Political

Parties
In
Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a fading two-party system, which means that there are two dominant
political parties, with extreme difficulty for anybody to achieve electoral success under
the banner of another party.

However, though the center-left Awami League and center-right BNP dominated
Bangladesh politics for a long time, currently both are heading coalitions of like-minded
parties with the AL leading the secular and liberal elements while BNP is rallying the
right-of-centre parties.

Contents
Parliamentary parties
Bangladesh Awami League
Bangladesh Nationalist Party
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami
Bangladesh Jatiya Party-BJP
Jomiete Ulama-e-Islam Bangladesh
Communist Party of Bangladesh
Socialist Party of Bangladesh (SPB)
Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS)
Khilafat Majlis
Liberal Democratic Party
Islamic Unity Front (Islami Oikya Jote)
Islami Oikya Jote (En. Islamic National Unity Front)
Jatiya Party - Hussain Muhammad Ershad (En. National Party)
Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal-JSD
Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal
Bangladesh National Awami Party (Bangladesh NAP)
National Party (Manju) (Jatiya Dal (Manju))
Peasants' and Workers' People's League (Krishak Sramik Janata League)
Gonotantry Party (President: Mohammad Afzal, General Secretary: Nurur
Rahman Salim)
Islami Andolaon Bangladesh
Bangladesh democratic party
Bangladesh Representative Party (BRP)
Bangladesh Janata Party (BJP)
Bikolpo Dhara Bangladesh
Bangladesh Peoples's Democratic Party (BPDP)
 United Bengal Liberation Army (President: Colonel Morshed, General Secretary:
Major Sonjoy)

Other parties
Hridoy Manush (Minhaz Elahi Islam-Mati)
Ganosamhati Andolon
Hizb ut-Tahrir
Liberal Party Bangladesh
United Bengal Liberation Movement
Nagorik Shakti
Jonokollan (Peoples Welfare) Party

The Bangladesh Awami League (Bengali: ; translated from Urdu:

Bangladesh People's League), commonly known as the Awami League, is one of the
two main political parties of Bangladesh. It is also currently the governing party after
winning the 2008 Parliamentary elections in Bangladesh.

The Awami League was founded in Dhaka, the former capital of the Pakistani province of
East Bengal, in 1949 by Bengali nationalists Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani,
Shamsul Huq, and later Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy who went on to become Prime
Minister of Pakistan. The Awami League was established as the Bengali alternative to the
domination of the Muslim League in Pakistan and over centralisation of the government .
The party quickly gained massive popular support in East Bengal, later named East
Pakistan, and eventually led the forces of Bengali nationalism in the struggle against
West Pakistan's military and political establishment. The party under the leadership of
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh, would lead the struggle for
independence, first through massive populist and civil disobedience movements, such as
the Six Point Movement and 1971 Non-Cooperation Movement, and then during the
Bangladesh Liberation War. After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, the Awami
League would win the first general elections in 1973 but was overthrown in 1975 after
the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.The party was forced by subsequent military
regimes into political wilderness and many of its senior leaders and actvists were
executed and jailed. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Awami League
emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics.

Amongst the leaders of the Awami League, five have become the President of
Bangladesh, four have become the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and one became the
Prime Minister of Pakistan. Since the independence of Bangladesh, the party has been
under the control of the family of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His daughter and also the
incumbent Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, has been heading the party
since 1981. The student wing of the party is the Bangladesh Chhatra League.[1][2]

Contents
1 Ideology
 2 History
3 Early Pakistan era
o 3.1 All Pakistan Awami Muslim League
o 3.2 United Front
o 3.3 Tenure in central government
o 3.4 Ayub Khan coup and martial law
4 1966 to 1971
5 Post independence history
o 5.1 1972 to 1975
o 5.2 1975 to 1996
o 5.3 1996 to 2001
o 5.4 2001 to 2008
o 5.5 2008 to 2011
6 Wings of Bangladesh Awami League
7 See also
8 References

9 External links

Ideology
The Bangladesh Awami League styles itself as the leader of the "pro-liberation" forces in
Bangladesh, promoting secular and social democratic sections of the political
establishment in the country which played the leading role during the Bangladesh
Liberation War in 1971. The party constitution states, and in two cases defines the reason
for, four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies.[3] They include-

Democracy, Republican system with representation of people

Socialism, Establishing an exploitation-free society and social justice
Secularism, Non-communal politics and separation of religion and public life
Bengali nationalism, Protection of Bangladesh's identity as a Nation state for
Bengali people

The four principles are similar to those of the original Four State Principles in
Bangladesh's constitution which included nationalism, secularity, democracy and
socialism.

Prior to the 2008 general elections in Bangladesh, the Awami League announced in its
manifesto, its "Vision 2021" and "Digital Bangladesh" action plans to transform
Bangladesh into a fast developing Middle Income Country by 2021.[4] The party also uses
the term "Shonar Bangla", or golden Bengal, to describe its vision for Bangladesh to
become a modern developed nation. The term is reminiscent of Bangladesh's national
anthem and a utopian vision in Bengali nationalism.

History
The history of the Bangladesh Awami League falls into three distinct eras:

The Early Pakistan Era, when the party championed the rights of the Bengali
people in Pakistan;

The Movement for Independence, when the party led the forces of Bengali
nationalism in establishing a sovereign state;

The Post Independence Era, when the party is a major player in Bangladeshi
politics and often suffered volatile experiences.

Early Pakistan era

On 14 August 1947, the partition of British India saw the establishment of the Muslim
state of Pakistan on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. The new country comprised two
wings, separated by 1000 miles of Indian territory, in the Indian Subcontinent. The
western wing consisted of the provinces of Punjab, Sindh, North West Frontier Province
and Balochistan, while the province of East Bengal constituted the eastern wing. From
the onset of independence, Pakistan was led by its founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his
Muslim League party.

In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission of Bengali script
from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the
University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent
student leaders including Shamsul Huq, Khaleque Nawaz khan, shawkat Ali]], Kazi
Golam Mahboob, Oli Ahad, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Abdul Wahed were arrested
and the police were accused of excessive brutality while charging protesters. In March,
senior Bengali political leaders were attacked whilst leading protests demanding that
Bengali be declared an official language in Pakistan. The leaders included the A. K.
Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal.[5]

Amidst the rising discontent in East Bengal, Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced that
Urdu would be sole state language of Pakistan given its significance to Islamic
nationalism in South Asia.[6][7][8][9][10] The announcement caused uproar in East Bengal,
where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a
language they hardly understood. The resentment was further fueled by rising
discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed
forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they
constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was remote to the land
of Bengal, located in the eastern Indian Subcontinent.[11] Moreover, the rich literary
heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society
led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East
Bengal. Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim
League and the party's Bengali members began to rebel.
All Pakistan Awami Muslim League

On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim
League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established the All Pakistan Awami
Muslim League. The party was founded at the Rose Garden mansion in the old part of
Dhaka. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huq were elected the first
President and General Secretary of the party respectively, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first Joint
Secretaries.[12] The party was formed to champion the rights of masses in Pakistan against
the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its
strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing,
the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal.

In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in
the Bengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon
thousands of protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of
Pakistan and famously killing a number of students including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin
Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar.[13] The events of 1952 are widely seen by
historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it
was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the
creation of Bangladesh in 1971.[12]

In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim" from its name in
order to give it a more secular outlook, owing to need of including the province's large
Hindu population in Pakistani politics.[12]

United Front

In the run-up to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections in 1954, the Awami
League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bengali political alliance including
the Krishak Praja Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The alliance was termed the
Jukta Front or United Front and formulated the Ekush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight
the Muslim League. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional
Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol.[12]

The election swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive
mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself bagged 143 seats while
the Muslim League won only 9 seats. Veteran student leader and language movement
stalwart Khaleque Nawaz Khan defeated incumbent prime minister of the then East
Bengal Mr. Nurul Amin in a landslide margin. Mr. Nurul Amin was defeated in his home
Nandail constituency. Khaleque Nawaz Khan created history at age 27 by defeating
sitting prime minister and Muslim Leaague was wiped out from political landscape of the
then East Pakistan. A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office of Chief Minister of East Bengal
and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were
leading movements against the Pakistani state.[12] They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister.
Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for
East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime Minister Muhammad Ali
Bogra, himself a Bengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali
as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the
establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka.[14]

As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial
autonomy in East Bengal, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed the United
Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of
Pakistan.[12]

Tenure in central government

In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with the Republican Party to
secure a majority in the new National Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central
government. Awami League President Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became the Prime
Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long-standing
economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in
the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the
food shortage in the country.[15]

The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The
government moved to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central
Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defense alliances in Asia inspired by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's
founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called a conference
in February 1957 at Kagmari in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent
by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the
Awami League and then formed the leftist National Awami Party (NAP).[12]

The controversy over One Unit (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces, east and
west) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also
revived as soon as Suhrawardy became Prime Minister. In West Pakistan, there was
strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties.
The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences
over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government.[15]

By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started.
Suhrawardy was at the mercy of central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many
in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute
millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping
corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, President Iskander Mirza demanded the Prime
Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National
Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of
dismissal on October 10, 1957.[15]
Ayub Khan coup and martial law

On 7 October 1958, President Iskander Mirza declared martial law and appointed army
chief General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub Khan eventually
deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup. By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies
Disqualified Ordinance, Ayub banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior
politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and
most were kept under detention till 1963.

In 1962, Ayub Khan drafted a new constitution, modeled on indirect election, through an
electoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joined
Nurul Amin, Khwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in
forming National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to
restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions.
Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised
executive authority.[12]

Widespread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of

Ayub Khan. The University of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating
greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.[citation needed]

On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room in
Beirut, Lebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to
speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he
had been poisoned.[12]

1966 to 1971
This section requires expansion. (October 2009)

Maulana Bhashani and Sheikh Mujib leading a protest march.

The 6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani
populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-
called Agartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan regime in
Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their
popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the
Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of
West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East
Pakistan.[16][17] This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat
National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without
a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan who
feared the 6 points where are step towards breaking up the country and led directly to the
events of the Bangladesh Liberation War. A particular point of disagreement was
transferring 6 powers to one province which was unprecedented .The BAL leaders, taking
refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistani Army throughout 1971.
Leader Sheikh Mujib Surrender to the Pakistan army in March 25, 1971, But Bangladeshi
People fight to free themselves

Post independence history

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section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be
challenged and removed. (January 2009)
This section requires expansion. (October 2009)

1972 to 1975

After independence on 16 December 1971, the party formed the national government of
Bangladesh.The In 1972, under Sheikh Mujib, the party name was changed to "Awami
League". The new government faced many challenges they successfully rebuilt the
country, carried out mine clearing operations. Food shortages were a major concern. War
had damage all forms of farming. The party aligned itself with NAM and the Soviet bloc.
The party was accused of corruption by supporters of Pakistan. As Bangladesh continued
exporting jute to Egypt, violating US economic sanctions, the Nixon government barred
grain imports to Bangladesh. As a result of this, the Bengal famine of 1974 was
exacerbated. 70,000 people died, and support for Mujib declined.

In January 1975, facing violent leftist insurgents Mujib declared a state of emergency and
later assumed the presidency, after the Awami League dominated parliament decided to
switch from parliamentary to a presidential form of government. Sheikh Mujib renamed
the League the "Bangladesh Farmers and Workers Awami League (Bangladesh Krishok
Sramik Awami League, BAKSAL), and banned all other parties. BAKSAL became the
strong arm of what had turned into a Presidential government, with Sheikh Mujib
becoming the lifetime president. Many opposition political workers, mostly revolutionary
communist were killed (Notably Siraj Sikder) or arrested after three Members of
Parliament were killed by the communist insurgency. The crackdown on opposition was
aided by the elite paramilitary force Rakkhi Bahini. Rakkhi Bahini killed the people who
tried to protest against Mujibur Rahman and he was accused to kill 40,000 people.[18]
1975 to 1996

The move towards a secular form of government caused widespread dissatisfaction

among the Army most of whom received training from the fanatic Pakistan army. On 15
August 1975 some junior members of the armed forces in Dhaka, led by Major Faruk
Rahman and Major Rashid, murdered Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family
members. Including his wife and minor son. Within months, on November 3, 1975, four
more of its top leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Captain Muhammad
Mansur Ali and A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killed inside the Dhaka Central Jail on the
orders of the majors. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, two daughters of Mujib,
survived the massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange
program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the
younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to
India and lived in self-imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political
friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the
future.

