Early Lyric and Elegiac Poetry
Early Lyric and Elegiac Poetry
Early Lyric and Elegiac Poetry
Chapters in the
2^0
^*A^i?2:c?
Chapters in the
History
of Greek
^
Literature
THIRD SERIES
SOME RECENT DISCOVERIES IN GREEK POETRY AND PROSE OF THE CLASSICAL AND LATER PERIODS
EDITED BY
J.
U.,POWELL|
St.r,l
HUMPHREY MILFORD
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
30/0/
PL?
PREFACE
The
first
feeling with
which readers
will
open
this
book
will
be that of regret at not seeing the name of Mr. Barber on the title-page. It has only been his engagement with the publica-
work which has prevented him from taking part in this Series but the book owes very much to the advice which he gave in laying out the plan of it. It had not been the original purpose to treat of earlier and
tion of other classical
;
standard authors, but the work grew under our hands many reviewers also and other scholars desired that the record of
;
the
new
;
be made as complete as
Series, each contributor
possible
and, as in the
two previous
own way,
My thanks are due in many quarters before all, to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for their renewed approbation and support next, to the Jowett Copyright Trustees for
; ;
their
generous help towards the cost of the illustrations which enhance the interest of the chapter on Tragedy; then to
for his continued L. R. Farnell, Mr. Dr. Bell, work; A. D. Knox, Mr. H. M. Last, Mr. E. Lobel, Mr. H. J. M. Milne, Mr. D. L. Page, Mr. M. N. Tod, and in particular Mr. R. M^Kenzie, for the help which they have given me in
many
scholars
Professor A. S. Hunt,
interest in the
Mr. H.
I.
various
ways
and
am
indebted to
my
of St. John's College, Craven Fellow, for compiling the Index, and to the accomplished Readers on the staff of the Press for the fine scholarship
Roberts,
J.
U.
P.
November 1932.
f
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations
List of Contributors
I.
Earlier Lyric
IL
III.
Tragedy
A.
C. M. Bowra W. Pickard-Cambridge
.
68
Comedy:
IV.
Old, Middle, New, GraecoM. Platnauer Egyptian Later Elegy, Epigram, and Lyric Poetry C. M. Bowra J. U. Powell
156 180
186
211
V.
Romance
R. M. Rattenbury
APPENDIX.
Additions to the two previous Series
. .
. :
J.
U. Powell
258
ment
Notes and corrections
.
J. F.
. .
.
MOUNTFORD
U. Powell
260
262
J.
INDEX
263
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
r.
Museum
2.
.......
the infant
Orestes.
at the
Facing page 82
in
Telephus and
Hydria
Naples
Museum
3.
Page 82
Facing page 90
4.
The
infant
Hermes
Louvre
5
.......
cave of Cyllene.
: .
Hydria
Bronze
in the
Facing page 90
situla
6.
Dirce dragged by the bull Amphion, Zethus, and Lycus. Crater in the Berlin Museum Facing page 108
7
9.
and
8.
The death
of Archemorus
The death
of Archemorus
....
Amphora
.
...
.
,,
126 128
10.
11.
at
Ruvo
sea.
134
Crater
Hermitage Museum
12
and
13. Paris
...
.
.
.
,,
140
141
From
Ein Werk
von E. A.
Seemann, Leipzig)
CONTRIBUTORS
C.
J.
College.
in
MOUNTFORD,
D.Litt.,
Professor of
Latin
the
A.
W. Pickard-Cambridge,
D.Litt, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Sheffield, formerly Professor of Greek in the University of Edinburgh, and sometime Fellow and
Tutor of
Balliol College.
College.
Tyrtaeus, Anacreon
(f)
In the history of Greek literature no chapter is so fragmentary as that on the Lyric and Elegiac poets of the seventh and sixth centuries. The remnants preserved by critical writers, grammarians, metricians, and lexicographers have been zealously collected and edited, but the total result is small and for this brilliant phase of poetry we have for long had to rely on minute quotations, too often made for reasons other than literary excellence. Yet no branch of Greek poetry received higher praise in antiquity, and no branch seems to have deserved that praise more justly. There is a radiant simplicity in this early poetry which has hardly been found in the world since, and every word of it that can be recovered
;
The
Alcman and the Odes of Bacchy lides. The twentieth century has found nothing so intact or so long as these, but the rubbish-heaps of Egypt have yielded many small treasures, and our knowledge of
sensational discoveries, the Partheneion of
poetry has been increased and clarified. discovered none belongs to any entirely unfamiliar writer, and the list of the nine ^upi/co/' remains with-
Greek
lyric
Of the fragments
But we now possess substantial pieces by before, and of those better known we are able to form a completer and more critical estimate. The advance in knowledge has been twofold. For writers, like Pindar, known hitherto from a single form of poem, we now have remains of other forms, and for writers like Sappho and Alcaeus, represented by no new form, we have new fragments which enable us to form a juster estimate of their metre, On these two lines of research language, and subject-matter.
out addition.
writers little
known
has been discovered, and much previous theory proved to be hazardous and unfounded. It is now clear that Pindar, whatever form of art he pursued, was always Pindar, that
the
much
manner of
his Epinician
their
occasion, but
by the poet's own personality. It is clear, too, that Sappho wrote a simpler language than has generally been believed, and that Corinna was really the traditional
poetess of Boeotia that Pindar thought her to be,^ Unfortunately, many, if not most, of the recovered
poems
are lamentably dilapidated. The Egyptian Greeks commonly tore their papyrus vertically instead of horizontally, and we
are
left
lines.
Time and
full
with columns of mutilated words instead of complete destruction have done their worst, and the
of holes, discoloured, and often
illegible.
fill
papyri are
In
and though for twenty years some Europe have been engaged on this task, the results are too often uncertain and unsatisfying. Sometimes, it is true, the restorer's task has been made easy by ancient quotations or by Scholia on the margin of the papyrus. But more often the completion of the mutilated texts can be no more than guess-work, and we must content ourselves with the reflection that after all this is the sort of thing that the poet may have
written.
poets, like
Restoration
is
Sappho and Corinna, who wrote in a dialect which is only partially known, and where a restoration may contain a verbal form which they would never have used. Yet despite these limitations, something has been found of
this lost poetry, and the chapter on to be written.
I.
its
Sappho
^
In the introductory poem to his Odes Horace distinguishes between two kinds of Greek lyric poetry. The first class,
^
"^
Aelian, Odes, I.
K H,
i.
xiii.
25.
32-4:
Si neque tibias Euterpe cohibet, nee Polyhymnia
Lesboum
by Euterpe, associated with the pipes the second protected by Polyhymnia, with the Lesbian lyre or This distinction is not final nor entirely satisfactory, barbitos.
but at least
the one
it
On helps to differentiate two main classes. is the poetry of Pindar, Simonides, and Bacchylides, possessing as its main feature the choral ode sung by a company of singers and accompanied by dancing.
hand there
is the personal lyric of Sappho and the and little or Alcaeus, accompanied by lyre owing nothing to the movements of the dance or to the requirements and possi-
'
On
bilities of
a choir. This distinction between the two types has been emphasized and clarified by discoveries which give new examples of the work of Sappho and Alcaeus in the one
and of Ibycus and Pindar in the other. 1900 Oxyrhynchus has provided considerable remains of the first, second, and fourth books of Sappho's collected works,^ and the Berlin Museum possesses pieces of the fifth book.^ Not one of these papyri is free from mutilano tion, single complete poem has been found, and many of the finds are the merest scraps.^ But even from this wreckage
class,
Since
estimate of the extent of Sappho's work and the method of its arrangement. Oxyrh, Pap. 1231, which contains the remains of Book I, ends with
a note that
Even
works
if
it contained 1,320 lines, i.e. 330 four-lined stanzas. the other books were shorter than this, her entire
may
still
lines.
the books were arranged is still not settled, but some facts emerge. Book I contained all the poems written in the
How
Sapphic stanza.
On
Book
II, if
we may judge by
Oxyrh. Pap. i. 7; iii. 424; x. 1231 x. 1232; xv. 1787; xvii. 2076. Berliner Klassikertexte^ V (2). xiii, pp. 9-18. All extant remains are published in Lobel, ^aircpovs fieXr], Oxford, 1925. References, unless otherwise stated, will be to this, and to E. DIehl, Anthologia Lyrica^ 1923. * Schol. Metr. Pindari, Pyth. i, p. 5, 1. 20, ed. Drachmann hh^KaavWa^ov ^uTTcfiiKdv, 5 TO 7Tpa>Tov oXop lajTCJiovs yey pa fififvov. Sacerd. gramm. vi. 546. 8 genus est illiid asynartetum, quo usa est Sappho per totum librum suum
;
'
primum
'.
addition, Oxyrh. Pap. i(l^(i, consisted, as Hephaestion says, of poems in the Sapphic pentameter of fourteen syllables.^ Book IV, to which we have considerable additions, is not
fully described
new
by any ancient authority, and our conclusions must be based on the papyrus. Despite the fact that no single line is preserved complete,^ this book, too, seems to have
contained poems in a single metre that particular type of the Ionic a Maiore or Choriambic Tetrameter, as Wilamowitz
calls it,^ which Hephaestion knew as the AIoKlkov and said was much used by Sappho.* When we come to Book V it is
is
*
employed.
Caesius Bassus
'
and Fortunatianus reports the use of the Asclepiad.^ In the three poems of the Berlin Papyrus there are two metres, and the safest conclusion is that this book was formed of poems
written in three-lined stanzas.
Of
we have
no new specimens, and must still accept the ancient traditions, which are on the whole proved trustworthy where they can be Inside this framework the papyri indicate that in tested. each book the poems were arranged in roughly alphabetical
order.
0, TT,
At
IT,
least, in
Book
three successive
all
to have been
user of a wide range of metres, but the new fragments have not added much to our knowledge of her metric, as the I, II,
and IV books are in familiar metres. In Book V, however, we have two examples of a three-lined stanza. In e'. 3 she employs two Glyconics followed by the Aeolic Dactylic
^
Hephaestion,
7, p.
TO
fxev TrfVTciixeTpov
^
23, ed. Consbruch t5}v be aKaToXrjKTOiv (sc. 8aKTv\iKa>p) Koke^rai ^ancpiKov TeaaapcaKOibeKaavWa^oVf to bevrepov
(iii.
oXov
' *
2a7r0o{;ff yeypoTTTai.
Except
S'. I.
519 Kaibel).
ttoXXq)
36
2an(j)Ci)
avrw
i-)(pr](raTO.
frequens
vi. 258. 15 (Hendecasyllabus Phalaecius) 'apud Sappho cuius in quinto libro complures huius generis et continuati et dispersi leguntur '. * ^ lb. 295. 21 (de Asclepiadeo metro) Sappho hoc integro usa est libro
Grammat.
est,
/xeX?;,
p. XV.
Tetrameter, or, rather, two Aeolic Dactylic Trimeters followed by a Tetrameter.^ In e'. 4 and 5 the metre is another variation on a Glyconic basis, and is rather more complicated.
The
first line is Cretic + Glyconic, the second pure Glyconic, the third Glyconic + Bacchius, i.e. the Phalaecian HendecaHer other metres are familiar and need no notice, syllable.
but her general metrical practice is now better known, and deserves attention. The general result is that she is seen to be a stricter metrician than she has been thought. Though she scans both the first and second syllable of a Glyconic
either short or long, the last syllable
is
always long.
She
does not normally shorten a long, open, final syllable when the next word begins with a vowel. ^ vowel short by nature
normally scanned as long before a mute and liquid.^ She makes the fullest use of synizesis, but avoids almost every kind of hiatus."^ She does not allow artificial lengthening or
is
same word in different places.^ and consistent metrician, and all claimed divagations from her ordinary practice must be
different
scansion
fact,
of the
She
is,
in
careful
what we should expect. personal relations, and with but history, absent from the familiar examples of her verse, finds at last a place in it. In one distressingly mutilated piece (5'. 11 70 Di.) she seems to refuse her friendship to some one who has been a friend of Penthilus,
subject of these fragments
is
The
was
;
in
know nothing of the context or the circumstances, but it appears that on this point Sappho shared the political opinions of her townsman,
Alcaeus.
Perhaps, too,
We
her
brother,
At
all
von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Sappho und Simonides^ p. 48. For exceptions and their significance see below, and E. Lobel,
Cf.
/xeXi;,
'AX*:aiou
'
p. xi.
. ;
notable exception is a 5. 19 27a. 19 Di. instance, permitted between the third of the Sapphic stanza. It is allowed between the first and and third lines on condition that the open final syllable is
*
The most
onXoiai.
It is not, for
and fourth
long.
lines
second or second
Cf. Lobel,
p. 88.
'2an(})ovs
^
Wilamowitz, Sappho und Simonides, Hence the suspicion attaching to vbmp in fr. 5. i Ui.
fte'Xj/,
p. Ixvi
by Herodotus as giving her liberty to Rhodopis, and being severely rated by his sister for it.^ That poem, alas, has not survived, but we have a charming poem about a brother
tioned
In
it
(a. 3
and
for his
Kvirpi KOL^ Nrjprjl'Ses a^Xd^-q'v [xol Tov Ka(TL\yvr]TOv Sore tvlS* iKcrOa[L
K^crcra^ f]oi Ovjicp k\ OeXrj yeveaOaL,
Trdvra^
ocra-a 8e
C09
^ ^
T]\e(rOr)i'.
djiPpoTe, iravra \v(Ta[L, (J)l\ol(t\l \dpau yeveorOai Kcoytau^ ])(^OpoL(n' ykvoLTO 8' dfi/jLL
Trpjoo-^'
foL(n
[irfKeTL^
*
fjL]rj8L?.
hither unhurt,
my brother may come heart wishes to happen to him may be accomplished. All the mistakes he has made before, undo for him, to be a joy to his friends and a sorrow to his ^ enemies, and may we have no enemy any more.'
Cyprian and Nereids, grant that
and that
all his
The same Rhodopis was identified by Strabo and Athenaeus with Doricha, and perhaps we have an echo of the old quarrel in a. 4, 11. 10-12 (26 Di.)
:
fjLr}]Se
^^
May Doricha not boast, saying a second time into lovely desire.'
But, on the whole, the
*
'
this,
new
ii. 135. 6 Xdpa^os Be cos Xva-dnevos 'PoSwTrtv d7Tev6(TTr)(re is MvtiXtjvtjv, ev fxeXd "Smrcfyco TroXXa KareKepToiirjae ynv. Cf. Athen. xiii. 596 b (so Ovid, Her. XV, Episticla Sapphtts, 1. 63 and 1. 117); Strabo, xvii. 808. Sappho's anonymous biographer in Oxyrh. Pap. 1800, i. 7-13 almost certainly records the existence of three brothers of whom Charaxus was the eldest.
"^
^ * " ^
KvTrpi Kai] Earle, noTVLni] Diels, w ^I'Aai] Blass, ;^pvo-tnt] Ka>aa-a Grenfeli and Hunt, kcotti Diehl.
irdvTa
Jurenka.
Krjva
Diehl.
coy (/jt\oicr]i
^
^ ^
cf)iXoia]t
Diels.
Jurenka.
Blass, fjLrjTTOTa Grenfeli and Hunt, di) noTn Jurenka. The interpretation here is quite uncertain. Cf. Lobel, C.Q. xv, p. 163. So Lobel. ol] 8e Kavxaa-avro rob' vve[7rovTes Grenfeli and Hunt.
of
women and
girl
friends.
On
these she
and her tenderness, and she expects the Whether it is Mica or Anactoria them. like return from or Gongyla, now first found in her verse,^ or Atthis or Andromeda, known to us already ,2 she treats each occasion with A poem in Book I perfect seriousness and concentration.
lavishes her affection
tells of
her love for Anactoria. The opening describes all the most by men armies on horse or foot and ships valued things For at sea, but Sappho values most the object of her love. love Helen left her husband and ruined Troy, and it is love
that
Sappho
feels for
Anactoria (a. 5
i^ya Di.,
11.
17
ff.)
ottXolctl
I would rather see her lovely gait and the bright sparkle of her face than the chariots of the Lydians and men in armour
'
fighting
on
foot.'
friends
But things did not always go so well as this. Sappho's sometimes left her, and sometimes they were faithless. Perhaps the most beautiful poem concerns a friend who has gone to Lydia. Who she is, we do not know, nor why she is in Sardis perhaps she is married. At all events she was
Sappho
writes
this
poem
<T
Oia
<T
LKeXav dpL-
vvu 8e Av8aL(TLv efj.Trp7rTaL yvvatK(T(riv, 0)9 nor' deXico SvuT09 d PpoSoSaKTvXos (reXdvva
"^
* Anactoria is known from Maximus Tyrius, 24 (18): and Gongyla from Suidas, s.v. ^ancfxa. Their names occur in the text at a. 5. 1 5 (27a. 1 5 For Mica, cf. d'. 11 ; 70 Di. . 4. 4 (97. 4 Di., cf. 36. 2 Di.). Di.) ^ From Bergk, P.L.G. iii, fr. 33 and fr. 41. ^ 7re(TSo]/uax'T"y Rackham, Vogliano, X'mxo\\xax'^vTas Wilamowitz. * 7r[8' ili\(iio\i.^v Wilamowitz. j3f|3deo? e]\[6i/ Wilamowitz. a/jtyj/corai (dpi7i/a)ra) Lobel, 'AptyvcoTa Wilamowitz. ^ (T^kavva Schubart, \ii]va papyrus unmetrically.
;
"' ^'
dcTTpa'
(fxzos
S'
eni-
OdXacraav
kir
duOe/jLooSrjs'
TToXXa Se {acpoLTaia* dydvas kirilivdcrBei(T* "At6l8os l fie pep Xeirrau ttol (ppeva^ f^W\P {^') o-a-^ p6pr)TaL.
When we lived together, always she thought (?) you like to a glorious goddess, and in your song washer chief pleasure. But now she surpasses the women of Lydia, as after the sun has set the rosy-fingered moon, surpassing all the stars. She sheds her light over the salt sea and the many-flowered fields, and the dew is spread abroad in beauty, and the roses bloom
*
this
and the tender grasses and the flowering clover. She goes way and that, remembering gentle Atthis with desire in her young heart, and her soul is devoured with longing/
In another
in
;
poem (e'. 3 96 Di.) the absent friend is rememsorrow and complaint. She has promised Sappho So to remember her, and she has not kept her promise. her reminds of and the of their it, happy Sappho past love,
bered
d86X(o?
SiXci)'
a
"
fi
yln(r8ofjLi/a
KaTeXtfinave
eei7r[e
/iol'^
Wdncp',
"
Xaipoia-'
fjLefjLpaLO-*,
pxo KajxeOev
oicrda
yap
cwy ere
ireSrJTro/xcp'
al 8e
6<Tcra
^
/jir]f
dXXd a
\(tv
eyco 6iXa>
^
OfivaLoraL.
8e Xdde]aL
KTJp
2
So
(TV
k[.]^
^
^
Wilamowitz.
re]
Lobel prints
aai.
vixot (fiiXa]
oa[aa repnva
oor[(r'
Crusius,
Edmonds.
Truly I wish to die. She left me with many tears,^ and " she said this to me Alas, how sad is our fortune Sappho, To her I answered this all against my will I leave you." " Go with good fortune, and remember me. For you know how we have cared for you. If not, yet will I remind you. You forget how pleasant and lovely were our fortunes."
!
: '
poem grows
Sappho
clear that
other pieces are too torn to yield consecutive sense. we catch an echo of Sappho's style and sinwhen she wishes to die and see the dewy shores of cerity, Acheron (e'. 4 97 Di., 11. 11 ff.),^ or speaks of hair turning white
The
Often in them
(^.
6^ Di.,
11.
12
ff.)/'
But
for their
completion we need
is
more
discoveries.
of an unsurpassed There is a complete absence of literary clarity and grace. artifice, and the effect is that of the spoken word raised to its
The language
of the
new fragments
highest power of concentration and melody. The explanation of this triumphant simplicity is that Sappho is writing in the spoken vernacular of Lesbos. She avoids even Homeric
phrases, or,
dialect.
if she uses them, they are transposed into her own This character of her language is revealed in several
is
ways.
The digamma
the third person and its mally beginning with Fp where its place is taken by p. The augment is hardly ever omitted.^ There is a marked absence
not found except in the pronoun of adjective,* and in some words nor-
of synonyms, and words which might be thought to have the same meaning are revealed on closer inspection to be slightly different.^ Her conjugations and declensions are singularly homogeneous and free from exceptions. In all this Sappho is
^
yj/^L^ofxevT]'
'^
KXaiovaa, Hesych.
Karddprjv d' ifiepos ris [ex^i XoiTivois SpoaoevTus [o;;^[^]ois
/^f
fat
idr}v
*Axep[ovTos
fjdrj
Jj^ra
]j/TO
^
''
XPo" ynpas
^'
/jlcXtj,
peXr),
pp. xxxiii-xlv.
TO
unique among Greek poets. She alone wrote an almost unvarnished vernacular. Even Alcaeus and Corinna owe much more to literary tradition than she does, and perhaps in this
self-denying restriction
style.
lies
One poem, however, which has been gleaned from two papyri,
differs greatly
from the
rest
both
in
The Wedding of Hector and Andromache (/S'. 2 55 Di.) was known to Athenaeus ^ as being in Sappho's second book, and both the papyri have a colophon ascribing it to her.^ Of all the fragments which have come to us, this is the best attested as her work. The poem is full of charm and interest. It is a
narrative, not written in stanzas, telling of the wedding of Hector and Andromache. Our portion of it begins with the arrival of a herald, who tells the news
:
"*'/crft)p
Koi (TvvkTaip\o\L dyoia kXiKCdinSa Srj^as ^ Upas HXaKias t d[TT* aCv\vd(o^ dppav 'AvSpoiid^av kvl vava-LV kn aXfivpov
TTOVTOV
7rop(j)vp[a]
TToXXa Kar'
8'
[eXClyfiara^
xpvcna Kafifiara
dOvp/xara,
KdXecpais''
(piXoLS'
^
dvT[fie]i'a,^ ttolklX'
S'
dpyvpa T
coy
dudp\L\6[ia [TTOTrj\p[La\
lo
eiV*
orpaXeoos
(pdfia 8'
avTLK.'
ayov
8e irals
o^Xos
15
^
yvvaLKcov t
\oiipLS 8*
ittttIols]
av
8'
7r[a^r]ey
rjiOeor
Hector and his companions are bringing a girl of glancing eyes from holy Thebe and everflowing Placie, even tender
'
"
'
*
Athen. xi. 460 d, quoting 1. 10. Oxyrh. Pap. 1232 and 2076. a[iV]fa(B Grenfell and Hunt ; Lobel suggests ivvvata. eXiyfiara Grenfell and Hunt, cf. Hesychius iXiynaru' yfreXia. 7rop<5t)up[a] KOT dtlr[/xc]m Lobel from Athen. ix. 410 e, nop^vp[a
Diehl. [7rorr/]p[ta] Grenfell and Hunt from Athen. Tavv](r(f)vpaiv Grenfell and Hunt.
I.e.
'
/c]Xa t
av
T\^fio\va
^
''
^ ^
[enrjiaav] Diehl, [aoXXee?] Jurenka, 6vy[a]Tpea[i 6aKos ^v] Wilamowitz. ap[paTa KapTrvXa Jurenka.
ii
Andromache, in ships over the salt sea. Many are the golden necklaces and purple clothing coming on the wind, playthings of divers pattern, and countless silver cups and ivory." So spake he, and quickly arose his dear father. The tale came Then the sons to his friends through the broad-wayed city.
of Ilios led their mules under their wheeled waggons. The whole company came up of women and slender-ankled maidens but apart from them came Priam's daughters together and the men, all unmarried, yoked their horses to their curved
; ;
chariots.'
after
it
we hear
S' d8v[fx]i\r][9 Kiddpa]'^ r oi^efxiyvvTO ^ S' KOL v//"[6]0o[9 K\poTd\[odv, Xiylja)? dpa Trdp\6evoL deiSou fxeXos dyv\ov, iKa\v^'^ 8' e? aid[epa
avXo9
d)(a>
0(nT(Ti[a.
'The sweet-toned flute was blent with the lyre and the noise of castanets, and maidens sang clearly a holy song, and the wondrous sound rose to the sky.'
Then
after
we come
to the end
fjLvppa KOL
ovejiei^vvTO,
eXeXvcrSoy ocrai 7rpoyeue(TTpa[L, irdvTes 5' dvSpe^ kirripaTOv ia^ov opdiou, Tldov ovKaXkovTes Kd(3oXou euXvpau,
yvvaiKes
5'
vfxvrjv 8*
*
Myrrh and cassia and frankincense were mingled, and all the elder women lifted up their voice, and all the men raised a loud lovely strain, calling on the Healer, the far-shooter, the fine harper, and hymned Hector and Andromache like to the
gods.'
its fine
When
it
was
first
was
really Sappho's,*
and
doubt has been confirmed by Mr. Lobel's acute observations.'"' On close examination it is seen to be full of usages
^
"^
"
'''
Lobel suggests KiQdpa or yidyabis. * ttyvov Hunt. Xiyeojs Lobel. N. Jahrb.f. kl. Alt. xxxiii (1914), p. 230. 2a7rcl>ovs neXrj, p. xxvi ; 'AXxn/ou fie^r], p. xvii.
12
I
of
which are
Sappho's
in
style.
It
is
true that
some
a small group of Sappho's dactylic but evidence quite outweighs that conthe cumulative poems, sideration. Here are oddities of metre, flexion, and vocabu-
diphthongs shortened before words beginning with vowels, and vowels naturally short kept so before the combination of mute and liquid. In flexion we
lary.
Metrically,
we
find final
two dative
plurals in
-oiy,
the thematic
formation ovKaXeovres, and unaugmented forms by the side of augmented. In vocabulary we find irapOevLKav instead of
TrapdiucoPj
instead of
and
? instead of e/y.
must give us pause before we ascribe the poem to Sappho, but Mr. Lobel has adduced one piece of evidence which not
only indicates that the
poem
is
some
hint of
its origin.^
is
that in one place the writer seems to have used a phrase of Sappho's found elsewhere and to have misunderstood it. In e'. 3 App. 2 (99 Di. aliter) Mr. Lobel gives
:
This evidence
where Trop^vpai is the dative singular of the noun irop^vpa. In our poem, 1. 9, he gives
:
'jTop(j)vp[a\
KOLT avT[ne\va
where iropcpvpa
is
It follows
that this passage is not only a reminiscence of the first, but the reminiscence of a writer who did not fully understand Aeolic.
Who, then, was this writer? One point emerges. He (or she) was an Athenian, iropcpvpa and dpyvpa are the Attic counterparts of the Aeolic irop^vpia and dpyvpia, and their presence
here indicates their place of origin. It is certainly sad that should be detached from Sappho's some and feel name, may qualms about flying in the face of
this well-authenticated piece
its
book
the right
But perhaps even the ancients were not It comes at the end of a authorship.
poem
Lobel, "Santpovs
/xeXj;,
p. Ixv.
13
possible that the vacant space before it in the was occupied by a note about its doubtful authorpapyrus
is
ship.^
The poem, then, is not Sappho's, but it is still a good poem and an interesting example of Greek narrative verse.
2.
Alcaeus^
in
seven rolls
which
now The
in the Berlin
Alcaeus' poetry.
the
On
hardly anything of the arrangement of the whole they support the view that
'
poems were roughly classified by their subjects. Thus, Oxyrh. Pap, 1233 is chiefly concerned with gods and heroes, while Oxyrh. Pap, 1360 and 1789 treat mainly of politics, and may belong to the collection of a-Taa-mTiKa TroLrjfxaTa known to Strabo.^ But the classification is very rough. Among the divine poems appear one to Melanippus with a moral of Carpe diem (Lobel, B. 10; 73 Di.), and another concerned with drinking (B. 22 86 Di.) while among the o-Taa-icoTLKd one
'
Di.) was, according to the Scholia, written to Alcaeus' epa>/jLvo9.^ In the other rolls no definite method of
poem
(D. 13
44
arrangement
is
discernible.
The best preserved of the new poems deal with politics, and we can better understand the verdict of Quintilian (x. i. 6^)
'
aureo plectro merito donatur qua tyrannos insectatus multum etiam moribus confert '. His feelings and political ambitions, his enemies and his abuse of
Alcaeus
in parte operis
"
"
them, are
violent
as the
Cf.
Hunt
References, unless otherwise stated, are to Lobel, 'AXkoiou /licXj;, Oxford, 1927, and to E. Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica, 1923. ^ Oxyrh. Pap. x. 1233, 1234; xi. 1360; xv. 1788, 1789. * Berliner Klassikertexte^ V (2). xii, pp. 3-8; cf Rev. Et. gr.iivm.. 413. xiii. 2. 3, p. 617 Tvpapuf)dt) de fj rroXis {rj MitvXtjut]) Kara, tovs XP^^ovs TovTovs {tov TliTTaKov Koi 'AX/caiou) vno nXeiouoiv dia ras dixocrraaias, koi to
^TnaKOTiKct KaXovfxeva tov 'AX*caiou noirjfxaTa np\ tovtohv iarlv. * In margin ]ra rbv tov 'AXxatov epo^ufpov.
'
Oxyrh. Pap.
xvii, p. 27.
14
champion of the old aristocracy in its struggle with the new power of the tyrants. The main objects of his hatred were The two appear together as Myrsilus and Phittacus. and KXeavaKTiSav jipx^ai/aKTiSap in a mutilated poem (E. i 35b Di.),^ which has been taken as a vow of vengeance against them. Myrsilus is familiar as the villain of the poem on the ship of State preserved by Heraclitus.^ This poem has been
;
by the remains of twenty-five lines (A 6 120 Di.). In these Alcaeus works out the figure of the storm, and urges his countrymen to be worthy of their forefathers
increased
;
:
(jyap^do/jLeO' ey S'
(os
wKia-ra \tol\ol^
8p6[fjLa)fiU
e^vpop Xifxeua
KOL
firj
Let us with all speed mend our planks, and run into a safe harbour, and let not soft fear take hold of any one of us, for a great task lies before us. Remember our former toil. Now And let us not by cowardice bring let each be proved a man. .' shame on our noble fathers lying under the earth
*
.
.
single word the 1. that has shows at 27 allegory disappeared fiovapxiocv and that the object of their endeavours is to overthrow the
tyranny.
Ml. 23-4:
Ji
] ^
ye KXeavaKTidav
fjpx'^o.vaKribav.
5 (p. 7, ed.
Oelmann)
.
MvTiXrivalov ixeXonoiou vpr](rofi(V aWrjyopovvTa' ras yap TVpavviKas rapaxas ^ 'iaov ;(ci/xepio) TrpocreiKd^ei KaTacrTT)p.aTi 6a\a.TTr)s . . Mupcri'XoV yap 6 drjXovp.ev6s (TTi Ka\ TvpavviKT] Kara Mvt iXrjvaicov eyipofxevr} avaraais.
^
*
Toixois
^
dfxptoiv or vfifiecov
Murray, vaas Diehl. Grenfell and Hunt. pey' [dedXiov Wilamowitz, pey[a avficfiepov Grenfell and Hunt,
fJiy[a
X^iH-' oprjv
^
^
^
Lobel. p[ox^<^ or /u[(Biu< or p[vd<jo Grenfell and Hunt. ye[va6a) Grenfell and Hunt. [dpavdpia Grenfell and Hunt, [dvaXKia ? Diehl. Kf[tfxi'ois Grenfell and Hunt.
15
known
to be Alcaeus'
;
43
Di.)
of
him and of the curse which the gods have sent through him
:
to Mitylene
a?
k'
dfxfxe
^oXXtjt* jipev?
em
r[]vx[a
^
Tp6n7]v'
rds Ovfxo^opco Xva9 efKpvXco re fid)(a9, rdv T19 'OXvfX7rL(ov * dy()V evcopcre, 8dfxov ixkv e/y dvdrav ^LTjdKCo 8e 8l8ols kv8o9 7rrjp[aT]ov.
)(^aXd(r(ro/xu 8h
him, made kinsman by marriage to the children of the city as he did with Myrsilus, until Ares devour Atreus, consent to turn us to arms then let us forget this wrath again, and rest from faction which eats the heart, and from strife with kindred, which one of the Olympians has stirred among us, bringing the people to disaster and giving to Phittacus the glory in which he delights.'
'
But
let
do not know when this was written, though it is quite probable that Alcaeus wrote it in exile. Phittacus married a sister of Dracon, a Penthilid who claimed descent from His connexion with Myrsilus is obscure. Strabo Orestes.^
(xiii.
We
617) says that he used monarchy eh ttju tcoi/ 8vuacrTLcot/ KardXya-Lv, but if that is true, his motives were not appreciated
by Alcaeus.
TrdTpL8aL
apparent in another small fragment also aimed at Phittacus (D. 17 48 Di.) where kukohostility
is
;
The same
and Tvpavvev- show the same hostile spirit.^ Another obscure chapter in the same history may perhaps
ilamowitz from Schol. emyaniav
'
-ya'/Lio)
'^
V^'
(rxo>v.
