Obstacles To Women's Participation in Parliament
Obstacles To Women's Participation in Parliament
Obstacles To Women's Participation in Parliament
Chapter 2
Nadezhda Shvedova
Obstacles to
Womens Participation
in Parliament
Women around the world at every socio-political level find themselves underrepresented in parliament and far removed from decision-making levels. As mentioned
in chapter 1, in 2005, women hold barely 16percent of parliamentary seats around the
world. The factors that hamper or facilitate womens political participation vary with
level of socio-economic development, geography, culture, and the type of political
system. Women themselves are not a homogeneous group; there are major differences
between them, based on class, race, ethnicity, cultural background and education.
The exclusion of women from decision-making bodies limits the possibilities for
entrenching the principles of democracy in a society, hindering economic development
and discouraging the attainment of gender equality. If men monopolize the political
process, passing laws which affect society at large, the decision-making process does
not always balance the interests of the male and female populations. As noted in the
Millennium Development Goals, womens equal participation with men in power
and decision making is part of their fundamental right to participate in political life,
and at the core of gender equality and womens empowerment.1 Women have to be
active participants in determining development agendas.
Women who want to enter politics find that the political, public, cultural and social
environment is often unfriendly or even hostile to them. Even a quick glance at the
current composition of political decision makers in any region provides evidence that
women still face numerous obstacles in articulating and shaping their own interests.
What are the obstacles women face in entering parliament? How can women better
cope with these hindrances? In this chapter we take the first step towards increasing
womens parliamentary representation and effectiveness by identifying the common
problems that women face. We categorize the problems into three areas: political,
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1. Political Obstacles
At the beginning of the 21st century, over
95percent of all countries in the world have
granted women the two most fundamental
democratic rights: the right to vote and the
right to stand for election. New Zealand was the
first country to give women the right to vote, in
1893; and Finland was the first to adopt both
fundamental democratic rights in 1906. There
are still a few countries that deny women both
the right to vote and the right to stand for elections.2
In theory, the right to stand for election, to become a candidate and to get elected
is based on the right to vote. The reality is, however, that womens right to vote
remains restricted, principally because the candidates are mostly male. This is true
not only for partial and developing democracies, but for established democracies as
well. The low level of womens representation in some European parliaments should
be considered a violation of womens fundamental democratic right and, as such, a
violation of their basic human rights. This unequal rate of representation in legislative
bodies signifies that womens representation, rather than being a consequence of
democratization, is more a reflection of a status quo.
In most countries de jure difficulties exist, either by virtue of laws being enacted
and not followed or by virtue of laws not even existing in the first place. To achieve
gender balance in political life, it is necessary to ensure that commitment to equality
is reflected in laws and national policies. The rising force of women organized at all
levels of society throughout the world has given greater impetus to the 30percent
target for women in political positions originally promoted in 1995. Introducing
quotas for electoral seats is considered an important strategy.3 Indeed, positive action
is a necessary tool to maintain at least 30percent of women at all levels of decision
making.
The Argentinean law on quotas, for example, requires all parties to nominate
women to 30percent of electable positions on their lists of candidates. Such a law can
effectively facilitate the election of women to legislative bodies. When such laws are
rescinded there is evidence that womens representation is affected. A case in point is
Bangladesh where, following the expiry of the quota law in April 2001, the number of
women members of parliament (MPs) dropped from 10 to 2percent in the October
2001 election. On the contrary, in Rwanda, the 2003 elections demonstrated
a significant increase in the number of women elected to the National Assembly.
Men dominate the political arena; men
formulate the rules of the political
game; and men define the standards for
evaluation. The existence of this maledominated model results in women
either rejecting politics altogether or
rejecting male-style politics.
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Among all national parliaments, Rwanda is now closest to reaching equal numbers
of men and women: 48.8percent of seats are held by women, surpassing even the
proportion in the Nordic countries. This is largely because of a constitutional quota
which reserves 24 of the 80 seats in the lower house for women. Women in the
Rwandan upper house are also guaranteed 30percent of the seats.4
Research indicates that political structures can play a significant role in
womens recruitment to parliament. The system of elections based on proportional
representation (PR), for example, has resulted in three to four times more women
being elected in countries with similar political cultures, for example, Germany and
Australia. Generalizations such as this are valid so long as there are cultural similarities,
that is similar levels of social and economic development, between countries. In
Russia, this generalization is not applicable because of the different and evolving
political culturespecifically, the weakly developed party system, the existence of
many parties and blocs (until 2003), the lack of confidence many women have to
contend with, and the tendency of political parties to marginalize womens interests.