After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions, and fared poorly in the
1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina
returned after the largest party faction, the "Bangladesh Awami League", elected her its
president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As
she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections
that followed the assassination of then President Ziaur Rahman. Throughout the
following nine years of military rule by General Ershad the AL participated in some polls
but boycotted most, nearly all of them rigged to favor the military.

The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections
in 1991, following the uprising against Ershad. It made major electoral gains in 1994 as
its candidates won mayoral elections in the two largest cities of the country: the capital
Dhaka and the commercial capital Chittagong. Demanding electoral reforms the party
resigned from the parliament in 1995, boycotted the February 1996 parliamentary polls,
and subsequently won 146 out of 300 seats in June 1996 parliamentary polls. Supported
by a few smaller parties, the Awami League formed a "Government of National Unity,"
and elected a non-partisan head of state, retired Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed.

1996 to 2001

AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic
stability during the Asian economic crisis, the government successfully settled
Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the river Ganges
(also known as Padma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997.
In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the
crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and
peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating
back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against
party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation
troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic
development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last
months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina
herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which two anti-tank mines were
planted under her helipad in Gopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government
stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term
in office.

The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October
2001, despite bagging 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The
BNP and its allies won a two-thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast,
with BNP alone winning 41%, up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991.

2001 to 2008

In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several
key members. Popular young leader Ahsanullah Master, a Member of Parliament from
Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by a grenade attack on Hasina during a
public meeting on August 21, 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters,
including party women's secretary Ivy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's
electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomat Shah M S Kibria, a Member
of Parliament from Habiganj, was killed in a grenade attack in Sylhet later that year.

In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated
incumbent mayor A.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in
Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of Aviation Mir
Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami
League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005,
the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a
grenade thrown at him failed to explode.[19]

In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, including Saber Hossain
Choudhury MP and Asaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalized after being critically
injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms.
Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of
nationwide demonstrations and blockades centering around the selection of the leader of
the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election
was scheduled to take place on January 22, 2007 that the Awami League decided to
boycott, the country's military intervened on January 11, 2007 and installed an interim
government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers.

Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption
and get rid of the two dynastic leaders of the AL and BNP. While these efforts largely
failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used in the December
29, 2008 national election.
2008 to 2011

The Awami league won national election on December 29, 2008 as part of a larger
electoral alliance that also included the Jatiya Party led by former military ruler General
Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official Results,[20] Bangladesh
Awami League won 230 out of 299 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total
of 262 parliamentary seats.[21] The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total
votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by
the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, is the new
Prime Minister. Her term of office began in January 2009.[22] The current cabinet has
several new faces, including three women in prominent positions: Dr Dipu Moni (Foreign
Minister), Matia Chowdhury (Agriculture Minister) and Sahara Khatun (Home Minister).
Younger MPs with a link to assassinated members of the 1972-1975 AL government are
Syed Ashraful Islam, son of Syed Nazrul Islam, Sheikh Taposh, son of Sheikh Fazlul Huq
Moni, and Sohel Taj, son of Tajuddin Ahmad.

Since 2009, the Awami League in government faced several major political challenges,
including BDR (border security force) mutiny,[23] power crisis,[24] unrest in garments
industry [25] and stock market fluctuations.[26] Judicial achievements for the party included
restoring 1972 constitution (set by the first Awami League government),[27] beginning of
war crimes trials,[28] and guilty vedict in 1975 assassination trial.[29] According to the
Nielsen 2 year survey, 50% felt the country was moving in the right direction, and 36%
gave the government a favorable rating.[30]

Wings of Bangladesh Awami League

Bangladesh Awami Youth League
Bangladesh Students League
Bangladesh Krishak League
Bangladesh Sromik League
Bangladesh Swechchasebak League
Bangladesh Awami Olama league
Bangladesh Mohila Awami league

Bangladesh Nationalist Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Bangladesh Nationalist Party

Leader Begum Khaleda Zia
Founded 1978
Naya Paltan, Dhaka
(pri.)
Headquarters
Gulshan 2, Dhaka
(sec.)
Moderate Islamism
Islamic democracy
Ideology
Economic Liberalism
State nationalism
National affiliation Four Party Alliance
Colors Blue
Seats in the Jatiyo
35 / 300
Sangshad
Website
[ Bangladesh Nationalist Party(Official Website)]
Politics of Bangladesh
Political parties
Elections
See also: Bangladeshi nationalism

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (Bengali: Bangladesh

Jatiotabadi Dl), commonly referred to as the BNP, is a mainstream center-right political
party in Bangladesh. Founded in 1978 by Ziaur Rahman, the Seventh President of
Bangladesh, BNP ruled Bangladesh for 14 years since its independence (1978-1982,
1991-1996, 2001-2006). Currently, it is the second largest party in the Jatiyo Sangshad,
the Parliament of Bangladesh and main opposition party.

Contents
1 Party ideology
2 The 20012006 period
3 The 20072008 period
4 The 5th National Council
5 Current leadership
 6 See also
7 References

8 External links

Party ideology
See also: Islam in Bangladesh

The BNP promotes a center-right policy[1] combining elements of conservatism,

Islamism, nationalism, militarism, anti-anarchism, and anti-communism. The party
believes that Islam is an integral part of the socio-cultural life of Bangladesh, and favors
Islamic principles and cultural views.[1] Since 2000, it has been allied with the Islamic
parties Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh and Islami Oikya Jote.[1] .

The 20012006 period

BNP won the general election 2001 with a two-thirds majority of seats in parliament and
46% of the vote (compared to the principal opposition party's 40%), coming back into
power for a third term.

The 20072008 period

After Khaleda Zia was held in custody in 2007 under charges of corruption,[2] some party
members chose former finance minister Saifur Rahman as chairman and former water
resources minister Hafizuddin Ahmed as secretary general to lead the party; Zia's
supporters refused to recognize these choices. The Bangladesh Election Commission
subsequently invited Hafizuddin's faction, rather than Khaleda Zia's, to participate in
talks, effectively recognizing the former as the legitimate BNP. Khaleda Zia challenged
this in court, but her appeal was rejected on 10 April 2008.[2] After her release later that
year, Zia returned to her position leading the party.[3]

In the 2008 Bangladesh general election the 4-party alliance led by BNP won 32 seats out
of 299 constituencies, of which the BNP alone got 29.[4]

The 5th National Council

After sanctions by the Election Commission, the party held country-wide events for local
leaders to play an active role in the national party.[5]

The BNP National Council empowered re-elected party chairperson Khaleda Zia to pick
other members for the National Executive Committee and Standing Committee.[6] and
elected Khaleda Zia's son Tarique Rahman as a powerful Senior Vice-Chairman in a
"move apparently designed to smooth his path to the party helm."[6]
Invitees also included observers and other guests of at least 60 countries,[7] local and
foreign journalists, and representatives from other political parties and organizations.

Current leadership
Chairperson: Begum Khaleda Zia
Senior Vice Chairperson: Tareque Rahman
(Acting) Secretary General: Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir[8]
list of all Standing Committee (Last Updated: July 20 2010) [1]

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (Bengali: ), previously known as

Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, and Jamaat for short.[1] Supporters of this party demands
that they are the largest Islamist political party in Bangladesh,[2][3] though they have
removed the phrase "Rule of Allah" from their party charter.[4]

Jamaat joined the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in an alliance and lead a four-party
coalition government during 2001-2006 and held two Ministries in Khaleda Zia's
government. They are an anti-liberation front who openly attempted to stop the liberation
of Bangladesh from Pakistan, believing it would have existed better as a dominated
Islamic state under Pakistani rule.

A large number of members of the party have played a crucial role in the 1971
Bangladesh atrocities during the liberation war, such as in organized killing of
intellectuals, genocide and violence against women.

Contents
1 History of the party
o 1.1 British India (1941-1947)
o 1.2 Pakistan Period (1948 - 1971)
o 1.3 Bangladesh Period (1978 - present)
2 The Jamaat in parliamentary elections
3 Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir
4 See also
5 References

6 External links

History of the party

British India (1941-1947)
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specific problem is: This section is poorly cited. Please help improve this article if
you can. (January 2013)

see also Jamaat-e-Islami

The Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in pre-partition India by Syed Ab'ul Ala Maududi in
1941. Maududi moved to Pakistan from India after independence and the current party in
Bangladesh originated out of the East Pakistan wing of the party. However, Jamaat had
opposed the creation of a Pakistan as a separate state for the Muslims of India. While
persisting in his anti-Pakistan ideology, Maududi wrote in one of his books, "If we have
ever uttered a single word in the favor of creation of Pakistan, it must be proved with
references." Therefore Jamaat-e-Islami also did not support the Muslim League, the
largest Muslim party, in the core election of 1946.

Pakistan Period (1948 - 1971)

After the creation of Pakistan, Jamaat-e-Islami was divided into separate Indian and
Pakistani organizations. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami originates from the Jamaat wing in
then-East Pakistan. Jamaat strongly opposed an independent Bangladesh, which it
considered against Islam. Jammat-e-Islami willingly participated in the puppet
democratic movement in Pakistan during the Marshal Law Period declared by General
Ayub Khan. An all party democratic alliance (DAC) was formed in 1965. Ghulam Azam
was one of the members of that alliance that counted Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan
Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as reluctant members.[5][6]

Bangladesh Period (1978 - present)

Jamaat was banned after the victory of the Mukti Bahini, and its top leaders fled to West
Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman , first president of Bangladesh also cancelled the
citizenship of Golam Azam, the leader of Jamaat. Azam then moved to London, and other
leaders moved to the Middle East. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in 1975,
enabling army chief Major general Ziaur Rahman(a former BAKSAL member of Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman"Book Source: Tinti sena Obhuthan by Colonel Hamid " ) to seize
power. With Rahman's coup, Jamaat again resumed political activities in Bangladesh.
Rahman also allowed Azam to return to Bangladesh as the leader of Jamaat.

After the end of military rule in 1990, mass protests began against Azam and Jamaat
under war criminal charges headed by Jahanara Imam, an author who lost her two sons
and husband in the liberation war. Azam's citizenship was challenged in supreme court as
he was holding a Pakistani passport. Due to lack of any credible evidence of war crimes,
Bangladesh's supreme court had to allow Azam to have a Bangladeshi passport and
continue his political activities. Imam died a few years later of cancer. Recent years have
seen a revival in the interest of prosecuting war criminals, many of whom are members of
Jamaat-e-Islami, including almost all of its top leaders. This has been a point of serious
concern for the party.

Bangladesh police arrested Jamaat-e-Islami chief and former Industry Minister Matiur
Rahman Nizami from his residence in the capital in a graft case on 19 May 2008. Earlier,
two former Cabinet Ministers of the immediate past BNP-led alliance government, Abdul
Mannan Bhuiyan and Shamsul Islam were sent to Dhaka Central Jail after they
surrendered before the court.

The Jamaat-e-Islami party has slowly been losing the confidence of the Bangladeshi
public, mainly due to radical ideals as well as its harboring of sympathies towards
Pakistan. In the parliamentary elections of December 2008, the Jamaat-e-Islami party was
thwarted by the Grand Alliance, garnering less than 5 seats out of the total 300 that
constitute for the national parliament. This has been a cause for concern to the Four-Party
alliance led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, as the Jamaat-e-Islami is their primary
political partner.[7]

The Jamaat in parliamentary elections

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on
the talk page.
This section does not cite any references or sources. (January 2013)
This article's factual accuracy is disputed. (January 2013)
1973 1978 1986 1991 1996 2001 2008
Parliament Parliament Parliament Parliament Parliament Parliament Parliament
Election Election Election Election Election Election Election
Party was
banned
Won 18
because of its Won 2 seats.
Party was seats. (took [8]
opposition of (took part
allowed to part by
Bangladesh Won 10 Won 18 Won 3 by forming
start forming
independence seats. seats. seats. alliance with
political alliance
and 3 other
activities. with 3 other
collaborated parties.)
parties.)
with Pakistan
army.

Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir

The student wing of this organization is the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, a major
organization at many colleges including the University of Chittagong, the University of
Dhaka, Rajshahi University, and Jahangirnagar University. It is also pervasive in the
madrassa system. a member of the International Islamic Federation of Student
Organisation and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth, it is believed to have ties to a
number of terrorist organizations in the area as well as to Pakistani Inter Services
Intelligence, and it is reported to have recruited youth for the Taliban regime during its
reign in Afghanistan.[9] The ICS has been involved in violent clashes with other student
groups.[10]

Bangladesh Jatiya Party BJP

Bangladesh Jatiya Party is a political party in Bangladesh. It is a splinter-group of the
original Jatiya Party, that was founded by the former President of Bangladesh Hossain
Mohammad Ershad. It was previously known as Jatiya Party (Naziur), after the late
party chairman Naziur Rahman Manju. The party is registered with the Election
Commission of Bangladesh as Bangladesh Jatiya Party-BJP, in order to differentiate it
from the splinter-group Bangladesh Jatiya Party led by M.A. Matin. The party, at present,
is chaired by Barrister Aandaleeve Rahman Partho MP - son of late Naziur Rahman
Manjur. Andaleeve along with his younger brother Ashikur Rahman contested in the 9th
parliamentary elections from Bhola-1 and Bhola-2. Bangladesh Jatiya Party-BJP is
currently the third largest party in the Bangladesh Jatio Shongshod and joined
Bangladesh Awami League in the last Election.

Communist Party of Bangladesh

History
After the partitioning of India in 1947, during the 2nd Congress of the Communist Party
of India in Calcutta, the delegates coming from regions within the newly founded state of
Pakistan (which included what now constitutes Bangladesh) met on March 6, 1948 in a
separate session and decided to form the Communist Party of Pakistan.

The main strength and activity of the newly constituted Party was in the province of East
Pakistan (what is now Bangladesh). This eastern province was geographically separated
from the western province by almost 2,000 km of Indian territory. Because of this wide
geographical separation along with persecution by Pakistan government and uneven
development of democratic movement in the two parts of Pakistan, the communists of
East Pakistan felt the need to have an independent center for further advancing their
activities. The 4th Conference of the East Pakistan Provincial Committee of the Party,
which met clandestinely in 1968, declared itself to be the 1st Congress of the
Communist Party of East Pakistan and elected a Central Committee for the Party. With
the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971, this Party took its present
name of Communist Party of Bangladesh.

The Party played a vital role in the 1969 uprising and also during the nationwide
upheaval that followed it including the non co-operation movement of 1971. The CPB
also actively participated in the nine months long armed struggle for independence of
Bangladesh in 1971. A Special Guerilla Force under the direct command of CPB-NAP-
BSU fought against the Pakistani army. Communists were also took part in the other
segments of the armed resistance fighters including the Freedom Fighters and the new
Bangladesh Army. Moni Singh, the ex-President of CPB, was elected a member of the
Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh.

Independent Bangladesh
See also: Soviet Union-Bangladesh relations

The emergence of independent Bangladesh in 1971 opened up a new chapter in the

history of the Communist Party of Bangladesh. The Party began to work legally and
openly. The Party formed a Trade Union Centre with a view to mobilising trade union
organisations and movements on revolutionary lines. A Gana Oikya Jote was formed on
14 October 1973 consisting of the Bangladesh Awami League, Communist Party and
National Awami Party (Muzaffar) with a view to prepare ground for establishing
socialism in the country, and a Jote Committee was constituted consisting of 19 members
with three members from CPB. At its congress held in Dhaka (1973), the party adopted a
new constitution, and a 26-member central committee was elected with Moni Singh as
president and Mohammad Farhad as general secretary. On August 15, 1975 President
Sheikh Mujib was assassinated by a section of the army which ultimately brought the
country under a rightist military rule. The CPB leaders and workers were victims to
serious repression under the military government in 1975. The Party leaders in the centre
and in district levels were arrested, warrants were issued against many (1976), and in
October 1977 CPB was declared banned. In 1978 the ban on the party was, however,
withdrawn and its leaders were released. The CPB participated in the general elections of
1978. As a member of the Oikya Front the CPB accorded active support to General
Mohammad Ataul Ghani Osmany in the Presidential election in 1979.The CPB joined the
15-party alliance in 1983 against the military rule of Hussain Muhammad Ershad. The
party participated in the 1986 Jatiya Sangsad elections and secured five seats. The CPB
had a vital role in the movement to oust Ershad in 1990.

The CPB faced a great crisis in 1991 in view of the collapse of Soviet-style socialism in
East Europe including Soviet Union. The party leaders were divided into two camps, one
in favour of dissolving the CPB and replacing it with a new platform on democratic lines,
and the other in favour of maintaining the party in its original form. This conflict grew to
be acute in 1993 when the two opposing groups arranged separate convention in Dhaka.
The Marxist-Leninist group in their convention held on 15 June (1993) resolved in favour
of the independent existence of the Communist Party in Bangladesh, and had their new
central executive committee formed with Shahidullah Chowdhury as president and
Mujahidul Islam Selim as general secretary. Manzurul Ahsan Khan and Mujahidul Islam
selim are the present president and general secretary Of the party.

Ideology and organization

The Party is guided by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism and the ultimate goal of the
Party is socialism-communism. Revolutionary internationalism is a cardinal aspect of its
policy principles. Democratic centralism is the guiding organizational principle of CPB.
The Congress of the Party, which is convened every 4 years, is the supreme body of the
Party which elects a Central Committee accountable to it. The Central Committee is the
highest organ of the Party during the interval between two Congresses.

A 51-member Central Committee was elected by the 9th Congress of the Party (August
2008). An 7-member Presidium including the President and General Secretary were
elected by the CC. There is also a national council of 191 members which sits at least
once a year to advice and help the CC in implementing the decisions of the Congress. The
Congress also elected a 4 member Control Commission. The CPB has organizations in 62
out of the 64 districts and 275 out of 520 sub-districts in Bangladesh. The district and
sub-district committees coordinate and guide the activities of the zonal committees and
the primary branches of the Party. Party members are organized in these primary
branches, The branches on their part organize activist groups which serve to prepare
cadres for party membership. Besides party membership, the Party also provides
opportunity to include associate members from among supporters of the Party. Party
members and activists are working in trade unions and mass organizations of agricultural
workers, peasants, women, students, youth, children, teachers, doctors, lawyers,
professionals, indigenous national minorities and aboriginal, cultural organizations etc. In
spite of relatively small number of party members and associate members (taken together
they total 25,000), the Party is capable of mobilizing several hundreds of thousands of
people through its influence in these mass organizations.

The main organ of the party is Ekota, which is published weekly.

Strategy and tactics

The CPB is working with a strategy of bringing about a 'revolutionary democratic
transformation of society and state' with the ultimate goal of socialism-communism. The
Party has put forward a 17-point program in consonance with this strategic goal of
'revolutionary democratic transformation'.

CPB is giving special attention to strengthen the Party and the mass organizations,
increase cohesion among the communists and move towards communist unity, strengthen
and expand the Left Democratic Front (which is constituted by different communist and
left parties).

CPB has also been working to bring together left and liberal democratic forces to provide
an alternative to the current two major parties. CPB took active part in setting up an 11-
party combination has been set up with this purpose. However, in recent developments
(as of late 2006) the rest of this alliance has aligned within the 14-party alliance led by
the Awami League.

CPB is also giving priority to the urgent task of fighting religious fundamentalism. CPB
speaks highly of dialectical materialism. For this CPB is working to build up united
movement with all possible secular democratic forces including the Awami League.
Socialist Party of Bangladesh

The Socialist Party of Bangladesh - SPB (Bengali: -) is a

communist party in Bangladesh. The party was founded on 7 November 1980. Since its
inception SPB has been launching a relentless struggle, both ideologically and
organisationally, in order to build up a real proletarian revolutionary party as well as an
uncompromising revolutionary struggle, on the basis of ever developing understanding of
Marxism-Leninism, to overthrow the existing capitalist order in Bangladesh

History
During the British imperial rule the Communist Party of India (CPI) was formed in 1921
and, subsequently, inheriting the old revisionist tradition of CPI, the Communist Party of
East Pakistan (EPCP) were formed. Later, in the 60s those so-called communist parties
following blindly the division of the international communist movement were divided
into different factions. Despite various inspiring instances of glorious battle and valiant
sacrifices of individuals in different, sporadic social, political and economic movements
they could not achieve success due to lack of correct political understanding and
scientific outlook. These parties were unable to lead the people, both in the independence
struggle in India and Bangladesh, due to wrong social analysis i.e. they could not
determine correctly their allies and enemies. Moreover, they could not build up a
proletarian revolutionary party following the scientific methodology guided by Marxism-
Leninism. Consequently, being led by the class-urge of fulfilling this vacuum SPB
emerged on November 7, 1980, discontinuing its relation with the petty-bourgeois radical
trend.

SPB identified four points as the basic faults of the so-called communist parties of
Bangladesh. These are:
 1. to grasp the correct understanding of Marxism-Leninism as a science,
2. to launch struggle covering very aspects of life basing on the principle of
Marxism-Leninism,
3. to determine the mode of production and class-character of the state, and thus the
strategy and tactics of the revolution,
4. to determine the ethical and methodological aspects of building a revolutionary
party.

From that very moment SPB fought relentlessly against revisionism inside the party and
for the cause of building class-movement through anti-autocratic democratic movement
in Bangladesh. Eventually, in 1983, the revisionist trend was totally ousted from the
mainstream of the party and SPB emerged as the developing force in the process of
formation of a genuine revolutionary party of the proletariat.

Mass organizations of SPB

SPB has got its political wings to work on different classes of people. Some of the child
organizations are :

Socialist Students' Front (SSF)

Socialist Labours' Front (SLF)
Socialist Womens' Forum (SWF)
Socialist Lawyers' Forum (SLF)
Socialist Teachers' Forum (STF)
Progressive Doctors' Forum (PDF)
Charon Cultural Center (CCC)

SPB on Several International Issues

As a part and parcel of the international communist movement SPB is playing a vital role
in the struggle, conducted in many countries, against imperialism, fascism, racism,
hegemonism as well as in the struggle of emancipation of the proletariat in Bangladesh.
SPB organized many mass rally supporting the liberation struggle of the people of
Palestine, anti-racist struggle of the people of South Africa, and against the US-
imperialist aggression upon Cuba, North Korea, Iraq, Yugoslavia and Somalia. SPB
protested US missile attack on Chinese Embassy in Belgrade during the aggression on
Yugoslavia in 1999 and condemned the misnamed US Missile Defense (NMD) system.
SPB has been able to create a bright image as a dedicated force of anti-imperialist
movement particularly by consistently organising rallies, procession in defence of Iraqi
independence war. It expressed solidarity with the emancipation movement of the
freedom-loving people in different countries and anti-war peace movement.

The International Communist Movement

SPB holds that the objective condition for the inevitable collapse of capitalism has been
created. But even then it will continue to exist and putrefy the entire society until and
unless it is pulled down by force, through revolutionary upsurge. Here the subjective role
of the revolutionary communist parties, of the communist movement is very essential.

Although the fall of the socialist camp has given a shock therapy to many who were
complacent about the whole socialist camp, it has not yet removed the very many shades
of revisionism from within the international communist movement. Even those
communist parties, which have recognized their long-sustained erroneous theories and
practices, are yet to rinse themselves of all these shortcomings.

