A FIRST CENTURY C.E. DATE FOR THE CLOSING OF THE BOOK OF PSALMS?

G ER A LD H. W ILSO N Traditionally* it has been generally accepted that the Book o f Psalms reached its final, fixed form and arrangement by late in the fourth century BCE. In the last 15 years, however, investigation o f the more than 35 scrolls o f psalms discovered at Qumran near the Dead Sea has raised the possibility that final closure o f the Book of Psalms was not completed until the middle o f the first century C.E,! The Qumran psalms manuscripts which date from the second or third century BCE through the late first century C.E. demonstrate almost complete stability for the arrangement o f Psalms 2-89, suggesting this portion o f the canonical collection may have been fixed by the traditional fourth century BCE date. For Psalms 90-150, however, the situation is much different. A number o f important Qumran scrolls indicate a significant degree o f variation from the canonical collection, in both the actual compositions included and the order of the compositions. Relatively few o f these Psalms 90-150 are found in their canonical order. Also, at least 11 other compositions, that are not included in the canon, are interspersed with the traditional psalms. These variant manuscripts from Qumran are dated up to the middle o f the first century C.E. Later manuscripts o f the Psalms, discovered at Wadi Murabba'at and dating from the second century C.E., show virtually no variation at all from the canonical arrangement. All this evidence from Qumran suggests that the Book of Psalms came to its final form in two stages} with the first three groupings (Ps. 2-89) having been fixed in content and arrangement at an early date, perhaps the traditional fourth century. By contrast, the last two groupings (Ps. 90-150) continued to receive
Professor Gerald Wilson holds degrees from Baylor University (B A ), Fuller Theological Seminary (M. Div., M.J a ad Yale University {Ph.D.). His work on the Psalms is frequently cited in contemporaiy discuss ions o f the shaping o f the Hebrew Psalter, He is currently Professor o f Biblical Studies at Azusa Pacific University in California.

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alternative arrangements and contents until the canonical form was fixed some time after the mid-first century C.E. The evidence o f the Qumran psalms scrolls receives support from the recent study o f the history o f the collection o f the psalms and the editorial techniques employed to arrange them (a process also known as redaction history). Among the results o f this kind of study are: . (1) clear confirmation that the five groupings of the psalms (set off by coneluding doxologies) are intentional editorial divisions; .(2) the growing awareness that the first three groupings have been arranged and shaped with editorial techniques and concerns different from those of the last two groupings. In the first three groupings, arrangement is predominantly by author, with
7

significant collections attributed to David, Asaph, and the Sons o f Korah, In contrast, authorship plays almost no role in the organization of the psalms in the last two groupings, since only a very few of these psalms bear any indication of author. Here, instead, the editor(s) employ(s) a distinct technique of arrangement unknown to the first three groupings. Some sections are concluded by hallelujah" psalms, while new segments are introduced by psalms with the opening phrase Give thanks to the Lord fo r He is good, fo r His mercy endures forever. The two segments thus highlighted by these different techniques of arrangement are consistent with the Qumran evidence of two stages of devel opment in the history o f the Book o f Psalms.
PSALMS 2-80

The shape and content o f these two groupings also suggest arrangement with a purpose. Just a few comments will sketch the broad outlines. In Psalms 2-89,
9

three "royal" hymns are placed at important seams of the collection (2, 72, 89). The placement o f these psalms turn the first three sections, with their predominant preoccupation with lamentation psalms, into a grieving reflection on the collapse o f the Davidic monarchy and the Exile and express a desire for restoration. As introduction to this section, Psalm 2 describes the institution of the Davidic covenant with stark assertion o f the ,world rule' of the Davidic monarchy." At the conclusion o f the segment (89:38-52), the collapse o f the Davidic covenant dominates the scene, along with an eloquent plea for its restoration. In
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between these two extremes (72; 89:1-37), we encounter the transmission o f the covenant obligations and blessings to succeeding generations o f Davidic kings. As a literary unit between these boundaries, this first segment focuses the attention o f the reader on the Davidic covenant, raises questions on why it failed, and calls on God to remain loyal to His covenantal promises and restore the kingdom. With this over-all purpose in mind, the personal lamentation psalms that dominate the first three sections express all Israel's grief and confusion over 1 1 the loss o f the monarchy. While the final psalm in this first section (89) does mention the possibility of Divine punishment for royal transgressions (89:30-32; cf. II Sam. 7:14-15), there 1s no attempt to explain the demise of the monarchy on this basis. Neither is there any acknowledgment o f or contrition for sin or wrongdoing (as is characteristic o f "Deuteronomic" passages such as the prayer o f Daniel 9:4-19). The sole basis for the desired restoration is Gods loyalty to His covenantal promises and the scorn heaped on His chosen people,
PSALMS 90-150