[rfvxea Schmidt, eTnlrevxeas Wilamowitz. \a6()ifi(6^ [av Lobel, XaBuined^ [av Grenfell
TTi
and
Hunt,
"hadajxeda
Wilamowitz.
* ^
cf.
Find. Py^/i.
ii.
28
iii.
24.
'
"-13:
vvu
]l/
8'
o 7rfS6Tpo7r[e
KaKOTTUTpLdai
T]vpapvfv-'
i6
1
ii,
be found.
42Di.)
poem addressed
to
Zeus (D.
^
we
Zed
d^fi
ei^^
evfidpea 7rpoXe^a[is
^'A7r[e]ro Xdcrrjv.
'
in
staters to us, in the hope that we could enter the sacred city, although in no wise had we received any benefit from them
or
knew them
at all
Here
is
a puzzle which calls for solution, but the clues are few.
Mytilene must be meant,"^ and Alcaeus and his fellow-exiles were trying to get there with the help of Lydian money. Somehow Phittacus seems to have put them off, whether with
promises or with what, we do not know. Not all the poems, however, are political. They reveal a range of subjects much like that in Horace's Odes, and confirm the Roman poet's claim that he
false
Aeolium carmen ad
deduxisse modos.
Italos
There are poems to friends and to gods. Among the friends we have considerable fragments of a poem to Melanippus 73 Di.), to whom, according to Herodotus (v. 95), (B. lo Alcaeus wrote the poem describing his flight from the Athenians.* This poem is on a different theme. It is a solemn
;
Theander.
^ * ^
'i{pav
Grenfell
and Hunt.
Grenfell
and Hunt.
?;
aXtoTTa
Lobel
(cf.
Hesychius
dXcoTra*
aXcoTTT?!), dXa)7ra[|
and
Hunt.
*^
Grenfell
and Hunt
the aorist.
;
translate
'offered',
cf.
demanded by ^
Wilam.
viii.
Steph. Byz.
Pauly-Wiss.
1396-7.
17
and though the ends of are missing, we can get a good idea of what it was
life
while
we
can,
Uodve [kol fie6v\ w]^ MeXdvLirUj a//' e/zoi. tl [(pah 3^ ^BivvdevT 6t dfjLL\lreai ^A^epovTd iiiy[av nopov^
^dPai[9 d]\ico KoOapov ()>dos [dy\repov dXX* dyi firj fieydXcou e7r[f)SaAXeo.^ oyfreaO'
;
Kal yap ^Lcrvpos AloXiSais /Baa-iXev? [e^a^ dv8p(ov TrXelcrTa vorjadnevos [ddparoi^ <pvyr)v.^
dX[X\d Ka\L\ TToXviSpi^ cop inrd Kcipi [8h^ !A^epovT kirepaia-c [lykyav Si Fol
KdT]<o^^ fjL[6xO]oi^ '^XV^
IJL]XaLi/as
^*
^^ ^^
8Lv\vd[e\vT
xOovos.
10
^^
eo-]r
dpdcroiiv' at irora KaXXora [vvv ae XPV TcouSe TrdOrjv Td[xa SSt Oios^ (feepjrju^^ OTTLva
Drink and get drunk, Melanippus, with me. Why do you say that, when you have crossed Acheron's great eddying stream, you will see the pure light of the sun again ? Nay, come, desire not great things. Truly King Sisyphus, the son of Aeolus, wisest of all men, said that he had escaped death. Yet for all his wit Fate made him to cross Acheron twice, and the son of Cronus gave him a great, heavy doom to bear under the earth. Nay, come, hope not for this, while we are young. Now, if at any time, must you bear whatever of these dooms God sends you perchance to suffer.'
This
is
the
glimpses of Alcaeus'
^
best preserved of the personal poems, but life emerge from the others. One piece
xaXda-ais]
[kuX fjLedv
^ ^
*
oi]
Diehl,
[8r)
Schmidt.
. .
.
^'
''
^
"
"^ ^^
^^
^'*
Schmidt, [yap Diels. Restored by Hunt from the papyrus which gives orafxe diwaevr. fiy[ap nopov Dichl, p.y[dppoov Schmidt. [ayjrepov Diehl, [varepov Wilamowitz, [av ivaKiv Diels. 7r[i/ydXXfo Wilamowitz, 67r[i/xateo Jurenka. [e0a Wilamowitz, [fio/cr? ? Diehl. ' {BdvaTov (fivyrjv Wilamowitz. [d\s Wilamowitz. ^^ 8e Wilamowitz. foi Kdr](o Wilamowitz. p[tyap ^d]pvv a>pi(T Wilamowitz, /Sao-i'Xeuy 81801 Jurenka. Td]d' (TreXneo Wilamowitz, to [kutco (f)p6vr) Diehl. corjr' Diehl, Kolra^daopev Wilamowitz.
[(fials
"'
"
[pvv re
xpn Diels.
6(05 Diehl.
*^
^ep]w
Dicls.
Td[xa
3786
8cp
i8
gives a scene in the country with birds and cool water and a vine (F. i io6 Di.).^ Another makes tantalizing and obscure
references to Ascalon and Babylon (B. 10 83 Di.).^ Better is an 6 elaborate ; allegory (F. preserved 117 Di.), in which Alcaeus gives advice to a friend with a parable of a vine which
;
promised a good crop but yielded sour grapes." The poems on gods and heroes have at last begun to come into their own, and we see how Alcaeus treated this form of
The best preserved pieces are in the Sapphic stanza, and are remarkable for a quiet limpidity and candour. In one 77 Di. aliter), he addresses the river Hebrus (B. 17
art.
;
:
"Eppe, K[d\]\i(rT09
^
k^L[T]<T6'
ks\
^
SpaLK\tas
*
kp\^vy6iievo9 (a yaias
Hebrus, fairest of rivers, thou goest forth by the purple sea swirling through Thracian land.'
Aenus
into
We
should like to
it
know more
'
of
this,
many maidens ', does not allow us to though know what they are doing with their dtrdXaLcn x<^p(Ti? Another poem, whose right margin is lost (B. 14 74 Di.), compares Helen unfavourably with Thetis. Helen brought bitter woe to Troy, but Thetis was married in the house of Chiron before all the gods, and gave birth to Achilles:
mentions
;
op\v[6((T(T
\av K Kopv(J)av OTrnoOev [ yXjavKav ylrvxpov v8a>p d/z7rX[ ^av KaXafios ^a)ij[
KJeXaSets fjpivov
2
11.
oi/[
lo-il
Ba/3i;X(ji)i;os
^
]v
Ipas KcTKoKoiva.
The reference is probably to Alcaeus' brother, Antimenidas, who served with Nebuchadnezzar {Inc. Lib. 27 ; 50 Di.) and may have accompanied him on one of his Palestinian campaigns in 596 B.C. and 586 B.C.
3
Cf.
11.
15-16:
ra]p3';{ft)/ut /X17 po7r[(B](rti/, avrnis op,<p]nKas d>p.OTpais eolaais.
A[ipov Lobel,
^
f^t['70-^'
'
Lobel.
Kat
19
aljJLLOeoiv [(pipLO-rop
ttcoXcou,
^pvyes re
tlie
a year she bore a son, the mightiest of demi-gods, happy driver of bay foals, but they were destroyed for Helen the Phrygians and their city.'
'
And
in
It would be interesting to know why the two are contrasted, and what was the unifying idea of the poem.
is a poem {?>. S) 7^ ^i-) dedicated to the of Greek poetry, Castor and Pollux. Despite heroes perennial we can restore its general drift its corruption
Finally, there
^evT vvv
iXXdcoY
vd(Tov
Kdarop
Kal noXv8e[v]K9,
ot KOLT vpr)a[v\ )(\66vaY
Kal OdXaa-aav
kir
'lttttcov,
iraidav '^pxA<jQ'\
di\KVTio\8oiiv
pveaOe
(aKpv6evT09
ev(T8[vy]oiiv
6 p<^(T kovt[^9
^ oi/\
aKpa vdow
vdi //[ejXaiVa.
hither, ye strong sons of kind with heart. Castor and Polyappear deuces, who go over the broad earth and all the sea on swiftfooted horses, and easily rescue men from numbing death, shining from afar as ye run up the fore-stays, as ye bring in the night of danger light to a black ship.'
*
Leave Pelops'
:
island
and come
With
^
this the
poem
ends.
It refers to
the
'
fuoco di Sant'
[(f)pio-Tov
^
''
Diehl, [Kpano-Tov Wilamowitz. 'E[Kva ^pvyfs re Grenfell and Hunt. AeOre vvv Bowra, after Diehl.
^
'
'
TTpu^Tov
oj/]rp[f_;^o]*/res
Bowra.
* vcktov Lobel. IXkdw] Bowra, after Diehl. ^ ov\ Grenfell and Hunt. For neuter form nporova, cf. "/. Gud.
483. 13.
^
and Hunt.
C 2
20
phenomenon described by the elder Pliny, and still spoken of by Mediterranean sailors. If this poem is earlier than the Homeric Hymn to the Dioscuri, as it may
well be, this
literature.
is
Elmo
the electric
the
first
in
Greek
The language
of Alcaeus
is,
He, too, writes Lesbian in a plain, unaffected manner. Mr. Lobel has shown that he writes it with a difference.^
tongue
is
But His
mixture.
not pure vernacular, but has a slight literary adSo far as we can tell, this admixture comes almost
entirely from Homer, and can be detected by its difference from the normal practice of Sappho. In vocabulary Alcaeus uses non-Lesbian words such as yaia^ ^oi>iJia^ irapOeviKa^ reos, and non-Lesbian forms such as viriaco^ jxiaroi. He even uses genitives in -olo and -aoy ooXea-av with a single o-, and at times he omits an augment. No doubt metrical convenience prompted him to these exceptions from his ordinary practice, and when all is said, their total does not amount to much.
Despite the prestige of Homer, Alcaeus did not borrow much from him, and wrote chiefly in the language of his own island. His metres, however, are more various than those of the
new fragments
of Sappho.
Among
the
new
pieces
we may
His distinguish Alcaics, Ionics, Sapphics, and Asclepiads. own treatment of the metre called after him is now better
in
In
the
first
Alcaeus' Alcaic differs from Horace's in allowing a long or short syllable indifferently at the beginning of the line, and in
varying the place of the caesura. In the third line Alcaeus allows the fifth syllable to be either long or short, whereas for
Alcaeus' Sapphics are very like invariably long. Like her, he allows the fourth syllable to be doubtful, and has his caesura variously after the fifth, sixth, It is worth noticing that for him or even eighth syllable.
it is
Horace
Sappho's.
is
really a line,
it is
ments
^
it
N.H.
loi.
^AXkulov
pp. xlv-lxvii.
21
Alcaeus, despite their broken outlines, bring this poet more The into his own than he has been for many centuries.
to stress his convivial side at the
and a mention of him by Horace^ tended expense of the rest of him. Now justice has been done to him, and he emerges as a man of strong passions, reckless in abuse as in loyalty, a man of
familiar quotations
action as well as a poet, a lover of great things such as fighting and friendship, and an inveterate hater of trickery and the
destruction of
what he loved.
3.
Corinna
The new fragments of Lesbian poetry belong to writers who had a great name in antiquity, and whose extant remains
have long been praised and studied. But the papyrus of Corinna in the Berlin Museum ^ has brought back from the dead a poetess who has for centuries been little more than a name. Even at Alexandria and Byzantium Corinna was
much importance. She hardly belonged to the Nine Lyric poets, and won only a dubious tenth place in But to the list quoted by Pindar's Ambrosian biographer.^
not ranked as of
history, or to tradition, she
is
known
as the
said to
five times,*
myths, and then for his superabundance of them.^ Pindar, with unexpected rudeness, is said to have called her a sow because of her narrow provincial outlook.^ Now at last we know what sort of poetry was written by this woman who followed the old ways of Boeotia, and disfor his lack of
approved of 'ATTLKLa-fjLos'^ in the great exponent of Delphic wisdom and Greek orthodoxy. The papyrus of the new poems comes from Eschmunen
C.
i.
32. 9.
Berliner Klassikertexte, Editio princeps, ed. Wilamowitz. (2). xiv, pp. 19-55. Revised text by W. Cronert in Rhem. Miis. Ixiii, pp. i66ff. ^ Alexander Polyhistor, however, wrote a commentary on her: Schol. * Ap. Rhod. Arg. i. 551. Petronius, Satyricon 2, speaks of Pindarus his list have included in '. He Corinna by putting may novemque lyrici Pindar hors concours.
^
Suidas
s.v. Ko'piwa.
Plut.
Mor. 347
flf.
^ '
Pans. ix. 22. 3. Aelian, V.H. xiii. 25. Schol. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 720.
11
was
It (Hermupolis), and was written in the second century A.D. at first thought that it contained the remains of two
poems, but Mr. Lobel has shown that there are remains of The first is entirely fragmentary, and only traces of three.^ nine lines survive. Its subject and contents are alike unknown, and we can disregard it as an addition to Greek literature.
tolerably legible.
The second poem has 54 lines, of which 21 in the middle are The third is rather better preserved, and for read some be 40 lines out of a total of 102, but its end may Each of these is a narrative poem dealing with a is lost.
*
traditional Boeotian story quite outside the usual run of Greek tenuisque arcana poetry, and justifying Statius' comment:
Corinnae
'.^
two poems, the first deals with a contest between the eponymous heroes Helicon and Cithaeron. The contest is in song, and the papyrus first becomes intelligible with Cithaeron singing of the childhood of Zeus and his concealment from Cronus. What the opening lines said we do not know, but presumably they must have mentioned the song of
these
Of
Helicon, since, when Cithaeron's song is finished, the issue between the two singers is put to the vote by the Muses
among
the gods
fxccKapas
(p]p/j,eu
8'
avTLKa Maxrr]
[T]aTTOi^
yjfdcpoy
Kp]ov(pLau
(Tocpal's.^
SypOev.
TrXiovas
'
etAe KL6r]p(oy.
Forthwith the Muses ordered the Blessed Ones to put their votes secretly into the gold-gleaming vessels. They all arose together, and Cithaeron got the more votes.'
The
result is
victor.
spirit
^
:
proclaimed by Hermes, and Cithaeron is crowned Helicon, however, takes his defeat in an unchivalrous
Hermes, Ixv, pp. 357-8. Sz'/vae, v. 3. 158. The papyrus gives ;!(povj[(ro]^a^ii/a? with a syllable too much, from which Schubart altered to xpov(To(t)ais. But, as Lobel (I.e., p. 364) points out, this is not the correct form of the accusative plural oi xpovaocpaeis, and
^
we should expect
xpovaocpaius.
The
correct text
is still
uncertain.
23
Se Xo]v7rr](TL Kd[d]KT09
e-
XccX7r\fj(rLu F^XlIkYou
XdvS'^
But Helicon, overcome with sore grief, dragged away a smooth rock, and the mountain gave way. He cried pitifully and dashed it from on high into innumerable stones.'
The next
1.54.
poem ends
at
This curious simple tale is unfamiliar to students of Greek poetry, but two small pieces of evidence help us to unravel its Demetrius of Phaleron knew of one Automedes of history.
ttju epiu
need not press too far the Kidaipoovos re Kal ^EXlkcovos^ authenticity or the antiquity of this work, but here at least is
proof that such a work existed, and that it was thought to be extremely ancient. The second piece of evidence comes from Lysimachus of Cyrene, a generation later than Demetrius.^ In
the
first
We
book of
his
work
ITepi TroirjTooy
he mentions the
strife
between the two heroes, and adds that they were brothers. In all probability he is drawing on the same source as Automedes. hint, too, of the same story may be seen on a
monument
depicting Helicon with the inscription '"EXlkcov Movcrdodv XPl^H-^^ lax^(t>.^ Helicon and Cithaeron must have been primitive deities of Boeotia, but what was the origin of their contest we do not know.
longer fragment tells of the daughters of are not well known to poetry, though Pindar Asopus. They of and Thebes speaks Aegina as !A(r(om8cov oirXoTaTai [Isth. viii. 17). In our poem Corinna seems to mention nine, all
cities,
Ed.
^
"
^'
AdiJff
Journal of Philology, xxx, pp. 296 ff. Quoted by Schol. on Od. iii. 267, cf. Eustathius, ad. loc. Quoted by Tzetzes in Scholia to Hes. Op., p. 30 Gaisf.
Vov4q\\,
ix, x,
see below,
p. 262.
^
I.G.
vii.
4240.
24
This
Corcyra,
forms.
Sinope, Tanagra, Chalcis, Thespia, and Plataea. presumably of Boeotian origin, existed in different
Scholiast on Find.
(iv.
iii.
The
while Diodorus
of twenty (Bibl.
144 gives only seven, and Apollodorus speaks 72) gives twelve,
vi.
OL
157).
begins with a formal mention of the Muses, and has been tentatively restored by Cronert.^
The poem
Ma)[o-aa)i/ FLO(rT(j)dy]a>if
8a)[pop
....
e]/e7ro)
SrjlfjLoua^
'
fiiXiraxra] /liXi,
I tell of the gift of the violet-crowned Muses, singing of the gods in my song.'
Then
little
we can
discern
more than the names of Aegina, Corcyra, Sinope, and But 11. 49-90 are reasonably intact. The seer Thespia.^
Acraephen, son of Orion and prophet of Apollo, tells of the nine daughters of Asopus, their marriages and their children. His speech is in the form of a prophecy, and its severe character can be seen from 11. 51 ff.
Tciu Se 7rriS[cov rpT? ij]ev e)(L ^v[s] 7raTe/[/), 'n-dpToo]u ^aa-iXev?, Tpls Se TT6vr\(o yoill^^^ fieSoav
*Epfxd9'
ov[t]co
KT)
e^'
86/jL(os
Kwpas
rrj
iXiaOrj.
ipd>co[i/
y]VdXav
kayevvda-ovO*
e//i[i^i']a)j/,
Kd(Taov6r] 'n[o\Xov[cnri\pU9
T d{y)dp<o t\ ey [fiavToa]vvoii^
TJjOfVjo^oy a)(a-)r' [k8L8d'^6eLv.^
^
"^
Rhein. Mus.
Ixiii, p.
170.
^ ^
Aegina 1. 21, Corcyra 1. 24, Sinope 1. 27, Thespia 1. 28. Supp. Ed. pr. (HIT pap. em. Wilamowitz. \lhiMx6iiv Cronert, w(7r[e TreTrovarfirj Wila-
mowitz.
25
Of the daughters father Zeus, king of all, has three, and three were wedded by the lord of the sea, Posldon, and Phoebus is master of the beds of two. One was wedded by Maia's excellent son, Hermes. For so did Cypris and Eros persuade them to go into your halls and marry nine daughters secretly. They shall bear a race of heroes half-divine, and ^ their children shall spread forth and be free of old age, as I have been taught from the prophetic tripod.'
The
and
duties.
seer goes on to describe his own oracular inspiration He is fourth in the succession of Boeotian pro-
by Apollo. Before him were Euonymus,^ Hyrieus,^ and his own father Orion, upon whose death he succeeded to the office.
phets favoured
)(a>
fxev d)pav[o]u
f5*
d]jL(j)i7TLf
rifjiau
'
XXa)(o]y ovrav.
He
is in
heaven, and
word must be
true,
and he
Asopus Asopus, with tears in his eyes, takes his right hand and answers him, but here the papyrus It begins to break down, and the answer is unknown to us.
to believe
it.
and was followed by short speeches from Parnes, Cithaeron, and Plataea. These two poems are indeed peculiar in Greek literature, and their oddity seems at first sight greater because of their
lasted for fifty lines,
language.
dialect
They
are
written
No
survives, and to the untrained eye these poems present a But the air of unfamiliarity is strange and unfamiliar aspect. not due entirely to Corinna. As we have them, the poems
Euonymus was the son of Cephisus. Corinna wrote a Evayvovixirj mentioned by ApoUonius Dyscolus de pron, 136 B., p. 107 Schneider. The name Ei/foj/u/icoScapos is found on inscriptions at Tanagra \J.G. vii. 537, 1035), Thebes (ib. 419), and Haliartus (ib. 2724) ; cf. Wilamowitz, I.e.,
p. 52,
^
"
Cronert,
I.e.,
p. 181.
is
possible exception
a-a) in 01.
i.
84
cf.
Wilamowitz, Pindaros^
26
for
rj,
rj
The main characteristics of the language are Boeotian as we know it from inscriptions and lexicographers. It employs
forms of dialect which no spelling can have affected, such as yeyddiy lau, dinracrd/xeuo^, ovrau. It resembles no other Greek
poetry in its faithful adherence to the digamma which seems never to be neglected.^ Essentially this language is Boeotian,
but Wilamowitz
'
is
when he says
that Corinna
wrote quite as unaffectedly as she spoke \^ He does, indeed, allow her a share of Homerisms ', and such we find in dyKovis
XofxeiTao Kpovco
and XirrdSa irerpav.^ But the Epic influence than this, and makes Corinna's style far less homodeeper than geneous Sappho's. She is free in her treatment of the
augment. She keeps the syllabic augment in e/ieA-v/re/i, ^rarrov, and omits it in KXiyjre, yeyddi, inOeTav, ScoKe. She keeps
the temporal augment
eAe.
in
^p6ev, elX^v,
eipia-Ey
but omits
it
in
plural,
one
in -v?
in Xdvs,
She
is
dOavdTvs, the other in -o-i in o-TecpdyvcrLi/, Xovirr^cnv.^ equally free in her treatment of the paragogic vv. This hardly found in Boeotian inscriptions, but Corinna uses it
. .
not only before a vowel (i. 46 di/]8pe(T(TLv eta., ii. 28 a but make metrical before to consonant position ex<^)
i.
e]crTlu
(i.
30,
So, too, with her treatment of the article, which serves both in its ordinary use in iii. 16 ray 8' tau, iii. 11
26,
i.
18,
iii.
35).
Tap
i.
Se
TTTJScoi/, iii.
14
rdi/ 8e BovTv,
i.
and as a demonstrative
tco 8e
iii.
in
21 TV
8'
WOK
elpdocop
'AcrooTros.
28 21 ttj voos y^ydOi, yepedXav, iii. 34 top 8' ey yd9 ^aAcor, iii. 47 top 8' Lastly she uses at least twice the form of the prodfia irdvTes oapOeVy
noun
68
which did not exist in Boeotian^ (i. 17 Td8\ iii. 26 Boeotian form ovTay iii. 40. These divergDtalekte, pp. 213
flf.
Cf. A. Cf.
Hermes^ Ixv, p. 360. Possible exceptions may be found at 27 [5e] k Kar j iii. 44 ''"'^ ^^> [^''^M ^'^^ iii- 4^ hr]\x6v\i(y(T' cVouJpeutaj/. Of these the first is still an unsolved problem, but in the other two we can follow Maas and read tou hi w flKe and drj/jLovcov fcKovpevcov.
i.
Lobel
Col. i, I. 14. Col. i, 1. 31. Pindaros, p. 98. Lobel (I.e., p. 361) points out that the short datives are restricted to position at the end of the line, while there is no apparent restriction on the long datives.
^ ^
i,
p. 279.
27
ences from correct Boeotian usage can best be explained as due to Epic influence. Nearly all the Greek lyric poets owed something to the epic, and Corinna owed less than most, but
still
Beyond
But
In the poems we influence of the Lesbian poetical tradition. of crasis Kat form followed by e find her using a peculiar
becomes kol in ii. 6^ Kaa-a-opOrj. The normal form of this crasis was not a but 77, and for this the evidence of inscrip^ Boeotian in the Acharnians of is confirmed by the tion who Aristophanes says (pva-rJTe (1. 863) and KTjTnxdpLTTaL in Lesbian the combination of ai and e is not ij But (1. 884). but a. In Sappho we find KaripcoTa, Koc/jLedei/, &c., and the same use is kept by Alcaeus, Theocritus in his Aeolic poems, and Balbilla.^ The conclusion must be that in this Corinna deserted her local vernacular, and followed the august precedent of the Lesbian poets. In the main, then, Corinna's vernacular is tempered by these two literary influences, Homeric and Lesbian. Apart from
these and the difficult xpova-o(pa'Cs her language seems to be good Boeotian. Boeotian was not a pure dialect like Lesbian, and may possibly have contained alternative forms. So there
remains a possibility that Corinna used more of the spoken language than we have admitted. For instance, she uses two forms of the infinitive, a longer form in -iiiev as in
still
and a shorter form in -lu as in kviTriv,^ where the orthography may represent an earlier kv^rr^Lv or kv^n-qv. The
(PepifMeu,^
form
in -fi^v is guaranteed by inscriptions, and that in -eiv by Aristophanes' Boeotian who uses BepiBSeLv {Acharnians 947). So in this case the dialect may have permitted a variety of
herself.
lb., p. 255.
Five elegiac epigrams in the Aeolic dialect were inscribed by Jjlia Balbilla, a lady attached to the imperial suite of Hadrian and Sabina on their visit to Egyptian Thebes in a.d. 130, upon the statue of Memnon. They are given in the Epigr. Gi'aeca of Kaibel (nos. 988 to 992), who Versus sunt ad Aeolicae dialecti leges quales grammatici observes praeceperant instituti '.
"^
Col.
*
i.
19.
Col.
iii.
33.
28
The metres used by Corinna in these two poems are simpler than any used by the great choric poets, and indeed than most Their main of the metres used by Sappho and Alcaeus. features are the employment of a stanza, the repetition of the
same verse form, and the use of a different form for the last line of the stanza. In Helicon and Cithaeron the stanza has
six lines.
The
first five
^^
\j
fieX\lffjL
ww
<^w
The
a
In this part of the verse she admits no resolution of syllables. last syllable of a line is always long. She lengthens
final
digamma
is
in
1.
39,
and possibly
The
final line
of each stanza
different
Ionic model.
We
form
y^ <j
/jLccKapes'
Tco Se
yeyddi w w
yj
an Ionic followed by two Ionics with catalexis. The is found in Euripides' Bacchae 11. 401-2, where an almost purely Ionic strophe ends in the form
that
is
same combination
KaKopovXcDu Trap*
efioiye (pcoTcou.
The Daughters of Asopus is written The stanza is of six lines. The first
in
a different metre.
Choriambic or Polyschematist dimeter,^ and allow a great variety of licences. Normally the line is octosyllabic and ends in a choriamb
+ + + + -wv>but the
as
^
first
-w
At
Cf.
col.
i.
we can
easily read
6-[(rpuei'] \irTaha.
^ ^ *
**
*"
12
^aaiXivs.
iii, 1.
iii, 1.
iii, 1.
29
we
find
v^ -^
w-
<j.^
In five places
we
find
w wo w
in
The same
feature
may be
observed
some
choral odes of
Euripides, notably ^/^r/r^ 720 ff., Helen 1342 ff. line of a stanza is a Pherecratean of a regular kind
The
sixth
1450-61.
interesting feature of Corinna's metrical practice is her of way keeping a naturally short vowel unlengthened before In this she differs the combination of a mute and a liquid.
An
greatly from the early lyric poets, Alcman, Alcaeus, and Sappho, who hardly allow this at all, and her method is much
more
and
later centuries.
Because of this peculiarity Mr. Lobel thinks that Corinna actually lived much later than has hitherto been thought, and that her lateness is betrayed by this practice. But his
argument is illusory. This habit is shared with her by Pindar, Timocreon, Bacchylides, and Ibycus, and seems to have been the habit of her time.^ In metre, story, and method of narration, Corinna is far simpler and more primitive than any other Greek lyric poet.
In the Daughters of Asopus the genealogical subject reminds us of nothing so much as the Hesiodic KaraXoyoi FwaLKmu
with
its
lists
of
women and
The
come
loop].
30
from Ionia with the rediscovery of the Epic, has not peneShe writes what must trated deeply into Corinna's poetry. be a traditional form of poetry, and she tells stories of purely
local interest outside the
This primitive character has naturally excited interest and provoked theory. Wilamowitz tells us that when he first saw the papyrus at Berlin, he thought that at last he had seen
Epic.
a glimmer of pre-Homeric poetry,^ and that it must have been on poems such as this that the early Epic poets drew The same view is developed by E. Bethe.^ for their stories.
For him these poems are a survival of an early type of narrafrom which the Iliad grew. Because of them he assumes that the Greek epic, like the Slavonic, was once divided into strophes, and was more like a song than a narrative poem. Such theories are hard to prove or to disin the of pre-Homeric poetry, but on the whole absence prove it seems unlikely that the Greek Epic grew from a form like The Epic has no trace that of Corinna's Old Wives Tales. it been of the strophe cannot have sung to a tune. It was meant to give pleasure, not instruction. It seems, then, nearer the truth that the Epic was only remotely related to this other type of narrative. The Epic grew in Ionia from songs made in camp or on the march, and it developed a new character of its own which owed little to the traditional art of the
tive poetry, like that
:
mainland.
In Corinna's
ancient
ciation,
artifice.
;
art,
but
poems we have a survival of an incontestably it is an art bound to tradition and local assoin
its
narrow
outlook and
unadventurous
in
its
the fruit of the great migrations but Corinna's poetry was the poetry of those who stayed at home and missed the excitements and exaltations of the new world across the Aegean.
4.
Ibycus
The
^
Die Ilias und Homer, p. 342. Bergk, P.L.G. iii, Nos. i and
pp. 42
ff.
2.
31
From Oxyrhynchus of the greatest importance. has come a poem of some forty-eight Hnes,^ on the whole well preserved, and contained in a papyrus of the first century
works
is
B.C.
The
It mentions Polycrates, and is indeed strongly in its favour. a poem in his honour. Ibycus is said by Suidas to have
been at Samos
in
The
style
has the limpidity and clarity of the authenticated work of Ibycus, and the simple metrical structure is similar to others
used by him. Under these circumstances the attribution be considered as almost certain.
may
The papyrus
KpuTT],
and
poem
gives us the last portion of an ojSt] eh UoXv the completest extant example of an eyKcofiLoUy of personal homage paid by the poet to some one
is
whom
these
he loves or honours.
written such a
poem
eiy
poems of which several notable pieces survive.* Such poems were often erotic in character. Ibycus' poem to Gorgias mentions Ganymedes and Tithonus, and Pindar's ^ poem to Theoxenus is one of his few intimate revelations of personal passion. The new poem, as we shall see, is also
of this character.
begins, Ibycus has
The beginning is lost. Where our papyrus somehow opened the topic of the heroic
age and the Siege of Troy. For thirty-four lines he disclaims any intention to tell of it, but his disclaimer is a literary
artifice,
an elegant device to give a light summary of heroic achievements. He first speaks of the Achaean conquerors of
:
Troy
ot K\al
III.
Schol. Apoll. Rh. iii. 158 ra elprjfxeva vtto 'I/3ukoi', ev oh tt^/k Trjs ravv^Tjdovs dpTrayfjs uttcv iv rfj els Topylav ojhfj' kih ini^fpd mpi rrjs 'HoOy,
W?
^
rjpTta(T Ti6(jOP()V.
O. Schroder, Editio Maior, frs. 118-28. Fr. 123; cf. Wilamowitz, FindaroSy p. 429. ' ot K\ai Murray. y aajn; Grenfell and Hunt.
32
KUT^ 8aKp[v6]PTa,
5'
IIep\yafiov
dve[P]a Ta\aTrLpLo[v
^ra
They sacked the great, famous, fortunate city of Dardanlan Priam, stirring from Argos by the plans of mighty Zeus, maintaining for fair-haired Helen's beauty a strife in tearful war sung in many songs. And doom came on patient Troy because of the golden-tressed Cyprian.'
*
Into this digression Ibycus' subject, whatever it was, seems to have led him. But now he goes on to say that he will not
tell
of
it.
ecrrY
v/i]u7Ju
7rL6vfj.iop
ovre Tavi[(T(p]vp[ov
KaaraoivSpav
Tpo]La9
^
d/x]ap
r}p]d><ov
&
^ ^
dperdy
TToXvyofi^oL k\va-a[v,
^
TpoC\a
KaKov,
ijpcoas^ (rO[\ov9,
rcou] fjLU
Kpeicou Ayafie[fjLVOdv
But now it is not heart's desire to sing of Paris, his host's deceiver, nor of slender-ankled Cassandra and Priam's other children, nor of the nameless day when high-gated Troy
'
my
I
was taken.
Nor
shall
whom
eW] Maas,
rjv]
Grenfell
and Hunt
^
^
oKaaiuov Maas, akoKTiv o ye Grenfell and Hunt. a^ap Wilamowitz, ovk ap Grenfell and Hunt. TT\\V(roixai Wilamowitz, eV[aj/ep;(Ofiat] ? Grenfell and Hunt,
Diehl. i:poi\ai Lobel. On the scansion rlp&as see
?
e7r[atVo-
/Liai] ^
New
p. 57.