Serious differences exist among these parties about the evaluation of the role of Comrade
Stalin and Comrade Mao, the cause of the collapse of the socialist system, the source of
revisionism, the necessity of dictatorship of the proletariat and so on.

SPB holds that while all these differences have to be gradually resolved through bilateral
and multilateral discussions and exchange of views, the genuine communists may find
scope to locate common issues and join into a common platform. We further propose:

1. The communist parties all over the globe should form an international platform of
the nature of Communist International Bureau (Cominform) of the late'40s; In this
platform, the member parties should exchange experiences, report organizational
progress and difficulties to the extent possible and suggest future programs once a
year;
2. Similarly regional branches of this platform can be created at the European, South
American, North American, Middle East, African, South Asian, Asia Pacific
regions;
3. A common journal may be published with contributions from member parties in
several languages, e.g., English. French, German, Russian, Chinese etc.
4. Common fund may be raised from the member parties for separate and specific
purposes;
5. A similar trade union forum may be formed to hear, discuss and help to redress
the problems of the workers and peasants at the national as well as international
levels, particularly the problems of the migrant people. This forum can organise a
joint workers struggle against different multinational transnational exploitation
and plundering in different countries.

SPB firmly believes that the setback of the revolutionary movement is not only
temporary but also already getting repaired. Provided the working class and the exploited
people under the leadership of their revolutionary communist parties take the correct
path, follow and creatively apply Marxism-Leninism and remain firm in advancing the
cause of socialism and revolution amidst any adversities, they will slowly but gradually
become invincible and win the final battle. Reaction will be overwhelmed by progress.
Counterrevolution will be defeated by revolution. Capitalism will be replaced by
socialism.
[1]
Khalequzzaman is the General Secretary of Central Committee of SPB. Mobinul
Haider Chowdhury, Suvrangshu Chakroborty, Bozlur Rashid Firoz,Zahedul Haq Milu,
Razekuzzaman Ratan are the members of Central Committee of SPB .[2]

Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti

The Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (Bengali:
Parbotto Chogram Jnoshnghoti Shomiti, or PCJSS, English: United People's
Party of the Chittagong Hill Tracts) is a political party formed to represent the people and
indigenous tribes of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. Since its inception in 1973,
the PCJSS has fought for autonomy and the recognition of the ethnic identity and rights
of the indigenous tribes of the Hill Tracts. Its military arm, the Shanti Bahini was used to
fight government forces and Bengali settlers in the Hill Tracts. A peace accord signed in
1997 led to the disarmament of the Shanti Bahini and enabled the PCJSS to return to
mainstream politics

Background
The roots of the PCJSS can be traced to the Hill Tracts Students' Association and the
Parbatya Chattagram Upajatiya Kalyan Samiti (United People's Welfare and
Development Party of the Chittagong Hill Tracts) that were organised in the 1960s in
what was then-East Pakistan.[6] The organisations agitated on behalf of the 100,000 native
peoples displaced by the construction of the Kaptai Dam, seeking rehabilitation and
compensation.[6] After the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, representatives of the
Chittagong Hill Tracts such as the Chakma politicians Charu Bikash Chakma and
Manabendra Narayan Larma sought autonomy and recognition of the rights of the
peoples of the region.[6] Larma and others protested the draft of the Constitution of
Bangladesh, although the Constitution recognised the ethnic identity but Larma and
others wanted full sovereignty and separation from Bangladesh.[7][8] The government
policy of recognised only the Bengali culture and the Bengali language and designating
all citizens of Bangladesh as Bengalis. In talks with Hill Tracts delegation led by
Manabendra Narayan Larma, the country's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
insisted that the ethnic groups of the Hill Tracts adopt the Bengali identity.[7][8] Sheikh
Mujib is also reported to have threatened to forcibly settle Bengalis in the Hill Tracts to
reduce the native peoples into a minority.[8][9]

Four-point manifesto and foundation

On April 24, 1972 Manabendra Narayan Larma presented a four-point manifesto[6] to the
constitution drafting committee, which sought:[6]
 1. Autonomy for the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the creation of its own legislative
assembly.
2. Inclusion in the constitution of a statute like the Regulation of 1900 that
safeguarded the identity and rights of the people of the Hill Tracts.
3. Preservation of the positions of tribal chiefs and tribal customs and laws.
4. Prohibition of amendments to the statute enshrining the Regulation of 1900 and
the settlement of Bengalis in the Hill Tracts.

The manifesto was summarily rejected by the government, causing resentment and
dissatisfaction amongst the people of the Hill Tracts.[6] On February 15, 1973
representatives and activists of the Hill Tracts founded the Parbatya Chhattagram Jana
Sanghatti Samiti (PCJSS) under Manabendra Narayan Larma's leadership.[6] The party's
official aims and objectives included humanism, nationalism, democracy, secularism and
the protection of the rights, culture and ethnic identity, and autonomy for the tribes of the
Hill Tracts.[6] The PCJSS sought to unify and represent all the tribes of the Hill Tracts and
also organised a committee of villages, a students and youth wing and a women's wing of
the party.

Insurgency
Dissatisfaction and anger due to government opposition to their demands led the PCJSS
to organise the Shanti Bahini (Peace forces) as military force to launch an armed struggle
to win autonomy and secure the rights of the people of the Hill Tracts.[3][8][10] Many
insurgents are believed to have trained, equipped and sheltered in the neighbouring Indian
state of Tripura.[11] During the insurgency, the PCJSS strongly opposed the government-
driven settlement of Bengalis in the Hill Tracts as a ploy to marginalise the tribes in their
home region. The PCJSS also rejected the Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board
and other government plans for local councils.[4] After an insurgency that lasted for
almost two decades, the PCJSS entered into peace talks with the government after the
restoration of democracy in 1991. However, little progress was made with the
government of prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia, the widow of Ziaur Rahman and her
Bangladesh Nationalist Party.[6] Fresh rounds of talks began in 1996 with the newly-
elected prime minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed of the Awami League, the daughter of
Sheikh Mujib.[6] The peace accord was finalised and formally signed on December 2,
1997.[5] The peace accord provided for greater autonomy, the return of land to displaced
tribals and special status for the ethnic groups and tribes. The accord also created a
central ministry of tribal affairs and an elected regional council that would be empowered
to govern the Hill Tracts and oversee local tribal councils. The accord also granted
official recognition of the ethnic groups and tribes.

After the treaty was signed, Shanti Bahini insurgents formally laid down their arms and
more than 50,000 displaced tribals were able to return to their homes. The PCJSS
emerged as a mainstream political party.[6]

Recent activities
Since the peace accord, the PCJSS has emerged as a mainstream political party and is
currently headed by Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, the younger brother of Manabendra
Narayan Larma, who is also the chairman of the CHT regional council.[12] The PCJSS has
continued to agitate for the full and proper implementation of the peace accord and has
alleged lack of government action and intimidation from security forces.[3][12] The PCJSS
has protested the rise of Islamism and Islamic terrorism in the region from groups based
in Bangladesh and neighbouring Burma.[12]

Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish

The Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis (also known as Khilafat Majlis) is an Islamist political
party working to establish an Islamic state along the lines of a Caliphate ('Khilafat') in the
People's Republic of Bangladesh.

Foundation
The Khilafat Majlis was founded in 1989 by Maulana Abdul Gaffar of Khilafat Andolon
and the firebrand, intellectual ideologue Ahmad Abdul Quader of Islami Jubo Shibir (a
rival organisation to Jamaa'te-i-Islami in the 1980s when it's emerged as Khilafat Majlis.)
Although smaller in comparison to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, Khilafat Majlis
maintains a strong following amongst modern and traditionally educated Muslims,
intellectuals and laymen of all strands across the country. Unlike Jamaa't its attracts
people from universities, colleges, schools as well as Kowmi and Alia Madrasas.

Agenda and activities

The Khilafat Majlis seeks the establishment of an Islamic state, modelled on the
Caliphate, a multi-national religious suprantional state.[1] The party seeks the full
enforcement of the Sha'riah. In conjunction with other Islamist parties Khilafat Majlis
held street protests in the capital Dhaka condemning Israel for its role in the 2006
Lebanon War.[2] In February, 2010 police in Khulna baton-charged Khilafat Majlis
activists who were holding street protests, and arrested five.[3] Khilafat Majlis activists
were reportedly protesting the arrest of a central party leader Maulana Shakhawat, who
had been arrested by the government.

Khilafat Majlis is being led by veteran Islamist leader Maulana Muhammad Ishaq and
Ahmad Abdul Quader. Central Executive Committee runs the day to day affairs of the
party.

Pact with Awami League

On January 22, 2006 Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the president of the reputedly secular
Bangladesh Awami League and the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh, signed a
controversial memorandum of understanding with the Khelafat Majlish to form a political
alliance for the then-scheduled 2006 general election.[1][4][5] The terms of the pact were
reportedly to be designed to give the Awami League, one of the two main political parties
in Bangladesh, a share in the vote bank of religious Muslim voters, who formed an
important bloc of voters in Muslim-majority Bangladesh.[1] In turn, an Awami League-led
government would enact the Majlish agenda of declaring the Ahmadiyya community as
non-Muslim, passing a blasphemy law (outlawing expressions of criticism of Islam) and
make fatwas (decrees from Muslim clerics) legally binding.[1] However, Sheikh Hasina
later claimed that the Khelafat had approached her about forming an alliance and had
promised to support a secular policy.[4][5]

The pact was severely criticised within Bangladesh and by various leaders of the Awami
League such as party presidium member Amir Hossain Amu, who criticised Sheikh
Hasina for signing the pact without discussing it with other party leaders.[4][5] By 2007,
the pact had been scrapped after Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh from the exile
imposed by the interim government (20062008).[4][5] Defending her actions, Sheikh
Hasina said that the pact was signed for a "certain period" to resist the "communal-
fundamentalist forces" led by the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.[4][5] Hasina claimed she
was authorised by party leaders to make any decisions to ensure election victory for the
Awami League.[4][5]

Electoral performance
In the 2008 general election, Khilafat Majlis won 8 seats in the Jatiya Sangsad, the
unicameral Parliament of Bangladesh.[3]

Foundation
The Khilafat Majlis was founded in 1989 by Maulana Abdul Gaffar of Khilafat Andolon
and the firebrand, intellectual ideologue Ahmad Abdul Quader of Islami Jubo Shibir (a
rival organisation to Jamaa'te-i-Islami in the 1980s when it's emerged as Khilafat Majlis.)
Although smaller in comparison to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, Khilafat Majlis
maintains a strong following amongst modern and traditionally educated Muslims,
intellectuals and laymen of all strands across the country. Unlike Jamaa't its attracts
people from universities, colleges, schools as well as Kowmi and Alia Madrasas.

Agenda and activities

The Khilafat Majlis seeks the establishment of an Islamic state, modelled on the
Caliphate, a multi-national religious suprantional state.[1] The party seeks the full
enforcement of the Sha'riah. In conjunction with other Islamist parties Khilafat Majlis
held street protests in the capital Dhaka condemning Israel for its role in the 2006
Lebanon War.[2] In February, 2010 police in Khulna baton-charged Khilafat Majlis
activists who were holding street protests, and arrested five.[3] Khilafat Majlis activists
were reportedly protesting the arrest of a central party leader Maulana Shakhawat, who
had been arrested by the government.

Khilafat Majlis is being led by veteran Islamist leader Maulana Muhammad Ishaq and
Ahmad Abdul Quader. Central Executive Committee runs the day to day affairs of the
party.

