, by establishing itself as an instance of critical liberty.
But the stage is not left entirely empty: what we do have are the
scriptural hints of Gods promised future. Moltmann and Metz
draw attention to the form of promise through which God
addresses humanity. Here the prophecies of Isaiah 65:17-25,
and Revelation 21:2-4, holy mountain and Holy City, echo one
another. In each of these passages, God pledges a new heaven
and a new earth, in a future time of justice, peace and joy,
expressed in images of conviviality and nuptial union. They act
as a judgement on the present world, contesting it and revealing
its inadequacy. We are reminded of Bloch and liberation theo
logys rendition of Gods name in Exodus 3:14 as I will be
who I will be: Gods future, understood as promise (and not
Evolution or History), is the key to understanding who we are.
This kind of utopian imagination is crucial for exercising the
anamnestic solidarity which is the cornerstone of Metzs
T H E P O L IT IC A L W O RD O F G O D 173
outside the world (and proves that Hannah Arendt was right)?
Happy Endings?
There is a further theme to be addressed: as we have noted,
scriptural warrant can be found for a whole range of eschato
logical possibilities, from the reconciling vision of the New
Jerusalem to the gleeful bloodletting of the Left Behind authors.
Once again, we meet the problem of violence, which we
addressed when trying to define the very nature and origins of
the political (Arendt, Schmitt and others). Now it seems that we
really have come full-circle, in which case we might want to
explore a link between two forms of political imagination,
pmtology and eschatology. In my beginning is my end.
Just as there is a fashion nowadays for novelists to present us
with alternative endings to a novel,9 European political theo
logians and Latin American liberationists have imagined the
end-time differently. From a European communicative per
spective, the utopian character of the Kingdom is prominent; the
prophecies of Isaiah 65 and Revelation 21 articulate Gods
future in terms of: fellowship with God, security, material well
being, conviviality, and a complete absence of death and sad
ness. By contrast, Latin American liberation theology pays more
attention to the dramatic character of justice.10 The end of his
tory is not a happy end; it is a Last Judgement, with Matthew
25:31-46 as its paradigm. In this passage, Jesus speaks of the
return of the Son of Man as King, surrounded by angels, and
gathering all the nations. The people are divided into righteous
and unrighteous, sheep and goats. The fate of each group is
decided according to their response to Jesus, who identifies
himself with the hungry, the thirsty, the stranger, the naked, the
sick and imprisoned. Those who have failed in compassion are
sent off to eternal punishment. The judgement meted out in
Matthew 25 has less graphic detail than the excesses of the Left
Behind literature - but it is the same punishment, and just as
violently definitive.
The eschaton is the location of ultimate justice, but also of
ultimate violence. Latin American theologians, speaking from
situations of unspeakable oppression and injustice, are readier
176 T H E G IF T
'FRIDAY'S CHILDREN'
Political Theology and the Church
Edmund Arens uses the same method to articulate his own view
of the Church as an example of communicative rationality,
oriented towards ideal speech (Arens, 1995:1). He suggests that
this rationality is expressed as two communicative practices,
witnessing and confessing, which represent complementary and
at the same time basic communicative actions of faith (125).
These are further differentiated into four kinds of witness
(kerygmatic-missionary, diaconal, prophetic, and witness by
suffering), and three kinds of confession (in worship, instruc
tional confession and situational confession). The principal dif
ference between the two modes is that witnessing seeks to
achieve consensus by persuading, while confession presupposes
a consensus already achieved by the community. Witness is
undertaken by Christians individually and collectively, with the
intention of convincing, inviting and winning those recipients
for that to which and to whom they bear witness; confession is
undertaken by the community of believers as it completes,
184 T H E G IF T
They are witnesses to the coming truth against the ruling lie:
William Cavanaugh aligns martyrdom with a new configuration
of the problematic of Church and State: [Mjartyrdom dis
ciplines the community and helps it to claim its identity, such
that in the Eucharist it re-enacts Christs conflict with the forces
of disorder. The body of the martyr is thus the battleground for
a larger contest of rival imaginations, that of the state and that of
the church (Cavanaugh, 1998, 645).
But if confession-martyrdom is a speech-act, what is the con
tent of this communication? Jean-Luc Marion, at the close of
God without Being, addresses the paradox that Christian speech
is necessarily tongue-tied: the believer can never simply take
F R ID A Y S C H I L D R E N 193
upon herself the utterance Jesus is Lord. How can the speaker
ever be legitimated and qualified to say such a thing? The
answer, as Nicholas Lash reminds us, is that the primary witness
is not the martyr herself, but Gods self-witness, the martyr
dom of God (Lash, 1981). Only understood in this way can
predication (utterance) and performance (action) be perfectly
legitimate. And both of these, taken together, are the statement
and enactment of a claim to sovereignty: a political claim.