33
were led by as a curse to Troy, noble heroes. Some son of a leader of son men, Plisthenes, begotten Agamemnon,
of noble Atreus.'
whom
The next
section continues in
much
came
the
same
strain.
that no mortal
man
can
tell
Beginthe
to Troy, Ibycus
makes
mention of the most distinguished warriors, notably Then follows a gap of six lines where
When the text reappears, the hardly anything is legible. a different has taken turn, and presents us at once quite poem with two serious problems, whose solution is essential to the
understanding of the poet's intention.
The papyrus
gives
a \pv(re6(rTpo^[o9
'TXXl? eyrjuaTO, t5
axrel
8*
[d]pa
rjSrj
TpmXov
^pvaov
opei-
)(^d\KCO
rp?? d7r^0o[u]
Tpd>S A\a\vaoi r
kpb\^(ja'OLV
KOL
coy
(TV,
no{v)XvKpaTe?, KXeo9
dcfyOiTOV ^19,
Kar doiSdv
gold-girdled Hyllis bore. But Trojans and Danaans compared Troilus to him in his lovely beauty as gold thricerefined to brass. For ever will they be fair; and you too,
'
Him
is
mine also
difficulties.
son of Hyllis
And who is the Polycrates praised for his beauty ? question admits of no certain answer. Ibycus has just enumerated the most distinguished of the Achaeans Achilles, Aias, and probably Diomedes.^ In the missing lines he must have
first
The
up to the most beautiful of them. This we should expect be Nireus, who according to Homer (B 672-3) was the most beautiful man at Troy after Achilles. But Nireus was the son of Aglaie,^ and not of Hyllis. So either Ibycus follows
led
to
^
In
1. 36 Lobel suggests the restoration Tvbeos B 672 Ni/jcip ^AyXaiqs vlbs Xaponoio t upuktos.
vl]os d7r"'Apyeos.
34
a different genealogy, or he
unknown
speaking of some other man mentioned by Homer. But Troilus was an important character in the Cypria, and it is possible that both his and the unknown man's beauty were mentioned there.^ The second difficulty relies for its solution on the passage
to us.
Nor
is
Troilus' beauty
The passage
runs
ds Sd/iop
rjXdev
ore avrfjs rjpx^i' o UoXvKpdTrj^ b tov Tvpdvvov TraTrjp' )(^p6vos 8' rju 0VT09 km Kpoicrov, 'OX. pS" (564-561 B.C.). On our view
of this passage depends our explanation of the poem. school of thought, expressed by P. Maas, finds two main
culties.^
One
diffii
open to At the date but Aeaces not suspicion. given, Polycrates should be tyrant in Samos. Secondly, would Ibycus address
first
is
In the
the future tyrant in terms of such warm affection ? On the strength of these objections Maas denies the authenticity of Suidas' statements, and denies that the Polycrates of the
poem is the same person as the tyrant, claiming that he is a boy, otherwise unknown, from Amasus. He even goes
and denies that Ibycus ever went to Samos, or left in Magna Graecia. This extreme view is open to grave objections. The entry in Suidas must date from Alexandrian times, and to deny its truth is to deny a tradition preserved in a reputable source. Moreover, as Wilamowitz
further,
his
home
shows,^ Ibycus' connexion with the Aegean is proved by other authorities, who tell of his going to Asia, and of his
acquaintance with the discoveries of Ionian science. His own mention of Kvdpas 6 MTjSetcoj/ a-Tparayos (fr. 20) indicates the
truth of the tradition.
truth.
Wilamowitz's view seems nearer the For him Suidas' entry is substantially true. Ibycus went to Samos in the days of Polycrates' father. What is wrong is simply the name, which is not Polycrates but Aeaces.
2 *
Cf. Wilamowitz, Pindaros, p. 511. ' Phil. Woch., 1922, p. 578. Pindaros, p. 512. Cf. Suidas S.v. "I^vkos : yeyove 5e e pcoTOfiavearaTos rrepl iiupoKia.
^s
Acragas language hardly male beauty was a regular feature of the their vases to different KaXoL Doubtless a famous love-poet like Ibycus was expected to use the same form of eulogy for the Samian tyrant's son and heir. The language of the poem is lucid and simple, even if slightly loaded with epithets and careless about the repetition
of the
in the
papyrus show
correctors thought that Ibycus, a man from Rhegium, So they give us rjydpov, rjXvOov, kfiPaUvy wrote in Doric.
that
its
MoLo-ai, TToXvyS/KpoL, i^i9. Doric forms can be seen in vfiyfju and eyrjuaTo, while the active form ^Xevaay (' brought ') can
beyond
only be paralleled from the Cretan Law of Gortyn.^ But this the Doric elements are negligible, and the
language of Ibycus is revealed as differing hardly at all from that of Simonides and Bacchylides. It is a literary language created for poetry, and meant to be understood by educated
men all over Greece. Essentially it is based on Homer. From him come rare words like SLepo^ ^ from him are modelled new words like eTriOv/jLLou.'^ The epithets with which Ibycus loads his heroes are Homer's own epithets for them. Here are the ^aXKacnnSes vh? 'Ay^amut noSa? cokv? 'A^LXXev^^ and TeXa;
lx(ouL09
aXKLjios Atas.
there
is
In all the review of the heroic age hardly anything that does not come from Homer.
This
One exception is that Agamemnon is called nXeia-deviSas. is unknown to the Iliad, and perhaps comes from the
Cyclic poems. The metrical structure
is interesting and instructive. Ibycus uses the triadic structure of strophe, antistrophe, and epode. The appearance of this structure here is the earliest known in
poetry,'* and is one of the many differences between Ibycus and the Lesbian poets. Sappho and Alcaeus, writing for individual performance, had no need of a structure which
'
Greek
It
contains
many
cf.
eXewt'o)' oio-w,
Hesych.
at C201, t 43. Modelled, perhaps, on Homer's KaTadvfxios, K383, P201. * Stesichorus was credited with the invention of triadic structure. Suidas s.v. rpia ^Trjaixopov,
^
^
Found
Cf.
36
was based on the movement of a dancing choir. But Ibycus must have written this poem for some festal occasion when it was to be sung by a choir. So he employs the triadic struc ture, as Pindar and Simonides were to employ it later. His triad is much simpler and shorter than any of Pindar's. The strophe has only four lines and the epode six, but the principle
of construction
is
the same.
In Ibycus
we have
is
it
in
an early
In
and uncomplicated form. The metre used the strophe and antistrophe we find
:
also easy.^
vTo - w ^ *^ ^ two Dactylic dimeters. o w wv^ w two Dactylic dimeters. ow W V \JTj CTw Hemiepes. w\^ v^ w v^ Ionic, Trochaic dipody.
cro
^\J
In the
Epode
}U KJ
v^v^ WW WW WW WW WW w \^ WW WW WW WW WW w
Resolved
It
Paroemiac.
Paroemiac.
Paroemiac.
-
except the
two and
last
in all
lines
must be
new piece
of Ibycus has
not the sublime passion and intensity of his other fragments. It seems to have been inspired by a less genuine impulse, and to have been written for an occasion in which perhaps the poet felt no profound interest. It is a gay and elegant composition, and it is interesting to the student of Greek poetry. But Ibycus' reputation must still stand by those short fragments
where
5.
Pindar
The most substantial of the more recent additions to choric poetry come from poems of Pindar. Hitherto we have had
^
Cf.
Wilamowitz, Pindaros^
p.
p. 1 8.
37
complete specimens only of his Epinician odes, and of the other types of poem mentioned in ih^ Ambrosian Life^ we
have had only the fragments quoted by ancient authorities. But now the situation is changed. We have considerable
pieces of his Paeans^^ PartJieneiaf the new accessions come from
are
in
some
rolls
cases supplemented
by
Italian
discoveries
at
Hermupolis.^
from Oxyrhynchus (Oxyrh. Pap. 841 and 1791-2) the remains of some twelve Paeans.^ In Schroder's provide edition of 1900 the Paeans were represented by six fragments.
Two
So the advance is considerable, and we can now estimate the character of Pindar's work in this genre. Our first papyrus seem.s to start well on in the book, and the figure 900 in the
margin near the beginning gives an idea of how big the book how much is still missing. But what remains is still extensive and interesting. Of the twelve poems most can be to some extent deciphered, while Nos. II, IV, and VI are quite long and well preserved. The simplest of all is Paean V.
was, and
Of
its
served,
it
in triads, but in
Aa\i
"AttoXXop'
t(T)(ov
'AiroXXoou
AdT^ptaS
'
O joy, Delian Apollo And they made homes in the farstrown islands that bear flocks, and held glorious Delos, for
'
/3',
A somewhat different list is given by Suidas s.v. Ilivbapos. ^ Oxyrh. Pap. 841, 1 791, 1792. Oxyrh. Pap. 659. * Oxyrh. Pap. 1604. Papiri Greet e Latim, ii, pp. 75 ff. "
.
yypa(f) 8e /3t/3Xia inTaKaideKa' v/jtvovif naiavas, diBvpafi^av VTropxr)iJLdT(i)v jS', iyKuyyua, Oprjvovs, iniviKOiV TrnpBevicou 3' . .
/3',
trpocrohiaiv
b'.
"^
Cf. A. E. Housman, C.R., 1908, pp. 8ff. ; Sir F. G. Kenyon in Quarterly Review^ vol. ccviii, pp. 343, 344; O. Schroder, Bert. Phit. Woch., 1908, p. 161 ; Fraccaroli, Rivista di F'itotogia classica^ 1909, 87 sqq. The fragments are published by O. Schroder in an Appendix to his Editio Maior of Pindar, 1923. References will be taken from this.
38
it is
not certain.
Who
sang
35 Evpoiav
'iXov
Kal euacra-av
explained by the Scholia as referring to the Athenian colonization of Euboea. Even so, it remains uncertain whether
is
This
poem might by
in his
itself lead
manner
Paeans was
less elaborate
is
than
in his epinician
Paeans, which are written in Pindar's familiar style. Three of the worse preserved, I, VII, and VIII, were written
for the
Thebans.
Of Paean
are important, since they show how Pindar ended this form of poem. The close of the antistrophe is a prayer, familiar in substance to Pindar's readers, that a man may be content with
what he
has.
kviavTOS
7r\d^]LTnrov^
'A7r6X]\couL
darv
rjl3a9 eirfjXdov
SaiTa (piXTja-Lo-Te^avov dyovres' Ta\u 8e Xacov yeveav Sapov kpknTOL aa>]^povos dvO^cnv ^vvofiias.
Joy, joy Now have the full year and the Seasons, Themis* daughters, come to the city of Thebes, bringing to Apollo a feast and the garlands which it loves. Long may he crown the children of her people with the flowers of wise discipline.'
*
!
It
is
the
Year, the Boeotian festival of the Daphnewhich to all the Boeotian cities sent garlands. The phoria Paean may, then, have been sung in the procession to Apollo's
New
no need to believe that there was any definite cult of 'Ei/iavros or the'^flpai at Thebes. Their combination is natural, and Pindar liked to invent deities from
temple."*
is
There
Asteria, the sister of Leto, was transformed into the island of Delos. Grenfell and Hunt support the Athenians, Wilamowitz {Pindaros^ p. 328), the Euboeans. ^ 7rXd^]t7r7roj; Housman, <f)i\]nr7rov Grenfell and Hunt, Xeu/c]i7r7roj; Diehl. * L. R. Farnell, T^e Works of Pindar^ i, p. 296.
^
39
So they are
called
in
because
it is
the
New
Year.
is
Paean VII, though mutilated and largely unintelligible it was clearly written not even certain that it is one poem
another Theban occasion. It honours Apollo of Ptoion, whose oracular sanctuary and its literary associations are known from Strabo.^ It mentions the Oceanid, Melia, known from Pyth, xi. 4, and her son Trjpcpo^, two Theban divinities
for
little
is
emerges.
Paean VIII
is
rather
Its
more
intact.
It,
too,
written for
some
Theban
fragmentary Scholia say that the early is which missing, told of Erginus, King of Orchomenus, part, who obliged the Thebans to pay tribute and was killed by
occasion.
survives deals with quite a different story the preliminaries of the Trojan War ; Cassandra foretells the woes announced to Troy by Hecuba's dream. Calling on
Heracles.^
What
it
portended.
is
One
detail
is
of interest.
In the
said
in
Of
the other
much
can be
made
We may
we
already
knew something, and those which are connected with other ^ poems of Pindar already preserved. Paean XI is a poem known hitherto from small quotations in Pausanias (x. 5. 12) and Galen {ad Hipp, de Artie, xviii. i). The poem concerns
Delphi and the different temples which had once stood there. In his account Pausanias tells first of a temple made of boughs of laurel, and then of a temple made of bees-wax and sent by
Apollo to the Hyperboreans, and with a reference to this second temple our fragment begins. After this, says Pausanias, there was a third temple made of bronze, said without
adequate reason to be made by Hephaestus. Of this temple Pindar tells us, and, as might be expected, he assumes that
Hephaestus
'
built
it
ix.
"^
ix.
37. 4
ApoUodorus
ii.
67
2.
40
)(dXKOL fxkv TOl)(OL, X^^~ KaL 0' viro ^ KLOves 'iaTaa[av' XpvoreaL 8' e^ vnep^ aLerov deiSoy KrjXrjSoi/e^.
* Muses, what was its rhythm revealed by the all-skilled hands of Hephaestus and Athena? Bronze were the walls, and bronze, too, stood the pillars beneath, and above the gable
The
KrjXrjSoues, denied
by
earthquake, agreeing with Pausanias. Paean IX has long been known to us from
Dionysius.*
463
B.C.
The
its quotation by the sun on 30 April It deals with the eclipse of fragment already known was long, and described
the poet's horror at the phenomenon, and enumerated the different disasters it might portend. The new text both helps
to correct the readings in the established version
and to con-
tinue
it
lines Pindar speaks Divine choice has appointed him to compose a song in honour of Apollo. The place is Apollo's sanctuary of Ismenion,
new
connected with Melia and Tenerus, and of them and their protection of Thebes Pindar makes due mention before the
papyrus disappears.
as
Wilamowitz
thinks,^
This highly interesting poem may well, be connected with political events in
Greece.
The
great events.
spring of 463 was full of the possibilities of Athens was at the height of her power. The of Pericles was in
It
new democracy
command and
was
clear
peril.
the friend-
that
Aegina,
these
For Pindar
suggested by Grenfell and Hunt for pap. top. Korte, outco papyrus. 1^ vn-ep Schneidewin, e^vnep Schroder. * de Demosthenis Dictione 7 (i. 142 Usener-Radermacher) Frankel, Rhein. Mus. Ixxii, pp. 176 and 328.
Tov
is
^
6^ vTTo
'
cf.
E.
PindarOS
p. 396,
41
he most consorted. For him the eclipse boded some undeciphered evil, and the poem is an expression of his fears. No wonder that he calls on the traditional protectors of
Thebes to guard the city. Of Paean IV there survive some sixty lines in various states The poem, hitherto unpreserved in any of preservation. from Isthmian I, where Pindar, while known quotation, is declaring that the celebration of Herodotus' victory must come before any other task, announces also that he will not fail to comply with the order of the men of Ceos to write an ode in honour of Apollo. Paean IV is the poem for Ceos there adumbrated. Its date must depend on the date of Isthmian I, and is probably about 468. By this time Pindar's old rival Simonides was dead, and Bacchylides was in exile. So Pindar was called in to celebrate the home of his ancient rivals. He could now praise the island and poets of Ceos
without a qualm.
The opening
of the
But
it
is
Strictly speaking, not the praise Apollo, Artemis, and Leto. whole island but the town of Carthaea is the subject of the
choir go on to say that they will not change their Babylon, and this prepares the way for a panegyric of Ceos, written with exquisite simplicity and charm, recalling Odysseus' praise of his own island of Ithaca
song.
The
home
for
iJTOL
fiev
dpera?^ deOXcou
7rape-)(0t)U
dXLs'
Kat
Truly, even
who
dwell on a rock
am
well
known
for
victories in Hellenic
games, known
soil somewhat bears Dionysus' in abundance. Truly, also, life-giving cure for trouble. Horses have I none, and in tendbut all unskilled.' ing oxen I
my
am
4^
Ceos may be a barren island, but it inspires deep loyalties and abiding affections. Of these Pindar goes on to speak.
Just as Melampus refused to leave his home to become king of Argos, so Euxantius refused to leave Ceos and become a
king
in Crete.
and
He
is
afraid of earth-
quakes, which have already wrecked his island. he is not ready to abandon the
ancestors and seek riches elsewhere.
He
will
renounce
adventure, renounce the cypresses and pastures of Crete. This simple story seems to be a local tale in Ceos. The
centuries later in
It is
earthquake was celebrated by Bacchylides, and reappears Book XVIII of the Dionysiaca of Nonnus.
even known to the Scholiast on Ovid,
is
Ibis,
1.
475.
But
of
new
it
to us.
Its relevance
way
for
Euxantius,
who might have been a king of Crete. Paean VI, written for the Delphians at Pytho, also concerns
a familiar
has said, or is reputed to have said, against Neoptolemus, which gave offence to the Aeginetans.^ Now we have the poem which contains the offending words and which led to
the elaborate apology in Nemean VII. Paean VI is well preserved in its opening section and in its second and third
triads.
It
was written
for production at
the Theoxenia, and it seems to have been performed by Pindar himself and his own chorus brought especially from
Thebes
full,
The
introduction of the
poem
is
calling on Zeus, the Graces, and Aphrodite, and explaining that Pindar has come to defend Castalia from the reproach of having no male choirs to sing to her glory. Then comes
a gap in the papyrus, and when the text next starts, he gives us the aiTLov of the Theoxenia. It dates, says Pindar, from
1
Cf.
11.
102-4:
TO
5'
ip.ov
ov 7roT
(f)dcrei
Keap
43
a famine which once desolated Greece and was stopped by the From this we hear of an pious prayers of the Delphians.
embassy sent by Priam before the Trojan War, and thence of Apollo's protection of Troy. Apollo wards off Achilles, ttlcttov and the 'ipKos AxccLMu, until he may protect Troy no longer
fated
The
destruction required
Neoptolemus, and so we are introduced to the famous Aeginetan hero. The second epode is that part of the poem which brought Pindar into trouble with his Aeginetan friends. But neither this nor the strophe of the third triad which follows really explains why the Aeginetans were so angry with
them.
Pindar, or why he felt it necessary to explain his conduct to In the papyrus the story of Neoptolemus is quite well preserved, and it is most unlikely that Pindar said more of
is
here.
deserves quotation
Sy SL7rpau 'iXiov 7t6X[lp' dXX' ovT fiarep* eVeira [K]Syay ^i'Seu ovre iraTpcoLai^ kv dpo\ypaLS
tniTovs Mvp/lll86i/co]/
105
^
HO
pcofibu e[7rer]^op6t^ra^
^
115
vLv evcppou
7rl
"^
[ey]
oI[k]ou
pLrjr
dp^nroXoLS
8\
p\vp[Ldi/]
Tipdu
^
6p(j)aXov evpvv.
L-qre,
120
^Tyre]
vvv,
pirpa
7raLr]6[v]coi/
vio[L,
^
''
''
*"'
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. (yeipcov pap. Herm., eye[ipe Grenfell and Hunt. [<f>vy]v Wilamowitz, e[kad]fv Grenfell and Hunt. (oiioae yap Housman, co/zoo-e be Grenfell and Hunt. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. is ot[/<]oi' Housman, fV oi[/li]oi> Grenfell and Hunt.
pvpiav Schol.
"'
Nem.
vii.
94, Kvpiav
Housman,
fxoipiav
Boeckh, Uvdiav
Zenodotus.
^ ^
KTuvfv iv Grenfell
^^
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt. and Hunt, ktuvuv pap. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
44
*
.
who sacked the city of IHon. But afterwards he saw neither his dear mother nor the horses in his father's fields, as he rallied the host of the bronze-helmed Myrmidons. But he came to the Molossian land near Mount Tomarus, and he escaped not the winds, nor the Far- darter, god of the broad quiver for the god had sworn that the slayer of old Priam, who had leaped onto the altar of the Hearth-God, should never come to a welcoming home or to life's old age. But when he was quarrelling with the temple-servants over innumerable honours, the god slew him in his own dear shrine by the broad centre of the earth. Cry out, young men, cry now in the measured verse of the Paean.'
;
This must be the offending passage, but what precisely annoyed the Aeginetans ? If we may judge by Nemean VII, the cause of the trouble was Pindar's treatment of Neoptolemus, the Aeginetan hero. There (1. 42) he implicitly reduces the force of some words he has used here, when for the hard
phrase in 1. 119 he substitutes the vague KpeS>v vwep fjLdxcc9, and he adds a consolation by speaking of the grief of the Delphian hosts, and of the foreordained destiny that a hero should be buried in the precinct of Pytho. But none of these ameliorations touch the real strength of Pindar's attack on Neoptolemus, which lies in his account of Apollo's anger with him for slaying old Priam at the sacred altar of refuge. If Nemean VII is really a palinode, it is inadequate, and perhaps there the problem must be left at present. Pindar is willing
to
make some
language, but he
crime.
concessions, to abate the force of some of his is not willing to reform his mythology, or to
condone what he sincerely believed to have been a terrible It is unfortunate that the important words describing
still
obscure.
What
are the
perhaps possible that these words contained an ambiguity which led to Pindar being misunderstood and unjustly accused of more hostility to NeoptoIt is
What
remains of the
eulogy of
strophe which
*
follows
is
magnificent
1908, p. 12.
Cf.
A. E. Housman,
C.J^.,
45
in
Pindar's
manner
ovojxaKXvTa y eveaa-L AcopieT /ji[E]8eoL(ra [ttoJ^toi) pd(ro9, [] ^Los ^EWavLov (pa^uvbu dcnpov. ovuKu o\j ae Trairjoucoy dSopwou eufd^ofLeu, dXX' doiSdv
Glorious island, thou art set as a queen in the Dorian sea, bright star of Zeus, the Hellenes' god. Therefore we shall not put thee to thy rest without a banquet of hymns of praise, but thou shalt receive the surge of our songs, and tell whence thou didst win thy destiny of ruling the sea, and the excellence of thy righteous dealing towards strangers.'
'
in
praise
of Aegina seem
hymn performed at Delphi, which had no connexion with the island empire.^ Nor is it easy to see how the Aeginetans could seriously have been angry with Pindar when he had composed such a panegyric of their land.
a
The presence
difficulties.
of this piece in the poem presents unsolved Either the Aeginetans were abnormally sensitive about the honour of their heroes, and preferred a whitewashed
of
memory
the
poem
a later addition
made
after
damage was done, and Pindar was anxious to placate his Aeginetan friends, even at the price of ruining the unity and original character of his poem. Paean 11,^ like Paean IX, is a poem full of politics. It is indeed a Paean in the literal sense, an appeal to Apollo for help in time of need. The Tean colony of Abdera on the Thracian coast needed the god's help against their barbarian enemies, and they asked Pindar to procure it by composing
a Paean. The peculiar character of the poem is shaped by these conditions. The opening triad begins with an appeal to the local heroes, the eponymous Abderus and Apollo
R. Farnell, The Works of Pindar^ i, pp. 312-13. Oxyrh. Pap. v. 841; cf. Verrall, CA'., 1908, pp. iioff. ; v. Arnim, Wiener Eranos, 1909, pp. 8 ff ; H. Jurenka, Philologtis^ 191 2, pp. 173 ff. Wilamowitz, Sappho und Siinonides^ pp. 246 ff.; Pindaros, pp. 319
*
Cf. L.
fif.
46
Arjpaipo^,^
To
Abdera and to nowhere else. added Aphrodite, who must be summoned in her
to
who
cares
for
her
people's prosperity and continued existence.^ After a lacuna the poet, speaking in the person of the chorus-leader, recalls
fiarpos Se ixarep' e/ids [7rLS]op^ ejnrav el Si tl? apKecop TTvpl ir\ayel(Tav, (f)LXoL9
el/jLL'
IJ.6)(0o9
Irj'i'e
Irjl'e
iraiav 8e
fir]TTOT
Xuttol.
am young among cities, but nevertheless I have seen mother's mother struck with fire in war. But if a man, succouring his friends, sternly confronts his foes, his toil, coming into the lists at the right time, brings peace. Joy, Paean, Joy May Paean never leave us
'
my
'
Here we seem
political
quandary.
regarded as the grand-daughter of Athens, which has been burnt by the Persians. The event looks as if it were
Teos,
is
still
fresh in Pindar's
far
back
in time.
friends helping friends, hard not to believe that Pindar is thinking of the forth-
coming Athenian occupation of the Thracian coast. The day had not come when Pindar was to compare Athens to the upstart giant Porphyrion,* and he must have thought that the victors of Salamis were the right protectors for this Ionian colony left exposed to barbarian enemies on the Thracian coast. It is characteristic that he adds the words KaipSt KaraThe Athenian intervention will only bring peace, ISaii/ooi/. that it comes in the right measure at the right time. provided
If this is the correct interpretation of Pindar's
^
meaning, the
^
^
Ari]pr]vou pap., Arjpaivos Schol. Lycophron, Alex. 440. Wilamowitz, Sappho und Simonides, p. 247. %\TTih']ov Grenfell and Hunt, ereKov pap., Ta(f)op v. Arnim. Pylh. viii. 12.
47
poem must have been composed between 478 B.C., when the Persians evacuated Thrace, and 468 B.C., when the Athenian supremacy began to make itself felt.^ The second triad is more fragmentary, and contains praise
for the city
and
its
inhabitants,
TO
S'
ev^ovXia re Kal
[6
8*]
a[L8]oL
e[iy]5mi[9*
eyK^Lfievolu]
That which cleaves to good counsel and reverence is ever blossoming with days of soft calm and that may God grant
'
:
us
is
now passing
Then
follows a chapter of past history. The ancestors of the Abderitans have won glory by their battles for their town, even by their glorious defeat at Melamphyllus.^ The third
triad begins with a prophecy a day will come when their enemies shall be defeated with the help of Hecate. Then
:
another gap, and the poem ends with an appeal to Apollo to prosper the success of their arms.
The poem, then, is a call to help for a Greek city in danger from barbarians, and Pindar appears here in the part of a Hellenic patriot. The past battles of which he speaks are
unknown to us, but Abdera must have had a troubled in 546 by Ionian exiles from Teos,^ it had Founded history. been occupied both by Darius and by Xerxes.* To this must be added the recurring peril of invasion from Thracian neighbours, and it must have been with such a possibility that Pindar was concerned when he wrote this poem. For him, full of Homeric reminiscence, the Thracians are Paeonians, and it looks as if he had no personal acquaintance with Abdera, but had learnt its history and legends from others.
otherwise
*
Cf.
'
Wilamowitz, Pindaros, p. 320. Nothing is known of this battle, but cf, Plin. N.H. iv. Hdt. i. 168. Id. vi. 46; vii. 109.
50.
48
His poem
it
ends
in a
prayer
Se iKCD]u^
^
jiP8]r}p,
aa ^jta
[lt]L
iJTjLe
'
7roXe[fj]cp
TXv[TaL]co 7rpoj3i[i3]a^of y.
TraLau,]
But vouchsafe to fulfil for me, Abderus, the glorious grace of fair renown, and in thy might lead forth a host with its war-horses to their last battle. Joy, Paean, joy May Paean never leave us
!
'
Third in the Ambrosian list come the two books of Dithyrambs. Of this class the best specimen used to be the fragment preserved by Dionysius, but remains of three others have come quite recently from Oxyrhynchus.* Though not
extensive, they are enough to notions of the Dithyramb.
make
us revise
some
traditional
They show,
for
instance, that
misleading, and that he had in mind not the Pindaric but the later Dithyramb when he wrote
Horace's account
is
{C. iv. 2.
lo la.)
Of
are crxoLvoTeveia (ii. i), evafinv^ (i. 13), and thcsc only the first is really surprising.
Secondly, the second Dithyramb is clearly written on the system with strophe, antistrophe, and epode, and it is hence the written in the familiar dactylo-epitrite measure
triadic
;
usual explanations of 'numeris lege solutis' fall to the ground. Neither its structure nor its metre is free from law '.
'
three fragments only one is really readable. Of the other two one ^ speaks of a feast of Dionysus, and goes on to
tell of Perseus' expedition against the Gorgons in language reminiscent of Pythian XII, while the other may be written
^
'^
Of the
Kpaiv(o]u Grenfell
^ *
Supp. Grenfell and Hunt, S' eireoiv v. Arnim. and Hunt, irpa^ov v. Arnim. (TO. /3]ia Bury, ovpia Blass, evbia v. Arnim, ^ 70b in Schroder's Appendix. Oxyrh. Pap. 1604.
49
neighIt, too, must deal with Dionysus, since it bouring rock.^ mentions a-re^di/coi' kl(T(tlv(x)v^^ but it is too fragmentary to be
elucidated.
at least
it
speaks of a city
and
its
The
twenty-five lines,
third
Uplv
'
fxu
epne (r^OLuoTeueid t
doiSa SiOvpafjiPcoy
Kal TO
Xdv KLpSaXov
and the
dp6pa>Troi(rLu
dno
a-TOfidrcou,^
like a rope,
of the Dithyrambs wound along stretching " " San that rang false from the lips to
men's
interpretation of this astonishing opening is an old The first criticism refers to the manner of earlier difficulty.
The
Dithyrambs, which sacrificed compact construction to the love of long sentences. There is no need to believe that Pindar is
attacking
illuminated by Athenaeus, who says that Lasus of Hermione, shocked by the sound of s in the Dithyrambs of his day, eliminated it altogether from one of his poems.^ Lasus was Pindar's teacher,^ and the line here
must
It is
refer to him.
But
is it
a compliment or a criticism
more
In his condemnation of the early condemns its use of * s ', and implicitly
if
Dithyramb proper opens. The gates of song are flung wide, and we are presented with a scene in Heaven that recalls the opening of Pythian I. It is
a festival of Dionysus.
castanets.
There
is
pine-torches are ablaze. The Naiads raise the Bacchic cry, and the noise is carried on by the thunder-
The
bolt, the
spear of Ares, and the snakes on the aegis of Pallas. Artemis comes in with her lions from the solitudes, and
is
Dionysus
*
1.
pleased
by the dancing
beasts.
^
10
B.
]ioi'
1.
Quoted by Dionysius,
467
X. 8736
x.
469; Athen.
p. 4,
1.
xi.
*
455
c.
Drachmann,
i,
14.
so
dXKdeaad
dvT.
opyah
BaK)(iai9^ (pvXop XeovTCov d\yp6Tepov BpofXLO)'^ 6 8 K7]Xe?TaL xop^voiarata-L Ka[l 6r)]pa^u dyeXat?.
(Knowing) what holy rites of Bromius the Sons of Heaven hold in the halls of Zeus even by his sceptre. The clash of timbrels leads the rite before the holy Great Mother the castanets rattle, the torch flames beneath the ruddy flare of
'
;
pinewood there are the ringing cries of the Naiads, madness and shouts are stirred with the dancers' throng with upturned necks. There the all-powerful Thunder is awakened with his fiery breath, and the spear of the War- God and Pallas' puissant aegis shrills with the hiss of unnumbered serpents. Lightly comes Artemis the lonely in passionate Bacchic mood, with her yoke of the wild lion tribe, in Bromius' honour but the God is soothed by the dancing companies of
; ;
;
beasts.'
The temper of
this
Olympian
revelry
is
of the revels on Cithaeron which Euripides describes, nor are they as orthodox as we might expect from Pindar. But the
great conception of a Bacchic orgy taking place in the holy places of Olympus is one of which only Pindar was capable. To the very seat of the calm Olympian gods he introduces
by a
man
of Pindar's
' *
^
and Hunt.
Supp. Bury.
51
unquestioned authority. Then the vision closes abruptly, and Pindar proclaims his right to tell of Hellas and Thebes, of
the ancestors of Dionysus. Then our Cerberus, after whom the poem takes its name, was introduced, we do not know. Pindar's ''TivopyriiiaTa, songs composed specially to suit the
text ends.
How
dance, are known from seven fragments. It is just possible that a longer fragment may be found in Oxyrh. Pap. 408,^ which Wilamowitz^ considers to be a Hyporchema written for
Paros
and he
may be
right.
seventy-one lines. The first Heracles on Laomedon, but in general is too fragmentary for decipherment. The second section tells of Xenocrates, and how he invented the Locrian mode in music. This mode was
a favourite of Pindar and Simonides, though
to have passed out of fashion.
it, and says that he answers the music of the pipes
it
seems early
to
its call
epeOidoiiaL Trpoy doiSav d\Lo]v 8eX(pivos virloKpLcnv, Tov oLKVfiovo^ kv TTovTov neXdyeL avXcou kKivrj(T kparov fiiXos.
hear his few notes, I, who practise the art of an unresting tongue, am provoked to song like the dolphin of the sea, who in the expanse of the waveless deep is stirred by the
*
As
No
delightful.