Pact with Awami League

On January 22, 2006 Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the president of the reputedly secular
Bangladesh Awami League and the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh, signed a
controversial memorandum of understanding with the Khelafat Majlish to form a political
alliance for the then-scheduled 2006 general election.[1][4][5] The terms of the pact were
reportedly to be designed to give the Awami League, one of the two main political parties
in Bangladesh, a share in the vote bank of religious Muslim voters, who formed an
important bloc of voters in Muslim-majority Bangladesh.[1] In turn, an Awami League-led
government would enact the Majlish agenda of declaring the Ahmadiyya community as
non-Muslim, passing a blasphemy law (outlawing expressions of criticism of Islam) and
make fatwas (decrees from Muslim clerics) legally binding.[1] However, Sheikh Hasina
later claimed that the Khelafat had approached her about forming an alliance and had
promised to support a secular policy.[4][5]

The pact was severely criticised within Bangladesh and by various leaders of the Awami
League such as party presidium member Amir Hossain Amu, who criticised Sheikh
Hasina for signing the pact without discussing it with other party leaders.[4][5] By 2007,
the pact had been scrapped after Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh from the exile
imposed by the interim government (20062008).[4][5] Defending her actions, Sheikh
Hasina said that the pact was signed for a "certain period" to resist the "communal-
fundamentalist forces" led by the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.[4][5] Hasina claimed she
was authorised by party leaders to make any decisions to ensure election victory for the
Awami League.[4][5]

Electoral performance
In the 2008 general election, Khilafat Majlis won 8 seats in the Jatiya Sangsad, the
unicameral Parliament of Bangladesh.[3]

The Liberal Democratic Party (Bengali: ) is a political party in

Bangladesh. Under the "Public Representation Act-2008" Liberal Democratic Party is the
#1 registered party of Bangladesh
Liberal Democratic Party

Liberal Democratic Party

Leader Dr. Oli Ahmed
Secretary-General Redwan Ahmed
Founded October 26, 2006
Headquarters 29/B, East Panthapath, Tejgaon, Dhaka-1208
Phone - +8802-8752166 Ideology Liberalism,
Social liberalism International
affiliation None
Colours Black
Seats in the Jatiyo Sangshad 1 / 300

The Liberal Democratic Party (Bengali: ) is a political party in

Bangladesh. Under the "Public Representation Act-2008" Liberal Democratic Party is the
#1 registered party of Bangladesh (http://www.ecs.gov.bd/Bangla/MenuTemplate1.php?
Parameter_MenuID=53#_Toc214788242 ).

Liberal Democratic Party was formed on October 26, 2006 by former President of
Bangladesh Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury, Dr. Oli Ahmad Bir Bikram, and 24
other former Members of Parliament and ministers from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party
(BNP).[1] The party was formed after abolishing 'Bikolpo Dhara'. Within 2 months of its
formation, the party was threatened with partition by some senior leaders who were
against the decision of the party forming a coalition with Awami League[citation needed].
Senior Presidium members of LDP were also unhappy over some allegations of financial
corruption with election nominations process and being forced to accept the son of party
President Dr Badruddoza Chowdhury as a Presidium member. Soon after the rift forced
Dr. B. Chowdhury to find his own way with his followres back to Bikalpa Dhara again.
Thereafter, Dr. Oli Ahmad was elected as President and Former Speaker Sheikh Razzak
Ali as Executive President of the party.

During the army backed caretaker government regime of 2007-2008 most of the senior
politicians were either in jail (on corruption & various other charges) or escaped abroad
or voluntarily resigned from politics to avoid prosecution. As a testimonial to his honesty
& integrity, Dr. Oli Ahmad was the only senior statesman of Bangladesh who didn't have
to face any such disgraceful situation at the time. He also had the courage to point out &
challenge any misdeeds & mistakes of the then government

From its inception LDP was a strong ally of the Grand Alliance. However, after grand
alliance leader Sheikh Hasina Wajed back tracked on her earlier promises on the number
of Parliamentary steats to be shared, LDP came out of the grand alliance and contested
the 2008 elections on their own. In the absence of main opposition, the Four Party
Alliance, LDP effectively became the voice of opposition in Parliament. Often Dr. Oli
Ahmad would have to carry out the responsibilities of opposition leader - including
delivering speech with the Prime Minister on conclusion of each parliamentary session,
including budget sessions.

With the misrule of Grand Alliance it became very difficult for LDP to continue
supporting the government, however, when caretaker government system was abolished
it became impossible. In keeping with his nature of protesting any misdeed, Dr. Oli
Ahmad BB has lent support to the major opposition in their demands for holding free and
fair elections under caretaker government. Currently the LDP under leadership of Dr. Oli
Ahmad BB has joined the 18 Party Alliance to revive democracy in Bangladesh.

Consequently the AL government has taken various oppressive measures against him &
his party to muffle their voice. Dr. Oli Ahmad BB removed as the Chairman of
Parliamentary Standing Committee for Ministry of Planning. Despite Oli Ahmad being
the elected representative from Chittagong-13 constituency, all development work in that
area were to be supervised by a selected female MP from another constituency. 7
litigations were initiated against him, including charges brought under explosive
substance act and causing arson in a KPI area. He was not given bail in one such
fabricated case and was sent to jail for 16 days. A life threatening attack was carried out
on him by AL hooligans also. Furthermore, many cases were lodged against leaders,
activists and supporters of LDP. Hundreds of them were jailed in such politically
motivated cases.

Leadership
President - Dr. Oli Ahmad Bir Bikram MP

Secretary General - Dr. Redwan Ahmed (Former State Minister & MP)

Dr. Oli Ahmad Bir Bikram

President - Liberal Democratic Party (Bangladesh)
Former Minister
Ministry of Communication
Ministry of Power, Energy, & Mineral Resources,
Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Food and
Ministry of Water Resources Development,
Ministry of Youth Development

President - Dr. Oli Ahmad Bir Bikram MP

Secretary General - Dr. Redwan Ahmed (Former State Minister & MP)

Dr. Oli Ahmad BB at a LDP press conference in Chittagong - 2009

Dr. Oli Ahmad given a public reception at Washington D.C. - US, 2011

Dr. Oli Ahmad BB addressing a public meeting in 2012

Alliances
From 2006 to 2008, LDP worked closely with Grand Alliance. With Four Party Alliance
abstaining from parliament, LDP effectively played the role of opposition in parliament.
However, after caretaker governemnet system was abolished unilaterraly by the AL
government, LDP felt that possibility of free and fair election in the future was
threatened. 2010 onwards, LDP started working closely with the Four Party Alliance to
ensure strengthening of democratic process. Eventually 18 Party Alliance was formed
with LDP as a senior member.

Electoral Performance
Since formation, LDP has faced one national election which was in 2008. Without
asscociation with the major two alliances at the time LDP is the only party to gain a seat
in the Parliament independently. This limited success was mainly due to the betrayal of
Grand Alliance leadership in not keeping their earlier promises.

Whereas, for the elections of 2007, LDP candidates where nominated for 28 seats (this
election was postponed by the caretaker government). However, by 2008 the Four Party
Alliance was considerably weakened, and Grand Alliance leader Sheikh Hasina was not
inclined to share so many seats with LDP anymore. This betrayal was made clear only 40
days ahead of the election date, which gave LDP leadership very little time to prepare and
strategise for elections on their own. President of LDP Dr. Oli Ahmed Bir Bikram won
for the sixth time from Chittagong-13.

LDP has had some success in local government also, with a few elections for
Municipality Mayor, Upazilla Chairman, Union Chairman and Ward Councilors being
elected by popular vote.

Associated Organisation
1. Democratic Freedom Fighters Party.

2. Democratic Youth Party.

3. Democratic Religious Leaders Party.

4. Democratic Womens Party

5. Democratic Cultural Party

6. Democratic Farmers Party

7. Democratic Volunteers Party

8. Democratic Youth Women Party

Organisation in Foreign Country

1.Liberal Democratic Forum

Islami Oikya Jote

The Islami Oikya Jote (Bengali: , Islami Oikko Jo, "Islamic Unity
Front") is a political party in Bangladesh. At the last legislative elections, 1 October 2001,
the party won 2 out of 300 elected members in an alliance with the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party. It is led by Ameer Allama Mufti Fazlul Huq Amini and Chairman
Shaikul Hadith Allama Azizul Haq. It has a focus on building an Islamic state, and has
used the madrassas, or Islamic schools, to gain support. While there has been rumours of
connections between this party and other militant Islamic groups, such as the Taliban,
there has been no evidence found as yet.

Alliance: Four Party Alliance

Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal-JSD

Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal

President Asm Abdur Rab
Secretary-General Abdul Malek Ratan
Founded 2002
Headquarters 65 Banglabandhu
Avenue,
Dhaka-1000

Ideology Socialism

The Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (Bengali: , 'National Socialist Party')

is a political party in Bangladesh. It was formed in 2002, through a split from the original
Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal. The party is sometimes referred to as JSD(Rab) (after
prominent party leader ASM Abdur Rab), to differentiate it from the mother party led by
Inu.[2] The Election Commission of Bangladesh calls the party Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal-
JSD and the Inu-led party Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal-Jasad.

Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal

Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal

Leader Hasanul Haq Inu

Founded 1972
Headquarters 35-36 Banglabandhu Avenue, Dhaka[1]
Ideology Socialism
Internationalaffiliation None
Colours Red and Yellow
Seats in the Jatiyo Sangshad 3 / 300

Jasad protestors at an opposition rally in 2005

The Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (Bengali: , 'National Socialist Party',

abbreviated JSD or '', Jasad) is a political party in Bangladesh.

The party founded in 1972 through the merger of socialist political activists and military
officers. It was founded under the leadership of Major (Retired) Abdul Jalil, a freedom
fighter from Barisal District, and was also joined by pro-Awami League top ranking
student leaders like ASM Abdur Rab & Shahjahan Siraj. Led by Colonel Abu Taher, the
front was firmly opposed to the regime of Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and overthrew it
in a military coup on November 7, 1975, which is celebrated in Bangladesh as the
National Revolution and Solidarity Day.

Jatiya Party (Manju)

Jatiya Party-JP
President Abdur Rahim
Secretary-General Sheikh Shahidul Islam
Headquarters Badi-3/6, Block-A, Lalmatiyo, Khana-Mohammadpur,
Dhaka- 1207

The Jatiya Party (Manju) (National Party (Manju)) is a political party in Bangladesh,
led by Anwar Hossain Manju. It is a splinter-group of the original Jatiya Party, that was
founded by the military dictator Hussain Mohammad Ershad.
The party is registered with the Election Commission of Bangladesh as Jatiya Party-JP.
[2]

Alliance: Four Party Alliance

Krishak Sramik Janata League

Krishak Sramik Janata League

President Bangbir Kader Siddique
Secretary- General Habibur Rahman Talukdar
Headquarters 80, Motijheel Banijyik Elaka (Nichtola), Dhak

The Krishak Sramik Janata League (Bengali: , "Peasants' and

Workers' People's League") is a political party in Bangladesh. Bangbir Kader Siddique is
the president of the party, and Habibur Rahman Talukdar the general secretary.[1] In the
2001 parliamentary election, the party won 1 out of 300 elected members

Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh

Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh is a political party in Bangladesh founded by former

President of Bangladesh and BNP parliamentarian Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury
in 2004.[1] Incidentally, Dr Chowdhury is also a founding member of BNP, the party he
was ousted from.[2] Their party symbol during the polls is the kula (Bengali: , a
handmade winnowing fan).[1] Its current political alignment is ambiguous, and has no
seats in the parliament.[3]

Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh

Leader Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury

Founded March 2004
Headquarters Bishwa Road, Dhaka
Ideology Secula Social liberalism
International affiliation None
Background
The party was conceived by Dr Chowdhury in 2003 after he was forced to abdicate his
Presidency.[2] Dr Chowdhury felt the need of a third force in the de facto two-party
democracy in Bangladesh. He expressed recruiting civil society members in politics to
fight corruption and terrorism and establish good governance in the country through an
alternate stream (lit. Bikalpa Dhara) political party.[1] He, along with his son Mahi B.
Chowdhury and BNP parliamentarian M A Mannan resigned from BNP to work for the
new political party. Dr Chowdhury was the President, with M A Mannan as the secretary-
general of the new party formed in March 2004. It had been a strong critic of the
government during the time, and most of its members were defects from the ruling BNP.
[1]
BNP parliamentarian Oli Ahmed too had defected from BNP bringing with him 24
other senior leaders of BNP to form a new party Liberal Democratic Party in which
Bikalpa Dhara was merged on 26 October 2006. However, due to some ideological
differences LDP was split and Dr. Chowdhury along with his followers went back to form
Bikalpa Dhara again in 2007.[4]

By-elections in 2004
Article 70 of the Constitution states that a parliamentarian who defects automatically
loses his seat.[5] Since both M A Mannan and Mahi B Chowdhury were ruling party
parliamentarians during their defection to Bikalpa Dhara, their seats were vacated and by-
elections declared. Both the parliamentarians contested for their own seats again.