A voters political literacy (the capacity to make coherent choices and decisions when
voting, which is clearly not only dependent on level of formal education) plays a
significant role, as does the political will to improve the situation.
Among the political obstacles that women face, the following feature prominently:
the prevalence of the masculine model of political life and of elected government
bodies;
lack of party support, for example, limited financial support for women candidates,
limited access to political networks, and the more stringent standards and
qualifications applied to women;
lack of sustained contact and cooperation with other public organizations such as
trade (labour) unions and womens groups;
lack of access to well-developed education and training systems for womens
leadership in general, and for orienting young women towards
political life; and
the nature of the electoral system, which may or may not be favourable to women
candidates.
1.1. The Masculine Model of Politics
Men largely dominate the political arena; Political life is organized according to
largely formulate the rules of the political game; male norms and values, and in some
and often define the standards for evaluation. cases even male lifestyles.
Furthermore, political life is organized according
to male norms and values, and in some cases even male lifestyles. For instance, politics
is often based on the idea of winners and losers, competition and confrontation,
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rather than on systematic collaboration and consensus, especially across party lines. It
may often result in women either rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style
politics. Thus, when women do participate in politics, they tend to do so in small
numbers.
The most interesting aspect of the Swedish Parliament is not that we have
45 per cent representation of women, but that a majority of women and men
bring relevant social experience to the business of parliament. This is what
makes the difference. Men bring with them experience of real life issues, of
raising children, of running a home. They have broad perspectives and greater
understanding. And women are allowed to be what we are, and to act according
to our own unique personality. Neither men nor women have to conform to a
traditional role. Women do not have to behave like men to have power; men
do not have to behave like women to be allowed to care for their children.
When this pattern becomes the norm then we will see real change.
Birgitta Dahl, former Speaker of Parliament, Sweden
Differences between men and women also appear with respect to the content and
priorities of decision making, which are determined by the interests, backgrounds
and working patterns of both sexes. Women tend to give priority to societal concerns,
such as social security, national health care and childrens issues.
The male-dominated working pattern is further reflected in the parliamentary
work schedule, which is often characterized by lack of supportive structures for
working mothers in general, and for women MPs in particular. In addition to
their party and constituency work, and serving on different committees, women
parliamentarians are called upon to network within their parties, at multi-party levels
and with women outside parliament. Furthermore, they have to play the socially
prescribed nurturing roles of mother, wife, sister and grandmother. Currently, most
parliamentary programmes and sitting times are
In addition to their party and
not adjusted to take into consideration this dual
constituency work, and serving on
burden that women carry. Many women MPs
committees, women parliamentarians
struggle to balance family life with the demands
are called upon to network within their
of work that often involve late hours, much
parties, at multi-party levels and with
travelling and few facilities.
women outside parliament.
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Women play important roles in campaigning and mobilizing support for their parties,
yet they rarely occupy decision-making positions in these structures. In fact, fewer
than 11percent of party leaders worldwide are women.
Although political parties possess resources for conducting election campaigns,
women rarely benefit from these resources. For example, many parties do not provide
sufficient financial support for women candidates. Research indicates that a large pool
of women candidates, combined with sufficient financial resources, can significantly
increase the number of women elected. This is discussed further in chapter 3.
The selection and nomination process within political parties is also biased against
women in that male characteristics are emphasized and often become the criteria
in selecting candidates. An old boys club can inhibit and prevent women from
integrating themselves into their partys work. This in turn impacts on the perception
of women as viable candidates on the part of those who provide money for election
campaigns. In addition, women are often not placed in winnable positions on party
lists. Womens participation is therefore better realized when there are quotas with a
placement mandate. In Sweden, for instance, most political parties use zipper lists
where womens and mens names alternate on the party lists, resulting in 45.3percent
women in parliament.
Table 2: Women Presidents or Speakers of Parliament
194597
As of 28 February 2005
Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), 2005. Women Speakers of National Parliaments: History and
the Present. Situation as of 28February 2005, available at <http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/speakers.htm>.
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It is very difficult for a woman to make up her mind to enter politics. Once
she makes up her own mind, then she has to prepare her husband, and her
children, and her family. Once she has overcome all these obstacles and applies
for the ticket, then the male aspirants against whom she is applying make up
all sorts of stories about her. And after all this, when her name goes to the party
bosses, they do not select her name because they fear losing that seat.
Sushma Swaraj, MP, India
1.3. Cooperation with Womens Organizations
The type of electoral system in a country plays an important role in womens political
representation. (This issue is discussed in detail in chapter 3.)