The last two groupings o f the Book o f Psalms now stand as a response to the earlier plea for restoration articulated in Psalm 89. The answer offered, however, is surprising. It is not the anticipated affirmation o f the Davidic covenant and the Divine promises it enshrines. Instead, this later section counsels a change of focus; a "return so to speak to a pre-Davidic lifestyle characterized by direct reliance on God alone. Beginning with Psalm 90 (the only psalm attribu ted to Moses the man o f God), a pre-monarchical Mosaic motif is introduced that emphasizes: (1 ) the frailty of human accomplishment in contrast with that o f God (90-92; 102-103; 144); (2) the eternal kingship o f God (93-99; 145); (3) the need for obedience to the commandments as the source o f Divine blessing (94:12-15; 99:6-8; 103:17-18; 119); (4) acknowledgment o f human sin as the cause o f the collapse o f the monarchy (90:7-8; 99:8-9; 102:9-10).'2

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Toward the end o f the fifth section, the reliability o f human princes is negatively evaluated and the reader is pointed once again to the eternal kingship of the Lord as the tine source of security and future hope (146).1 3
TH E EFFEC T OF T H E SHAPE Of- TH E BOOK OF PSALMS

It is also clear that the final arrangement o f the whole Book creates a new in14 terpretive context for reading the individual psalms. (1) The final form of the Book o f Psalms de-emphasizes the role o f the psalms as performance pieces within the Temple worship. While the psalm headings make it clear that they were used in that fashion, the placement of Psalm 1 - with its exhortation to meditate on God's torah (in the broader sense o f instruction )- as introduction to the whole Book, encourages reading and studying the psalms as the source o f Divine guidance for life, (2) At the same time, there is a shift of emphasis to the study o f Torah and obedience to the commandments as the source o f life (cf. 1; 94:12-15; 99:6 9; 103:17-18; 119). This emphasis is also associated with the role o f Psalm 1 as introduction as well as the strategic placement o f other torah psalms (19, 119) within the Book.
S UMM ARY THUS FAR

The final form of the Book o f Psalms, which may not have been fixed until the mid first century C.E., reflects conflicting views o f the Davidic covenantal promises. The final arrangement rejects reliance on human strength (or princes), and points Israel instead to complete reliance on the kingship o f God Himself. There is, further, a shift away from the cultic performance value o f the psalms, which are now to become the object o f individual reflection and appropriation. Even stronger emphasis is placed on Torah as the source of life (rather than Temple rites) and on the necessity o f meditation on it and obedience to its commandments. Having reviewed briefly the results o f recent scholarship on the final arrangement o f the Book o f Psalmss it is my intention in the remainder o f this paper to make some tentative suggestions about what historical setting best accounts for these findings. First, if the manuscript evidence for the continued fluidity o f the Psalms is taken seriously, then we must look for the circumVol. 28, No. 2 , 2 0 0 0

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stances precipitating its closure in the first century C E . I would like to suggest that events surrounding the first Jewish war with Rome in 66-70 C E ,, as well as the activities o f Johanan ben Zakkai and the great Academy o f Yavneh follow* ing the war, may well have influenced the distinctive characteristics o f the final form o f the Psalms. It is well known that Zealot resistance to Rome led to open rebellion in 66 C.E, The Sadducee party and some o f the Pharisees supported the resistance movement. Apparently, Johanan ben Zakkai took a pacifist stance in the years leading up to the revolt and openly counseled against the war effort. He fled from Jerusalem in 68 C.E., met with Vespasian and received permission to establish an academy o f sages in the coastal city of Yavneh.
1

Yavneh, also known as Jamnia, was the location o f first-century debates concerning the contents o f the third segment o f the Hebrew Bible, the Writings, But the accomplishment o f Johanan ben Zakkai and the Academy o f Yavneh (and others like it at Lydda and Jaffa) exceeds the discussion of which books do or do not defile the hands." To Johanan and the Academy is attributed the redefinition o f Jewish life which insured its survival following the disastrous defeat o f 70 C.E. and the destruction o f the Temple, Johanan and the Academy which have bearing There are four 1 would like to mention. 1. It was at this time, and in response to these events, that the authority of Judaism shifted from the priests to the sages. Several factors were involved. The destruction o f the Temple and Roman refusal to allow its reconstruction signaled the end o f the sacrificial rites and considerable reduction o f priestly status. In addition, Sadducean and priestly involvement in the Jewish war effort left them at odds with the Roman authorities. Gamaliel II was prevented by them from assuming control of Palestinian Judaism, and the authority of the Sanhedrin (dominated by the priests) passed to the great Bet Din of Yavneh (controlled by the Academy o f sages). 2, Johanan avoided conflict with the Romans by re-interpreting Jewish messianic hopes in terms o f passive (pacifist) expectation o f Divine action in response to human piety rather than militant human action. As Jacob Neusner tells us, "Johanan ben Zakkai devised a program for the reconstruction o f the people
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Too much has been written

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for me to do more than sketch an outline o f the major developments traced to our particular discussion.