The Munshiganj-1 district was contested mainly by Momin Ali of BNP and Mahi
Chowdhury,[6] (main opposition Awami League boycotted the by-polls) and the BNP-led
government was determined to ensure that they retained the seat. The by-election was
held on June 6, 2004.[6] Despite considerable opposition from the BNP, Mahi Chowdhury
managed to win the elections and enter Parliament as the only opposition member from
the BDB.

The Dhaka-10 constituency was contested between former MP M A Mannan and BNP's
Mosaddek Ali Falu[7] (main opposition Awami League had boycotted the by-polls). Falu,
also political adviser to the Prime Minister, won the elections comprehensively, but the
polls were considered to be sham by most observers,[7][8] and according to WikiLeaks,
including the United States.[9]

Mahi's membership in the Jatiyo Sangshad expired along with the parliament in October
2006.

2008 elections and aftermath

The party contested the 2008 elections independently, but won no seats during the
elections. Party president Dr Chowdhury lost his security money for obtaining only about
5,000 votes in his Dhaka-6 constituency, and came third in his Munshiganj-1
constituency,[3][10] where he was elected parliamentarian four times in the past. Nobody
else from the party were able to secure seats in the 9th Parliament either.[3]

In the emergency presidium meeting on 31 December 2008 just two days after the
elections, Dr Chowdhury and M A Mannan, party president and secretary-general took
responsibility for the loss, and resigned from their party posts, being appointed chief
adviser and adviser to the party respectively.[3][10] They also congratulated Awami League
for their historic win in the elections.[3][10] Dhaka University's political science professor
Nurul Amin Bepari and Mahi B. Chowdhury were appointed acting president and acting
secretary-general, respectively.[3][10]

However, Dr Chowdhury and Mannan were reinstated to their respective roles within the
party in April 2009 after a presidium meeting.[11]

2009 - present
Bikalpa Dhara has been walking on two boats with the main alliances. Dr Chowdhury
attended political iftars with both Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina (which Khaleda Zia
boycotted)[12] and Khaleda Zia (which Sheikh Hasina boycotted).[13]

Stances

Present government

Bikalpa Dhara believes that the present Awami League-led Grand Alliance has failed in
fulfilling their duties as the government, and a scheme of having fresh elections at the
earliest must be hatched.[14]

Caretaker government

Bikalpa Dhara opposed the repealing of the Thirteenth Amendment that abolished the
caretaker government system in Bangladesh, and stated their liking of the system to the
Chief Election Commissioner during a formal dialog.[15] The party also has agreed to join
former foe BNP in a movement to reinstate the caretaker government.[16]

General agitations by BNP

Bikalpa Dhara hasn't associated themselves with the general agitation movements being
led by BNP. For instance, Bikalpa Dhara were invited by BNP to join their mass hunger
strike on 12 July. While LDP, another party split from BNP, joined the movement,
Bikalpa Dhara declined.[16] The party also stated that it would shun any movements by
BNP that they perceived were too hardline and would disrupt the normal passage of life
for the people, although they agreed with BNP's cause in general.[14] They were initially
undecided about attending BNP's rally on 27 September,[14] and later no reports of
Bikalpa Dhara's attendance were found.[17] However, Bikalpa Dhara joined BNP's road
march program starting on October 10.[18]

Other parties
Hizb ut-Tahrir

Leader Ata Abu Rashta

Founder Taqiuddin al-Nabhani
Founded 1953
Membership Estimated 1 million
Ideology Sunni Islamism
International affiliation Worldwide

Hizb ut-Tahrir (Arabic: izb at-Tarr; English: Party of Liberation) is an

international Sunni[1][2][3] pan-Islamic political organisation. They are commonly
associated with the goal of all Muslim countries unifying as an Islamic state or caliphate
ruled by Islamic law and with a caliph head of state elected by Muslims.[4]

The organization was founded in 1953 in Jerusalem by Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, an Islamic

scholar and appeals court judge (Qadi)[5] from the Palestinian village of Ijzim. Since then
Hizb ut-Tahrir has spread to more than 40 countries, and by one estimate has about one
million members.[6] Hizb ut-Tahrir is very active in the West, particularly in the United
Kingdom, and is also active in several Arab and Central Asian countries, despite being
banned by some governments. The group also has a growing presence in North America,
known as Hizb ut-tahrir America, or HTA.

Hizb ut-Tahrir believes the re-establishment of caliphate would provide stability and
security to both Muslims and Non-Muslims in the predominantly Muslim regions of the
world.[7] The party promotes a detailed program for institution of a caliphate that would
establish Shariah and carry "the Da'wah of Islam" to the world.[8][9] Hizb ut-Tahrir is also
strongly anti-Zionist and calls for Israel, which it calls an "illegal entity," to be
dismantled

Goals, methods, and organization

Hizb ut-Tahrir states its aim as unification of all Muslim nations over time in a unitary
Islamic state or caliphate, headed by an elected caliph.[4] This, it holds, is a religious duty,
"an obligation that Allah has decreed for the Muslims and commanded them to fulfill. He
warned of the punishment awaiting those who neglect this duty."[11] One analyst, however,
[12]
quotes the work of Hizb ut-Tahrir founder Taqiuddin al-Nabhani[13] to suggest that
once Hizb ut-Tahrir has succeeded in creating a unified, transnational Islamic state it
should press on to expand the state into non-Muslim areas. According to al-Nabhani's
work The Islamic State, Muslims abroad `should work towards turning their land where
Islam is not implemented, and which [is thus] considered as Dar al-Kufr, into Dar al-
Islam".[14] Hizb ut-Tahrir is opposed to individual liberty and freedom, rather it promotes
the overthrow, both democratically or militarily, of democracy's and dictatorships alike
arguing they are un-Islamic.[15]

Although hizb means party in Arabic, in the countries where it is active Hizb ut-Tahrir
has not registered as a political party nor attempted to elect candidates to political office,
according to Zeyno Baran of the Washington, D.C.-based Nixon Center think tank.[16]
This is not true in all countries or throughout Hizb ut-Tahrir's history, however. For
example, Hizb ut-Tahrir put forward candidates for office in Jordan in the 1950s when it
was first formed, according to Suha Taji-Farouki, but was banned by the regime later.[17]
Kyrgyz Hizb ut-Tahrir members campaigned unsuccessfully for an affiliated candidate in
Kyrgyzstan's national presidential election in July 2005,[18] and have participated in
municipal elections where their followers have won in a number of regions.[19]

According to an analyst of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Kazakhstan,[20] where the group is outlawed,

Hizb ut-Tahrir plans its political progress in three stages: "First they convert new
members. Secondly, they establish a network of secret cells, and finally, they try to
infiltrate the government to work to legalize their party and its aims."[18] A more
sympathetic description of this strategy is that Hizb ut-Tahrir works to:

1. Establish a community of Hizb ut-Tahrir members who work together in the same
way as the companions of Muhammad. Members should accept the goals and
 methods of the organization as their own and be ready to work to fulfill these
goals.[21]
2. Build public opinion among the Muslim masses for the caliphate and the other
Islamic concepts that will lead to a revival of Islamic thought.[21]
3. Once public opinion is achieved in a target country through debate and
persuasion, the group hopes to obtain support from army generals, leaders, and
other influential figures or bodies to facilitate the change of the government. The
government would be replaced by one that implements Islam "generally and
comprehensively", carrying Islamic thought to people throughout the world.[21]

According to a BBC program on the group's activities in Indonesia, "unlike many other
Islamist movements here, Hizb ut-Tahrir seems less interested in a broad mass following
than a smaller more committed core of members, many of them drawn from Indonesia's
educated middle classes."[22] Zeyno Baran describes the party as a "vanguard party"
because he states it is interested in achieving power through "hundreds of supporters in
critical positions" rather than "thousands of foot soldiers."[23] However, at least one of its
leaders in Indonesia, Jalaluddin Patel, states that that is an untrue characterization of the
group.[24]

In countries where the party is outlawed, Hizb ut-Tahrir's organisation is said to be

strongly centralized, with its central leadership based in the Palestinian Territories.
Underneath its center are "national organisations or wilayas, usually headed by a group of
12, control networks of local committees and cells."[6] The basic unit of the party is a cell
of five members, the leader of which is called a mushrif. Only the mushrif knows the
names of members of other cells

Timeline
This is a partial annotated timeline of Hizb ut-Tahrir actions relating to their adopted
method to fulfil the party's original raison d'etre[26] by assuming authority and
implementing Islamic law.

Year Snapshot of status

1953 Party founded by Taqiuddin al-Nabhani in Jerusalem.
1956 Party yet to decide how it would assume authority[27]
Interaction Stage begins in Jordan, and society is unresponsive. Party revises its
1960
method.[27]
Party adopts the method of seeking support from the influential faction(s) to
1961
assume power.[28]
Party announces that society in Jordan had responded positively to its call,
1964
forcing it to attempt to take power in Jordan.[29]
1968/69 Party allegedly involved in two (failed) coup attempts in Jordan and Syria.[30]
1974 Party allegedly involved in (failed) coup attempt in Egypt.[30]
Party founder and leader Taqiuddin al-Nabhani dies in Lebanon, succeeded by
1977
Abd al-Qadim Zallum, a Palestinian cleric.[31]
Party acknowledges that the Muslims had reached a state of total surrender and
despair and was not responding to anything.
1978
Party acknowledges that this had caused the level of activity to decline almost to
standstill, mainly due to misconceptions.[32]
1998 Party indicates that the Caliphate is now the wish of all the Muslims.[33]
Party leader Abd al-Qadim Zallum dies in Lebanon, succeeded (earlier that year)
2003
by Ata Khalil Abu-Rashta, a Palestinian civil engineer.[34][35]

Policies
Defence

Article 56 of the draft constitution of the proposed state describes conscription as a

compulsory individual duty, for all citizens. "Every male Muslim, fifteen years and over,
is obliged to undergo military training in readiness for jihad." Responsibility for defense
in the state would go to the Amir al-Jihad. In Hizb ut-Tahrir's vision of the caliphate, the
Amir al-Jihad "is the supervisor and director" of four departments comprising "the army,
the police, equipment, tasks, armament supplies," internal security, foreign affairs, and
finally industry since "all factories of whatever type should be established on the basis
of the military policy." However, the Khaleefah [Caliph], not the Amir al-Jihad, is the
leader of the army, he appoints the commander-in-chief, a general for each brigade and a
commander for each division."[36]

Democracy

Hizb ut-Tahrir rejects democracy as a western system and un-Islamic despite aspects of it
such as elections existing in the Islamic political system. Hizb ut-Tahrir argues
democracy as a system is

the rule of people, for the people, by the people. The basis of the democratic system is
that people possess the right of sovereignty, choice and implementation. ... it is a Kufr
system because it is laid down by man and it is not from the Shari'ah Laws.

However, Hizb ut-Tahrir believes the Caliph, i.e., the head of the Caliphate state, should
be elected and should be accountable to those who have appointed him. The position
should not be inherited through blood lines, or imposed on Muslims, but elected by them,
contrary to the principles of Shia Islam. Muslims should then pledge their loyalty to the
Caliph. The Caliph
"is the head of state in the Khilafah. He is not a king or dictator but an elected leader
whose authority to rule must be given willingly by the Muslims through a special ruling
contact called baya. Without this baya he cannot be the head of state. This is completely
opposite to a king or dictator who imposes his authority through coercion and force. It
argues the tyrant kings and dictators in the Muslim world are examples of this,
imprisoning and torturing their populations and stealing their wealth and resources."[37]

Hizb ut-Tahrir favor a system of elections for Muslims to choose the Caliph.