We have several explanations for the high presence of women in the Nordic
parliaments. One is the proportional electoral system. In Finland, there is a
proportional list but the individual choice of the voters also comes into play.
Another explanation is to be found in ideological debates in the country. In
this area in Scandinavia, politics is, so to speak, in the lead. The business world
is falling behind, and the academic world lags behind as well. We have not
enough women university professors, and women are also poorly represented
in the trade unions.
Bjorn von Sydow, Speaker of the Swedish Riksdag
2. Socio-Economic Obstacles
Socio-economic conditions play a significant
role in the recruitment of women to legislatures The economic crisis in the so-called
in both long-standing and new democracies. The developing democracies has
intensified the risk of poverty for
social and economic status of women in society women. Poverty, like unemployment, is
has a direct influence on their participation in increasingly being feminized.
political institutions and elected bodies. For
example, researchers point to the correlation
between womens legislative recruitment and the proportion of women working
outside the home, as well as the percentage of women college graduates. According to
some researchers, socio-economic conditions take second place to electoral systems in
womens legislative recruitment within established democracies.
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One of the most important characteristics of society that correlate with womens
representation levels is a countrys state of development. Development leads to a
weakening of traditional values, decreased fertility rates, increased urbanization,
greater education and labour force participation for women, and attitudinal
changes in perceptions regarding the appropriate role for womenall factors
that increase womens political resources and reduce existing barriers to political
activity.
One characteristic of development that has proved particularly important
for womens representation in Western countries is higher rates of womens
participation in the labour force. Moving out of the house and into the workforce
appears to have a consciousness-raising effect on women. Greater development
increases the number of women who are likely to have formal positions and
experience, for example in labour unions or professional organizations.
Culture is related to development, and as development increases womens
standing in society relative to men becomes more equal. On the other hand,
two countries could be quite similar in terms of development, but women may
have come substantially further in terms of equality in one country than in the
other.
While culture consistently has been believed to be important, it has been
difficult to test directly for an effect. As a possible proxy for culture, in some
recent research I developed a measure using a cluster of variables, specifically
the ratio of womens literacy to mens literacy, the ratio of womens labour force
participation to mens labour force participation, and the ratio of universityeducated women to university-educated men.* The assumption was that
when women approach men in levels of literacy, workforce participation, and
university educationand thus become mens equals in the social spheresthey
are more likely to be seen as mens equals in the political sphere, and therefore
their representation will increase. This hypothesis holds, as the cultural measures
described correlate very strongly with womens representation.
It is important to note that, while research tracking womens representation
in established democracies has been quite successful at identifying causes for
variations, attempts to model womens representation in developing countries
have been much less successful. Factors driving variations in representation
in the developed world are clearly understood, but we have a much poorer
understanding of representation in developing countries. In the latter, none
of the variables deemed significant among established democracies, nor several
other plausible variables, are found to have a consistent effect.**
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In 2004, the overall share of women in total paid employment was above 40percent
worldwide.
One of the most striking phenomena of recent times has been the increasing
proportion of women in the labor force . . . In 2003, out of the 2.8billion
people that had work, 1.1 billion were women . . . However, improved
equality in terms of quantity of male and female workers has yet to result
in real socioeconomic empowerment for women, an equitable distribution
of household responsibilities, equal pay for work of equal value, and gender
balance across all occupations. In short, true equality in the world of work is
still out of reach.5
Despite the increase in womens employment rates, many of the economic gains made
by women in industrially developed countries since the 1960s are in danger of being
eroded, which seems to be in part a result of the restructuring of both the global and
the domestic economies.
At the same time, in the majority of countries womens unpaid labour activity
amounts to twice that of men, and the economic value of womens unpaid labour is
estimated to be around one-third of the worlds economic production (or 13 trillion
USD).6 In all countries a significant gap exists between the status of women and that
of men. Surveys carried out in the late 1990s reveal increasing gender discrimination
in salaries, recruitment, promotion and dismissal, as well as growing professional
segregation and the feminization of poverty. According to United Nations statistics,
1.8billion persons in the world live in poverty and 70percent of them are women.
The gender gap in earning is registered all over the world: a womans average wage is
equal to 75percent of a mans average wage (not including an agricultural workers
salary). The economic crisis in countries with so-called developing democracies has
intensified the risk of poverty for women, which, like unemployment, is likely to be
increasingly feminized.