The new Paeans, Dithyrambs, and Hyporchema, if such it be, have much in common with the known pieces of Pindar's poetry. The style, vocabulary, and method of construction and narration are the same. Here, too, we may find familiar
metres, such as
Dithyramb
^
'
the Dactylo-epitrite in Paean V, and the Cerberus '. The other Paeans, of which the
^
^
*
Schroder fr. 140 a, b. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt, Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
Pindaros^
p. 321.
/xeV
kKxxhv
Wilamowitz.
E 1
52.
known, are harder to class. Paean I is built on a mixture of Choriambic dimeters with Iambs and Trochees. Paean II is built on the simple form which Wilamowitz calls the Kurzvers', combined with Glyconics and lambs.^ Paean IX is based on Dactyls mixed with Iambs. Paean VI and Paean IV resemble in structure Olympian II in their use of Cretics and Paeons but in their case these feet are based on Anapaests. The differences are more of detail than of principle, and the new metres may be fitted into the accepted schemes of
metre
' ;
Pindar's metric.
poems enumerated it might be said that Croiset prophesied truly when he said that, if we had all Pindar's work, we should be struck less by the relative difference than
the
Of
by a general
uniformity.^
On
is
true,
but in
antiquity an exception was made for the Maiden Songs, and it seems to be right. Dionysius, after quoting Pindar with Aeschylus as an example of apyaia Kat ava-Ttjpa ap^ovta,
Parthenia,^ and we are now in a to his position judge opinion. P'rom Oxyrhynchus come two Maiden Songs, one of twenty lines, the other of eighty.* Both,
so far as they go, are well preserved. They confirm established views of what these songs should be. They are simple and
meant to be sung by
choirs of girls.
No.
i is
family of Aeoladas, of whom nothing else is known. The surviving fragment is curiously written in the masculine singular, and is presumably the expression of Pindar's own views.
These views are simple. The poet first tells of virtue, how it provokes envy, whereas the man who has nothing wraps his head in black silence. Then he wishes good luck to the house of Aeoladas, though warning that no man's life is for ever. The epode gives the right consolation that the house which has children has escaped from hurtful trouble. No. a is more interesting and complete. We have five triads and the beginning of the sixth. It, too, is written for Aeoladas and
^ ^
^
' de Demosthenis Dictione 39. Wilamowitz, G.G.A., 1904, pp. 670 ff.; O. Schroder, Berl. Philol. JVock., 1904, pp. 1476 ff. Fraccaroli, Rivista di Filologia classica^ 1905? PP- 365 ff.
La
cf.
53
occasion.
described
by Proclus
at
great importance. Apollo of a rod of olive-wood, decorated with laurel-leaves, This rod, called kcottco, was balls, and red woollen threads.
carried in procession
The
central feature
led by a boy both of Aacpv-qcpopta whose parents were alive. In the procession was a choir of maidens who sang the song for the occasion the Aa(j)vr]<pO' piKov which we have here. The meaning of the rite has been well explained by Wilamowitz.^ A similar rite took place at Delphi, and the same notion underlay both ceremonies. The
bringing of the
for the shrine.
new laurel represented the renewal of holiness The boy with the /ccoTro) represented the god,
to be
coming again to
:
his shrine,
and this
is
[^o^Jm?
[7r]/)[o]0/3ft)[']
adavaTav
X^P'-^
OiqjSaL?
*
eiTifjiei^coif.
For Loxias
is
to Thebes.'
On
all
this occasion Agasicles is the 8a(pur)(p6po9, and his family take part in the procession. His father, Pagondas, carries the KcoTTOJ for his son and gives the command for the start ;
his sister leads the
chorus
Sa(j>vr](j)6pos
is
had to
duly mentioned in 1. 75. It is, then, a family procession, and if Aeoladas took Of the personnel of the part, three generations were present. choir Pindar tells us no more than this, and we have none of
be
dfi(pL6aXrJ9, his
mother Andaesistrota
the delightful details which illumine Alcman's Maiden Song. But though he gives us no details, he has suited the song to the choir of maidens, and
^
it
is
of
:
them
chiefly that
it
sings.
is
important
"pX^* ^^
'"'J^
6a\r)Sj Koi 6 /xdAiora avTW olKelos ^aardCei to KaTeaTeixfxevop ^vKov o Ka>TV(i> KiiXoiicnv' (WTos 5e 6 bar^vrjC^opos (nofxfvos ttjs dd(f)pris itpdnTfTat, ras fiev Kofj-as
KadeLfievos, ;^pu(ro{}j/ de (TTe(fiavov (fiepav Koi XafXTrpdv ((rOrJTa no8r]pr) fVroXtw x^^pos napd^pcov cTraKoXovOel, Proclus, a-fxet/os, l(piK()aTL6as T VTrodedeufvos,
Chrestom. ap. Phot., Biblioth., p. 321 B Bekker. ^ Pindaros, p. 434. ^ Or his aunt by marriage, according to Schroeder, App. Find.,
p. 553.
54
It
begins with an invocation to the Muse, and announces the arrival of Loxias. Therefore the maidens must gird up their
aeLprjua Se ko/jLttou
avXicTKCou
vnb
Xohtlvcov
/j-i/jLija-ofji
ololSols
The
final words are corrupt and have resisted certain emendation, but the point is made clear by a fragment of The Song of the i68. Hesiod quoted by the Scholiast on
fj,
Sirens puts the wind to rest, and the Song of the Maidens After a lacuna the maidens say that creates peace and calm.
their thoughts and words must be maidenly. They must remember their friends, and particularly Agasicles and his
family received
dficpl
7rpo^evLaL<n,
for
the
hospitality
they
have
for its
from them.
The
family has
athletic victories in
a short
mention of the
^
hostility felt
eOrjKey
exOpd[v
7r[aa-jttS'
'
dXXa SiKas
[6\8ov^
Then jealous anger at their sober ambition caused a hating, unrelenting strife, but they loved all the paths of justice.'
This
^
is
may
be more
As
it
impossible.
fjid\a^v,
metrically doubtful. Maas suggests ema-nepxTjir', ookvoKov when the north wind speeds on with the storm's strength and stirs the south wind's blast swift over the sea '. This seems too complicated a sense. What Pindar appears to have in mind is that the Sirens' song puts the winds to rest, and he therefore elaborates the description of the winds, Mr. Powell suggests that he wrote (f>pia<rcov
is unmetrical and the aorist indicative erdpa^e is and Hunt suggest eTria-nepxi] ttoptov t ojkvoXou pmav
which
Ndrou
piTvav
re
rapd^r]
'
Bnpeas
^ ^ *
o)Kva\6v re noi^lrov (f}piKa rapd^rj sense. (6qKv Wilamowitz, evrjKev Grenfell and Hunt. Supp. Grenfell and Hunt.
e7ri\a7rpX!J(^\
So A. Puech.
dUas
and Hunt.
S5
than a general proposition. In 424 Pagondas was to be the victorious general of the Boeotians against the Athenians
honoured for his leadership of the patriotic party, even though it has excited the hostility of those among his countrymen who favoured the suzerainty of
at
Delium, and
in this
poem he
is
Athens. After this the poem begins to give directions for the procession. The son of Damaena is to lead the way, and the maidens are to follow. Then the papyrus breaks off.
In this delightful
ment of Dionysius.
diversions.
simple alternation of Glyconics other metre used by him. But and Iambs is simpler than any still the sense of birth and the writer is still Pindar. There is
breeding, of the immanence of Apollo in the procession, still the high comments on Fortune and Virtue, on the importance
There are even the references to past from the Epinician odes. Pindar
message was as important for them as it was for grown men, and he did not scruple to transpose it into a language suited to them.
6.
Bacchylides
nineteenth century was fortunate in the discovery of Bacchylides, for it was nothing less, since few quotations from
his
in
The
poems had been preserved. There was little besides to guide forming a judgement upon him, for ancient criticism did not help much. The only estimate of him made by Greek
was the measured but brief judgement in the ITept he was 'flawless and in all respects an elegant "T\//"0L'9,^ that other references were few and writer in the polished style not precise thus in an Epigram,^ anonymous, but in Stadtmiiller's opinion perhaps by Alcaeus of Messene, he is ^ addressed as XaAe ^eiprju, and Ammianus Marcellinus says
critics
'
Ch.
xxxiii,
Ttuvrq KfKaWiypacf^rjfiepoi.
dictum
lyrici
Bacchylidis, quern
legebat
56
that the
position in
and although the twentieth centurymuch to his poems, it has added something. From Oxyrhynchus come the remains of five J^/coAta,^ songs composed for singing at banquets, and much nearer to personal Of the lyric poems than most of Bacchylides' extant poetry. five fragments two are too small to be intelligible. A third (No. 5) shows remains of twenty-five lines, none of which are wholly intact. Its destination, story, and metrical structure are alike obscure but the word rp/x^? ^ in 1. 6 points to some
has been determined
has not added
; ;
story like that of Nisus or Pterelaus, involving the cutting of a lock of hair. Beyond this all is darkness. The epithets,
elegant and familiar, ^a\K(:oiiLTpav, dpacrv-^eipa kol fiLaL(j)6j/0Vy KaXvKwinBos^ are too common to be applied with certainty to any individual, and the interpretation is not helped by them.
Two
scription [I]ip(ovL [^v]paKO(TLC) and must have been written in the years after 476 B.C., when the horse Pherenicus won the
horse-race at
lides' fifth
Olympia and was duly celebrated in BacchyOde. This song is sent Atrvav h vktltoi^, and must have been sung at Hiero's newly founded capital. Fragments of twenty lines survive. The poem is written in
It
manner
^dpPiTOv'
fiXX[(o
yap
rjSi]
\pv(TOTrerrX(ov^
^l]p(Op[L
kXvtS)
dvBpeaaL
7r[e/i7reLy
See the Editio Princeps (1897) by Sir F. G. Kenyon Sir Richard Jebb's edition (1905) ; and Professor Murray's History of Aitcient Greek Literature^ ed. 2 and 3, preface, pp. xvii sqq. Oxyrh. Pap. xi (191 5). 1 361. The papyrus is of the first century A.D. Cf. P. Maas in Jahresb. Philol. Vereins, Sokrates, Heft 12, 191 7, pp. 81-3; ib., 1919, pp. 37-41.
;
"^
^ ^
]t d'
eV [<]6^aX[at
''^p'^X'^^'
iravarcd
Maas,
avi]Ku>
Grenfell
Supphed exempli
gratia
si
^p[ivLKov
kiT*
*AX-
(peL]S>
*
T[e vL\Kav
Let me not yet stop the clear notes of the lute. Now is purpose to perfect a lovely flower of the golden-garmented Muses for famous Hiero in honour of his chestnut mares, and If to send it to well-built Etna for a company of revellers. ever before I have sung of Pherenicus famed among colts for .'. his swift hooves, and of his victory at the Alpheus
my
Then
No.
It is
all
1
becomes fragmentary.
gives the beginning of a poem quoted by Athenaeus.^ addressed to Alexander I, King of Macedon, who, accord-
an
Amyntas Encomium which Pindar wrote to him.* Of Bacchylides' poem the papyrus gives the opening lines not preserved by 6 Athenaeus, who begins at
1.
:
'^/2
^dp^LTe,
fir]KiTL
Trd<T(Ta\ov
(f>v\d(T[(T<i>v
iiTTdrovov Xiyvpdu Kdmrave ydpvv. 8evp' efzd? X^P^^' opfxaiuco tl 7r6/z7r[ei^ MovQ-dv 'AXe^dpSpco 7rTpb[u Xpvaeoi^
KOL crvniTO(T[LOi\(TLv dyaX^L [j/] eUdSealcTLu, VTe veoDv d[TaXov ^ yXvKeV d]udyKa
^'
(rvofjipdp k[vXlkcou
*
6dXTrfj\(n
6vfi[6v.
Lute, stay no longer on your peg and stop the clear tone of your seven strings. Come hither to hands. I purpose to send a golden wing of the Muses to Alexander, a delight every twentieth day at the feasts, when sweet compulsion warms the tender heart of the young, and the cups go swiftly round.'
my
The
poet^s intention
is
now
clear.
poem
drjScov
^
for
like a
golden wing of
song he
He
The meaning
of
^ ^
Supplied by Grenfell and Hunt after Bacch. v. 182 ff. ^ * ix. 13 ff, Frs. 120-1. 39 e. djaXov or &7ra\6v Maas, ayadS)v Grenfell and Hunt, dynvop Diehl. The papyrus gives Jitri corrected to ]o-t, and Athenaeus, ii, 396 has
ii.
6ak7rr)ai.
6uK7rrj(n
Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, p. 278, argues strongly and similar forms of the subjunctive, and Jebb prints it.
for
58
these words
not certain.^
The song
is
to
come
first
to the
to the mature.
7.
Archilochus
of Archilochus was familiar to
ancient readers, and Bergk's fourth edition credits him with 199 fragments. Of all these early Lyric poets he has the most remarkable character, and his reputation for harsh
speech seems to have been entirely justified. At Strasbourg are two fragments of a papyrus whose vigorous style and
frank expression of hatred have caused them to be ascribed
to him.^
Kvii\ari\ 7rXa[^o/z]e^o9,
Kav
^'
^a\^v^\r](T(T\(!d
yv^ivov ^v(^povi(j\raTa
SprjLK^S dKp6[K]0J10L
Xdpouv
'iuOa
S'
KpoTeoL
686vTas
coy [/cy]a)j/
kirl
(rrofia
KtfjLU09 aKpacrirj
dv
S'
ISelu.
rjSLKTjcre,
ecj)'
opKLOLS e^rj
[ejcoi/.
sent wandering by the wave and in Salmydessus may the top-knotted Thracians give him the kindest welcome in his nakedness there he will suffer many sorrows to the full, as he eats the bread of slavery when he is stark with cold. May he carry much seaweed upon him out of the surge. May his teeth chatter as he lies like a dog helplessly on his face on the e.dgQ of the shore near the waves. This I would gladly see for him who wronged me and trod underfoot his oaths, though before he was my comrade.'
'
.
Maas takes elKaSes to mean 'a carouse', and quotes Philodemus, An^h. Pal. xi. 44, but this involves a misinterpretation of Philodemus, and it is safer to follow Diehl, who quotes Plutarch, Mor. 1089 c, to show
^
that
^
it means 'on twentieth days*. Diehl, fr. 79 first published by R. Reitzenstein, Sitz. Berl, Akad,y 1899, pp. 857 ft'.; cf. Blass, Rhein. Mus. 55, pp. 341 ff. ^ v<ppoveaTaTa Reitzenstein, evcfipoprjs (tkotco Schulthess. * [p6]dov Reitzenstein, [^v]6ov Blass. ^ KVfxdTa)[v 6]pov Diels, Kvfid t e^epeoi Blass.
:
59
clear.
Some
friend
of
Archilochus,
whose name is unknown, has betrayed him, and Archilochus wishes him shipwreck and slavery among barbarian Thracians. Here is an example of what Aristotle meant when, quoting Archilochus as a case in point, he said irpo? tovs (TvurjdL9
:
iidWov rj irpos tovs ayvcoTaSj oXiIn these lines the poet is truly revealed ycopeiadaL voiiicras} as aKopTTLcoSrjs and anxious, as he says elsewhere,
KOL <pL\ov9 6 Ovfibs atpETai
Tou KaKCds
SpcovTa SeLuolcr' dvTaiiei^ea-OaL KaKot's.^ fJL the character of the poem accords with all that
its
we
him has not been its author was Hipponax, whose reputation for ill will was equal to that of Archilochus, and who used this metre. But one piece of evidence seems to show that the author is Archilochus. The
ascription to
accepted.
poem
Mala
and seems to have suggested details as well as a spirit to Horace. As we have Horace's own word that the inspiration of his Epodes was Archilochus,* the combination of
circumstances makes him
a more probable author of this than fragment Hipponax. The poem is an early example of a type which recurs
again.
good.
a TIpoire plutlkov wishing evil fortune instead of Horace, as we think, copied it but if we want another
It is
;
genre we may find it in Dido's farewell to Aeneas.^ speech The second fragment (Diehl, 80) is not so well preserved, and still presents unsolved difficulties
example of
this
KvpTov
^
o[
j^iXei?
"^
Fr. 66 Di.
Epode
x.
1-2.
ff.
Parios ego primus iambos numeros animosque secutus Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben. iv. 365-87. Aen. Virg.
ostencli Latio,
6o
ravra
5'
^iTnTooual^ (TKa(f)ivs^
^
fxaKap
o[rL^
No
translation
:
is
be this Ariphantus has done Archilochus an injury, and even the meanest of men, a mere digger, knows the trick It is worthy of a mere potter. played. Hipponax cannot
have any connexion with the poet, and we know nothing of Ariphantus, the doer of the mischief, nor of his equal,
Aeschylides.
Other fragmentary news of Archilochus comes from a In Paros are the remains of an Inscription The Inscription, now in the his life.^ him and concerning It little museum of Parikia, dates from the first century B.C. is without question a monument to the poet, and must mean: that at Paros there was once an !Ap)(L\6\Loy, just as there was a BidvTeLov at Priene, and that Aristotle was right in saying that the poet was honoured in his own city UdpioL yovv
different quarter.
oura
TeTifirJKaa-Lv.^
tion
honoured.
Put up by It is broken, but still a patriotic Parian, Sostheus, the son of Prosthenes and priest of Zeiis Baa-iXevs,'^ it is based on the work of a certain Demeas.
poet's extensive.
Nothing
^
is
known
of
sources,
and
his date
is
(TKncfievs
(pyaTrjs].
is restored by Reitzenstein from the Scholium yecoTo/ilos For the low repute in which a digger was held he quotes many
i.
i, p.
424.
Wilamowitz suggests
y]p[oo-]ou,
Diehl rpayou.
Diels suggests e/cetj/o tr' ^/u[a]p [e'^eAe-y^ei']. ^ Diehl, fr. 51: first published by F. Hiller von Gartringen, Athen. Mitth. XXV (1900), pp. I ff., and later in I.G. xii. 5. 445 ; cf. A. Hauvette, Archilochus^ pp. 3 ff. ; F. Leo, de Horatio eiArchilocho, Gottingen, 1900, pp. 2ff. ; H. Jurenka, Archilochos von Paros, Wien, 1900. ^ Rhet. ii. 23 ; cf. ib. i. 23 for similar honours.
'
LG.
xii. 5.
234.
6i
life
His method
is
to write the
of
Archilochus chronologically, partly by stating events mentioned in the poems, partly by quoting from the poems themselves.
So the document
it tells
it
is
of twofold interest.
In some
places others
us the subject of
some of the
poet's works, in
gives
new
quotations.
emerges is the story of the Milesian which was off Naxos, when only one survivor wrecked ship came to land, carried by a dolphin. This story is known to have been told by Archilochus, and if our inscription were not broken we should have had a quotation from him about it. The next portion deals with another, even more mysterious
first
The
fact that
It concerns the Thracians. Demeas introduces the episode. story with some mutilated words,^ and then after a small gap
we
get
eiTrer' [ irals HeLa-LaTpdrov, ] dv8pa[^ v i/]co/yi[covT]a9 avXov kol Xvprji/ dvrjp dycav eh Sd(Tov 0[i;ya]?,^ Opei^iu Scop' eyoav dKrjpaToy Xpvcrow oLKeLcp Se KepSei ^vu kirol-qaav /ca/ca.
The meaning is uncertain, but the simplest interpretation is The son of Pisistratus followed, a man in exile, bringing to Thasos men skilled in the flute and the lyre, with gifts of pure
: '
gold for the Thracians, but for their private gain they worked common woe.' The question is what actually happened. The
facts are obscure,
but the simplest explanation is this. The son of Pisistratus and his friends whoever they were landed
on Thasos with gold to buy their dwellings from the Thracian inhabitants. They concluded the bargain, and then broke it, and somehow got the gold back."^ There is no reason to
and he
believe that Archilochus belonged to the party of Pisistratus, is clearly hostile to them.^ The simplest view is that some unknown Greeks tried to settle in Thasos at a time when
^
Hauvette puts him in the fourth century B.C., v. Hiller in the third. ra de ^prj^it^ra ? tovs 0paiK[(jf \ey[o]vaiv UdpioL nv[Tols^ aTroKadicTTaaldai Trdvra? d]in(Ta<})l 8e T[aOra irdv] Ira avros 'A[pxi\oxos Xeycov ovtcos]. ^ f/j[uyd]f Leo, (/)[co](ri v. Arnim. ^ This must be the meaning of dnoKnOia-Taadai. In Atheji. Mitth. xxv. i8 v. Hiller construed avkov Ka\ Xvprjp as the This object of dy<ou, and assumed that the subject was Archilochus. seems open to grammatical, as well as to other objections.
"^
''
62
the Thracians
island.^
The
un-
known were caught in their nefarious dealing with the natives, and were stopped by the Parians, of whom Archilochus may
or
may
Demeas then
;
a victory of the Parians over the Naxians,^ mentioned by the poet but the quotation is too fragmentary to be readable. It First, the quotation suggests, however, one or two points.
may
life,
since he
was sup-
have been killed in battle by a Naxian.^ posed the rivalry between Paros and Naxos may account Secondly, Naxos for the unknown Greeks in the preceding fragment.
antiquity to
ties with Chios, and the Chians were enemies and> Parians on the Thracian coast.^ of the rivals
had close
The remaining portion of the inscription seems to contain an account of Archilochus' adventures in Thasos. Demeas mentions Glaucus, known from fragments previously extant as the poet's friend, and iraipa? Tr\s yavpa^ may possibly be
The fragments of the poem quoted all deal with Thasos, where Archilochus is known to have had some bitter experiences. If the quotations were only better
Neobule.^
fighting in
preserved,
we should know more of this intestine phase of Greek history which Archilochus took so much to heart.^
8.
Tyrtaeus
In the Berlin
Museum
B.C.
are the remains of a papyrus dating and containing part of a martial seventy-eight lines
poem by Tyrtaeus.'^
^
"^
Of the
many
are too
Cf A. Hauvette,
lines 52
ff.
:
/xera
op. cit, pp. 57 ff. ravra ttoXiv yiverai apx<^v 'A;Li[0i]^t/ior, Ka\ iv tov\t\ois 6[i']i<;[(r]ai/ Kaprepms rovs Na|ioi;s, Xeyav [o]vt(o'
Ta>v 5e aj'r[t]at
cf)]\oy6sj
^Twv
[SjfifX/;?]
rjiJL6[p]r]s
nav[(Tafj.ep
/SjaXXoiTCff
Mor. 560 d,
e.
^
So Diehl.
129 Bergk. Diehl, fr. i, first published by Wilamowitz, S.B.B.A., 1918, pp. 728 ff". For fuller conjectural emendation cf. Gercke, Hennes, 1921, pp. 346 ff.
'^
63
instructive,
and
surprising. The poem is evidently not so much a call to battle, like the familiar work of Tyrtaeus, but a call
some ways
to order
and organization. few lines are beyond restoration, but at 1. 7 tells the Spartans to make themselves like something Tyrtaeus multitudinous and troublesome, as bees or mosquitos.^ At
The
first
1.
they are to fence themselves with their shields, KoiXrja oLcrmaL (ppa^dfxei^oL, an explicit notice of a method of fighting
1 1
at
which
Homer
hints,^
a later innovation.
Then comes
all
but which has often been regarded as the only part of the poem
completely
rj/jieU]
dW
da-jTiSa^
separately the Pamphyli and the Hylleis and the Dymanes^ holding up in their hands ashen spears that slay men. Committing everything to the immortal gods we will obey our leaders steadfastly without shrinking. But straightway we will stand with the fighting men, and all thresh together and terrible will be the noise when both sides charge to strike round shield on shield.'
*
For the historian this is of special interest, because of the explicit mention of the division of the Spartans into three tribes. This division must be implied later in the poem
:
The papyrus gives Jf edufo-iv etfio/Mfi/ot. The first word is completed as KMva>Tra>]v by Gercke, /xeXio-o-acoJi/ or 6pvLd(o]v by Diehl. ^ Cf. N 1 30 (Jipd^iivTfs dopv 8ovpiy (xaKos craKfi npodeXiipvco, ^ Restorations, unless otherwise stated, are by Wilamowitz. * The meaning of povlr] is uncertain. It seems best to take it as * in ' patience or in steadfastness '.
^
'
f]y(fx6(Tiv
*
''
r)yffi6i>os
Diehl, referring to
Tyrtaeus himself.
opprjBeuTOiv Diehl.
TU7rT[/xj/ai
Powell,
TvwT\}i}xiv(>)u
Wilamowitz.
64
yap
/S[
aVTLOL L(TT\a
/CTOS[
This
triple division
late institution
has been thought to be a comparatively due to the political conditions of the fifth
century, but sanctified by a spurious attribution to the early days of Spartan history. But now that it appears in a poem
of the seventh century, it may well be what the Spartans thought it, an ancient tribal institution shared by other
branches of the Dorian people in Crete and Rhodes.^ From It was a this passage we can see what the division was.
means of
march.
of
military organization, intended primarily for the The description of the marching here is reminiscent
some Homeric passages,^ and from these the poet must have taken some of his language. But its general character is Spartan in the emphasis laid on drill and close fighting order^
for
chariots.
it
which infantrymen are better suited than soldiers in If we choose to press the meaning of /jlopljj in 1. 15, would look as if what Tyrtaeus had primarily in mind was
the necessity of good defence rather than good offence. After a tantalizing reference in 11. 25-6 to Dionysus and
Semele,
racing
who have
33
eiKeXoil
]
(pepeiu
kiTLBepKOfxevoL
k7n(Tcr\evovTas OTTiaaco
the
^
Although restoration would be hazardous and we do not know full context, it is clear that the simile is drawn from
For Crete
The
cf. r 177 Aapiees T TpixaUes ; for Rhodes, Find. Oi. vii. 18. traditional interpretation oi rpixaiK^s is given by Hesiod, fr. 191 Rz. : navres de TpixdiKes KoXeovrai rpiaa-rjv ovveKa yaiav CKCis 7rdTp7]S iddaavTo.
6s
and
in this
first
we may
find
an approximate date
poem.
The
in
chariot-race at
Olympia was
said to
680
B.C.
Now
with whose successful conclusion Tyrtaeus was credited, was dated from 685/4 to 668/7.^ The coincidence between the
two dates fits well with the presence of this long simile, and seems to show that the poem dates from the time This to which tradition assigns Tyrtaeus' greatest activity.
conclusion
is
The mention of rL)(09 in 1. 6^ and again points. the Messenians lived in walled cities and shows that 67 must have proved formidable enemies for that reason. Then comes a simile in the Homeric manner drawn from the waves of the sea (11. 74-5), the third simile in seventy lines, and the
in
1.
lines of
strengthened by the word Mea-a-rjuimu in 1. 66. the poem are beyond conjecture, but they
champions
is
of Sparta.
not a polished piece of work. It reads as if it had been written on the spur of the moment for a crisis, and
Solon's poems, by an admiring was not intended. But it is vigorous and manly, and just what we should expect from the soldierpoet who wrote it. Of its authenticity there can be no question.
like
The poem
posterity for
whom
it
The
pline
lack of polish and the technical details of military disciand organization are too exact and too dull to be the
forger.
work of a
The
style
is,
Homer, but the Dorian provenance of the poem is indicated by dXoLr)a-v/jLP in 1. J 6 and x^ira^ in 1. 39. The poem is interesting chiefly for the light which it sheds on an old
tradition.
It
Messenian Wars and the early existence of the tripartite It looks as if it were written to form organization at Sparta.
part of the collection of poems called Evvofiia^ mentioned by Aristotle {PoL v. 1306 b 39), and confirms what Plato says
(Laws 629
b)
it
affords
some
slight sup-
Cf.
Strabo
viii. 4. 10, p.
362.
8785
66
as a poet.^
The air of authority and the technical knowledge accord well with such a tradition.
9.
Anacreon{f)
Nothing that
is
;
certainly
to
but in a long ^ papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, light from papyri belonging probably to the last half of the first century A.D., and containing part of a commentary upon $, a parallel passage is quoted and introduced with words which have been
restored^ as
it
certainly attractive,
rest in doubt.
The passage in ^ 162-3 speaks of the ambidextrous Asteropaeus, who aims two spears simultaneously at Achilles,
and the words
Schroder
*
in the
:
as follows
ira\L^
pLTTTe [oz^x] 0Lix[apT^v 'A^LXXea6 Se xaXKeoLS Opacrv[fjLrjSrjs kv oirXoLcn Tdp^rja-e ^a]fivrj^ X(i>[x6nTo\L[s dXiKia eL^aicra] fxdxas^
Kal
Oavfxaii/e v[(EavLav
The commentary
is probably contemporaneous with the but the writing, supposed evidence for Anacreon is faulty and
^ Lycurgus, in Leocratem, 105 sqq. ; Strabo, viii. 4. lOj Athen. xiv. 630 f. 2 Oxyrh. Pap. ii, no. 221, col. vii. What the relation of Ammonius', whose name appears on the papyrus, in the words 'A/x/Ltwi/ioy 'AiJifio:viov ypafiixaTiKos earjixfiaxxdnrji', bears to the commentary, whether he compiled it or approved of it, cannot be determined: see Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrh. Pap. li, pp. 53 sqq. most probably he compiled it. ^ A. Piatt, Classical Reviewy 1900, p. 19; A. Ludwich, Berl. Phil.
' ;
Wochenschr., 1900,
^
;^
p. 389.
p. 424.
C'^l^P"'*
'
P^P^
piivTiv
pap.
]7e'?EF]l
pap.
F-axai pap.
67
no authority mentions TIapOeveLa his poems. Further, it has sometimes been assumed among that TlapOeveiay songs performed by choirs of maidens, were confined to Dorian districts,^ and this view receives some support from Plutarch's mention of TroAAa /Icopia IlapOeveLa written by Alcman, Pindar, Simonides, and Bacchylides,^ especially as examples by the first two named have been recovered in papyri. It has, indeed, been thought that virginal choruses were alien to Ionian and Athenian manners and only permissible in Sparta, where women took part in athletic contests.^ On the other hand, there is some evidence that such
in particular,
Homer (IT
182-3) rnentions
Hymn
to Earth,
Mother of
All, tells
irapBeviKai re x^^poF? (pepecrai^Oea-ii/ v(f>poi/L Ovfim irai^ovaat (TKaipovcrL /car* dt^Bea fiaXdaKoc ttolt]^,^
Perhaps, too, the descriptions of Artemis dancing with her train may be based on a practice of ordinary life.^ It need not, therefore, come as too great a surprise if some slight piece
of evidence appears for a book of Partheneia by Anacreon. The reconstruction which is given above is only put forward
in
tentatively exempli gratia, and we must for the present remain ignorance about the exact contents and metre of the frag-
ment.
C.
^
'
M.
B.
The cultivation e.g. H. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, p. ccxxix : of virginal choruses was restricted to Dorian countries '. ^ de Musica, ii36f. ' * Ionian and Athenian manners did not Jebb, Bacchylides, p. 31: permit such virginal choruses. The Partheneia of Bacchylides may have been written for Sparta, or other Dorian cities, during his residence in
Peloponnesus
*
'.
Jevons,
^
HisL Gr.
Horn.
Hymn.
F 2
TRAGEDY
Introduction
;
the
new
;
Inscription from
story of
Telephus in Sophocles other plays by Sophocles plays possibly by Sophocles stories of twins plays by Euripides stories of unlawful the love other Euripidean fragments the Medea of Neophron (?) Hector of Astydamas (?) ; other plays of uncertain authorship and
; ;
;
subject.
Introduction
tragic poets, considerable materials for an increased knowledge of Greek Tragedy have been provided, both by
the discovery of papyri, and also by the publication in 1908 of the Hypotheses of three plays, and of new fragments of
these and others, as quoted in the Commentary written by an otherwise unknown loannes Diaconus ^ on Hermogenes' treatise
Trepi ixe668(Dv Seivor-qTos.
In addition to
raised
this,
a remarkable
inscription found at
lems.
The
Aexone has
some
omitting only those which were already included in the second The gratitude of edition of Nauck's Tragic Fragments.^ scholars is due in the highest degree to those who have edited
papyri with so much the ascription in the present chapter of every improvement or suggestion to its author otherwise the names of Blass, Weil, Hunt, Muri-ay and
in the
much more
frequently mentioned
and
In Rhein.
Mus.