Also part of the Hizb ut-Tahrir proposed draft constitution is a Majlis al-Umma for the
Caliph, an institution for consultation and accountability of political rulers.

The founder of Hizb ut-Tahrir, Taqiuddin an-Nabhani, is careful to note that Shura differs
from Western representative democracy in that while part of "the ruling structure" of the
Islamic caliphate, it's "not one of its pillars."

This is because the shura (consultation) in Islam is for seeking the opinion and not for
ruling. This is contrary to the parliamentary system in democracy.[38]

In another book Nabhani elaborates further, stating that when the Majlis makes a decision
after the Caliph consults them it is binding on the Caliph to accept the decision; the
Caliph's powers outlined in the draft proposed constitution refer only to foreign affairs
when in a state of war that he considered existent during his life.[39]

Economy

The draft constitution also details an economic system that allows private enterprise, but
reserves public ownership of utilities, public transport, health care, energy resources such
as oil, and unused farm land (similar to communitarianism). However, it calls for use of
the Gold Standard, gold and silver coinage. The draft constitution gives quite specific
instructions for the gold and silver weight of the coins, arguing

... it is the duty of the Khilafah State to make its currency in gold and silver and to work
on the basis of gold and silver as it was during the time of the Messenger of Allah and his
Khulafa'a after him... to fix the weight of dinars equal to the Shari'ah dinar or 4.25 grams
(of Gold) for one dinar... the dirham has the weight of 2.975 grams (of Silver). The basis
of gold and silver as currency is the only way to solve currency related economic
problems and the high inflation rates that are common in the world, and to produce
currency stability for rates of exchange and progress in international trade.... Only by
taking gold and silver as the standard, can the American control and the control of the
dollar as an international currency, be demolished in international trade and world
economies.[40]
Non-Muslims

In Hizb ut-Tahrir's draft constitution for its unified Islamic state, any non-Muslims living
in the state may not serve in any of the ruling offices, such as the position of caliph, nor
vote for these officials, as these positions require those who fulfil them to believe in the
system. In essence it treats Non-Muslims as second class citizens. Muslims also have "the
right to participate in the election of the Khaleefah [head of state] and in giving him the
pledge (ba'iah). Non-Muslims have no right in this regard." However non-Muslims may
voice "complaints in respect to unjust acts performed by the rulers or the misapplication
of Islam upon them."

Hizb ut-Tahrir claims the

rights of Jews and other non-Muslims are enshrined within statuary Islamic Law (Sharia).
These were laid down by the Prophet Muhammad when he established the first Islamic
State in Medina in the 7th century. He said, "Whoever harms a dhimmi (non-Muslim
citizen) has harmed me.... Non-Muslims in the khilafah (caliphate) will have established
channels to air any grievances or denial of their rights. All citizens will be empowered
with the right to speak out where necessary."[41]

In regards to foreign policy, Article 186 of the draft constitution states: "The State is
forbidden to belong to any organisation that is based on something other than Islam or
that applies non-Islamic rules". This includes organizations such as the UN, the World
Bank, and the International Monetary Fund and the Arab League. Article 185 of the draft
constitution states: "It is permitted to conclude good neighbouring, economic,
commercial, financial, cultural and armistice treaties."

Rights or freedoms

Two areas in which Hizb ut-Tahrir rejects the notion of freedom are religion and
economics. Article 7 of its Draft Constitution declares that Muslims who "have by
themselves renounced Islam... are guilty of apostasy (murtadd) from Islam [and] are to be
executed." David Commins of Department of History at Dickinson College, writes that
according to Hizb ut-Tahrir, "individuals do not have absolute freedom as in capitalism:
Apostasy, adultery, alcohol, and certain economic practices are forbidden. But within
well-recognized bounds, the Muslim enjoys much freedom.[42]

Many freedoms are included in the Hizb ut-Tahrir party's draft constitution.,[citation needed] It
argues that "there is no such thing as a clergy in Islam", that "every Muslim has the right
to perform ijtihad",[citation needed] (personal exertion to derive hold opinions in Islamic law),
and that "every thing or object is permitted, unless there is an evidence of prohibition" in
the Qur'an,[citation needed]. It is incumbent on Muslims to implement the hudud law, divinely
ordained capital punishment for certain crimes. Hizb ut-Tahrir's constitution states that
"every individual is innocent until proven guilty", "no person shall be punished without a
court sentence" and that "torture is absolutely forbidden and whoever inflicts torture on
anyone shall be punished." Article 7 of the constitution institutes capital punishment for
ridda (see ridda article for various definitions). It maintains that under the caliphate,
"Arabic is the language of Islam and the sole language of the state."

The only sources of legislation to be considered divine and statutory, and therefore to be
accepted without debate, according to Article 12, are those based upon fair interpretations
of the Qur'an, the Sunnah, consensus of the companions (Ijma al-Sahaba), and legitimate
analogies (Qiyas) from the previous three.

The West

Hizb ut-Tahrir opposes any Western influence in the Muslim world. Its founder, Nabhani,
has been described as preaching that "British plots in particular and western imperialist
conspiracies in general pervade the modern history of the Muslim world and ultimately
explain its main lines of political evolution."[8] In his book, The System of Islam, which is
studied by all Hizb ut-Tahrir members, Nabhani states:

If not for the influence of the deceptive Western culture and the oppression of its agents
that will soon vanish, then the return to the domain of Islam in its ideology and system
would be quicker than the blink of an eye.[43]

According to the same book, the Muslim world has not lagged behind the West, East
Asia, the Hindu or any other non-Muslim society because it has failed to borrow some
political, cultural or social concepts of the West, but rather:

Muslim stagnation commenced the day they abandoned this adherence to Islam and ...
allowed the foreign culture to enter their lands and the Western concepts to occupy their
minds.[44]

Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia spokesperson, Ismail Yusanto said to Nikolaos van Dam, the
Dutch ambassador for Indonesia that the Dutch government is responsible for the Fitna
(film) of Geert Wilders and said aslim taslam.[45]

Women

The Hizb ut-Tahrir draft constitution states, "the primary role of a woman is that of a
mother and wife. She is an honour ('ird) that must be protected.".[46] Unlike some Muslim
traditionalists, Hizb ut-Tahrir, advocates women's suffrage or right to vote (i.e., Muslim
women, as only Muslims have the right to vote for the Caliph[47]), the right of Muslim
women to choose a Muslim partner freely (Muslim women are not allowed to marry non-
Muslim men), right to seek employment, serve in the military, have custody of children
after divorce even if she is not Muslim,[48] and run in elections.

However, Hizb ut-Tahrir believe Islam forbids women from ruling positions such as
caliph, Chief Justice,[49] provincial governor, or mayor citing Prophetic traditions. Article
109 of the party's draft constitution prescribes segregation of the sexes in public activities
such as school, sporting activities, etc. Muslim women would be required to hide their
charms,[50] i.e. their body with the exception of hands and face, so dress in accordance
with khimar and jilbab,[51] although not necessarily with the niqab favoured by more
fundamentalist movements.[52][53] Article 114 of the constitution specifies that women
should not be allowed to be in private with men other than their husband or members of
their immediate family (father, brother, son). Article 116 stipulates that once married a
woman is obliged to obey her husband.[54]

While opponents may consider this unequal status, Hizb ut-Tahrir maintains

Women in the Khilafah are not regarded as inferior or second class citizens. Islam gave
women the right to wealth, property rights, rights over marriage and divorce as well as a
place in society. Very recently Islamists established a public dress code for women the
Khimar and Jilbab which promotes women to cover themselves up to avoid judgement
and also to establish a society without the perceived type of negative relationships
prevalent in the west.[55]

Zionism

Hizb ut-Tahrir strongly opposes Zionism and the state of Israel. Statements by Hizb ut-
Tahrir differ on what its position toward Israel and the Jews. "Palestine why only a one
state solution will work," pledges Hizb ut-Tahrir support for a "one state solution" for
Israel and the Palestinians. However, by the phrase "one state solution" Hizb ut-Tahrir
does not mean a united secular state (see: Binational solution), but rather, making
Palestine part of the united Islamic caliphate state where everyone, Muslims and non-
Muslims alike, follow statutory shariah Islamic law.[56]

Other statements by Hizb ut-Tahrir and officials have been less temperate. A 2001
statement removed from the Hizb ut-Tahrir website includes the statement, "In origin, no
one likes the Jews except the Jews. Even they themselves rarely like each other".[57]
Global head of Hizb ut-Tahrir, Ata Abu-Rishta is reported (at the Hizb ut-Tahrir August
2007 annual conference in Jakarta, Indonesia) to have "(...) whipped the 100,000-strong
crowd into a frenzy by calling for a war on Jews."[58]

Charges of anti-semitism

In a 2000 article entitled "The Muslim Ummah will never submit to the Jews", Hizb ut-
Tahrir lamented what it saw as the innate behavior of Jews:

... In origin, no one likes the Jews except the Jews. Even they themselves rarely like each
other.... The American people do not like the Jews nor do the Europeans, because the
Jews by their very nature do not like anyone else. Rather they look at other people as wild
animals that have to be tamed to serve them. So, how can we imagine it being possible
for any Arab or Muslim to like the Jews whose character is such?... Know that the Jews
and their usurping state in Palestine will, by the Help and Mercy of Allah, be destroyed
"until the stones and trees will say: O Muslim, O Slave of Allah. Here is a Jew behind
me, so come and kill him."[57]
In October 2002, a court in Denmark handed down a 60-day suspended sentence to Fadi
Abdelatif, Hizb ut-Tahrir's spokesman in Denmark, after he was found guilty of
distributing racist propaganda. The leaflet he distributed contained a quote from the
Quran: "And kill them wherever you find them, and turn them out from where they have
turned you out," followed by a passage stating: "the Jews are a people of slander... a
treacherous people."[59]

In January 2003, Hizb ut-Tahrir was barred from public activity in Germany, German
Interior Minister Otto Schily stating that the group was spreading violence and hate and
had called for the killing of Jews.[60] Membership in the party is still permitted. The
charges originate from a conference at the Technical University of Berlin, organized by a
student society allegedly affiliated with Hizb ut-Tahrir. The furor was caused because the
conference was attended by members of the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of
Germany (NPD), which allegedly sparked fears of an alliance between neo-Nazi groups
and Islamists. Schily banned Hizb ut-Tahrir three months later, for going "against the
concept of international understanding" contained in the German constitution, a charge
that has been used in the past against neo-Nazi groups. The group's representative in
Germany Assem Shaker responded that the group was not anti-Semitic. He added, "We
do not call to kill Jews. Our call is addressed to the Muslim people to defend themselves
against the Zionist aggression in Palestine. And they have the right to do so."[60]

In July 2005 Dilpazier Aslam, a 27-year-old British Muslim and trainee journalist with
The Guardian, lost his position with the newspaper when it was exposed he was a
member of Hizb ut-Tahrir. Citing the antisemitic statement discovered on the party's
website, Guardian executives decided that membership of Hizb ut-Tahrir was not
compatible with membership of the newspaper's trainee scheme. Aslam refused to leave
the group, saying he was not an antisemite and did not consider Hizb ut-Tahrir's website
to be antisemitic.[61] Dilpazier later sued for unfair dismissal and there was an out-of-court
settlement.[61]

After allegations that party members had spread antisemitic propaganda, in 2004 the
British National Union of Students imposed a No Platform order.[62] The party then
resumed recruiting at British universities under the name "Stop Islamophobia."[63]