Women are major contributors to national economies through both their paid and
their unpaid labour. As far as the latter is concerned, rural womens input and their role
as a significant electorate should not be underestimated. Although the importance of
womens biological and social roles is clear, their input in all spheres of life often goes
unrecognized. Eradicating poverty will have a positive impact on womens increased
participation in the democratic process. The economic empowerment of women,
along with education and access to information, will take women from the constraints
of the household to full participation in politics and political elections.
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Its very difficult for women to talk, to argue, to press for their concerns. How
can we encourage women to talk and to express themselves? Maybe the woman
in the hut has a lot to say, but we have to encourage her to talknot about
politics, but about her problems, her life, issues that concern her. The answer
is education. Education has led many women in my society to join political
parties or participate in political activities. Education is the most important
channel for encouraging women to speak out.
Rawya Shawa, Member of the former Palestinian Legislative Council
Literacy rates in developed countries are about 99percent, as opposed to 84percent in
less-developed countries. There is no consistent correlation between literacy rates and
womens political representation, but many candidacy nomination procedures require
a minimum level of literacy. This prevents women from registering as candidates for
elections. In addition to basic education, many women lack the political training
required to participate effectively in the political arena. An expansion of the pool
of women who are qualified for recruitment to political careers is therefore needed.
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This can be done by giving women access, from an early stage, to work patterns that
are conducive to political leadership, such as special training in community-based or
neighbourhood organizations.
Common understanding of the concerns of women, gendered political awarenessraising, lobbying skills and networking are important for the process of training
women for political careers. To that end, womens leadership programmes play a
special role since they provide the opportunity for links to be made with wider groups
of women and diverse politicians; and they are very often the only occasions when
women can be prepared for a political career in parliament and encouraged to aspire
to such a career. Special attention should be given also to the involvement of young
women and the importance of collaborating with men.
Women have tried to enter politics trying to look like men. This will not work.
We have to bring our differences, our emotions, our way of seeing things, even
our tears to the process.
Anna Tibaijuka, Professor, Tanzania
In many countries, traditions continue to emphasize womens primary roles as
mothers and housewives and to restrict them to those roles. A traditional strong,
patriarchal value system favours sexually segregated roles, and traditional cultural
values militate against the advancement, progress and participation of women in
any political process. Societies all over the world are dominated by an ideology of
a womans place. According to this ideology, women should only play the role of
working mother, which is generally low-paid and apolitical. In addition, in some
countries, men even tell women how to vote.
This is the environment, in which a certain collective image of women in
traditional, apolitical roles continues to dominate, which many women face. The
image of a woman leader requires that she be asexual in her speech and manners,
someone who can be identified as a woman only through non-sexual characteristics.
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In some countries, women perceive politics as a dirty game. This has jarred their
confidence in their ability to participate in political processes. In fact, such a perception
is prevalent worldwide. Unfortunately, this perception reflects the reality in many
countries. Although the reasons for this differ, there are some common trends.
The basis of passive corruption can be explained by an exchange between the
advantages and benefits of the public market (e.g. legislation, budget bills) and of
the economic market (e.g. funds, votes, employment), which seek financial gains by
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Market forces cannot replace the rule of law. Economic liberalization should
contribute to reducing the phenomenon of corruption, although this will not
occur automatically. A regulated market economy will reduce the opportunities for
corruption. Hence, it remains important to have the political commitment and the
will to eliminate corruption by prioritizing this on the political agenda. Women can
contribute a great deal to this process.
3.4. The Role of the Mass Media
The mass media deserve to be called the fourth The mass media tend to minimize
branch of power because of their influence on coverage of events and organizations
public opinion and public consciousness. The of interest to women.
media in any society have at least two roles: as a
chronicler of current events; and as an informer of public opinion, thereby fostering
different points of view. Often, the mass media tend to minimize coverage of events
and organizations of interest to women. The media do not adequately inform the
public about the rights and roles of women in society; nor do they usually engage in
measures to promote or improve womens position. Most of the worlds media have
yet to deal with the fact that women, as a rule, are the first to be affected by political,
social and economic changes and reforms taking place in a countryfor example,
they are among the first to lose their jobs. The fact that women are largely alienated
from the political decision-making process is also ignored by the media.
The media can be used to cultivate gender biases and promote a stereotype about
a womans place, helping conservative governments and societies to put the blame
on women for the failure in family policy, and to reinforce the idea that women
are responsible for social problems, such as divorce and the growth of minor crime,
getting worse. Another widespread trend in the mainstream media is to depict women
as beautiful objects: women are identified and objectified according to their sex, and
are made to internalize certain notions of beauty and attractiveness which relate
more to a womans physical capacities than to her mental faculties. Such an approach
encourages the long-standing patriarchal stereotype of the weaker sex, where women
are sexual objects and second-class citizens.