Ixiii,
is
pp. 127-51. The exact date of loannes Diaconus his mention of Psellus shows that he cannot be
;
than the eleventh century but Rabe gives reasons for dating of Corinth {c. 1200). The Commentary was found in a fourteenth-century manuscript in the Vatican. ^ Such as the long and striking speech of Europa from Aeschylus* Kapey Elpwrrrj (fr. 99 Nauck), of which a better text than that of Nauck may be found in Wilamowitz's Aeschylus, Interpretationen^ P- 235. A few important passages already included in Nauck are nevertheless noticed below, in connexion with later discoveries.
earlier
r\
TRAGEDY
69
from first to last there must have been repeated acknowledgement of the genius and learning of Wilamowitz-Moellendorff.^ The most important discoveries with which we have here
to do are those of large portions of the Ichneutae of Sophocles and the Hypsipyle of Euripides but we also know much more
;
than the
generation could of several plays of Euripides the Antiope, the Melaidppe, and the Stheneboea in particular and something more of a number of others. An exquisite
last
now be enjoyed
entire,
and
of the lesser discoveries present enough points of interest to reward the labour expended upon them.
many
It
has been thought well to give quotations freely, where but students possible, and to let them speak for themselves
;
and the Hypsipyle will, of course, have the full texts before them, and it is assumed that Nauck's collection is accessible to all. Many texts will be found in Hunt's Fragmenta Tragica Papyracea,2indwon Arnim's Supplementiim
of the Ichneutae
Etiripideum^ though the latter's treatment of the fragments cannot always be accepted without reserve. long fragment of a satyric drama, which may be the Inachtis of Sophocles,
promised by the editor of the next volume of papyri from Tebtunis, but will not be published in time to be considered in the present chapter.
is
I.
In vol.
drical
i,
pt.
iii
Polemon
(pp. 161
ff.) is
described a cylin-
base found between Voula and Vari, on the site of Aexone, bearing a choregic inscription. What kind of monu-
ment the base was intended to support is uncertain. The editor, A. A. Pappagiannopoulos-Palaios, thinks that it was a statue rather than a tripod (the normal form of choregic
dedication at Athens), because
1198, 1200, i^oiJ
^
it
appears from
5,
IG.
ii.
{cd.
min)
(=
ed. mai.
ii.
writer desires to give his personal thanks to Mr. M. N. Tod and for help given on many occasions. In Lietzmann's Kleine Texte (191 3). Some of the papyrus fragments noticed are later than this.
The
70
TRAGEDY
choregi who competed in the rural demes were awarded a crown (the record of the award being set up in the theatre), and from LG, ii. {ed. mai.) 1282, that they erected an dyaXfia and not a tripod.^ But as he admits that the word dyaXjxa
might be applied to a tripod as well as to a statue, and as the inscription containing the word stands alone, his argument is
not strong.
The
is
in
any case
much
cuss.
one which we have now to disThe theatre of Aexone is mentioned in several decrees
later than that of the
B.C., viz.
I.G.
ii.
{cd.
though
its site
is
Museum
XOpVV^^ ^VLKa
k]co/icoiSoT9
pacrvpoXos xoprjycou kvLKa KoofjLCOLSoi^ Kpariuo? eSiSacrKe 3ovk6\os 0pa(TvPoXo9 xopr)[y]c^u kvLKa Tpaya)t8oL9
TifjLodeo^ eStSaa-Ke 'AXKfxecoua 'AX(p(rLpo[Lai/
The inscription bristles with difficulties. It is written in Ionic characters throughout, but this does not necessarily mean that it is later than the law of Archinus in 403 B.C.,
because Ionic letters were commonly used in private, and sometimes even in public inscriptions, much earlier than this.
There
is
even a few years earlier. Margherita about 420 B.C., on account of the shape
for
OT, though
Tt/no\
Mei^avidov
Mei^a)vi8r)s
(rdevovs
KXeocrrpaTos Tifioadevovs
TayaKfjLa K[ai] T[o]fi
c.
I
)(Oi>T)y(>vi>Tes
viKTjcravTes dueBea[av]
ra
Aiouvaa
I.G.
ii.
114
(343/2 B.C.)
ff.
AlyiXievs,
and
Tifion-Bevijs 6 AiyiXteu?
is
Tunothetiiri)^ 31
The
inscription
synchoregi of the
"^
This
deme
Aigilia.
I.G.
ii.
TRAGEDY
71
Wilamowitz (without giving details) thinks that the orthography points to the first decades of the fourth century B.C. It would seem as if any date from about 420 to 380 B.C. were
possible.
The nature of the contents is much more difficult to decide. The first editor took it to be the record of a single recent
contest at Aexone, in which Epichares and Thrasybulus of Aexone were choregi, each presenting one old comedy and
a group of old tragedies. It is no objection to this that, while the first recorded presentation of old tragedies at the City
Dionysia at Athens
is
in
387-386
B.C.,
there
is
;
no record of the
for this may be presentation of old comedies till 339 B.C. an accident, and the rural townships may well have had
is
recourse to old plays much earlier than Athens itself. (Nothing known of old plays at the Lenaea.) But it is a serious
objection, as
eSiSaa-Ke
is
M. Guarducci points
inscription
any Attic
known
own when
with waXaia, or else such a phrase as naXaibv Spdfia irapeSfSa^au ol Kcc/xcpSoL. Accordingly M. Guarducci supposes that
the four poets were alive at the time of the victories recorded, i.e. shortly before 420 B.C. (the year in which by a very doubtful piece of reasoning she dates the death of Cratinus), and that they all produced the plays named for the first time
at
Aexone. Yet it seems hardly likely that so many of the most important poets of the time should simultaneously have
their plays
first production of be doubted whether Ecphantides was alive and producing plays as late as 431 B.C. or thereabouts. Inscriptions make it clear (i) that his first Dionysiac victory fell between 457 and 454 B.C. (2) that he either took no part, in Lenaean the no or won contests, which were first victory,
;
and
it
may
probably
Geissler
^
in
453
B.C.,
(on
1 1
1^
tides'
TRAGEDY
^drvpoi between 445 and 440
B.C.,
but this
is
too early
Aexone.
way The
to suppose that these choregic victories were won by two citizens of Aexone in contests at Athens, and either that they
themselves erected a
successes
them, necessarily immediately successes need not have been won in consecutive years, but
B.C.
in their
not
monument
at
Aexone recording
after
their
for the
If so, at
?
clear that
he
victor.
The BovkoXol
of Cratinus
may
have won at either festival. But if the tragedies mentioned were performed at the Dionysia, then the names of one tragedy and of a satyric play of Timotheus are missing, and
the Tri\i<j)^La of Sophocles was a trilogy or a group of three If, on the plays, the name of the satyric play is missing. other hand, Timotheus only presented the two plays named,
if
the festival at which they were presented must have been the Lenaea ^ and if the festival at which Sophocles won the victory referred to was the Lenaea, then the TrjXepeia must
;
have been a single play, and the name of one other tragedy must have dropped out. No solution is possible in the present
state of the evidence.
*
It is certainly
later period the people of Aexone set up inscriptions in their theatre to choregi who had served them well, but tliese all belonjj to the latter half of the fourth century, when, as shown by I.G. ii. 1285, syn-
At a
choregia was regular. (The inscriptions are /.G. ii. {ea^. min.) 1198 (326/5 B.C.), 1200 (317/6 B.C.), 1202 (313/2 B.C.).) The present inscription, however, does not in any case refer to synchoregi. Those who think that the present inscription all refers to one festival at Aexone suppose that the order of mention is the order of merit, but that the complimentary term eVka was used for both the first and the second in the competition (just as in some inscriptions of the imperial period we find the odd
phrase
^
iii.
80).
extant record of a tragic contest at the Lenaea iC.I.A. ii. 972, rol. ii) belongs to 421/20 B.C. This column contained the beginning of the record of Lenaean tragic contests, and though we have not the head of the column, the record did not go back more than a few years at most. The Lenaean victors of 420/19 B.C. and 419/8 B.C. are recorded in the inscription, and are not Timotheus or Sophocles.
The
TRAGEDY
73
some may think it improbable, that in a monument erected at Aexone to honour two successful citizens, it may not have been thought necessary to mention the festivals, and that the two festivals may be mixed up. If we are forced (and we cannot be forced as really things are) to refer the whole record to one festival, we must refer it to the Dionysia, since Ecphantides
from the inscriptional list of Lenaean victors {C.I.A. 977 i,col. ii Wilhelm, Urktinden^ p. 123), and there is no lacuna in the list in which his name could be inserted and
is
ii.
;
:
absent
any scholar who thinks that Tr]\k<p^ia must be the title of a group of plays will be ready to accept this solution, and to suppose that the names of two plays of Timotheus and one of
Sophocles have dropped out. Against this is to be set a certain improbability in the supposition that the line given to Timotheus in the inscription would have been so much
longer than any others, even though the circumference of the cylinder would afford room and to spare for two more long names. (A rough calculation suggests that it would take
letters to go right round the stone the supposed would at worst extend to about ^^ letters or, if aarvpiK^ were inserted, about 64.) On the other hand, it is by no means impossible that the orderly arrangement of the matter may have outweighed the aesthetic objection to a single very long line. We have, then, to consider the plays mentioned in the inscription without being able to decide at which festival each play or each group of plays was performed. We may, perhaps, assume that the plays are in chronological order, or at
;
about 148
line
comedy
first
first
named is named
earlier
earlier
No
recorded.
play of Ecphantides called UeTpaL has been previously The name, however, is not certain, as there is an
This may have been an apparent erasure before the /T. erasure of a IV ecpeXKvarLKou at the end of iSiSaaKe^ inserted
that
by the stone-mason by mistake, and erased when he found it was not in his copy or a damaged initial letter of ^TTupai or simply the obliterated remains of a bad attempt at the JJ of IleipaL, after which the mason started the word
;
;
74
afresh.
TRAGEDY
The
5 the
1.
(In
erasure occurs in a rough depression in the stone. first letter of xoprjySiv is engraved in a similar
depression.)
comparing Plato's ^KvaL (though this does not really help us to understand what the subject of ^iretpai can have been). If Tldpai was the title, the subject may have been irelpaL yvvaiKoaVy though this does not take us far. The date, as we have seen, is likely to have been not much later than c. 445 B.C. The BovKoXoL of Cratinus is known from several fragments
^ireTpaL,
Wilamowitz favours
Geissler (op.
is
cit.,
p.
24)
thinks
that
15, in
which an Archon
upbraided
for giving a
chorus
to the contemptible poet Gnesippus in preference to Sophocles, helps to date the play, because no archon would have treated
Sophocles thus at the height of his fame, and therefore, it argued, the BovkoXol can hardly be later than 430 B.C. But
is
it
might equally well be argued that the fragment would be less pointed unless Sophocles was at the height of his fame. The very obscure fr. 18 (or Hesychius' notice of it) alludes
apparently to Cratinus himself as having been refused a chorus and (as Wilamowitz remarks) if he had been refused
;
a chorus for this actual play, there would be room for the
conjecture that the play was produced at Aexone instead of Athens but the passage can hardly yield that meaning ^
; ;
some
though probably recent play. The date of the play and the date of Cratinus' death is cannot be conjectured
;
quite uncertain. The interpretation of Aristophanes' Peace^ 11. 700 fif., as meaning that the poet was then literally dead is probably untenable, and M. Guarducci's attempt to prove
that he died in 420 B.C.
is
quite unconvincing.
The
not agreed whether dno biOvpafx^ov dp^dfievos means that the play opened with a dithyramb or refers to the dithyrambic character of the expression quoted. The BovkoXol may have turned on the worship of Dionysus or bdbazius (cf. Maass, Orpheus^ p. 46), or it may have been one of the many comedies with a rustic chorus.
ov
j]tt}K1
or
eyx^i
and
Trnpa
Kock's
It is
TRAGEDY
75
The name is a common one, and while it is tragic poet. possible that the famous lyric poet of Miletus (c. 453-358 B.C.) wrote tragedies in his early life, it would not be safe to
suppose that he
the
e.g.
is
referred to here.
names
of
Laertes,
names of
tragedies of the newly discovered Timotheus of the inscription. Laertes and Phineidae are simply titles mentioned by
Suidas, and nothing more can be said about them but the reference to the Nauplius in Athen.viii. 338 a almost certainly implies that it was a dithyramb with an absurd or extravagant
;
part
for
the
flute.
Palaios
further
ascribes
to
the
new
name
AifioP'
by Stoh.
Flor.
iii.
a8. 12 (Hense).
The
lemma
ALfxo^) are
6 6
KvTrpiSos Kvuayo?,
firi
Such lines might come from either tragedy or comedy, but seem more probably to belong to the Middle or New Comedy. It is idle to conjecture in what particular way the Timotheus ^ of the inscription may have treated the stories of Alcmaeon and Alphesiboea, and we must be content to be ignorant whether the two plays stood alone at the Lenaea, or were grouped with two others at the Dionysia. Alphesiboea or Arsinoe was daughter of Phegeus, King of Psophis in Arcadia, who purified Alcmaeon after his murder of Eriphyle, and gave him his daughter in marriage. In some versions of the story trouble arose between her brothers and Alcmaeon, who was Alphesiboea in turn contrived ultimately murdered by them
; ^ The story of Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and the death of Eriphyle at the hands of her son were a favourite theme of Greek tragedians. It does not, indeed, appear to have attracted Aeschylus, but we hear of an Erz'pky tesind an Alcmaeon of Sophocles, of an Alcmaeoft at Corinth of Euripides, an Alcmaeon of Agathon, Astydamas the Younger, Theodectes, Nicomachus and Euaretus, an Eriphyle of Nicomachus, and an 'AX/c/ifcoi/ o-arvptfcof of Achaeus. The latter part of the story was treated by Euripides in his 'AXk^ico^p 6 8ia ^co^tfio? and in the Alphesiboea
of
76
their death.
TRAGEDY
But the story had many ramifications. Palaios and Arvanitopoulos (in the same number oiPolemon) construct with some ingenuity a supposed tetralogy for Timotheus, but as we cannot tell if he dealing with the whole legend wrote a tetralogy at all, it is hardly worth while to pursue
;
such speculations.
more
interesting problem
is
TrjXicpeia
of Sophocles.
others
who
Palaeos and Arvanitopoulos and have written on the subject all assume that the
;
trilogy or tetralogy, and they may be right they are certainly supported by the fact that Sophocles did write several plays on the story of Telephus and although there is no doubt that Sophocles definitely abandoned the trilogy as a form of dramatic composition, it cannot be
;
word denotes a
absolutely proved that he never tried it (e.g. in his earlier At the same time there is at least a possibility that days).
TrjXe^eia may have been a single play. The meaning of words of this formation in the classical period, to which this
inscription belongs, as follows
:
is
The
evidence
is
Kai
00-719 el, Kar Ai(TXv\ov a-', on veavLcr\ K Trj9 AvKovpyelas epea-Oai povXofLar
y
TToSairos 6 yvvvi<i
tis Trdrpa
tls
r]
a-roXrj
Schol. TTjv TeTpaXoyiav Xiyei AvKovpytav 'HScoroi/s Baa-orapiSas NeavLcrKovs AvKovpyov tou aaTvpLKOi/. (Schol. adds that 1. 136 is quoted from the 'HScovoi.)
Aristoph. Rati, 11 24 irpooTou Si fioL rov e^ 'Opea-Teias Xiye. (A quotation from the C/wep/iori follows.)
Schol. TfiTpaXoyiav (pipovcn rr^v 'Opeareiau at SiSa(TKaXiaL 'Ayafiejxvova Xor](p6pov9 EvfieviBas UpcoTea aarvApiarap^os Kal ATroXXa)VLos rpiXoyiav Xkyovcri pLKov.
XOOph
t5>V (raTVpLKOdV.
c.
Theb.
noXv(l)pdSfi(OP
AvKovpyeta
Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. s8i ovto9 6 ^lXokXtjs iiroira ea-Kevaa-ey eiTj av ovv top twona aKvorfj UavSLOviSL TerpaXoyia
TRAGEDY
TTOLTjKob^Trj JJavSLovtSL TTpaXoyia BLSaa-KaXiaLS dvaypoi(f>eL,
fju
77
KOL ^ApLCTTOTiXrjs kv rafy
Schol. ad
18 b (p. 330 Bekker) knel w eVe^ kol 6 MiXrjTOS OlSLTroSeiau edrjKCP eSLSdaKovTO TleXapyoL
PJat. Apol.
ol
o)?
'ApL(rroTXr)9 SiSaa-KaXLai^,
It is difficult to in
the JiSaorKaXiai, words of this termination (and a'lso words in -I?) denoted groups of connected plays. The only question
whether the terminations had acquired this precise and techmeaning by the time of Aristophanes and of our inscription, or whether they may not have had the general meaning of
is
nical
<
'
(cf.
'OSvaa-eLa),
and so have been applicable to single plays such as the 'HScoi/oL and the Xorjcpopoi. The balance of probability would be in favour of the former supposition, but for the comparative
it is,
improbability of attributing a trilogy to Sophocles. there is nothing for it but to suspend judgement.
As
If the TrjXicpeLa was a tetralogy, of what plays was it composed ? That the AXedSai and Mvaoi of Sophocles dealt with the story of Telephus is well known. Palaios and
Arvanitopoulos propose for the two remaining places a supposed TrjXecpos Tvpavvo9 and a supposed satyric Tr]Xe(po9
^(pd\TT]?.
But there
gestions.
The only
all is
Sophocles at
B.C., in
is scarcely any probability in these sugevidence for attributing a TriXe(t)09 to in a Rhodian inscription {I.G. xii. i. 125 ;
Wilhelm, Ui^kunden, pp. 205-6), of the fourth or third century which an actor won second prize for a group of plays
by Sophocles.
The
v\6pLevoS'
For the first two plays UrjXia and 'OSva-aea /xaiv6fjLei/oi^ hav? been suggested but the original length of the lines, and
:
is
uncertain
and the
last
name may not have been TiyAc^o^ but (e.g.) TijXeyopoi^. At the same time, as is remarked by Pearson {Soph. Fragm. ii,
p. 220),
78
TRAGEDY
quent discovery by Heracles would make a good subject for a satyric play set in Arcadia, and there may have been a satyric play of Sophocles of this name. The two Greek scholars
propose for the satyric play the name TrjXecjio^ ^cfxiXTrjSi on the ground of a story told by Apollodorus and certain
scholiasts,
according to which Telephus, having offended caused by him to trip over a vine-tendril while was Dionysus, fighting Achilles, and so to receive a wound in his thigh and
;
they suggest that a satyr-chorus may have set the trap. It is sufficient to point out that ^^dXTtjs was an epithet of Dionysus
on Lycophron, Alex., 1. 3o6), not of Telephus, and not be an epithet of the person tripped up. Nor does could the encounter of Achilles and Telephus seem suitable for
(Schol.
For the imaginary TrjXe(po9 Tvpawos no evidence at all. If the TrjXicpeia was really a tetralogy, the third play must almost certainly have been the 'A^aicov ^vXXoyos of which some fragments survive, and it would be possible to reconstruct the tragic trilogy on that supposition. Aleos, King of Tegea, had been warned that, if his daughter Auge married, her son would slay his own sons. He therefore forbade her to marry and made her priestess of Athena. But Heracles on his way to the palace of Augeas in Elis came through Tegea and had a secret meeting with her. She bore
satyric
treatment.
there
is
him a son, Telephus, whom Aleos, not knowing who the The infant was suckled by a hind, and father was, exposed. being discovered was brought up by Corythus, King in
Auge was sold as a slave to Teuthras, King of Mysia. Before the action of the 'AXedSaL began, Telephus had grown up and had returned to Tegea there he was enterArcadia.
;
tained
he was unknown. The sons of by Aleos, named Hippothous and Pereus, in some way aroused the anger of Telephus almost certainly by references to the Aleos was about obscurity of his origin and he slew them.
Aleos, to
whom
to death, but a recognition took place perhaps by of the servant who had exposed him, or by the interthe help vention of Heracles dirb firj)(^avr}^ and he was sent to consult
to put
him
TRAGEDY
79
agrees in the main with that given by Pearson, Soph. Fragm, i, pp. 46 fif. Sophocles evidently rejected the version of the story, followed by Euripides, according to which Auge and
the infant were sent to sea in a chest and washed
up on the
It would be unsafe to follow the fanciful coast of Mysia. of Arvanitopoulos to work the extant fragments into attempt
more
detailed story.
the story of
Auge
found
The plot of the Mvcroi admits of little doubt, if, as there is every reason to suppose, it followed the story reproduced by Hyginus and Aelian. (The passages are quoted by Pearson,
Telephus arrived at Mysia still seeking not seem to have been required to be silent in Sophocles' version as he was in that of Aeschylus at a time when Teuthras was being attacked by Idas, whom
op.
he does purification
Hyginus
cit. ii,
pp. 70
ff.)
scholars prefer to regard as having been in Sophocles' story a local freebooter. Teuthras offered the succession to the throne of Mysia and also the hand of Auge,
whom modern
whom
Idas.
he had adopted as his daughter, to the conqueror of Telephus (whose relationship to Auge was, of course, unknown to all parties) accepted the challenge and slew the
Auge, still loyal at heart to Heracles, resolved to her bridegroom on the wedding night, and concealed a slay sword in her chamber. serpent, however, appeared to prohe was about to take vengeance upon and tect Telephus
freebooter.
Auge, when she called upon Heracles, and the truth was made Here the clear, whether by Heracles himself or otherwise.
play ended.
The
somewhat
later.
After the death of Teuthras, Telephus became King of Mysia. The Greek host, intending to attack Troy, landed by mistake
coast, and were opposed by Telephus, who was wounded by Achilles. The Greeks on sailing away grievously from Mysia were scattered by a storm, which drove Achilles There he wedded Deidamia, and in the play he to Scyros. returns to join the assembled Greek host at Argos, where
on the Mysian
8o
TRAGEDY
and had therefore come to the Greek host to
Thither also came Telephus, who had been told by Apollo at Delphi that his wound could only be healed by the man who
had
inflicted
it,
In a fragment from a papyrus roll of the second A.D. Pearson, op. cit. i, {Berliner Klass. Texte, V. 2 century ode addressed to we of find the remains a choral pp. 94 ff.)
find Achilles.
;
landing-place, if he were first healed by Achilles was not expected to agree easily to heal
his old enemy, and the negotiations were apparently placed in the hands of the tactful Odysseus, who (the choral ode ended) is seen in conversation with the newly arrived Achilles.
indignant because everything is not ready for the The cure was doubtless effected before the end expedition.)
(Achilles
is
of the play, by the application of the rust scraped from the spear of Achilles.
there
That the papyrus fragment comes from this play, though is no direct evidence, is rendered probable, as Pearson
:
notes (following the suggestion of Wilamowitz), by the facts (i) that the scene is evidently that of a (rvWoyos of the Greek cf. II. 16, chieftains (col. ii. 12 ttovo-tl a-vWoyo? cptXcov 17,
;
144 Pearson, which is quoted from the 'A^aiSiv ^vXXoand (2) that the the Scholiast on Pind. Isthm. ii. 68) yo9 by of Pearson's that notes on recalls (See Sophocles. language Col. ii may be translated col. ii, 11. II, 14.)
fr.
;
:
and
wind from south or west shall speed us to the and thou shalt sit beside the rudder and shores, Trojan point out to him that is at the prow, so that he see it straightway, the passage of the sons of Atreus to Troy bare thee for us, for the Tegean land Hellas, not Mysia to be a sailor, doubtless by the grace of some God, and to speed on our rowing over the sea. Ack. Surely thou too art not newly come from thy seagirt land, Odysseus ? Where is the gathering of our friends ? Why do ye delay? Ye should not abide on resting feet. Od. The expedition is determined, and they that have But thou art come, son of authority have care thereof. Peleus, in the hour of need.
Cho.
A swift
TRAGEDY
Ach. Yet there
8i
is no host of oarsmen on the shore, nor is the warrior host here to answer the call. man's haste should be as Od, Nay, straightway it will be the time requires. Ach. Ye are ever sluggards, ever delaying. Each one sits and speaks endless speeches, and in no part does the work go forward. For my part, as ye see, I am come ready to be doing, I and the host of Myrmidons, and I will sail and leave behind me the tardiness of the two sons of Atreus and
:
their host.
The two
No. 143.
previously
*
For the ship's watch, as it sails through night, direct with rudders its wind-sped keel.' No. 144. Do thou on thy seat, with folded writing in
*
the
thy hand, mark thereon any who, having sworn fellowship, is not here.'
(The reading
to
is
uncertain
is
Agamemnon, who
bidden to
According to the Scholiast on Aristoph. Ach. ^;^2, Aeschylus introduced into his treatment of the story an episode in which Telephus, being threatened with death by the Achaeans on
camp, took refuge at the altar, having previously (at Clytemnestra's suggestion) snatched the infant Orestes from his cradle. The scene was probably suggested
his arrival at the
by the action of Themistocles (Thuc. i. 1^6, 137), who took up the infant son of Admetus, on the advice of Admetus' wife, when he sat down as a suppliant by his hearth, Kai fxeyicrTov
The infant is not introduced in the picture rjv tKeTcvfia tovto. of Telephus as suppliant on a vase of Hiero at Boston, dating from before 470 B.C. ^ but the scene, including the infant,
:
it.
is
found on a
pelik^ in the British Museum.'^ On the other hand, a number of later vases display the hero as threatening to slay the infant,^ and these were perhaps painted under the influence of
See Pollak, Zwei Vasen, PI. I, and Pfiihl, Mahl. u. Zeichn.^ 506, Fig. 447^ Fig. i (Brit. Mus. E. 382). ' Fig. ii (a hyilria irom Cumae, in the Naples Museum), Arch'dol. Zeitung, xv (1857), PI. CVI.
^
S78Q
82
TRAGEDY
Euripides, who may first have given this turn to the story, in addition to clothing his hero in rags with a beggar's wallet.
In Aeschylus the infant may only have been taken up to increase the impressiveness of the supplication, and probably
in
Fig. 2.
Hydria
in
Naples Museum.
dignity.
this affords
play.
Euripides* Telephus was produced in 438 B.C., but no valid argument as to the date of Sophocles' The satyric play of the tetralogy, if there was one, may
have been the TrjXecpos (assuming that the word is rightly restored) mentioned in the Rhodian inscription quoted above. The fortunes of the house of Telephus, not long after his death, were the subject of the Eurypylus of Sophocles.^ After
the death of Telephus, Eurypylus, his son
by Astyoche,
sister
of Priam, succeeded to the throne of Mysia. Troy was still untaken, but was in sore straits, and Priam begged for the aid
of Eurypylus against the Greeks. At first, overcome by his mother's fears and entreaties, he refused but Priam won over
;
cit.
i,
pp. 146
ff.
Fig.
I.
Pelike
the British
Museum
TRAGEDY
83
Astyoche by the gift of the Golden Vine with which Zeus had compensated the father of Ganymedes (Laomedon or Tros) for
the loss of the boy. Eurypylus, with a host of Kr]TLOL (an He otherwise unknown Mysian tribe), joined the campaign. slew Machaon and Nireiis, among others, but was at last slain
by Neoptolemus. The story was told in the Little Iliad, whence doubtless Sophocles derived it. Sophocles' play (though without the poet's name) is mentioned by Aristotle (Poet, xxiii. 1459 b 6), and some fragments of it have been
found in a papyrus of the latter half of the second century A.D.
ix, No. 1175). It is probable that, as action was placed at Troy. more than one scholar has conjectured, an early scene of the play included the attempt of Astyoche to dissuade her son
{Oxyrh, Pap,
The
from joining the campaign, and to this scene the dialogue in fr. 208 (Pearson) may have belonged, the argument turning
upon some
would have been followed by the There resolve of Eurypylus and his welcome by Priam.
evil
;
omens
this
remain also some scraps of the messenger's speech, describing the duel of Eurypylus and Neoptolemus, and including a reference to the spear of Achilles, which had healed Tele-
(fr.
211).
a brief dialogue between Astyoche (in iambic trimeters) and the chorus (in short snatches of lyric) after which the mes-
senger resumes his narrative in answer to Astyoche's question as to the treatment which her son's body had received, and
recounts, in a very fine passage, how Priam had mourned passionately over Eurypylus as though he had been his own
son
'
(O(f)X0VfjLeua>,
kol (T(payaicrL Kei/ieuos, ov, Trarrjp fj.eu irarpcca 8' e^av8cou enr], Uplaiios KXaL Tov TKi'(ou ofiai/ioua, Tou 7ral8a kol y^povra kol veaviav,
nXevpah
TOV ovT Mvcrou ovre TrjXicpov KaXc^v, dXX' 0)9 (pVTiV(Ta9 avTO^ KKaXovfXvor
84
TRAGEDY
OlflOL, TeKVOV. TrpOvScOKd
k(T\dTr}V )(COV
^pv^lv
/jLeyiarTTju
fxvrjii-qv
0(t'
7Tape^6L9
,
.
roh
.
X[Xifi/jLu]oL9 "^[peooy],
irevOrj irorfaas
That women
loom had wrought, no good thereby. But Priam prostrate clasped the mangled frame; No father he, but with a father's cry He wailed, True brother dear of mine own sons, In years a boy, in counsel old, in strength a man, No Mysian thou, no child of Telephus, But mine, mine own begotten O my son.
at
some
Istrian
'
Whom
betrayed who last, but more than all. Didst aid the hopes of Troy Not long our guest, Long shalt thou be remembered in the love Of them whom war hath left, more deeply wailed
I
!
. .
Than Memnon
or Sarpedon
There are many other fragments, but none makes connected sense, though fr. 212 seems to refer to the burial of Eurypylus in the tomb of Telephus, and fr. 2Cti contains the remains of
a choral lamentation.
2.
'
Sophocles^
Niobe
'
and
in
'
Tantalus
'
(f )
Papyri (discovered as the lining of a mummy-case, and written probably in the third century B.C.) and two muti-
Some Museum
fragments contained
No.
Oxyrhynchus Papyri (ii, No. ^^13, second century A.D.) have been conjecturally ascribed to the Niobe and Tantalus of Sophocles respectively. In the only intelligible remains of the British Museum series a maiden is
lated passages from the
fleeing in terror
little
from a deadly pursuer, and the words leave doubt (though there is no complete line or sentence) that one of the daughters of Niobe is being followed by Artemis in the presence of a horrified chorus. This is in accordance
with Apollodorus' version of the story, according to which, had borne many fair children,
whereas Leto had borne only two, Apollo slew her sons while
TRAGEDY
on
85
hunting Cithaeron, and Artemis killed the daughters with her arrows in their home, which doubtless formed the back-scene of the play. The history of the
poetical treatment of the story of Niobe and the possible course of Sophocles' play are fully discussed by Pearson.^ Indications of the flight of the unhappy maiden are found in
Mount
the phrases i^eXavpeis Sco/xdrcou, {'<)(^T^o-ToxtCv TrXevpov (an uncertain restoration), eKela-e ttjS' knovpLcrca irSSa, noSa KaraTTTTJ^co, 7ra>Xo9
S9
VTTO ^vyov.
After the death of her children, which took place at Thebes (Niobe being wife of Amphion), Niobe was turned to stone ;
was transported by Sipylus in Lydia was In the differently reported in different versions of the legend. first of the Oxyrhynchus fragments her father Tantalus is
this
whether
happened before or
after she
at
home
first
Lydia,^ and as Sophocles is known to have written a Tantahis? Pearson assigns the fragments tentatively to that play, which he thinks must have dramatized the story of the theft of the
Golden
Dog
The dog
of Crete, the guardian of the temple of Zeus* was stolen by Pandareos and deposited by him with
Tantalus, who, when Hermes was sent to question him, denied with an oath that he had it. In punishment for this
Zeus overturned Mount Sipylus, and buried Tantalus underThe fragment, if it belongs to the play, must have it. formed part of an early scene, the connexion of which with the
neath
rest is
the words ttov Sojxcov eSrj and other words indicating disaster, is supposed to refer to the destruction of the palace of Tantalus
^ but the by the earthquake which overturned the mountain words need not be taken in a purely physical sense, especially
;
Fragm. ii, pp. 94 fif. agree with Pearson in thinking it unlikely that the passage is part of a messenger's report brought from Lydia at the end of the Niobe. ^ Lexicon Messanense^ quoted by Pearson on fr. 573. * Schol. Pind. OL i. 91 ; Pearson gives other refs. Arist. Meteor, II. viii, 368 b 30 yeuofievov a-tia-fiov to. mpi ^invXov
Sop/i.
I
^
averpdrrr).
86
if
TRAGEDY
first
;
part of the line ran ttov fioi Tvpavva a-Kfjirrpa as is The restoration of the fragments, which are full conjectured.
is
the
of blunders and mis-spellings, is very uncertain Pearson's text (based on that of Grenfell
first
:
the following
and Hunt) of
the
.... ....
Kol
]i/rjpcov
JTre
\L]dovpye9 eiKouia-fi' iSeip irdpa TTJ fieu XP^]^ KcocpaTcTLv LKe\ov TreVpai?, fiop^r]v 8' K]iJ/r]9 ol8a KCOfifLaTOCTTayeLS Trrjyds, tv' y\yp(p KciXv^L KOLfiijOrja-eraL.
fXTji/
fi^yioTTOv e](TXov
Odfi^or
rj
yap
iruevfi
eyi
fji\eu
oUrpd
6oi<ri\y efioXev
eh
may one behold a likeness wrought in stone, in unto deaf rocks, but I know her form and the streams that well from her eyes, where veiled in moisture she shall be held in sleep. Greatly I marvel. Either there is breath in lifeless So, despite my rocks, or God has power to turn to stone. good courage, the piteous fate of my child gnaws my heart my child who entered on deliberate strife with gods .'