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and the faith in the aftermath o f disaster. That program did not include the teaching that by fighting a Messianic war, the Jews would recover their holy city.",S It is apparent that Johanan and the Academy enjoyed the approval of the Roman authorities* and his method was to point Judaism in ways o f faith and practice which did not incite the suspicion and opposition of Rome. This resistance to militant messianism may partially explain the exclusion at that time o f most o f the available apocalyptic literature from the Writings. 3. It is through the work o f Johanan and his successors, in response to the devastations o f 66-70 C.E., that the core o f Jewish faith and its source of hope were shifted from the performance o f the Temple rites and sacrifice to a threefold basis o f piety: prayer, study o f Torah, and acts o f loving-kindness. Johanan taught that if Israel followed this form o f practice faithfully, "then no nation or
10

race could rule over them," 4. Finally, as previously mentioned, there are strong traditions connecting the Academy o f Yavneh with the final delimitation of the Hebrew scriptures. While disagreement continues over the exact significance o f the debates, it seems clear that the sages and die Academy exercised some influence over the contents of the Writings o f which the Book o f Psalms is an important part,
C O R R E L A T IO N OF SETTING AND PSALMS

Now, how does this setting correlate with the results o f research previously outlined? First, one is faced with the two opposing segments o f the Book o f Psalms. It, is at least plausible that Psalms 2-89 reflect the militant program of the pro-war group. Emphasis on the world domination promised in the Davidic covenant the inviolability o f the Divine promises, the transmission o f legitimacy to the later Davidic successors, and the plea for the restoration solely on the faithfulness of the Divine promises, fit well against the background o f the pre-70 coalition o f priests, aristocracy and Zealots in militant opposition to Rome. The War Scroll of Qumran confirms the militant apocalypticism of those sectarians. Their apparent association with the Zealots in the final days o f the war (demonstrated by the destruction o f Qumran and the presence o f sectarian documents at Masada) indicates their views were not too far removed from their more mainline contemporaries. At Qumran we also find the expectation o f both
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priestly and Dvidic messiahs, once again confirming the association o f Temple rites and messianic hopes. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Qumran Psalm Scroll ( llQ P s J) exhibits an even more strongly Davidic collection o f psalms than the Masoretic text. The recognition (by Gottwald and others) that in this section (Psalms 2-89) lament psalms predominated over those of thanks and confidence by a ratio o f 3;L also aligns well with a community chafing under foreign rule and committed to its military overthrow.
20

The addition o f Psalms 90-150 and the placement of Psalm 1 as an interpretive introduction accords well with the post-war shift o f power from priest and Temple to sage and Torah. Does this arrangement represent re-evaluation by the pacifist segment of the Pharisee party in the aftermath o f destruction? Lets look
21

at a number of correspondences. The shift from public, communal performance in the cult to individual meditation and appropriation o f the Psalms through study and prayer is entirely compatible with the post-war program o f Johanan ben Zakkai and the Yavneh Academy. The Temple and its rites are ended and the authority o f the priest is passing into the hands of the sages, for whom study of Torah represents the proper response of faith, it seems unlikely that the Book of Psalms would assume a literary form designed primarily for individual meditation and prayer at a time when the Psalms were still actively employed in cultic celebration. The emphasis on Torah as the source o f Life (Ps. 1, 119, et al.) created in the final form o f Psalms is clearly related to the work of Johanan and the Academy to redefine Judaism around the interpretation of written and oral Torah. As Brevard Childs has suggested, the final form o f the Psalms signifies that they no longer function solely as Israel's response to God, but now serve as the source o f the Divine word to Israel, if properly studied and interpreted. " We have seen that in Psalms 90-150 concern is deflected away from the restorati 011 o f the Davidic monarchy to Israel's need for total reliance on God as King, By the use of the Mosaic motif previously described, this reliance on God alone is connected to Israel's need for obedience to the Mosaic Law. In addition, reliance on God's kingship leads to the devaluation o f human strength and leadership as the source o f Israel's hope. The post-war program o f Johanan and the Academy follows a similar pattern o f distancing hope from military opposition to Rome. Messianism assumes a more peripheral place in the rabbinic literature
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25

and human messianic claimants are received with suspicion.