The confession of faith passes through the one who speaks,
but it comes from much further away and it goes much farther.
It passes right through him: coming from the mystery, hidden
before the centuries, of adoption of men in the Son (Ephesians
1:4-5), it aims at the recapitulatory lordship of the Son over the
universe (Ephesians 1:10).9
Where does this leave us, with respect to Hannah Arendts
judgement that Christianity is incompatible with politics as free,
un-coerced speech-action? If we recall, her ideal is one of
natality. With word and deed we insert ourselves into the
human world, and this insertion is like a second birth. But the
Christian is excluded, because his or her good deeds are silent,
hidden from public view like crimes. The only way of being
worldly, and political, of genuinely initiating something new,
is denied to the Christian, who is unable to take this risk of self
disclosure.
Is she right? Two words of riposte may be offered. Firstly,
what Edmund Arens and others have done is to elaborate a
theology of communicative action which, I believe, acknowl
edges the complexity of Christian communicative action and
yet, contrary to Arendt, enables that action to overcome paraly
sis and incoherence, and to be both valid and effective. Arens
typology of confession and witness allows the Church to say
different things to different people in different situations: some
times aiming at confrontation or prophetic challenge, at other
times articulating a consensus. Theology, the discipline that
follows what is claimed as the supreme act of testimony
(Williams) can therefore help us construct accounts of human
action which are honest, which go beyond overt or disguised
assertions of the will to power.
Secondly, it is, in a sense, all down to posture. A striking
194 T H E G IF T
1. In The New Atheists (DLT, London, 2007), Tina Beattie surveys the
virulent critiques of religion that have been offered recently by
Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens, Sam Harris, Daniel Dennett,
Polly Toynbee and Ian McEwan. Beattie notes with irony that no one
has done more than writers like Richard Dawkins to keep God alive,
thanks to their strident and best-selling condemnations of religious
belief. She goes on to regret the intolerant and discourteous tone of
the current Religion versus Science debate.
2. Mark Lilia, The Stillborn God: Religion, Politics and the Modem
West (A. Knopf, NY, 2007).
3. John Gray, Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death o f Utopia
(Allen Lane, Penguin, London, 2007).
4. See On the Miscarriage of All Philosophical Trials in Theodicy;
Kant, 1992 [1791].
5: A Stormy Pilgrimage
1. In To The Christian Nobility of the German Nation (1520). Luthers
most important work in this area is Temporal Authority, to what extent
it should be obeyed (1523); the text can be found in Lull (ed.),
204 NOTES
6: Stillborn Gods
1. Lefort, 2006:231-55.
2. G. W. F. Flegel, from the Philosophy of Mind, cited in Lefort,
2006:149.
3. Kant, 1992 [1791],
4. For a recent reappraisal of Kants religious writings, see Firestone, C.
L. and S. R. Palmquist (eds), 2006, especially Galbraiths essay,
179-89, on Kant and theodicy.
5. This edition of Kant translates: Nature the contriver of things
(Lucretius).
6. Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being. Faber and Faber,
London, 1984; Shanks, 1991:1-4.
7. Shanks, 1991:184-8; V Havel, Living in Truth. Faber and Faber,
London, 1987.
8. Solle, 1967 and 1975; Moltmann, 1974.
Epilogue
1. See testimonies, from the Czech experience, of Jan Sokol and Oto
Mdr in Concilium 2000/3, Religion During and After Communism'
(Tomka and Zulehner (eds), 2000).
2. The parable of the greengrocer has been wonderfully brought to life
in the highly acclaimed German film by Florian Henckel, The Lives
of Others (Das Leben der Anderen), in which Gerd Wcislcr, an
interrogator for the Stasi, is finally alerted to the utter cynicism of the
system he is upholding. Now post-totalitarian, he decides, at great
personal risk, to subvert a surveillance operation in which he is
involved.
3. Jenson, 2004:406.
4. Paradise Now (2005), a collaboration of Arab and Jewish film-mak
ers, drew hostile responses (including accusations of pro-Nazism)
for daring to portray two would-be suicide bombers and to examine
their motives. Parallels with Arendts commitment to understanding
Adolf Eichmann come to mind.
5. See Girard, 2001; Jiirgensmeyer (ed.), 1992 and 2000; McKenna,
2002; Rapoport (2002) and Regensburger (ed) 2002, for articles argu
ing this case.