See, here
like
'
hue
arguments adduced for ascribing the fragments to than to Aeschylus are that a-Oii/eiv with the rather Sophocles infinitive (cf. Soph. Ant. 1044), roiyapovy, a-c^oSpa, a.nd KVKXeiy
chief
(in
The
Aeschylus
the second fragment) are all found in Sophocles, not in that Aeschylus has no compounds of XWos, such
;
last
words
yap Tpo\ov
:
T19 kukXcl
fr.'Syi
2)
errel
is
reading
rendered valueless by the uncertainty of the On the other hand the fiopos (pap. ewL/jLCopos).
(fr.
word
arKTjTTTovxta
2) is
elsewhere found
in Classical
Greek
TRAGEDY
only
in
87
Aesch. Persue
is
1297.
It is evident that
none of these
conclusive in view of the small proportion of each poet's work which has been preserved. Pearson notes that ^iKovKnia^ eiKeXo^, Tei^t^eiv, aKoipSios,
arguments
known vocabulary
'
of tragedy.
3.
The
'
Ichnetitae
of Sophocles
to the remains of
The abundant
attention given
by scholars
the Ichnetitae of Sophocles, in the twenty years which have passed since their discovery among the papyri from Oxy-
No. 11 74), has had the result that, while of text and interpretation remain uncertain, both many little can now be said about the characteristics of the play that has not been said before, and the edition of the fragments in
rhynchus
(vol. ix,
details
1917 by Professor A. C. Pearson [Soph, Fragm. i, pp. 224 fif.) represents the best that criticism and ingenuity have been able to do for the play.
The
to us.
Ichneutae has no lost or little-known legend to reveal In its treatment of the theft of Apollo's cattle and of
the well-known
by Hermes it differs but little from Homeric Hymn,^ though the two achievements of the infant god are cleverly combined into a unity for the purpose of the drama. But it does give us an example
the invention of the lyre
of a satyric play in many ways different from the sole specimen of the type hitherto known less boisterous, less frequently
like
tragedy
in
the language
some of
its
ness, but,
the Athenians in their childlike moods way, brief sketch of the play will were prepared to be amused. be better than any long disquisition upon it.
amusing as
with
places the theft of the cattle after the invention of the it first, and probably gave it a special motive in the desire to get strings for the lyre from their bodies (as in Apollodorus' version of the story). Other slight differences are that the infant Hermes is here in charge of Cyllene, not of Maia, and the place of concealment is Mt. while, instead of the informer of Cyllene, not Triphylian Pylos the Homeric Hymn, we have the satyrs as the discoverers of the stolen cows.
lyre
;
The Hymn
Sophocles put
88
TRAGEDY
The
scene
is
laid
at the foot of a
wooded
hill-side
in
Arcadia.
At
Apollo,
who
has
north to the south of Greece, proclaims his loss to the world and offers a reward to the finder of them, be he shepherd, Silenus, who has heard peasant, charcoal-burner or satyr.
the proclamation at a distance, arrives in hot haste, followed by his family of satyrs, and promises his aid if he is rewarded
with gold
;
Apollo
in
if Silenus is
successful,
he and
chorus
The
satyr-
a few lines of non-antistrophic lyrics express their excitement and eagerness Silenus invokes the aid of Fortune
;
and
of
begins, with the satyrs on all fours, their noses to the ground. They soon find the footprints of the cattle and track them to
fused.
a point where their direction is reversed and the traces conSuddenly they hear a strange sound, at which they all curl up on the ground in fright. Silenus, who has not
heard
it,
them
and his past deeds of prowess in a bombastic speech. They resume the quest with a great deal of horse-play, one seizing another and thinking or pretending that he has caught the
thief
The strange sound is heard again Silenus forgets his boasts and takes to flight but the satyrs pull themselves together and determine to draw out the maker of the sound
; ;
from his retreat by leaping and kicking at the entrance of the cave to which the tracks have led them. Roused by the noise the mountain-nymph Cyllene comes out from the cave and
Bethe [Ber. Sachs. Ges. der Wissensch. zu Leipzig, 1919) thinks that scene preceded the first extant lines, because the satyr-chorus seem already to know much more than they could know if they only appeared at 1. 58. But the satyrs, it may be suspected, were gathering while Apollo was speaking, and heard as much as Silenus did (11. 35, 36 give a hint of this). Bethe treats too lightly the fact that the marginal numbering of the lines in the papyrus does not allow of an earlier scene. To meet this difficulty, he has to suppose that the scene was lost before the Alexandrian scholars got the play, and the analogies which he adduces, e.g. the varying prologues of the Iphigenia at Aulis and the
lost
Rhesus, and other effects of deliberate revision, are not quite satisfactory.
TRAGEDY
when nymphs but
satyrs
;
89
revelling in
she
is
by
telling
borne an infant son to Zeus in the cave, and left him in her charge how the infant had grown with marvellous rapidity
;
and
a
in six
days was a
fine
youth
which she describes in riddling language. In the course of the conversation she betrays the fact that parts of the lyre were made of materials obtained from the bodies of cattle,
and the chorus instantly declare that the young Hermes must be the thief whom they are seeking. Cyllene is indignant at the notion of a son of Zeus being a thief, and tells the satyrs
that they are as childish as ever ; but they will not be put off. In the course of the hot-tempered dialogue which follows the but a later fragment contains scraps of papyrus fails us
:
between the chorus, Silenus, and Apollo. Hermes must afterwards have appeared and mollified Apollo
conversation
gift of
;
the lyre Apollo doubtless gave the satyrs and their liberty the promised reward. Before the end there was probably an entertaining altercation between Apollo and Hermes, and it is possible that in the course of it (as more than one scholar has suggested) Hermes stole Apollo's bow and quiver, as he does in Horace. Probably not more than
half the play is preserved, so that there plenty of room for such scenes.
with the
number of points of interest arise in the course of the The rapid growth of a precocious infant is a common play.
in the legends of many countries, and tales like that of the growth of Hermes have often been mentioned by commentators on the Homeric Hymn. In Greek literature
phenomenon
we
same story told of Apo.llo {Horn. Hymn to Apollo of Zeus himself (Callim. Hymn 1. 55 ff) and and 127 ff.) Mr. W. Crooks ^ collects similar stories of Cadi in the Arabian Krishna in Indian legend Vali, the avenger of Nights Balder and the divine boy Scrantigung in the folk-lore of Mr. Andrew Lang found points of contact the Dyaks.
find the
; ;
;
Folk Lore
xi,
pp.
9, 10,
90
TRAGEDY
in the trickery
and exploits
It is, however, possible to find misleading analogies, no less In an ingenious article^ Miss J. E. Harrison than true.
ritual
likened the rousing of Cyllene by the dancing satyrs to the awakening of the Earth-Goddess in spring, depicted on
a number of vases of which she figured one.^ On this the satyrs are jumping upon a mound covered with vegetation
(like the xXoepos ifXdoSrj^ irdyo^ of Ichn. 215), evidently to rouse the goddess who is seen within the mound, and so to promote the growth of the fruits of the earth. The cave
within the
top, closed
mound
is
stamp.
by a stone on which the satyrs are imagined to (There is nothing in the vase-painting itself to support
these assumptions.) The fact that Hermes is said to 'shoot a like branch up' (e^opfxei^i^ec, 1. 275) is used to support the that we have in the play a reflection of vegetationtheory is as also the magic, phrase (I. 276) ToioySe waiSa Orjcravpo?
o-Teyety
the word Q-qcravpos being supposed to be a reminiscence of the use of underground caves as storehouses for
grain.^
in the
up
Miss Harrison supposed that in the play Cyllene rose middle of the orchestra through a trap-door covering
the ascent from an underground passage, by means of what Pollux calls XapdiVLOL /cA///a;cey,such as are thought to be exemplified
by the openings
in
suggested that a mound may have been erected ad hoc above the opening for the satyrs to stamp upon. It is perhaps sufficient to say that there is not the least
and
it is
evidence that any such opening ever existed in the orchestra at Athens and whatever may have been the use of the open;
ings at Eretria and Sicyon, no one who has experimented on the spot with the hole at Eretria would think it suitable, or
(The underis
ground passage
^
far
too
'
Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway, pp. 136 ff. iii (Berlin Antiquarium, Cat. 2646; Mon. delVInst, xii, tav. 4). There is, in fact, one actual instance of drjaavpos applied to an underFig.
Vit.
is
Fig.
3.
Awakening
of the Earth
Fig.
4.
The
infant
Hermes
in
at the
cave of Cyllene
Hydria
the Louvre
TRAGEDY
late to
91
be relevant to the argument.) That the cave in which Hermes was concealed was popularly thought of, not as underground, but as in a hill-side rising above the level, is suggested by another vase,^ which Miss Harrison herself figured, depicting the infant Hermes and the stolen cattle,
with no hint of any this vase the cave
ritual.
is
ground
a hill-side rising out of the level and this must certainly have been the arrangement
in
in the theatre.
The mouth
of the orchestra, with perhaps one or two bushes round it. Whether we are to suppose that there was a regular scenic
wall as a background, depends on the date assigned to the play. If there was not, there was probably at the edge of the
orchestra farthest from the audience an erection representing a Trayoy, as there was in Aeschylus' Supplices and Septem c.
Thebas^ and Cyllene appeared out of the side or from behind If there was any door at all, it may have been represented by a stone, rather than as of wood, which would be less suitit.
able to the wild surroundings imagined. (Bethe aptly compares the parallel scene in Aristoph. Birds, especially 1. 54 rS a-KeXei Oive TTju Trerpav.)
If,
the days when a back-scene had come into use,^ the mouth of the cave would naturally be in this. That the cave is not thought of as underground, but rather as up-hill, is made
practically certain (as
1.
321 opOo-
yjrdXaKTOs tl9
6fi(f)a
Kar OLXvel
At
and Apollo promises them freedom if they the end they were doubtless liberated. The representation of a satyr-chorus as slaves was not unfind his cattle.
some one's
At
Nuove Mem.
deWInst.^ 1865,
pi. xv).
In the Persae there was also an erection representing the tomb of Darius, with (probably) a tent or wooden screen behind it to serve as tiie
"^
(TTeyns dpxalov.
' This happened almost certainly between 467 B.C., the date of the Septem, and 458 B.C., that of the Oresteia. But the Ichneutae could easily have been acted with either arrangement. * The idea of Wilamowitz, that there were three paths leading to the cave, rests on a misunderstanding of 1. 168, which is rightly treated by Pearson.
92
TRAGEDY
the Cyclops of Euripides they were the shepherd
:
common. In
in Sophocles' Amycus they were slaves of Polyphemus probably slaves of Amycus, and released after his defeat by Polydeuces in his 'HpaKXrjs inl Taivoipco they were helots in his UapScopa rj ^(pvpoKOTroi they seem to have been slaves in
: :
Hephaestus' workshop; and in the Anthology (A desp. 412,, 413, Jacobs) there is again a mention of satyrs chained and
humble
smithy of Hephaestus. They callings of OepicrTat and KrjpvKe?. have been one of the commonly followed
conventions of satyric drama, just as is the astonishment of the satyrs at a new invention fire, wine, the lyre. in The natural; But whose slaves are they the Ickneutae?
is that which is given by Pearson, in his interesting discussion of the various suggestions made by scholars, viz. that Apollo could hardly have liberated them unless they had
answer
been
his to liberate.
is
The
:
ff.,
in
which
Cyllene
upbraiding them
kyyovoL^
vv[x(j)aL(TL
But here, too, Pearson makes out a strong case for accepting the idea of Apollo joining in a Bacchic revel,^ and as closely associated on occasion with nymphs,^ even though there is
no other passage in which nymphs are spoken of as spring and this seems better than to imagine lost
;
his offlines to
enable us to interpret Sea-TroTrjs here as Dionysus, or to suppose that the master of the satyrs was not revealed till later
in
the play, or that the reference is to the release of the festal duties at the end of each satyr-play.
(These duties could scarcely be regarded as slavery, even if such a formal release ever took place, as Robert imagined, as
part of the ritual of the festival.)
*
As
in
Aesch.
fr.
fiavris,
He was
called
livfxcprjyirrjs
TRAGEDY
possible to conjecture at Sophocles wrote the Ichneutael'^
Is
it
93
in his career
what period
required
by the
play, as
may
The
But Wilamowitz argues for an early above, afford no clue. date on account of the non-antistrophic structure of the chorus, 11. 58 fif. (which he compares with the parodoi of the Septem
and and the Eumenides)^ and of the hunting-song, 11. 170 also on account of the mixture of lyrics with iambic dialogue in the conversation between Cyllene and the chorus, which reminds him of the scene in which Athena appeases the Eumenides, though, as he admits, the analogy is remote. In
fif.
;
view of the small number of Greek plays preserved, it can only be said that the field of observation is too narrow to
justify the attribution
of
much weight
to such arguments,
Wilamowitz includes no early satyric plays. also adduces the absence of iambic lines divided between two
especially as
it
or
(11.
more speakers.* There are, in fact, two lines so divided 99, 199, though the latter is variously treated by different
If
1.
scholars).
no parallel
in the
199 is divided between four speakers, there is extant tragedies of Sophocles before 1. 753
:
of the Philoctetes, one of his latest plays but again there is no evidence as to what he may have done in his satyric plays. The further argument of Wilamowitz, that there is no scene
which there are three actors present as speaking personages one time points, so far as it goes, to an early date. It is, of course, based on only the extant half of the play but there is no reason why the second half should have required three Scenes between Cyllene and speakers in the same dialogue. and Hermes, Apollo and Silenus, would do all Apollo, Apollo that seems to be necessary and, if the restriction to two speakers was maintained throughout, the Ichneutae would
in
at
That
it
is
1.
Antigone.
94
TRAGEDY
On the other hand, Bethe would group it with the later plays of Sophocles, on account of the number of resolutions in the iambic trimeters, the percentage of lines containing such resolutions being larger even than in the Philoctetes^ while in
the early tragedies it is very small but we cannot assume that satyric drama always followed the same practice as tragedy. Bethe also refers to the number of repetitions of
:
the
178 ovpias ovpias: 183 arpaTLos (rrpaTLos: 190 icftenov k(f>e7rov) as evidence of late date but these are all part of one and the same obvious
k\r\\vQ^v^ eXrjXvOeu
:
device for the expression of excitement in a single ode, and a statistical treatment of them is absurd. It must be confessed
that all these arguments from technique are very inconclusive, and leave the date of the play as uncertain as it was without Even less weight must attach to the conjecture of them. Wilamowitz that Sophocles may have taken the part of Hermes himself and played the lyre as he did in his young days in the Thamyras. Some readers may be more inclined
to trust the general impression of youthful, almost boyish freshness which the play makes, and the absence from it of
any of the
terizes
richer
characteristics
the tragedies of Sophocles' later life. Even these may be in part marks of satyric drama as such,
but
it is
There
impossible to deny them some weight. is happily nothing in the play which need revive the
controversy as to the origins of satyric drama and tragedy, or which even throws light on the problem. For the purposes of satyric drama, Silenus is treated as the father of the satyrs,
and satyrs were originally conceived of as from one another in their animal nature and origidiffering nated in different parts of Greece. But the play only tells us
even
if
Sileni
young men with beards and a ways they are likened to a goat who has enjoyed plenty of thistles (11. 357-8 vkos yap oov di/rjp
and
cwy
in their
TTcoycoi/L
OdXXcoVy
Tpdyos
*
KvrjKco ^XiSa^.
Pearson rightly
irdoycovi).^
yellow
p.
',
agreeing with
The treatment
of the passage on
kv^koj,
not
/ci/jJkw,
TRAGEDY
The proverb need
as goats.
95
Two
(291
ff.)
points of technique deserve notice first a dialogue in iambic tetrameters acatalectic, a metre not so used
Greek tragedy or comedy, though found in and secondly a supposed irapeTnypacprj Alcaeus and Alcman at 1. or stage-direction 107, where, after the exhortation x^P^^
elsewhere in
;
SpOfjLO)
poilSSrjfjL
kdv
tl t5>v
[eVco
irpo]^
ovs
[/jloXt],
the
papyrus has the word poL^So?. It is, however, doubtful whether this is a stage-direction at all, and not rather a survival of one of the attempts to correct the preceding line, in which The potpSrjixa was at first both miswritten and miscorrected. semi-chorus is bidden to listen in case they can hear within the
cave to which the tracks of the cattle have led them, any sound made by their herdsman (poiPSTj/xa^ as Pearson shows, If polpBos were right, it would is the herdsman's whistle). mean that there was a sound of whistling. But this is inconovk eia-aKovco nco [Topa)]9 rov ^Oeysistent with the next line No sound is heard fjLaro^ (ropoo9 is an uncertain restoration).
till 1.
135,
and then
it is
lyre.
one would expect any profundity in the characterdrawing in a satyric play, and there is none. But Cyllene has a certain dignity, and the language of her description of the birth and growth of the infant is not unlike that of a prologue The play has enriched our vocabulary by a few of tragedy.
words,
crvfj.7roSr)yT7i/
(1.
(1.
No
163), SpccKis
(1.
(1.
177), Tre^opro?
(1.
2ia),
if
dXKaa-jxa
247), 6p0o'^d\aKTO9
249), e^evdeTi^co
318).
(1.
270,
(1.
4.
in vol. xvii of the Oxyrhynchus in the late second or early and written Papyri (No. 2077) third century B.C. have been ascribed on the suggestion of
(a)
Some
fragments printed
Professor
Gilbert
Murray
to
the
NavirXios
of.
1.
TIvpKaevs
121 e'^aos ws
of
ns
96
TRAGEDY
1
Sophocles. In the well-known story Nauplius, in revenge for the death of his son Palamedes, attracted the Greek ships by
lights onto the southern promontory of and slew Euboea, any who escaped to land from the wrecks. are sources (The quoted by Dr. Hunt in the Oxyrhynchus and volume, p. 30, by Pearson, vol. ii, p. 80, where the relation of the NavirXLosUvpKaevs and the NavTrXios KaranXeoDv still an unsolved problem is fully discussed. The fragments
means of deceptive
previously
or of a NavirXio^ of either of these plays without further qualification are of little importance, except There fr. 432 which recounts the inventions of Palamedes.)
known
is
no complete line in the new fragments, but Professor Murray and Dr. Hunt may well be right in inferring from the extant words that we have the remains of a speech of Nauplius, who
having arranged or effected the shipwreck of the Greeks, desires to escape from possible avengers, but finding the sea
too dangerous, proposes to take refuge with Chalcodon, King
of Euboea, whose
irpos TCL
mentioned, as in Soph. Phil. 489 ^ XaXKcoSoi^Tos Ev^oias (TTaB[xd. His son leads Euboeans
is
ii.
name
in Iliad
^2>^.
is
a companion
of Heracles, and according to Pausan. IX. xix. 3 he was slain by Amphitryon in a war between Euboeans and Thebans.
The mention in one and the same passage of the ships of the Achaeans and of the King of Euboea makes the reference of the fragments to some treatment of the story of Nauplius almost certain, and the ascription to Sophocles receives some slight confirmation from the occurrence of a mannerism (not
by the editors of the fragment), which Sophocles shares with Homer, in the use of dfrjp as a kind of title or honorific
noticed
prefix, TT/Doy di/Spa XaXKooSovra,
Fr. 2, col.
]
ii.
15:
cf.
Soph.
duSpo9
Aj. 817
Scopoi^ fxev
"EKTopo9 Oed. Col, 109 dv8pos OISlttov t68' dOXtov dScoXov, with Iliad v. 649 duepos d(j>pa8trj(nv dyavov Aaofie8oPT09
xi.
2(ji)(niJLveos,
"
seems to occur also in Hdt. though Hude (following Krueger) without, so far as I can see, any justification.
viii.
rjpx^
avfjj)
UamiTios
TRAGEDY
by Sophocles, and that he does not use
except, perhaps, in
97
authorship of the fragments on the ground that the words SvcrrXrjfjLouL and KvO/jicopa9, which occur in them, are not used
fiio^ for
'
livelihood
',
Philoct 931, 933. Such negative arguments, in view of the small fraction of Sophocles' work which almost every new discovery of an has survived, are weak
;
unknown passage of a poet adds to our knowledge of his Nor need we think of Euripides as the author vocabulary.
merely because Euripides uses K^vByL(^v twice in the plural and )3/oy in the required sense once (but not apparently and the resemblance which Mr. Bowra finds 8v(rT\ri^(av)
:
between fr. 2, 1. 18 Karrjy dvrjyi $' avTos (the meaning of which cannot be certain without the context) and Eur. Bacch,
superficial.
1065 Karfjyeu rjyev rjyev eh fxeXav wiSou may be entirely For the time the ascription to Sophocles seems
fragment from a papyrus (now in Florence) of the (d) second or third century A.D., first published by G. Vitelli in ^ and 1919,1 has been edited and discussed by A. Vogliano
sible without the text, this
H. Schadewaldt.^ As the discussion of the fragment is imposmay be given with restorations mainly taken from Schadewaldt, on the assumption, which will
shortly be justified, that the passage belongs to a treatment of the story of Ino, Athamas and Phrixus. (The distribution of the lines among three speakers is the work ofVogliano and
Schadewaldt.)
Tlpea-^vs. (TV 8' ovu] eXeyx',
'AOdixas.
ei
tovt* kv rjSoufj tl
KaTrovarj^, di/a^,
(tol,
Up.
K
'Ivoi>.
TrjarjSe
]lv
d7rco/jio\a-',
/jLT]
xeipb^ (nrip/JLa Si^aaOai roSe t dpovpar a>(j)e\ov 8e fxr} Xapelv. opKov t e/cro? ov yjrevSij Aeyco,
jj,rj9
Trj9 y'j
'Ad.
TOLs] iroXLTaLS
[rej/crofo-i
tol?
/jloi9
8l8()(tl
croL\
10
Rev. ,gyptologique^ I9I9 PP- 47 Riv. di Fil.y 1926, pp. 206 ff.
S7i5
ff
Hermes, 1928,
pp.
i if.
98
TRAGEDY
KLVeT?]
Up.
Xoyov
yvvai,]
TOU aVTOV flvOoV K TLV09 S* kycD 8i\od\\\yv Tov(T\8e^ SovXos a>u a-idej/;
rax
civ
Kev6(D\ TO,
'Ii/cB.
crif
TrXeift),
v^pi^erai
Up.
Notes
:
Kol Kov
fxrjy
ye rovS^ ey
ofjifxaTa,
TTTJ/JLar]
Xeyco,
5. dpovpas Vogl. says that the letter before N might possibly be H, Y, or i2. dioiWvp Tovahe Wilam. 1 3. tvxqs pap. : tvxois Schad.
a-irdpeiv r'
^aXelv r dpovpais
Wilam.
:
Schad.
12.
\6yov
rdx*
(f)pda-i
av
Tvxi]s
Vogl,
if
any
Athamas. Aye, for thou must tell the whole truth, old man. Old Man. I shall tell the same tale whether she be present or absent, O king, that from her hand^ I received this seed, and (sowed) the fields therewith. Would I had not re-
ceived
Ino.
it
On my
falsely;
oath, no nor do I violate mine oath and speak he never received it from the hand of this mine
!
arm.2
Ath. Dost thou deny, woman, that thou wast bent on murder, thou wretch, to slay either our citizens or my children? Old man, who was the giver to thee of this harmful seed? Old Man. Again the same words For what cause should I, thy slave, have tried to slay them ? Woman, methinks thou wilt find this man a man indeed thou that wouldst slay
!
But I hide the greater part of the tale in I might say many a word. Ino. Hearest thou how mine husband insults me ? Old Man. And see, I look him in the eyes, nor do I lightly speak falsehood and look for trouble.
his
!
some
i)
details
is
given by Apollodorus
Ino, wife of
Athamas,
in
malice against her rival Nephele, contrived a cunning plot. She roasted, or caused others to roast, the seed corn, and so
T^dSf, which would naturally mean my hand, must have been explained by gesture ; so also Tovb' dvhpos in 1. 13. ^ Cf. Eur. Ion 1337 op?^ to^' dyyos x^pos In dyKokais e/xals
;
TRAGEDY
rendered
it
99
unfruitful.
man
to sow.^
The roasted corn she gave to an old When Athamas enquired of the oracle about
the failure of the crop, Ino persuaded the messengers to report that the ground would become fruitful if Phrixus, the child of Nephele, were sacrificed. When Phrixus was brought to the
altar,
who was
dispatched Phrixus and Helle on the golden ram.^ Whether the fragment is Sophoclean is quite uncertain. Sophocles wrote a Phrixus to which some scholars are inclined to ascribe
the play; and
it
Athamas and
his
is probable that this part of the story of house was the subject of that play. (Pearson
discusses fully the subjects of Sophocles* Athamas I and II, and his Phrixus^ but none of the few fragments of any of
these plays shows any points of contact with the papyrus.) Schadewaldt argues for Euripides as the author, and (whether
^ the or not Phrixus offered himself voluntarily for sacrifice) such would afford for as scenes Euripides opportunity plot
loved.
He
rapidity and
(e.g.
thinks that the scene of interrogation lacks the dialectical acuteness of such scenes in Sophocles
ff.,
ff.
Antig. 223
2)'^^ ff.,
Trach, O.T, 1002 ff., iiioff. and there is some force in this. But
;
fails to show that any of the extant fragments of Euripides' Phrixus has any special bearing on our passage.* The argument that so finely written a papyrus can only have been devoted to one of the three great dramatists is also hardly convincing, and it must remain possible that the author was
he
neither Sophocles nor Euripides. The text is not long enough or complete enough to justify inferences from technical points,
'
the
'
*
but this idea will not work out properly.) Hyginus. There are references to a servant (fr. 830 Xax^i^ TreveaTtjs (i/xoy dpxaioip bofKou) to the opening of (npoi (fr. 827), perhaps as an emergency measure in famine ; and to the ways of step-mothers (fr. 824).
fire
:
As
in the version of
loo
of three speakers in the
TRAGEDY
same dialogue
points to a date not
much
how many plays Sophocles (c) wrote on the story of Thyestes. In the references of scholiasts, lexicographers and others a Qvear-qs of Sophocles is menbut Hesychius tioned twenty-two times without qualification
;
speaks
vLos,
times of a 0vecrTrj9 ^v Hlkvooui or Ovearrjs ^ikvooand twice of a Ovea-Trjs Sevrepo?, and Orion speaks once
five
of a SvecTT-qs npcoro?.
wrote an
!ATpei>9
rj
generally agreed that Sophocles MvKrjvoLaL dealing with the early part of
It is
the horrible story, viz. the seduction of Aerope, wife of Atreus, by Thyestes, her theft of the golden lamb (the symbol of
sovereignty) for Thyestes' benefit, and the banquet given to Thyestes by Atreus in which he served up Thyestes' own
children.
called 0vecrT7]9
Pearson thinks that there was only one other play, and covering the whole of the sequel the
oracle given to Thyestes that the avenger must be the offspring of his incest with his daughter Pelopia, the accomplishment of this at Sicyon (without her knowledge of the
Aegisthus and his upbringing by Atreus, the bringing back of Thyestes into the power of Atreus by Agamemnon and Menelaus, Thyestes' escape from being killed by Aegisthus at the bidding of Atreus, the meeting and recognition of Thyestes and Pelopia and the latter's Other suicide, and the murder of Atreus by Aegisthus.
relationship), the birth of
two
It is
plays,
and Sechan,^ divide the story into and the matter would seem to be ample for two.
that if, as Pearson supposes, the events at Sicyon were only told as a prologue, the supposed single play could ever have been named ^iKvooyios, and the
very mention of a 7rpa>Tos (which must be the ^lkvcoj/lo?) and a Sevrepos seems at least to imply that two plays of the
name were
really
known
QvearTrj? irpcoros
was a
title
is
In Aegyptus, vol.
ii
(i9:zi),
full
pp. a8i
Mr. H.
I.
ff.,
TRAGEDY
Bell notes, in Brit.
loi
list
Mus. Papyri, No. 2 no (and cent. A.D.), in of payments for copying manuscripts, the following
:
v]7rep ypdiTTpcou
J/0V9
Kal
....
]vpov
lI3\'^
KOL
(Spaxf^as)
If the title
would perhaps confirm Pearson's may have been known and may as to its veo-Ttjs, owing subject, popularly been as have referred to occasionally vea-rrj^ irpcoro^, while at the same time it would confirm the distribution of the rest of the story over two plays, making three plays in all. But is
were correct,
it
not Tpkov simply indicate item three In that case we may best assume that there was
May
'
'
named
Thyestes.
papyrus from Oxyrhynchus,^ written in the second century A.D., contains one connected fragment and many
scraps of a satyric play in which, besides the chorus of Satyrs, the named speakers are Phoenix and (according to Dr. Hunt) probably Oeneus.^, The daughter of the latter is being sought
in marriage by the Satyrs, as competitors in a contest in which she is the prize. Oeneus was related to have promoted such
a contest for the hand of his daughter Deianira, and in this Achelous was defeated by Heracles. Phoenix may have been
another suitor.
According to Asius* he married Perimede (another daughter of Oeneus), who, as Dr. Hunt suggests, may have been the 'consolation prize'. Another possibility
is
(suggested by P. Maas)
^
taken by Bell to mean fee for writing '. The Kai before smudged, but probably not mtended to be deleted, and no known play of Sophocles ends in -vpov. It would be possible to read Ka\ 'Avayvpov, Anagyrus being a play of Aristophanes. Bell's objection that it is odd to insert the play after the poet's name is hardly decisive. He suggests, however, koI 5" /S/ojj/ ^arvpov, Book VI of the Lives of Satyrus ', parts of which were found in a papyrus roll from the same site (Behnesa). ^ Oxyrh. Pap. viii. No. 1083. The fragments are printed also in Fragm. Tragica Papyracea. <I>tr^fuf would also be possible, but nothing in the known legend of Phineus suits the situation. The name, whatever it is, appears in the first fragment, as that of the speaker of 11. 19 and 20. < Ap. Paus. VII. iv, I.
ypc'iTTTpa is
is
Qveaiov
'
"^
102
TRAGEDY
yield to the suitor who should defeat her in (Phoenix might be a character in this case also, as
in the Calydonian boarIn the hunt.) only completely intelligible fragment, the Satyrs (in answer to the father of the prospective bride) rattle off
list
of their accomplishments
mathematical.
The
the
fifth
language, as scholars are agreed, seems to belong to century B.C.^ The first editor and others think that
the author
may
or
Aeschylus
fr, incert.
be Sophocles, the style not being that of Euripides,^ and the anaphora of eari and
11.
kindred words in
being paralleled by Sophocles, 941 (Pearson). Sophocles may have written an Oeneus} and did write a Phoenix^^ the trifling fragments of which might come from a satyric play just as well as from
9
ff.
of
fr. i
'
a tragedy. The argument against Sophoclean authorship from lack of polish ', as shown by the repetition of aWd in 11. 3
and
19, is unconvincing, especially when applied to a satyric play but Wilamowitz would ascribe the play to Ion, who wrote a ^oivi^ rj KaivevSi and also a ^oii/l^ SevTepos. No. 76 of the Papyri Imtdanae^ contains a few words
;
which Sva-ndXaLcrTOs and ro) vvfi(f)m rdTTco) (including the editor connects on the ground of subject and handwriting with the papyrus from Oxyrhynchus here discussed, and with
the satyric play therein contained material for a judgement.
5.
;
but there
is
not enough
Stories of
Twins
It
happens that several of the plays which are represented the papyri and in other sources deal
attracted the tragic poets, as well as
remains include those of a number of choral pasin support of the same conclusion but probably satyric plays, as long as they were produced at all, included a Satyr chorus and its songs. ^ Do we know enough of their satyric plays, or of this one, to be sure
fact that the
The
is
sages
of this
^
?
ii,
Pearson, vol.
p. 120.
lb., p. 320.
first
^
^
Ed.
Cf.
Oxyrh. fragment.
TRAGEDY
103
some writers of the New Comedy, but which is not treated in any wholly extant tragedy the theme of Lost Twins. This
is
often combined with that of the cruel queen or step-mother, upon whom the rediscovered twins take revenge. There is no doubt that the primitive mind was apt to regard the birth of twins as unnatural, and even uncanny the infants so born were commonly exposed or abandoned, and the mother harshly treated both, it was perhaps supposed, could not be the children of the same father, and while to some (as to Amphitryon) this might suggest suspicions of infidelity on the part of the mother, others might be led to regard one
;
;
of the twins as the offspring of a god, the other of a mortal father. (So Tiresias disposed of Amphitryon's difficulty in
regard to Heracles and Iphicles and the story of Castor and Polydeuces is based on the same idea.) It was consistent with
;
this that
virile,
the
other as effeminate, though the latter's worth might be vindicated in the end, as was that of Amphion.^
plays with which we are now concerned are the Tyro of Sophocles, and the Antiope, Hypsipyle, MeXapLTnrr] ^o(pij and MeXauLTTTrr] Aea-fxcoTis of Euripides. In all we have the
The
lost twins
jection to servitude,
and the cruelty to the mother, or at least her subthough in the Hypsipyle this is due to fortune, and not connected with her motherhood. In all except
the Hypsipyle the parent of the twins avenge the mother, and a happy ending
divine
intervention.
less,
is
is
elements are
In
wholly human.