Admittedly, the mass media also tell
stories about women politicians and about
businesswomen and their successes, but If there is a lack of proper coverage
of womens issues and the activities
this kind of coverage is rare and infrequent. of women MPs, this contributes to a
The presentation of topics such as fashion lack of public awareness about them
competitions, film stars, art and the secrets of which in turn translates into a lack
eternal youth is more typical. Not surprisingly, of constituency for women MPs. The
such views hardly promote womens sense of mass media still need to recognize the
self-worth and self-respect or encourage them equal value and dignity of men and
women.
to take on positions of public responsibility.
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The role of the mass media in an election process cannot be emphasized enough,
and we do not yet have adequate global and comparative research. Practically speaking,
if there is lack of proper coverage of womens issues and the activities of women MPs,
this contributes to a lack of public awareness about them, which in turn translates
into a lack of constituency for women MPs. The mass media still need to recognize
the equal value and dignity of men and women.
4. Summary
The 20th century saw women gain access to political, economic and social rights.
All these achievements are leading to important changes in womens lives but, while
women have partly succeeded in combating discrimination based on gender, disparities
still remain in many fields. At the beginning of the 21st century, women continue
to face both old and new challenges, particularly intra- and interstate conflicts and
terrorism. The persisting challenges include:
balancing work and family obligations;
segregation into lower-paid jobs;
inequality of pay between men and women;
the feminization of poverty;
increases in violence against women; and
exclusion from post-conflict peace negotiations and rehabilitation and
reconstruction efforts.
Despite the removal of legal barriers to womens political participation in many
countries, governments remain largely male-dominated. Various factors influence
womens access to decision-making bodies, including:
lack of party support, including financial and other resources to fund womens
campaigns and boost their political, social and economic credibility;
the type of electoral system as well as the type of quota provisions and the degree
to which they are enforced;
the tailoring of many of these institutions according to male standards and political
attitudes;
the lack of coordination with and support from womens organizations and other
NGOs;
womens low self-esteem and self-confidence, endorsed by certain cultural patterns
which do not facilitate womens access to political careers; and
the lack of media attention to womens contributions and potential, which also
results in the lack of a constituency for women.
Obstacles vary according to the political situation in each country. Yet regardless of
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the political context, in all countries women need to be able to compete on a level
playing field with men. Among the indicators of success of womens participation in
politics are the following:
the introduction of political, institutional and financial guarantees that promote
womens candidacies to ensure the equal participation of female nominees in
electoral campaigns;
designing legislative regulations for implementing effective quota mechanisms;
the creation of educational programmes and centres designed to prepare women
for political careers; and
the development of and support for schools (or centres) for the training of women
for participation in electoral campaigns.
Excluding women from positions of power and from elected bodies impoverishes
the development of democratic principles in public life and inhibits the economic
development of a society. Men, who do not necessarily support womens political
participation, dominate the majority of governing institutions. Thus it remains
imperative to emphasize that women must lead the process to organize and mobilize
their networks, learn to communicate their interests with their male counterparts and
different organizations, and push for mechanisms to enhance their representation.
Positive action measures should be taken to assure representation that reflects the
full diversity of societies, with the target of the gender-balanced legislative body. To
that end, the following two chapters look at two of the most significant mechanisms
which have been used to overcome many of the obstacles to womens legislative
representation: namely, electoral systems and quotas.
Notes
Promote Gender Equality and Empower Women, Millennium Development Goals,
available at <http://www.developmentgoals.org/Gender_Equality.htm>.
2
Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), 2004. Women in Parliaments 2003. Release No. 183,
1March, available at <http://www.ipu.org/press-e/gen183.htm>.
3
Tinker, Irene, 2004. Many Paths to Power: Women in Contemporary Asia, in Christine
Hnefeldt, Jennifer Troutner and Peter Smith (eds). Promises of Empowerment: Women in
Asia and Latin America. New York: Rowman & Littlefield.
4
IPU 2004, op. cit. See also the case study in this Handbook.
5
Emphasis added. See International Labour Organization (ILO), 2004. Global
Employment Trends for Women 2004, p.1, available at <http://kilm.ilo.org/GET2004/
DOWNLOAD/trendsw.pdf>.
6
United Nations Population Fund (UNPF), 2000. Lives Together, Worlds Apart: The
State of World Population 2000. New York: UNPF.
1
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