As Neusner has

said, "Instead of offering an activist, military program for subversion of Roman ,rule, the rabbi's Messianic program now constituted an irenic, spiritualized W24 1 ".passive expectation
CONCLUSION

We have seen that numerous correspondences exist between the final editorial shaping of the Book o f Psalms and the activities of Johanan ben Zakkai and the Academy o f Yavneh to reshape Judaism in the wake of the destruction o f 70 C.H. Coupled with manuscript evidence for the cessation o f variation in psalm manuscripts in the first century C.E., these correspondences lead me to suggest .that this period provides a plausible setting for the fixation o f the text
NOTES Psalm I is considered an introduction to the whole Book and may have come to its position at a .1 .later d ate .Or, if not as early as the fourth century, then certainly by the second century BCE . 2 For a description o f the texts and evidence for variant arrangement of psalms at Qumran, see * 3 Gerald H. Wilson* The Editing o f the Hebrew Psalter (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985) p p . 9 1 and the recent publication by Peter W, Flint, The Dead Sea Psaims Scrolls & the Book o f 138 Psalms (Leiden: Brill, 997). A review o f Flints work by the present author will appear in an ,upcoming issue o f Jewish Quarterly Review Gerald i .4 L Wilson. "The Qumran Psalms Manuscripts and the Consecutive Arrangement o f Psalms in the Masoretic Psalter," Catholic Bible Quarterly 45 (1983), p p . 377-88 . The five,groupings thus distinguished are: Group One .5 Psalms 1-41; Group Two Psalms 4 2 Group Three - Psalms 73-89; Group Four - Psalms 90-106; Group Five ;72 Psalms 107-150 . See Gerald H, Wilson .6 , The Shape o f the Book o f Psalms," Interpretation 46 (1992) p p . 129-42 . David - Psalms 3-41= 51-70/71 : Asaph - Psalms 50, 73-83 ; Sons o f Qorah - Psalms .7 42/43-49 , 84-85 , 87-88 .

8. , '
Psalm scholars have long recognized that a number of psalms reflect concerns with the ancient .9 -monarchical leadership o f Israel and Judah. Psalm 45, for example, is a hymn in honor o f the mar .ti age o one ot the kings, while Psalm 72 pleads for the long and wise rulership o f the monarch For a discussion o f the use o f such royal psalms in the shaping o f the Book o f Psalms., see Gerald H Wilson, "The Use o f Royal Psalms at the Seam s o f the Hebrew Psalter , Journal fo r the Study o f the Old Testament 35 (1986), pp. 85-94. The lack o f a royal psalm at the seam between the first and second groupings (Psalm 41) is explained by the fact that already at an early date the first two -groupings had been combined into a single collection o f prayers o f David, son o f Jesse as the post script in 72:20 indicates , Vol. 28, No. 2, 2000

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10. N.K. Gottwald, The Hebrew Bible-A Socio-Litermy introduction (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985} p. 536, 11. For d e a r examples o f individual laments that have been read this way, see Psalms 28 31, and 53, where individual laments become vehicles o f communal expression in the final verses. 12. Gerald H. Wilson, The Editing o f the Hebrew Psalter, pp. 214-228. See also David M. Howard, The Structure o f Psalms 93-100 (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1997), a study that analyses this same section o f the Psalms using very different principies and yet confirms the conclusions set out here, 13. While it is true that the hope for the Davidic king is not entirely dismissed from the last two groupings o f (he psalms, but appears in two particulariy striking psalms (132 and 144), it seems that these psalms must now be understood mess ia ni call y and eschatologically. so that the king has become that hoped for future figure who will usher in the Kingdom o f God in which the Lord Himself rules humankind directly. 14. See Brevard S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) pp. 513-514; Gerald H. Wilson, The Editing o f the Hebrew Psalter, pp. 199-228 and "The Shape o f the Book o f Psalms, interpretation 46 (1992): 129-42. 15. Note particularly the significant placement of psalms celebrating the Torah (U 19; 119)* C f James L Mays, The Lord Reigns (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1994) 128-135; J* Clinton McCann, The Psalms as Instruction, Interpretation 46 (1992), pp. 117-128; Walter Breuggemann, "Bounded by Obedience and Praise: The Psalms as Canon" Journal fo r the Study o f

the Old Testament 50(199! ), pp. 63-92.

16. Jacob Neusncr, First Century Judaism in Crisis (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1975) p. 136; There We Sat Down (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1972) pp. 36-40; Samuel Sandmel, Judaism and Christian Beginnings (Oxford University Press, 1978) p. 243, 17. Sandmel, pp. 138-40, 161-62, 243; Neusncr, 7'here We Sat Down , pp. 38-40; Neusner, First

Century Judaism in Crisis, pp. 176-98. 18. Neusner, There We Sat Down, p, 38. 19. Neusner, There We Sat Down, p. 39*
20. GottwaId, pp. 535-36. 21. Additional evidence from Acts 13:33, where some texts cite a passage from Psalm 2 as from the "first psalm," confirms the possibility that Psalm 1 only assumed its present position after the composition o f Acts, certainly some time in the late first century C.E. 22. Childs, p. 513 23. Sandmel. pp. 206-207 24. Neusner, There We Sat Down, p. 38.

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