It
is
within
a very few
1.
probable that most of these plays were produced The Schol. on years of one another.
^^i
Aristoph. Frogs,
^\\-^o?i B.C.; allusions in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae and in a fragment of Eupolis' Ar\yLoi suggest that
Antiope
c.
still
fresh in 411
^ See generally Dr. Rendel Harris, T/ie Cult of the Heavenly Twins and A. B. Cook, Zetis, vol. ii, pp. 317, 318, and 1012-19, for the forms taken in Greek legend by the typical twin-story.
I04
TRAGEDY
the reference to the Tyro in Aristoph. Lysistrata makes it probable that the play appeared not long before 411 B.C. It seems as if twin-stories may have enjoyed a few years of
special popularity.
*
{a)
Sophocles^
Tyro
'.
The legend, out of which Sophocles made two plays, can be reconstructed with very fair certainty, despite the variations in detail which different versions present.^ Tyro, daughter of Salmoneus and Alcidice, was beloved of the river-god Enipeus, but when one day she visited his stream she was encountered by Poseidon, and in a great hollow wave which enfolded them they were united. In due time she bore the twins, Pelias and Neleus, whom she exposed
committing them to the which they had been begotten with a wallet containing tokens.^ They were found by a herdsman, and brought up to youthful manhood he then revealed to them their origin so far as he knew it. In the meantime Tyro was being persecuted and treated like a slave, her fair locks shorn and her cream-white complexion bruised, by her step-mother Sidero, whom Salmoneus had married after the death of Alcidice. The two young men met her at a well, to which she had been sent to draw water, and the little boat, which one of them carded,^ brought about the recognition, which was
in
little
boat
(a-Kacpr])
perhaps
;
waves
in
doubtless confirmed
well appears
several times in works of art; a representation of it on a The little boat is bronze silula in Paris is here figured.*
best discussions are those of Engelmann, Arch'dol. Studien zu ff. ; Pearson, Soph. Fragm. ii, pp. 270 ff., who gives everything that is essential and Sechan, tudes stir la TragSdie Grecqtie^
^
The
ff.
This
nrjpidiov yvcopLa-fxaTcav is
vouched
for
given by the speaker in Menander's Epiirepontes^ 108 probably refers to Sophocles' famous treatment of it.
'
The possible ludicrous aspects of this part of the story did not escape Aristophanes {Lys. 139 oldev ydp ia-pev n\r]v Ilo(r(i8a>v Kal cTKacfir]). * Fig. V {Gazette ArchSologique^ 1 88 1-2, pi. i, 2), as interpreted by Engelmann, Arch'dol. Stud., pp. 40 ff., though the interpretation is not free from difficulties, especially the presence of one only of the twins, the figures on the left being probably Salmoneus and Cretheus. For other illustrations see Engelmann and Sechan, 11. cc.
2^
o
PQ
TRAGEDY
unmistakable
;
105
must have been an inconvenient piece of The luggage.) young men, on hearing Tyro's story, slew Sidero and set their mother free. At last Poseidon appeared, announced that he was the parent of the twins, and ordained that Tyro should be the wife of Cretheus, brother of Salmoneus. Such a story would make a well-rounded play. What the second Tyro of Sophocles may have been whether an independent play or a revised version of the same is an unsolved
it
problem.
Fragments of the play, which have long been known, refer to Tyro's pale complexion (fr. 648), to a bad omen (fr. 654), to Sidero's cruelty as consonant with her name (fr. 658), to
the distress of Tyro, shorn of her fair locks (fr. 659), and to the appearance of serpents at a feast (fr. 660), perhaps though Pearson thinks otherwise a feast given to the two
young strangers as yet unsuspected there are also several gnomic utterances such as Stobaeus loved, the context of which can scarcely be conjectured. The papyrus fragments (in a Hibeh papyrus of the 3rd cent. B.C.) are so mutilated as to be rarely coherent, but we can see references to a bad dream, probably a dream of Sidero, who proposes to wash the mischief away in the Alpheus (the scene, therefore, was laid in Elis). There is also the mention of a friendly band of sympathetic women (et'^ouy 5e koi rda-h' ^laopa^ TrepOrjTpLas), who, no doubt,
;
they
may
in
Another scrap
of papyrus
;
Tyro
another she
clearly invoking
(d)
Euripides^
Antiope\
The story of Antiope is told in outline in Odyssey xi. 260 fif., where Antiope is one of the fair women seen by Odysseus After her I saw Antiope, daughter of among the Shades who boasted that she had slept in the embrace of Asopus, Zeus and she bare two sons, Amphion and Zethus, who first
'
founded the habitation of Thebe of the seven gates, and fortified it, for unfortified they could not dwell in broad
In Euripides Antiope
io6
TRAGEDY
was daughter of Nycteus,' and was bom at Hysiae in Boeotia. She was surprised by Zeus in the form of a satyr, and conceived
her father, discovering her condition, drove her from she was found by Epopeus, King of Sicyon, who took home; her to Sicyon and married her. Nycteus bade his brother
twins
;
to a version
Lycus, King of Thebes, punish her, and slew himself (according which Euripides may have followed) out of shame
grief. Lycus then took Sicyon, slew Epopeus, and carried Antiope away captive. On their way to Thebes, at Eleutherae, the twins were born they were exposed on Mt. Cithaeron and found by a shepherd ^ (or possibly were handed over to
;
and
the shepherd
received from
arts of the
by
Amphion becoming
their mother). Under his care they grew up, a skilled player on the lyre which he
Hermes, while Zethus excelled in the practical herdsman and fighter. In the meantime Antiope was being cruelly treated by Lycus and his wife Dirce, to whom she was given as a slave, and who (as some versions suggest) was jealous of her beauty.
In the reconstruction of the play^ we have not only the versions of the legend given by Apollodorus and Hyginus
and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius to help us, but a long passage of Plato's Gorgias (484C-489 e), which contains free quotations from the play, and a number of fragments of the * Antiopa of Pacuvius, who is stated by Cicero to have followed the play of Euripides very closely. But our fuller knowledge of the end of the play we owe to one of the Flinders Petrie papyri (Brit. Museum Papyri, No. 485) of the third
century B.C.
Euripides ; Robert, Griech. Heldensage^ pp. 114 ff. ; Sechan, J^ludes sur la Tragidie Grecque, pp. 291 ff., &c. ^ In some late versions the shepherd is named Ordion. ' The fragments have been treated at length by Taccone, Riv. di Fil.^
1905, pp. 32-65, 225-63; Schaal, De Euripidis Antiopa Wecklein, Philologus, 1923, pp. 51 ff. ^ de Fin. I. ii, 4.
{i<^i^)
and
To
this
belong
frr.
179 and
81 (Nauck).
prologue spoken by a
TRAGEDY
107
up the twins, and who no doubt described his finding of them, as well as the word-play which gave them their names.^ Then
singing to his lyre,^ and the parodos of the chorus, attracted by his music, followed. The chorus were
Amphion appeared
almost certainly Attic shepherds,^ keeping their flocks on the borders of Attica and Boeotia, and sometimes crossing the
In a dialogue with frontier, as now, for some special reason. the chorus,* Amphion narrated the invention of the lyre by Hermes, the tortoise-shell being described in riddling language,^ as in the Ichnetttae of Sophocles. The next scene contained
the famous dispute between the two brothers, in which Zethus upbraided Amphion for his uselessness and effeminacy, and Amphion defended the pursuit of music and philosophy, the
discussion passing (as Cicero more than once hints) its original subject, music, to a debate on the value of
beyond wisdom
and virtue. That Euripides had his eye more on his own times than on the legendary age need hardly be said and we may suppose that in the person of Amphion he defended
;
his
own
interests
militant type of
or not there
and ideals against those of a practical and man. The echoes of the discussion in Plato's
Gorgias show that the passage early became classical. Whether was a section of stichomythia or of rapid repartee,
Amphion seems
;
to
mortal usually explained the occasion of the speaker's appearance and utterances it is not known what this may have been possibly a quarrel between the two brothers which caused him anxiety. (A prologue spoken by a god might be Httle more than a play-bill.) ^ Fr. 181 rov fiev KLK\r)o-K (? kikXtjo-ko) Weckl. or KiKXr^a-Kei) Zrjdov' tokoktiv evudpeiav fj TKovad viv. Etym. Magn. 92. 24 shows e(rjTr](re yap that a fanciful etymology of Amphion was also given, perhaps deriving
|
'
'
his
^
name from
his
(as
Trjv npCJio^ov).
The line AlBcpa Kn\ Talav TrdvTcov yfuereipav detSo) (Eur. fr. I023) was probably the opening of Amphion's song (see Probus on Virg. c/. vi. 31 ;
Philostr.
2
Imag.
i.
10).
(as stated by Schol. on Eur. Hippol. 58), for they only recognize Lycus as king by his insignia: cf. Cic. de Div. II. Ixiv, cum dixisset obscurius, tum Attici 133 'nam Pacuvianus Amphio respondent *. (Orelli's astici introduces a word only known in the phrase
.
Not Thebans
Pacuv. Ant. fr. 4 (Ribbeck). Zethus' attack belong, certainly or probably, frr. 184, 187, 186, 185, 183, 188. To Amphion's reply, or to a remark of the chorus between
To
io8
if it
TRAGEDY
is
passage in Horace's Epistles} he ultimately gave way with a good grace, and consented to go hunting with Zethus. There can be little doubt that the debate was followed by
a stasimon in which the reflections of the chorus were prompted by the rival temperaments of the two brothers.^
In the next episode must have occurred the meeting between the young men and Antiope, who had just escaped from captivity, and appeared all dishevelled and bearing the marks of ill-treatment.^
At
first
Amphion
manner described by Antiope,^ but he seems to have been overcome by Antiope's tears, while Zethus remained unmoved.^ Unfortunately we cannot tell how the scene ended, or at what point exactly in the play the recognition (in which the shepherd probably helped) was brought about. The next scene of which there are clear traces is that in
"^
which Dirce appeared, accompanied by a troop of Maenads, to celebrate the rites of Dionysus. (The Maenads formed a irapa^opriyqixa or supplementary chorus.) Dirce comes suddenly upon Antiope and is filled with rage, and (no doubt after pleadings and lamentations) Antiope is carried off by Dirce and her train to be put to death.^ After a stasimon, of which all trace is lost, a messenger perhaps the shepherd
himself
narrated
by her
sons,
who
To Amphion's speech may the two speeches, fr. 189 perhaps belongs. be assigned frr. 193, 194, 200, 198, 199, 201, 202, and perhaps 196, 197, with which Wecklein connects Pacuv. Ant. fr. 8. The position of fr. 206, if it belongs to the play at all, is uncertain. ^ Ep. I. xviii. 39 ff. Fr. 220 moralizes upon changes of mind. ^ Fr. 1028, and the very beautiful fr. 918, would fit well into such a choral song. ^ Pacuv. Ant. fr. 15.
Frr. 204, 207, 208, 205, 217, and perhaps Pacuv. Ant. frr. 6, 7, 9. Frr. 211 and 218 maybe reflections of the chorus during the scene. ^ Fr. 210. i.e. if Propert. III. xv. 29-30 is based on this play.
'^
^ The shepherd probably recognized Antiope as the mother of the twins in this or the next scene, and, when she was attacked by Dirce, went to fetch them. ^ Pacuv. Ant. frr. 12 and 4 belong to this scene ; but the ascription to it of frr. 212, 213 (Nauck) is more doubtful ; it is quite possible that fr. 213, like frr. 214-16, is wrongly assigned to the Antiope. The place of frr. 203 and 209 is also quite uncertain.
TRAGEDY
109
were no doubt sent with hot haste by the shepherd. Dirce designed to fasten Antiope to a wild bull, and when the
youths appeared, she may actually (mistaking them for local In shepherd-lads) have bidden them tie her to the animal.^
any case the twins rescued their mother, and fastened Dirce to A vasethe bull, which dragged and trod her to death.^ now in a famous on Berlin, depicts Campanian crater, painting the scene and also the sequel.^
Antiope now reappears with her deliverers, but
is
their joy
disturbed
by the
certainty that
Lycus
death of Dirce, and from this point the papyri supply The mother and sons considerable portions of the text. resolve not to take flight but to overcome Lycus by craft, and
for the
Amphion speaks a plain word to Zeus about his obligation to defend his own children. When Lycus approaches with an
armed
retinue, they retire into the
is laid,
confront the tyrant, who demands to know where Antiope is, and who are her accomplices. Here verses are missing, in which the shepherd evidently told Lycus that Antiope was in
the cave and that her defenders were dead, and offered his
help in arresting her. In the next extant lines the shepherd persuades Lycus to leave his guards outside, and the two
enter the cave, while the chorus anticipate the result. Suddenly the cry of Lycus from within is heard ; then Amphion and
Zethus drag him out and stand over him with drawn swords. (The scene is depicted on the Berlin crater^ They tell him how they have put Dirce to death, and are about to dispatch him also, when Hermes appears ex machina. He confirms Antiope's story of the parentage of the twins, and orders Lycus to surrender the kingdom to them, and to collect and burn the remains of Dirce, and throw the ashes into the spring which shall thereafter bear her name. Amphion and Zethus are to build the city of Thebes by the Ismenus, as soon as the
^ This is suggested by Scholia on Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1090, and Eur. Phoen. 102, but it cannot be certain that Euripides adopted this detail. ^ Frr. 221, 222 belong to this speech, Pacuv. Ant. fr. 13 to the recognition, however it took place.
no
place
is
TRAGEDY
purified of the slaughter.
arises,
Zethus
at the
is
and
sound of Amphion's
builders*]
'
task easy. The twins will hereafter be worshipped as the twol white colts of Zeus ', XevKco ttcoXco tco Alos. Zethus will take]
a
Theban
bride, while
Amphion
in
is
to
ol
Tantalus (Niobe).
lost,
a speech of which the end is^ Lycus, his repentance and accepts the arrangements. expresses
The
ruse
are elements in the story which were not discovery of the papyrus.
by which Lycus was entrapped, and his repentance, known before the
text of the imperfect lines of the papyri has been restored in various ways, and the passages as given by Schaa\
The
and by von Arnim (in Lietzmann's Kleine Texte^ 1913) differ a good deal. In the following selections from them an eclectic version is given restorations which admit of no doubt are not,
:
bracketed
(i)
AM^.
dXX*
i7rp
fied'
r]}jL\ds
Zev^
t
kyevvrja-ev Trarrjp,
kyQpov dvSpa rdcreTaL. iKTai 8e 7rduT(os eh ToaovSe (TVfKpopds axTT 01)8' dv kK(j)vyoL[xev el ^ovXoifieOa
(Ta)(r]L
rj/zcou
AtpKris uecope?
fj.ivov]<rL
al/jta
/it)
Sovvau
SiKrjy.
rv)(^r}y
8'
r]/jiiu
eh
r68'
ep-^erai
Q)9
Tj]
Oavelv 8eL
rco8*
kv r][iepas
(jidei
rfToi]
Tponaia
/x]y
Kal
(Tol
(Tol 8' 09 T]b Xaiiirpov alOepos vaUi^ 7re8ov Xeyo) t\o(tovtoVj jxt] yafxelv fikv r]8e(ii>s (TireLpavTa 5' elvau (tols tkvols di^cocpeXrj'
dXXd
(rv/jLfjLa\Tu
eirj
(pLXoi9.
dypav r
evTV\c>s
/loXeiu,
ejXco/xeu
L
di/8pa 8vcr(T^e(rTaT0v.
XOP.
08']
avTO^
o-KiJTTTpco^
Amphion. But if Zeus was the father that begat us, he will save thee, and with us will punish our enemy. To such
a crisis are our fortunes come that we could not escape, even if we would, from the newly shed blood of Dirce, and avoid the penalty. But if we remain, our fortune comes to this, that either we must die on this day that now shineth, or must set up a trophy over our foes with these hands. So
TRAGEDY
iii
much I declare, mother, to thee. But to thee who dwellest on the bright floor of heaven, I say thus much, that thou shouldst not wed for thy pleasure and then be of no avail to for this is not the children whom thou hast begotten honourable; but thou shouldst fight for thine own. Hearken! and may we come with good fortune upon the prey, that we take this most impious man. Chorus. Here, if one may judge by the royal sceptre, is Lycus before us. Hush, friends
;
!
This
1.
is
1.
3 in
vigorous enough, except for the virtual repetition of The last part of Amphion's speech recalls the 6.
(Eur. Ion 436
ff.)
ATK.
XOP.
o) yaia KccS/jlov kol ttoXlct/jl' ^Actodttlkov. kXvLS {ravO'); 6S* av irapaKaXei ttoXlv^ (po/Sepb? aifiaros' Slku tol SUa ^povLos aAA' o/xcD? vnoTrea-ovcr eXaOey
do-e^rj ^poTCOv. i8r) tlv Oavovfiai irpb? SvoTv davpLiiay^os. AM^. TTju 8' kv veKpola-LV ov (rriueL? Safxapra a-rji^ A. rj yap TeBvrjKev', KaLVOV av Aeyei? KaKOv. A. 6Xkol9 ye TavpeLoio-L Sia^opoviievrj.
eXa^eu, orav
ATK.
OLfiOL
A.
v/jloou;
o)?
oXcoX*
vtto.
;
A. dX\X' 7} A. TL TovT
Lycus.
Cho.
epevyas
ovk
Hearest thou
land of Cadmus, citadel of Asopus He calls upon the city again, in terror ? of bloodshed. Justice, justice is slow, but falls unseen upon a man and seizes him, when she sees a mortal
!
!
Lycus.
Amph.
Lye.
that is impious. Woe is me, I shall be slain to one Dost thou not mourn for thy wife who
Two
is
with the
dead?
What ?
Amph.
Lye.
she dead ? Thou tellest me of a new calamity. Aye, dragged by a bull and torn in pieces. Whose was the deed ? Was it yours ? I would learn
is
this.
Amph. Know
Lye.
well that by our hands she perished. are ye sprung from whom unknown to
'
The reading
08'
K(?)aXft.
aZ
is
The papyrus gives /cXuf ifopm7r[. .]quite uncertain. Wecklein's suggestion, but does not complete the
.
metre.
112
TRAGEDY
!
Ainph,V^h.Y ask the question? Die; thou shalt learn the answer among the dead
At
speech
(3)
this
is
point Hermes intervenes; the early part of his imperfect, but the major portion is almost entire.
EPM.
jikv (f)vXaTTe irv^vfia TroXe/jLiou XalScoV ZrjOa> rdS' eliroV tov Kacnv 8' 'AfKplova Xvpav KeX^vco 810, \epaiv oDTrXia-fieuop /xeXneLu 6eovs (o8aL(nv' eyfroi'TaL 8e aoL
TTerpal r' [p]vfxval ixovcrLKfj KrjXovfiei'aL 8ii/8pr) T6, fjLTjTpb^ eKXiTTouO' i8coXia'
odcrr'
Trji/8e rifiTJu, (riiv 8' eyo) 8L8oofiL arotj ovTrep t68' evpr]/jL* ea-)(e?, 'A/ji(f)L(ou dva^, XevKO) 8e ttcoXo) tco Alos KeKXijjjLiuoi TLfias /jL^yfa-Ta^ e^er* eu Kd8p.ov iroXeL.
Zevs
KOL XeKTp' 6 fikv Orj^aia XrjyjreTaL ydficoi^f 6 8' /c ^pvyoov KdXXLarov evyaorTrjpLoi/ TTju TaurdXov Tral:8'' dXX' ocrov rd^Lo-Ta )(prj (r7rv8eip, deov TTefiyjrai^Tos oia PovXerai,
on when thou hast collected the scattered flesh her of the unhappy woman, and burned her bones cast (her ashes) into
wife,
and dost
set
the pyre
the spring of Ares, that the stream from the spring, which flows through the city and ever waters the plains of Thebe, may receive from her the name of Dirce. And ye, my children, so soon as the city of Cadmus is purified, go and establish a city of seven opening gates by the Ismenus. Do thou to Zethus I speak receive a warlike spirit and protect But thee, his brother Amphion, I bid take in thy the city. hands the lyre for thine equipment and celebrate the gods with songs. And the sheer rocks shall follow thee, charmed
xvcn-v Vitelli,
^
epvfxvai
TRAGEDY
113
by thy music, and the trees, leaving their place in Mother Zeus Earth, and they shall make the builders' task light. gives thee this privilege, and I with him, whose invention was this which thou did'st receive. King Amphion. And ye shall be called the White Colts of Zeus, and shall have very great honours in the city of Cadmus. One of the brethren shall take a Theban maid to wife, the other the noblest bride from Phrygia, the daughter of Tantalus. But now make all the speed ye may, since God has sent you such things as he wills.'
(c)
Euripides MeXavLmrrj
^ocprj
and MeXavtinr'q
Aea/i^Tis*
light was shed on the two plays in which Euripides dramatized the legend of Melanippe through the publication by Rabe in 1908 of T/te Commentary of loannes Diaconus on Hermogenes^ which gives the Hypothesis and part of the prologue of the MeXavLTnrrj ^o(j)r], and by a parchment leaf and a papyrus ^ printed in 1907 in the Berliner Klassik. Texte^ V. ii, containing two important fragments of the MeXaptinrr) Aea-^iodTLs, for our knowledge of which the principal source had
Much
long been Hyginus, Fab. 186. The tale as told by Hyginus is now seen to be a rather confused conflation of the stories
(How
' '
misleading
'
Hyginus can be
filiam, sive
is
shown by
alii
his calling
'
poetae dicunt ^ being simply a mistake based on the title z/ecr/zcoTiy.) As now understood, the story of the MeXai/LTrnrj ^ocprj can
Aeoli ut
be reconstructed as follows
Aeolus, son of Hellen (who was son of Zeus), had a daughter by Hippo, herself the daughter of the Centaur Chiron. This
daughter, Melanippe, was of singular beauty, and while Aeolus was undergoing the penalty of a year's exile (direuLavTia-fjLos)
^ Berlin Pap. 5514 (5th cent, a.d.) and 9772 (2nd cent. B.C.). All the passages referred to are printed in von Arnim's Supplementum Euri pideum. No. 5514 was first published by Blass in 1880 {Rh. Mus. xxxv, No. 9772 is part of a Florilegium containing passages of pp. 290 ff.) other authors about women. This was pointed out by Wilamowitz {Sitzb. Preuss. Akad.^ 1 921,
;
"^
pp. 63 ff.), to whom the new reconstruction of the plays is mainly due. Other confusions appear in Hyginus' location of Boeotia in Propontide^ and (probably) in the substitution of Icariae^ Icariain for Italiae^ Italiam,
8786
114
to atone for
TRAGEDY
an act of involuntary homicide, Poseidon met her and caused her to conceive twins. (Much might be said, on the lines suggested by Wilamowitz, about this peculiar family. Hippo, daughter of the Centaur, was partially metamorphosed by Zeus into a horse, and given powers of prophecy and
healing, as the prologue relates
;
the heroine's
name M^Xaviirnrj
and Wilamowitz
such as the Erinyes of Potniae, possibly that rent Glaucus of Potniae asunder. mares the with identical the He thinks that Aeolus, wind-god, may himself have been
in Boeotia,
demons
twins were born, and in anticipation of her father's return Melanippe gave them, as Poseidon had bidden her, to a nurse to be placed in the
thought of as a horse-god.)
The
(This was probably related in the last part of the prologue.) Then Aeolus returned he doubtless appeared and was told how the cowherds had in the first kireiaoSLov
cattle-shed.
found two infants being suckled by the cows and protected by the bull and when they had handed them over to him as
;
monstrosities born of the cattle he took ^ovyeufj TcpaTcc the advice of his father Hellen and determined to burn them,
bidding Melanippe deck them in funeral raiment.^ Melanippe made a long and philosophical speech in disproof of the
possibility of portents
the
in
the
Poetics
In the course describes as unbefitting in a woman. of her defence she actually suggested that the twins might
have been exposed by some poor girl in fear of her father, and that, if so, Aeolus would be guilty of murder if he put them to death.^ Her defence was in vain, and it was perhaps as a last resort that she confessed that they were her own unless, indeed, the nurse betrayed the secret. Aeolus in his rage was about to slay the twins and to inflict terrible punishment on her. (Hyginus says that he blinded and imprisoned her, but this sentence seems to state what were in fact the presuppositions of the other play.) They were probably saved by divine intervention, and Wilamowitz may be right in his
^
Megara
in
Ch. XV.
TRAGEDY
115
conjecture that it was Hippo who intervened, wearing the mask of a horse, and prophesied the future of the twins, who were to be the eponymous heroes of Boeotia and Aeolis.
The prologue
It is in
as given by loannes Diaconus may be quoted. the most prosaic style of the Euripidean play-bill
:
ME A,
Zevs,
coy XeXeKTat rfj^ dXijOeia^ vno^ "EWiqv* TLxO\ 09 e^icpvcrey AioKov ov X^^^f ^arou Urjueibs 'AcrcoTrov 6* vScop vypoh opt^ov kvTos ayKchai crreyeL,
(TKr)TTTp(>V
7ra)j/vfi09
\Ocbv
AloXh
rovfiov irarpSs.
^
%v fiev t68'
TTTOpOov
S'
uvju^rj jrore
kir'
KeKpomas
KeTor',
av)(UL
kn opo^a Tovfiov
oBevnep
rjp^dfirjv.
fie
KoXovcTL MeXavLTTTTTjv (/ic), Xetpcovo? Se eriKve Ovydrrjp AloXco' Ketvrfv fiev ovv
^OLvOfj
Zevs, ovuex
CCKT]
alBepos StcoKeTaL
pova-elov eKXiTTOvaa KoopvKLOv 6po9.^ Se BeanLOdSos duBpooTrcou vno vvp,(j)r] 'Ittttco KeKXrjraL (rdopaTos Sl' dXXayd^.
fxrjTpbs fiev S)Se rrjs epfjs e^ei irepL.
'
by the word
Hellen
^
whom
all
Amator.
-irXrjv
xiii, p.
756
which appears above was substituted by Euripides because of the tumult caused by the original.
Xoycp,
and the
line
The
line Zfvs, w? XeXeKrat T7]s dXrjddas vno is found also in the of the Pirithous of Critias or Euripides, as quoted by loannes
fragment Diaconus
There may here be a conscious correction of Eur. (see below, p. 149). Here. Fur. 1263-4 Zeus, ocrii^ 6 ZevSiiroXefxiov fi eyLvaTo"Hi)q. Wilamov/itz (I.e., p. 71) thinks that the offending line was never in the play, but was a malicious parody embodied in an anecdote and so given currency. The
true history of the lines
^
must remain uncertain. must be missing after this, referring to AS)pos, as Wilamowitz points out, though the text in loannes is continuous. ^ cV ovofia T0vfx6u Wilam., ovoyLa re to efxdv loann. fjp^dixrjv Rabe,
line
fjv^dfirjv
*
loann.
{Class. Phil,
iii,
So Wilam.
p. 226) for
I
KwpuKov
t* 5pojr.
ii6
all
TRAGEDY
that the Peneus and the Water of Asopus bound an ^ protect with winding streams, the land that is called Aeolis after the name of my father. This was one house that sprang from Hellen. But he sent forth one offshoot to this city, one and to famous Athens Xuthus, to whom the to that the daughter of Erechtheus, once bare Ion on the nymph, neck of the land of Cecrops. But I must recall my tale to mine own name even to the point whence I began. They the daughter of Chiron bare me to call me Melanippe Aeolus. Her Zeus covered with a plumage of a bay horse's hair, because she would chant strains wherein she gave oracles to mortals, to tell them remedies to give them relief from their pains and by a dense storm from the heaven was she driven away, and left the Corycian Mountain of the Muses. The prophetic nymph was called by men Hippo, by reason of her changed body. So is it with regard to my mother.'
.
.
From
(as
Wilamowitz
the dialogue of Aeolus and Hellen may have come thinks) some gnomic utterances contained in
fragments already known, and implying a difference of age in the speakers.^ line in Aristophanes (Lysistr. 1124) ^y^
yvvT] fiiu
ilfjLL,
P0V9
8'
'iv(TTL
fioL is
said
by the
Scholiast to
and was probably spoken by Melanippe I am woman, but I have a mind.' herself.^ A fragment * on the origin of all things from Heaven and Earth is almost certainly from Melanippe's famous philosophical speech. Who ^ is the speaker of a fine passage which is closely imitated by Menander in the Epitrepontes does not appear. (Wilamowitz would assign it to Hippo's speech ex machina, but this
this play,
'
come from
is
a Divine
is
TTTepola-L,
TaBLKrjfiaT L9 Oeoii^ kv Aib^ SeXrov Trrv^al^ ypd^eiv TLV avrd, Zrjva 8' elaopoiiVToi viv ov8' 6 irds av ovpavos BvrjTo7s 8iKd^Lu
KccTreiT
;
'
(practically
opl^ci),
Nos. 500, 504, 508, 509 (N.). In one MS. the Schol. seems to refer the following lines also to
| \
this play: avrr} b^ efxavTrjs ov KaKws yvco/jLrjs e;^co tovs S' ck Trarpos re Ka\ yfpaiTtpwv Xoyovs ttoAXov? oKOvana ov /jLioy<ra)jU,at KnKS>s. If this is right, the speaker may be Hippo. Fragment 482 refers to her prophetic
powers.
'
Fr. 484.
Fr. 506.
TRAGEDY
^L09 ypd(povT09 Ta9 PpoTcov dfiapTia?
^apK(TLeV, Ov8' kKelv09
7refj.7rLV
117
av
dX\'
(TKOTTOOU
rj
eKoicrTCo ^r]/j.iay'
Alktj
evTavda
*
ttovcttlv kyyv<s, l
^ovXeaS' opdv.
Think ye that unrighteous deeds spring up to heaven on wings, and that there one doth write them on the leaves of the tablets of Zeus, and that he looketh thereon and executeth Not the whole heaven would suffice, justice upon mortals ? were Zeus to write down the sins of men, nor could he look and send each man his punishment. Nay, Justice is here, and
that nigh,
if
story presented in the MeXai/iTTTrrj Aea-fioori? is, with its presuppositions, in many respects different from that of the
The
Aeolus, discovering that his daughter had borne twins, had blinded her and confined her in prison, and had delivered
^o<pr},
over the infants to herdsmen to be exposed. They were, however, observed being suckled by a cow, and on seeing this the herdsmen saved them and brought them up. But about the time of their birth Metapontus, king of a region in south Italy ,^
laid,
demanded
children or depart from his kingdom and in response to her appeal for help, the herdsmen handed over to her the twin sons of Melanippe, whom she presented to
Metapontus as her own and his offspring. They were named Boeotus and Aeolus. At this point it appears that there were two versions of the story in existence. According to Hyginus, Theano now bore two children of her own to Metapontus,
and, being distressed because in time he showed that he loved best the supremely handsome sons of Melanippe, she resolved
to get rid of Melanippe's sons and, taking the opportunity afforded by the absence of Metapontus at a sacrifice at Diana
;
Metapontina, she told her own sons the truth about their supposed brothers, and bade them murder them while out
On the relation between the Boeotian and the south Italian legends of He gives strong reasons for Melanippe see Wilamowitz, I.e., pp. 64 thinking that Euripides found a legend according to which Melanippe's twins were born at Siris. Hyginus makes Metapontus King of Jcaria, but this is simply a mistake or misreading for Italia. In another version he is called Metapontius (see Diod. iv. 67). There is no need here to
^
fif.
ii8
hunting.
followed,
TRAGEDY
it
According to the other version, which Euripides was her brothers whom she induced to make the
kingdom
the twins perished. The messenger's speech, of which one of the Berlin MSS.^ preserves a considerable part, describes the attack. The messenger himself was one of the attacking
party, which the twins at first imagined to have come merely to join in the hunt ; finding themselves seriously assailed, they retaliated and slew their chief opponents, with the help of
their father Poseidon.
knife,
Theano
and the twins, who had gathered from the taunts of their opponents during the fight that they were of servile origin, fled to the cowherds who had brought them up. Poseidon then revealed that they were his children, and told
of their mother.
The
twins forth-
with slew Aeolus and liberated their mother, whose sight was restored by Poseidon. They then brought their mother to
who, realizing Theano's treachery, married Melanippe and adopted her children, and while he himself founded Metapontum in Italy, they were sent to rule over Boeotia and Aeolis, to which they gave their names. How the latter part of the story was arranged for the purpose of the
Metapontus,
play
impossible to say the final settlement was doubtless ex machinal but it appears that the space available in the parchment would not allow of a very long
it is
;
made by Poseidon
scene after the messenger's speech, and it how so much matter can have been worked
is
in.