Position on violence
Hizb ut-Tahrir states on its British website that it adopts the methods "employed by the
Prophet Muhammad [who] limited his struggle for the establishment of the Islamic State
to intellectual and political work. He established this Islamic state without resorting to
violence." [64] In addition, seven days after the September 11, 2001 attacks Hizb ut-Tahrir
issued a statement that "The rules of this Message forbids any aggression against civilian
non-combatants. They forbid killing of children, the elderly and non-combatant women
even in the battlefield. They forbid the hijacking of civilian aeroplanes carrying innocent
civilians and forbid the destruction of homes and offices that contain innocent civilians.
All of these actions are types of aggression that Islam forbids and Muslims should not
undertake such actions."[65][66] The U.S. government, according to the Global Security
thinktank, "has found no clear ties between Hizb ut-Tahrir and terrorist activity. Hizb ut-
Tahrir has not been proven to have involvement in or direct links to any recent acts of
violence or terrorism. Nor has it been proven to give financial support to other groups
engaged in terrorism."[67]

The British branch of Hizb ut-Tahrir immediately condemned the 7 July 2005 London
bombings.[68] Imran Waheed, the group's spokesperson in Great Britain, however, stated
just after the bombings that "When Westerners get killed, the world cries. But if Muslims
get killed in Iraq or Afghanistan, it's the smallest of news. I will condemn what happened
in London only after there is the promise from Western leaders to condemn what they
have done in Falluja and other parts of Iraq and in Afghanistan."[69] Waheed later stated
that "The entire Muslim community has made its position on the London bombings clear
these actions have no justification as far as Islam is concerned."[70] The spokesperson
of the Danish branch of Hizb-ut-Tahrir echoed Waheed's comments, calling the attacks
un-Islamic but refraining from directly condemning them as long as the occupation of
Iraq continued.[68]

Hizb ut-Tahrirs opposition to violence has been questioned. For example, the think tank
Globalsecurity.org states that Hizb ut-Tahrir "is not against violence as such. It is just
against the use of violence now."[71] Similarly, in 2007 "senior members"[not in citation given] of
Hizb ut-Tahrir are quoted condemning Hamas on the grounds that sending poorly-armed
Palestinians now against the Israeli army is "fruitless," and that military operations[not in
citation given]
against Israel and its occupation of Palestinian lands should await a united
Caliphate[not in citation given] and the combined armies of Islam.[72][dead link][73] Writer and
broadcaster Ziauddin Sardar wrote in 2005 that Hizb ut-Tahrir's intolerance of any
compromise with its goals was "a natural precursor of, and invitation to, violence."[74] He
added that, in the long run, violence is central to the goal of an Islamic Caliphate.[75]

Zeyno Baran of the Nixon Center and Ariel Cohen of the Heritage Foundation[6] have
argued that although Hizb ut-Tahrir does not promote or engage in violence, it acts as a
"conveyor belt" for young Muslims, using its legal status to indoctrinate them before they
leave the group to join more extreme groups that may engage in violence.[76] An
investigative journalist specialising in British terrorism, Shiv Malik sympathizes with the
position, stating that it "is not without foundation."."[6][77] In support of this perspective,
Malik quotes unnamed intelligence sources stating that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a leader
of al-Qaeda in Iraq, and al-Qaeda leader Khalid Sheikh Mohammed are both former
members of Hizb ut-Tahrir.[6] Omar Sharif, who attempted a suicide bombing in Israel in
2003, is also alleged to have been affililated with Hizb ut-Tahrir, but the group denies
this, stating that "despite extensive investigations by the police and security services,
including legal proceedings against members of the Sharif family, no link to Hizb ut-
Tahrir has ever been proven."[78] The British government, in a classified report,
discounted the conveyor belt theory, stating "We do not believe that it is accurate to
regard radicalisation in this country as a linear 'conveyor belt moving from grievance,
through radicalisation, to violence This thesis seems to both misread the radicalisation
process and to give undue weight to ideological factors."[79]
Britains National Union of Students has asked universities to ban Hizb ut-Tahrir from
campuses, accusing the group of supporting terrorism and publishing material that
incites racial hatred."[80]

The Panorama programme on the BBC showed an August 2006 speech by Ata Abu-
Rishta, the global leader of Hizb ut-Tahrir, in which he called for the "destruction" of
Hindus living in Kashmir, Russians in Chechnya and Jews in Israel.

Prominent members
Shaykh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani (founder, deceased)
Shaykh Ahmed Dauor (Jordanian parliamentarian 19551957, deceased)
Shaykh Abdul Qadeem Zallum (second leader, deceased)
Shaykh Ata Abu Rashta (current global leader of Hizb ut-Tahrir)
Osman Bakhach (Central Media Office Spokesman)
Jamal Harwood (Former Chairman of UK Executive Committee)
Taji Mustafa (UK spokesman)
Dr Imran Waheed (former UK spokesman 20012006)
Dr Nazreen Nawaz (UK women's media representative)[144]
Dr Abdul Wahid (Chairman of UK Executive Committee)[145]
Shaykh Ali Syed Abul-Hassan (Imam of Masjid as-Sahaba, Khartoum, Sudan
spokesman, deceased)
Mohammad Nafi Abdul-Karim Salih (Jordanian member, deceased)
Shaykh Mahmoud Abdul-Latif Uweidah Abu Iyas (prominent Jordanian
Member)
Shaykh Taleb Awadallah (Palestinian member from al-Khalil, Hebron)
Shaykh Yusuf Ba'darani (Lebanese member)
Shaykh Abdul-Aziz Badri (Iraqi member, deceased)
Ashraf Doureihi (a prominent Australia member)
Wassim Doureihi (former Australia spokesperson)
Soadad Doureihi (a prominent Australia member)
Mohammed AbdulWahhab (a prominent Australia member)
Naveed Butt (Pakistan spokesperson)
Imran Yousufzai (Pakistan spokesperson)
Yilmaz Celik (Turkey spokesperson)
Ridha Belhaj (Tunisia spokesman)
Hassan Al-Dahi (Kuwait spokesman)
Mahmood Tarshooby (Egypt spokesman)
Maher Al-Jabari (Palestine spokesman)
Shaker Assem (Germany spokesman)
Muhammad Ismail Yusanto (Indonesia spokesman)
Abdul Hakim Othman (Malaysia spokesperson)
Shaykh Ibrahim Othman Abu Khalil (Sudan spokesman)
Mohiuddin Ahmed (Bangladesh Chief Coordinator and Spokesperson)
Farhad Usmanov (Uzbekistan, deceased in prison)
 Okay Pala (Holland spokesperson)
Abdul Salam (USA member)
Hafidz Abdurrahman, (prominent leading member of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia)
Shaykh Ahmad al-Qasas (Lebanon Spokesperson)

Book
The Book The Islamist reveals the inner workings of the political organisation. It follows
the path of a young man coming to terms with his extremist/Islamist mindset. He
describes how violence and the increasing radicalisation of the group eventually lead to
him cutting all ties and resigning from the head of the local group at Tower Hamlets
University.[146] The author Ed Husain now a moderate Muslim, is opposed to the ideology
of Hizb ut-Tahrir and critical of the consequences of political Islam filling young minds.

Liberal Party Bangladesh

Liberal Party Bangladesh
Founded August 1998
Political position liberal

The Liberal Party Bangladesh is a liberal political party in Bangladesh. It was

established in August 1998 by a merger of various liberal, secular and centre-left political
parties and trade unions.[1]

In addition to its main policy thinktank, the Institute of Liberal Democracy in Dhaka, it
has various other affiliated organisations. However, the party has had only limited
electoral success, with no elected officials at any level of government. 7 (Seven)
candidates stood for the 2001 Bangladesh parliamentary election, but they gained only
0.1% votes and no seats in parliament.[2] The party had intended to field 14 candidates in
the 2007 poll,[3] but the 20062008 Bangladeshi political crisis resulted in the election
being suspended until at least December, 2008.
Nagorik Shakti

Founder Muhammad Yun

Slogan March Ahead, Bangladesh
Founded February 17, 2007
Dissolved May 3, 2007
Ideology Secularism, Social liberalism

Nagorik Shakti (Bengali: ) was a proposed political party in Bangladesh. It

was conceived in by 2006 Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus. "Nagorik
Shakti" means "Citizen's Power". Yunus communicated his ideas to the people of the
nation and asked for feedbacks by writing a total of three letters addressed to the citizens
in the prominent national daily The Daily Star. Yunus discontinued his venture in 2007
citing lack of interested eligible candidates.[2]

Nobel Laureate, Muhammad Yunus, the proponent of Nagorik Shakti

Political situation of Bangladesh

Bangladeshi politics was marred by instability, especially during the turmoil of 2006-08.
Most top politicians, including former Prime Ministers Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina
were imprisoned on corruption charges,[3] and a state of emergency existed.[4] Hence, to
counter the rampant corruption in politics, Yunus proposed a political party run by clean
honest people.[5]

History
In early 2006 Yunus, along with other members of the civil society including Professor
Rehman Sobhan, Justice Muhammad Habibur Rahman, Dr Kamal Hossain, Matiur
Rahman, Mahfuz Anam and Debapriya Bhattchariya, participated in a campaign for
honest and clean candidates in national elections.[5] He considered entering politics in the
later part of that year.[6]

The First Letter

On 11 February 2007, Yunus wrote an open letter, published in the Bangladeshi
newspaper Daily Star, where he asked citizens for views on his plan to float a political
party to establish political goodwill, proper leadership and good governance. In the letter,
he called on everyone to briefly outline how he should go about the task and how they
can contribute to it.[7]

Unveiling
Yunus finally announced the foundation of a new party tentatively called Citizens' Power
(Nagorik Shakti) on 18 February 2007.[8][9][10] There was speculation that the army
supported a move by Yunus into politics.[11]

The Second Letter

The second letter written by Yunus addressed to the citizens expressed his interests to join
politics, outlining the foundations and principles of the party, a detailed organizational
structure for the grassroots of the party, and featured addresses to women, the young, and
the expatriates.

Motto and Principles

Bangladesh egiye cholo or "March Ahead, Bangladesh" was to be the theme title of the
movement, as declared in the second letter to the people.[1] Among its aims is the
reinstatement of a secular constitution as well as gains in female empowerment and the
fight against poverty and corruption. It will attempt to appoint capable leaders with a
commitment to honest governance and accountability.[5] Dr. Yunus intended to make
Bangladesh an economical check-point in South Asia by opening up its ports and
establishing global ties.[1]
Organization

Yunus outlined the organizational structure of the party through his second letter to the
people.[1]

The organization of Nagorik Shakti was to be mostly based on the rural areas of
Bangladesh: the villages.[1] It was assumed that there will be 20 working people, and
hoped that the parties will avoid going down the path of the more unruly elements in
Bangladeshi politics by avoiding formal showdown such as public meetings, preferring
instead to convince the electorate by proclaiming facts. Each unit should have 50%
female worker-supporter and must have at least 33%. Ideally, females and young people
should be among the party's key players. Each team or group must be able to nominate
others to higher positions and this practice should be carried on right up to constituency
level. Party expenses will be covered by its members.

Yunus intended his party to run for all 300 constituencies during the 2008 parliamentary
elections.[8]

Conflict of interest with Grameen Bank

Yunus wants to avoid accusations of conflict of interest between his role in Shakti and
with the Grameen Bankthe pioneering microcredit lender he founded in 1976. He has
stated that he will reduce his involvement with the Bank, and that no Grameen Bank
executives will be involved with the party.[12]

Reactions in the political arena

Right from its inception, the party has caused quite a stir in political circles. Though
many political leaders initially remained tight-lipped, some expressed their bitterness
regarding the party.

Then Former Premier Sheikh Hasina expressed her displeasure over Yunus joining
politics, saying, "Newcomers in politics are dangerous elements and are to be viewed
with suspicion, they often do more harm to the nation than good."[citation needed]

Mufti Aminee, one of the former four-party alliance leaders was even less charitable in
his views on the Professor, saying "Dr. Yunus is an enemy of the country, nation and
Islam."[citation needed]

The Third Letter

On 3 May, however, Yunus declared that he had decided to abandon his political plans
following a meeting with the head of the interim government, Fakhruddin Ahmed.[2][13]