Perhaps much
of the action was not presented, but simply ordained by the god. There is nothing to indicate at what point the long
women, contained in the papyrus fragment,^ was It may have been introduced, or by whom it was spoken.
defence of
itself
there
is
little
trace
^
;
and
it
probably came
early in the
No.
5<;i4.
Berl. Pap. 9772, a Life of Satyriis, col. xi. ' The only fragment which seems to imply her presence is No. 507 (Nauck), which appears to be a remonstrance addressed to her on her refusal to cease mourning for the supposed death of her children : ti
TRAGEDY
play, as there
119
would be no room for it in the last sections, and it probably formed part of a set debate or ayijuv, Wilamowitz conjectures 'that Melanippe may not have been in prison during the early part of the play, since the person from
a play is named usually has a considerable role in it, and the title Ae(Tixa>TL9 would still be justified if she were only cast into prison in the course of the play but there
;
whom
for her
and
it
obscure in regard to the play. It is also not The persons the chorus was composed.^ defence of women is perhaps one of the prosiest passages that
the poet ever wrote.
It begins, indeed, confidently (in lines
yvvoLKas ^ avSpcov
yjroyos
8'
kuko^s'
eydo.
8'
ela
Vain
is
Women
it.'
falls off
the house clean and happy, and catalogues the sacred offices which were confined to them.^ The extant passage concludes
is
:
ovu \pri yvvaiKeToy yivos ; ov^l iravdeTai \fr6yo9 ^draios dpSpcou ot t dypav rjyovfieyoi
TTCoy
KaKco9 aKoveiv
yjreyeLy yvj/aiKa?, el /jlC evpeOrj KaKjjy 7rd(ra9 6/moi(o9 ; 8iopLa(o 81 rco Xoyco'
Trj9 fikv
KaKTJ's
yvvaLKO^, kaBXrj's
ov8v
eh
vneplBoXrju
ni^vK dfieLvov
^ Blass inferred from 1. 46 of Berl. Pap. 5514 that they were a male chorus on the ground of the participial ending ovres. But is it certain that the chorus are there speaking of themselves ?
. .
.
"^
is a fragmentary reference to ^vn^oXai.' dfxdpTvpa perhaps to the dispensing with witnesses in transactions with women. * The last three lines, needless to say, had not escaped the vigilant Stobaeus.
'
There
I20
'
TRAGEDY
Why, then, should womankind be abused ? Shall not there be an end of the vain reproach of men, and of those who think it sport to blame all women alike, if one has been found bad ? I will draw this distinction nothing is worse than a bad
better than a
good
but their
Some
long to the same dispute as this speech, and the dispute seems to have turned partly upon the principles which should govern
part of the defence of women, frr. the passages are 50 and 50a perhaps part of the attack about as poetical as the greater portion of the Book of Pro-
marriage.
[
(Fr.
493
is
verbs,
be
said,
which they closely resemble.) The chorus, it need not summed up with irreproachable wisdom (fr. 503)
:
fierpLcoj/
fxeToc
(Tco(j)poavvr]s
in
In the Vita Euripidis it is said that the defence of women the Melanippe was written in consequence of an attack
made upon
future.^
they forced
Euripides at the time of the Thesmophoria, when him to promise to abstain from such attacks in Such circumstances, if the tale were true, might
* '
account for a certain lack of inspiration. But the story may be a false inference by some historian from the Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes. The messenger's speech, or at least the latter half of
it,
;
has
been known
and need not be quoted ^ it is a typical piece of vivid Euripidean narrative, worthy to be ranked with the poet's best.
for half a century,
'
(d)
Euripides'
Hypsipyle \
Very few fragments of the Hypsipyle of Euripides were known before the publication in 1908 of large portions of the
Satyrus' Life ', col. x, adds that the attack was made in a massed expedition eVi rov roirov^ ev at crxo\dCa>v ervyxauev perhaps the cave on The source of the story may have been Philochorus (see Salamis. Gellius, XV. XX. 5-6, and also C. F. Kumaniecki, ^^ Satyro Peripatetico^
^
'
pp. 58-60).
^
It is to
text) in
be found in Nauck (as fr. 495), and (with a somewhat improved von Amim's Supplementum Euripideum.
TRAGEDY
vi,
i!ji
play contained in a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus {Oxyrh. Pap. No. ^^i)i dating from the end of the second century A.D.
story of Hypsipyle had been the subject of a trilogy of Aeschylus, comprising the ArjfivLaL, 'TyjrLirvXrjf and Nefiea, with the Kd^eipoL as a satyric play. The ArffivLai probably
The
presented the massacre of their husbands by the women of Lemnos, the 'TyfrLTrvXTj the arrival of the Argonauts and the
union of Jason with Hypsipyle, the Nefiia the experiences of Hypsipyle as a slave at Nemea and the death of Archemorus,
who was
ArjfjLi/iaL
represented by Aeschylus as son of Nemea. The of Sophocles appears to have corresponded in subject
to the 'TxInnvXr] of Aeschylus.^ It has already been noted that the play, as
shown by the
Scholia on Aristophanes, Frogs^ 1. ^% belonged to the years 411-408 B.C., like the Antiope and Phoenissae. The attempts
to date the plays within this period more precisely are unconvincing,^ and the problem is not very important. What
is
made
of interest
is
that
we have
example of Euripides' gentler dramatic manner, dealing with the theme of the lost twins in connexion with a ^ than those of the Antiope and story far less barbarous and marked Melanippe^ throughout by a kindly and humane in is more dominant than terror. Even which pity spirit,
attractive
Eurydice, who has lost her child through Hypsipyle's act, shows, after her first burst of anger, a remarkable reasonableness in response to the pleading of Amphiaraus. Indications in
show that the play was, like the Phoenissae^ a long one, extending to over 1,700 lines. It has received full attenand the latest edition, tion from scholars since its discovery
the papyrus
;
that of Italie (19^3), contains a most useful commentary, and puts into their place certain fragments not derived from this
See Pearson, Soph. Fragm, ii, pp. 52, 53. Robert's argument [Oidipits, i, p. 199) that the fragmentary chorus in frr. viii, ix of the Hypsipyle presupposes the Phoefiissae 134-46, 409-23. All that can be said is that both deal, the former more allusively, with a well-known story. The same statement applies to the attempt to date the Antiope before the Hypsipyle on the ground of fr. i, col. ii, str. j3'
'^
e.g.
of the latter.
Except women-folk
'
in
is
men
of
Lemnos by
their
remotely presupposed.
122
TRAGEDY
itself.^
Apart from these and one or two minor corin the Oxford Fragmenta more and liberal supplements in the Tragica Papyracea (with defective lines) in von Arnim's SuppUmentum Euripideum remains satisfactory, though the treatment of some passages
papyrus
rections
(particularly of
fr.
The
certainty.
early part of the plot can be followed with very fair Its presuppositions are these. On their way to
Colchis the Argonauts put in at Lemnos, where Jason and Hypsipyle were united. But, whether before the arrival or
after the departure of the
Argo, the
women
of
Lemnos
re-
Hypsipyle could not bring herself to slay her father Thoas, as she was instructed to do, and (probably) sent him adrift on the sea in a chest, which, by the aid of his father Dionysus, came safe to the
all
solved to massacre
the
men
in the island.
Hypsipyle now ruled Lemnos as queen. She fruit of her union with Jason but it became known or suspected that she had spared her father's life, and she was forced to flee, leaving the twins at Lemnos, perhaps in the care of her sister. But soon after her escape she was captured by pirates and sold as a slave to Lycurgus of Nemea, and there we find her at the beginning of the play, some
mainland.
twenty years later. In the meantime Jason, on the return voyage of the Argo, called at Lemnos, and took away the twins, probably to lolcus,^ whence, after his death, his fellowThe most important rearrangement is due to Petersen, who found {Hermes^ 1914, pp. 156 ff., 623 ff.) that in the Petrie Papyrus^ ii, p. 160, No. 49 c, frr. xxii and Ix of the Oxyrh. Pap. formed one connected passage. Italic restores two lines in fr. i, col. v, from Fr. adesp. 350 (Nauck). ^ Special reference may also be made to the discussions of Robert {Hermes, 1909, pp. 376 ff.), Wecklein {Sztzb. Bayer. Akad., 1909, 8), and Petersen {Rh. Mns., 1913, pp. 584 ff.). I have been unable to obtain the Dissertation of W. Morel, as well as several other writings on the subject. The original edition by Grenfell and Hunt {Oxyrh. Pap. vi) is still
indispensable.
^ ^
i.e. if
Mahaffy's
ii,
1.
'loikKov (for
is
accepted in
But it is hardly likely that even if the Argonauts had waited at Lemnos on the outward voyage till the infants were born, they would have taken them to Colchis without their mother and even if Robert were right in his theory {Hermes, 1909, pp. 376 ff.) of a story in which Jason was killed at Colchis (so that Orpheus took the infants in charge there), this improbability is not resolved. It is noticeable that, whichever reading is adopted, Euripides
fr.
Ixiv, col.
93.
About
TRAGEDY
carried
123
them to Thrace and educated Argonaut Orpheus Euneos as a musician, Thoas as a warrior. them, bringing up (The analogy with Amphion and Zethus is obvious.) In Thrace they found their grandfather Thoas, and with him returned to
Lemnos to
look for their mother, and, hearing of her her through the world. At
them
to
Nemea.
The
scene
is
of the keys of his with it a great carried an office which evidently temple position.^ Hypsipyle, who is nurse of Opheltes, the infant
S0VX09 of the
Lycurgus, the
kXtj-
son of Lycurgus and Eurydice, speaks the prologue the first three ^ lines of this (which alone survive) recalled her descent
;
No doubt the chief facts in her history were audience in the remainder of the speech. the before brought Then she goes within, probably to tend the infant. Euneos
from Dionysus.
and Thoas appear before the house, remark upon its beauties,^ and knock at the door. Hypsipyle comes out to answer them,
carrying the infant, to whom, before asking the strangers' business, she speaks a few soothing words about the toys he
will
his father
The young
master
only
a night's hospitality, but on hearing that the away and his wife is managing the house alone with
her,
women about
they
propose
to
go elsewhere
Hypsipyle doubtless insisted that such a thing could not be thought of and brought them in. This done, she sings to the infant, accompanying her song with the KporaXa, the castanets
or rattle
scene ridiculed
by Aristophanes
in the Frogs."^
;
must have entirely ignored Medea for the purposes of this play she would hardly have been favourable to Jason's children by Hypsipyle
either in Colchis or on the return journey. ^ See Frazer's Apollodorus, vol. i, p. 357.
Apollodorus
calls
Lycuigus
King of Nemea.
Fr. 752 (Nauck). For the various theories held by different scholars as to the speaker see Italic, pp. 58 ff. There can really be no doubt. ^ Fragment 764 (Nauck) is best interpreted so it does not read like words addressed by Hypsipyle to the infant to console it by showing it pretty things, as some have supposed. * 11. 1304-6. The play contains a number of other allusions to the
;
Hypsipyle.
134
TRAGEDY
varied introductory scene
is
quite in Euripides'
manner.
There follows the parodos of the chorus of Nemean women, interest what task Hypsipyle is now peror is she still forming brooding on the Argo and the golden fleece and on Lemnos, even at a moment when the Argive host under Adrastus, ready to depart to Thebes, is assembled on the plain outside ? In reply she shows that all her thoughts
Argo and
its
heroes.
They
by
reminding her of Europa and lo, whose seafaring had led them to good in the end but she likens herself rather to Procris, and another whose name is lost, who were not made
;
Then there enters Amphiaraus, the seer of the Argive host he talks (almost as a newly arrived traveller in the New Comedy might talk) of the tiresomeness of strange and lonely places, and, after learning to whom the house belongs, asks Hypsipyle
;
show him the way to running water, not defiled, like the pools, by the host, so that he may make a lustration before the army sets out. He explains at her request the purpose of the expedition against Thebes, tells his name, and learns hers.
to
The
is very defective here, but apparently he speaks of the necklace and his own impending doom, and and Eriphyle to show him the way to a spring. consents Hypsipyle
text
xviii belongs to this described the evidently dialogue. terrifying serpent which ^ those and scholars who think that the spring guarded
It is
in
such a
way as
to
make Amphiaraus
Those,^ on the other hand, who think it incredible that Hypsipyle would have acted as she subsequently
reassure her.
had she known of the danger, refer the passage to a later speech describing the disaster, and fill up the lines differently or leave them incomplete.
did,
^
"^
cf.
von Arnim (following Wilamowitz). Italie (who summarizes the discussion, also Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrh, Pap. vi, p. 25.
e.g. e.g.
Robert, Petersen,
pp. 24-6
TRAGEDY
135
The dialogue over, some fragments of a stasimon follow in which allusion was made to the events leading up to the
expedition of the seven heroes against Thebes the quarrel of The Polynices and Tydeus, and the dream of Adrastus.
events which formed the subject of the next episode are more certain than the exact treatment of them in the play. Hypsipyle led the heroes to a spring, and laid down the infant
grew
Opheltes near the spring on a thick bed of parsley which there. (An oracle had given warning that he was not to be laid on the ground till he could walk, but whether Euripides
known
able.)
introduced this warning is not known. If the warning were to Hypsipyle, her conduct would be almost inexplic-
While they were drawing water, the infant was slain the bite of the serpent which guarded the spring, and was by dead. back brought Hypsipyle had now to fear the anger of
Eurydice.
Fragment x contains
dead
lamentations of herself or of Eurydice. In fragments xx,xxi, Hypsipyle is debating with the chorus (mostly in stichomythia) how she can escape. It is not clear whether the
calamity was
made known
^
:
to Eurydice
by a messenger
or
by
Hypsipyle herself; with one another Eurydice accused Hypsipyle of murdering Opheltes deliberately and of plotting against the house, and
despite her defence condemned her to death. Scraps survive of a stasimon in which the chorus call upon Dionysus for aid,^
women were
confronted
and probably the events just narrated were distributed over two episodes with an intervening stasimon, now entirely lost. Whether Euneds and Thoas had any part in them is at present an insoluble problem. When the text again becomes comparatively intelligible, Hypsipyle is being led to death, and makes a last appeal to Eurydice. It is in vain, and as a last resource she calls wildly for Amphiaraus, and bids him testify to her innocence by
Perhaps the narrative of the event at full length was reserved for the speech of Amphiaraus later in the play. One of these lines is numbered iioo nearer the end of the play the number 1600 is found in the margin.
'^
126
telling the facts as
TRAGEDY
he knew them.
an
almost
perfect
condition.)
(Here there are sixty lines Amphiaraus, who had appeared at the very moment of her need, bids Eurydice stay her hand she answers him with respect, and he relates
in
;
story of the disaster the narrative is unhappily very fragmentary and declares the future honours to be paid to
the
full
Opheltes, who is now to be known as Archemorus, and is to be the hero of the Nemean Games his funeral is to be performed by the Argive host. Eurydice clearly consented to spare Hypsipyle's life, but the exact course of the play once more becomes obscure. It is certain that the mutual recognition of Hypsipyle and her sons was brought about by Amphiaraus, and it may be assumed that Eurydice liberated her
;
from
slavery.^
In the last coherent passage Hypsipyle and her sons are seen bidding farewell to Amphiaraus, and then mother and
sons
tell
each other their history in a pathetic scene, in which is in lyric verse. At the end of the scene
Dionysus appeared ex machina, and it has been conjectured Euneos to Athens, to found the clan of the who maintained the cult of Alovvctos MeXTro/ievos, Euneidae, and had the sole right of performing at certain festivals. Hypsipyle may have been allowed to return to her father in Lemnos. The most difficult of the unsolved problems connected with the play concerns the part played by Euneos and Thoas, who would hardly have been introduced simply for the sake
of the recognition. One version of the story ^ made them the deliverers of Hypsipyle out of the hands of Lycurgus but he
;
(The suggestion that he in scene the last and returned demanded vengeance on Hypsipyle and so caused Dionysus to intervene has no support in
in this play.
^ There is no trace in the remains of the play of the version given in the Scholia to Pindar's Nemeans, that Eurydice imprisoned Hypsipyle in a secret place, which Amphiaraus revealed to her children by divination. It is probable that the recognition was assisted, and Eurydice, as well as Hypsipyle, convinced, by the production by the sons of the golden vine which was the family treasure {Anth. Pal. III. x. ; see Grenfell and Hunt,
Oxyrh. Pap.
"^
On
Italic, pp. 56, 65). vi, pp. 27, 28 these points see especially Italic, pp. 64
;
ff.
"j'jj'i'n'-i'fi*
"'
WP
Figs.
7, 8.
The Death
of
Archemorus
IL
TRAGEDY
U7
;
Another version makes them defend Hypsithe fragments.) before they know who she is, from the anger of Eurydice pyle,
Amphiaraus who does this, and there is no sign of an earlier argument conducted by the two brothers. Another,^ on the contrary, makes Eurydice employ them as the ministers of her intended revenge but it is perbut
in
the play
it is
evidently
haps unlikely that she should give such orders to guests who owed the hospitality which they were enjoying to Hypsipyle
The problem is complicated by a few lines (fr. Ixiv, which ii) suggest that at some point in the story mother and sons were involved in some common alarm
herself.
col.
:
reKva
8'
dva
fitav oSov
\p6vcc
It
8*
e^cXafiyjreu vdnpo9.
in which Hypsipyle was placed, Amphiaraus at her entreaty. Another suggested by a painting on a fine vase of Cam^
this painting
depicting the death of Archemorus. In two young armed men are rushing to slay the serpent. It is possible that these are Euneos and Thoas, and that they first found the dead infant, killed the serpent, and
panian manufacture
Decisive evidence
is
still
^ This would be like the story of Dirce having ordered Antiope's sons (whose identity was unknown to her) to tie their mother to the bull. In Statius T/ied. v. 718 the sons at first side with Lycurgus against Hypsipyle. Those scholars who support this theory of the play (e.g. Wecklein, F/ii'L JVock., 1923, col. 995) argue that their conduct is thus consonant with a certain abruptness or rudeness to her in the first scene. But this is surely a misreading of the scene, in which their words are brief indeed, but
Of the figures on the i). lower may be Nemea, the upper cannot be identified. The other figures are unmistakable. ^ Thoas may have been a /cw^oj/ Trpacrconou after the introductory scene, as some editors think, except that he joined with Hypsipyle and Euneos in the words of farewell to Amphiaraus. It is Euneos who speaks in the final dialogue with Hypsipyle. But, in fact, either brother may have been the speaker in any intervening scenes.
iliS
TRAGEDY
so few scenes are coherently preserved, it is not much about the literary character of the play, in not having before us the accusation and defence
Where
and
possible to say
of Hypsipyle when confronted with Eurydice we have probably lost the dramatic climax of the work, and the scene in
which the contrasted characters were most forcibly brought But it is impossible not to be struck with the homely out. charm of the early scenes (however little Aristophanes might appreciate them), by the simplicity and beauty of the language throughout, and by the fine drawing of the characters. Amphiaraus, as the holy man, is perhaps a little too conscious of his holiness as he gives Eurydice his credentials, but he is a truly tragic figure as with grave self-control he goes to
a foreseen death, glad to do good service to the distressed on his way. The pathos of Hypsipyle's story appears most of all in the final dialogue with her sons, but is felt in every part
of
it.
From
first
her
flight
kindliness of heart
plainly belongs to the same temperament ; and in her escape at the last from her troubles there is a fine contrast with the
fate of her deliverer. The Hypsipyle must have been a very fine play for acting throughout, but nowhere more so than in the parting between Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus the language here is reserved in the extreme but no words could
impending
in the event,
and with
perfect taste Euripides lets it speak for itself. The death of Archeniorus is the subject of several well-
known
Two
vase-paintings besides the one already mentioned. In the first ^ Amphiaraus of these are here figured.
;
seems to be consoling the mourning queen, as in the play two of the three young men may be Eune6s and Thoas the third remains uncertain. In the upper register are Eos in her ^ chariot, Hermes, and another young warrior. In the second are represented below the funeral-rites of Archemorus, and
;
Fig. viii ( Wiener Vorlegebl, 1889, PI. XI, Fig. 3 ; cf. Hoppin, Blackfig. The vase is signed by Lasimus. Vases, p. 448). 2 Fig. ix {IViener Vorlegebl,, 1889, PI. XI, Fig. 2 a).
jiBHMHlMlilllllMllIMiLllll]
Fig.
9.
The Death
of
Archemorus
TRAGEDY
above the pleading
Eurydice.
evident,
mg
The
close
though additional figures are introduced Zeus, Nemea, and two of the comrades of Amphiaraus Capaneus and Parthenopaeus. It seems as though the play were a popular one, and there
every reason to think that it deserved its popularity. The partial loss of it is the more to be regretted, and if it should
is
us,
we may
well expect to
at his best.
6.
Stories of
Unlawful Love
Two plays upon which new light has been thrown during the present century belong to a group of poems for which
Euripides was severely criticized by Aristophanes and others, as presenting stories of unlawful passion which should have been veiled in silence even if they were true. This group
the Stheneboea.
included the Phoenix, the first Hippolytus, the Cretans, and It is the two latter with which we are here
not improbable that all Euripides' plays of type belong to the same period, roughly between 440 and 430 B.C. By the time of the second Hippolytus, produced
concerned.
this
It
is
in 438 B.C., Euripides had abandoned the more crude or more daring treatment of such themes which had scandalized
the orthodox, but the highly critical attitude towards asceticism in the Cretans is a feature common to it and the
Hippolytus, and the versification (particularly the extreme rarity of resolved syllables) connects both the Cretans and
Medea
(430
B.C.).
The
prologue of the Stheneboea falls entirely within the unity of the plot, and is not like a mere play-bill, also points to a comparatively early period.
{a)
The
'
Cretans
'.^
The
^
story which
is
by Apollodorus.
in
Minos, to
the subject of the play is told briefly make good his claim to the king-
The following account depends largely upon the excellent discussion Berliner Klassikertexte, V. ii (Schubart and Wilamowitz), pp. 73-9.
I30
TRAGEDY
dom
of Crete, declared that he had received it from the gods, and that whatever he prayed for the gods would do. To prove this, he prayed to Poseidon that he would send a bull up from the sea, and promised to sacrifice it when it came. But instead of doing so, he sent it to form part of his own Poseidon in his anger sent herds, and sacrificed another.^
upon Pasiphae, the wife of Minos, a passion for the bull, and they were united by means of a wooden cow made by Daedalus.^ The offspring was the Minotaur, whom Minos
(when he discovered the monster)
^
(of
about the
has just discovered the Minotaur, whom Pasiphae had kept hidden with the aid of a female accomplice. The chorus bid
him conceal
his misfortune, and Pasiphae defends herself in a well-preserved speech of thirty-eight lines, on the ground that in her union with the bull she had acted in madness, sent
the wickedness
is
his
she herself
is
With an ironical allusion to his vegetarianism, she guiltless. tells him that he knows well how to murder human beings in cold blood, and may devour her raw if he chooses. Minos
bids his attendants seize her and her accomplice, and hide them where they shall never see the light of the sun.
Of the
nothing
is
that there
was a
lyric
monody by
^ Schubart and Wilamowitz think that Euripides did not introduce the substituted sacrifice, but made Minos object on religious grounds to any blood-sacrifice at all, in accordance with the sentiments expressed by the chorus (see below). They note that the sarcophagus in Paris, which gives the story in relief, presents a bloodless sacrifice. ^ The interpretation of the legend as a marriage of sun and moon, and many points of great interest in connexion with it, are discussed by A. B. Cook, Zeus^ vol. i, pp. 521 ff. ^ The Berlin editors note that the discovery is represented on some Etruscan urns. On the Paris sarcophagus, and in other works of art, Daedalus is busy with the manufacture of the wooden cow. ^ Schol. on Aristoph. Frogs 849 Z> KprjTiKas fxev avWeyiov fiopco8ias' 01 fifv els rrjv tov iKapov fiovcodiav iv Tois Kprjcri' dpaavTfpov ynp doKel civai to Whether or not the interpretation of KprjTiKcis is right, the npoo-oiTrov. monody must have been actually in the play.
TRAGEDY
and
131
this probably implies that the imprisonment of Daedalus (with his son Icarus) in the Labyrinth, in revenge for his compassage of the plicity with Pasiphae, fell within the play.
parodos of the chorus, preserved by Porphyrias (Euripides, fr. 472 Nauck), shows that it consisted of mystics initiated to
the Idaean Zeus or Zagreus, living a sacred life, characterized by the ceremonial participation in feasts of raw flesh (the the wearing of white robes, the avoidance of all with birth or death, and abstinence (except in the contact
d)/xo<payLa),
mystic
rites)
(d)
The
Stheneboea
'.
The story of Bellerophon was the subject of two plays of But although Euripides, the Stheneboea and the Bellerophon. the former was attacked by Aristophanes in the Frogs (along
with the
first Hippolytus) on account of the immoral character of the heroine, the course of the plot remained very imper-
fectly
until the discovery by Rabe, in the commentary Diaconus on Hermogenes,^ of the Hypothesis of the play and a large portion of the prologue. Since that time the play has been much discussed,^ and though all points have not been cleared up, much has been made plain.
known
of loannes
vi there is recorded the adulterous passion of wife of Proetus, for Bellerophon, his rejection of which Anteia, led Anteia to accuse him falsely to her husband, and Proetus
In Iliad
in
consequence to dispatch Bellerophon to his wife's father lobates, King of Lycia, with a secret message bidding
lobates destroy him.
maera and to perform other apparently impossible tasks, which he did with such success that lobates became convinced of his innocence, and resolved to keep him at his court and
give
^
him
The
text
"^
Croiset {Rev. fif.); de Phil, xxxiv (1910), pp. 2 16 fif.); Sellner, de Euripidis Stheneboea S^chan, iitudes sur la Tragidie grecque^ Quaestiones Selcciae (1910)
;
and the meaning of this passage. Rhein. Mus, Ixiii (1908), p. 147 (see above, p. 68). e.g. by Wilamowitz {Class. Phil, iii (1908), pp. 225
pp. 494
fif.
132
TRAGEDY
in his lobateSy
dramatized by Sophocles
was
in Lycia.
was
Proetus
at Tiryns, whither Bellerophon had fled from Corinth to be The wife of Proetus is purified of the stain of homicide.
the strict sense, and is simply a friend of Proetus, not his father-in-law the only test to which he puts Bellero-
Lycia
is
in
the conquest of the Chimaera ; and other minor differences from the Homeric version have been observed.
phon
the prologue is spoken by Bellerophon, he knows nothing of Stheneboea's accusations against him, but only of her attempts to lead him astray, using an old nurse as her
agent.
is determined not to yield, and (not without some to resolves rather than go awa}^, moralizing) bring disgrace upon the wife of his friend, and schism into the house, by
When
He
denouncing her.
times uncertain),^
of which
:
is
some-
OvK
rj
7T(j)VKco9 eo-OXbs ovk exei ^lou, 8v(Tyvr]s cor irXovortav dpoT rrXaKa. TToWovs 8e TrXouTO) kol yeuei yavpovfievov^
^ yap
yvvT] KaTf](T)(yv
kv SofioLai vrjirta.
roiaSe UpoiTos yjj? dya^ v6(T(p voael? ^ivov yap iKeT'qv TaicrS* kn^XOovTa (TTeyais^ XoyoLCTL ireiOeL Kal SoXco OripeveraL
Kpv(f)aTov vufj9
eh
rai<5'
ofiiXiai/
ireaelv.
10
rjirep e^ea-TrjKev Xoyco Tpo(pb9 yepaia Kal ^vvia-TrjaLv Xe\o9 " da KaKco^ vfivel Tov avTOv fivBoV (ppovcop,
aUl yap
is that of Wilamowitz, I.e. That of von Suppl. Eur. unfortunately contains some quite unauthorized supplements, which disturb the order of the lines and the sequence of
The
Arnim
in
thought.
^ Lines I-5 were already known (frr. 661, 662 (Nauck)). The text given by loannes Diaconus read t.vhai\x.ov(i)v (1. i), dvaiJieprjs (1. 3), and Tifxojfxevovs (I.4), and was obviously not a careful version. ' Wilamowitz thinks that the last four words are a feeble substitute for a lost one and a half or more lines, giving the name of the land, &c., ir the
regular
*
manner
of a prologue.
for rrja-de o-reyrjs
:
Wilamowitz,
r^crS' efi
eXdovra
(rTeyrjs
VOn Arnim.
TRAGEDY
TTidov'^ TL fialvr}
KTrj(TL
S*
',
133
dvaKTOs
^
eu TreLaOeh
Ppa\v"
15
eyo) 8e Becrfiov^
(jiovcov
xeTpa?^
alp.'
eTna^d^a?
r ifxas veou,
20
0V7rd)TT0T
rjOiXTjara
Se^aaOaL Xoyovs
ov8* e/y vo(rovuTas v^ploraL Sopov? ^po9 pL(rS)v epoora SeLj/ou, 09 (pdeipei ^porovs
epou?
25
SlttXoT
6 8'
yap
eicr'
pev yeyo)?
'i^Oia-Tos
eh
"AiS-qv (pipei,
eh TO
craxppou
en
dpeTrfv t
dyoav
t ovKovu vopi^co Kal Oaveiv ye (rco(j)poi/coy f dXX* eh dypov yap e^Levai ^ovXrjcropai.^ ov ydp pe Xvei toloS' ecprjpevov 86poL9 KaKoppoOeiaBaL pr) BeXovr' eiuai KaKov, 01)8' av Karenreiu Kal yvyaiKL wpoa-^aXe'Lu Kr]Xl8a JJpoiTov Kal 8La(nrd<TaL 86pov.
'
30
is no man who is happy in all things. Either a man born noble and has no livelihood, or he ploughs broad lands and is base and on many who exult in wealth and birth a foolish woman in their house has brought shame. With such a trouble is Proetus, king of the land, afflicted. For I am come to this house a guest and a suppliant, and she urges me with words and pursues me by craft, that I may keep her secret company in her couch for ever the aged nurse who is charged with the message and would arrange this union chants the same words, Foolish man, yield Why art thou mad ? Dare to (grant the prayer of) my mistress and by yielding in one slight thing thou shalt win the palace of the king." But I revere law and Zeus, the suppliant's God, and I honour Proetus, who received me into his house when I left the land of Sisyphus, and washed my hands clean of
There
is
**
Rabe, for Bfovi. <^6vov )(eip6s von Arnim, with much probability. Mekler, for dinXoi yap eixores VTpe(f)ovT(u x^ovi. Wilamowitz brackets this line and the next as a Christian interpolation, especially on account of fiVAidf/i/ 0fpfi, in v/hich * Hades is the Christian Hell. But Hades may mean simply 'Death'. For the sense cf. Jph. Atcl. 548 ff. hlhvp!
ireid^i.
'
''
Wilamowitz, for
t' ifxris
.
.
'
'
E/jtof 6 xpvaroKofjLus
6' errl
to pev
ctt*
evaicovi
Trtir/io),
to
(rvy\v(Ti /3ioraf.
and there may be interpolations or corruptions. ^ The words e'^iemi ^ov\i)aopai can hardly be brackets them as interpolated to replace lost words.
Wilamowitz
134
TRAGEDY
;
bloodshed, by the blood of a victim newly slain over them and never yet have I consented to receive her words, nor to commit outrage against a house diseased, guest as I am for I hate the dreadful Love which destroys men. For two Loves are there that grow on the earth. The one, by nature most harmful, leads to death but the other Love, which leads to innocence and virtue, is to be coveted by men and such a man may I be. So I would rather die and sin not and I desire to depart out of the city. For it profits me not to settle in this house and be evil spoken of, if I be not willing to be evil nor yet to denounce her and bring a stain upon the wife of Proetus and rend the house in twain.*
;
;
In the following scenes Proetus must have heard Stheneboea's slanders, and, without assigning them as the reason, must have dispatched Bellerophon to Caria with the treacherous
his entertainment
of time occupied by his voyage, by lobates and the slaying of the Chimaera must have been bridged by a choral ode and (pro-
message.
The
interval
bably) a scene in which the nurse described Stheneboea's agonies of mind as she realized that (so far as she could tell) she had been the means of sending him to his death, and that
her passion for him was unabated. She even consecrated to him, as it was customary to consecrate to the dead, the crumbs that fell from the table (fr. 664 N.) }
TTeaov Si vlv XeXrjdev ovSeu k X^P^^ aXX' v6vs avSa, "ro) KopivOtco ^ev(o"
Another choral ode may have followed this scene. Having performed his exploit, Bellerophon returned on the winged horse Pegasus, full of indignation against Proetus. There must have been some formal reconciliation, but finding himself still plotted against,^ he pretended to be willing to yield to Stheneboea's desires, and proposed that she should
and possibly 663 belong to the same speech of the nurse. Hypothesis, as reported by loannes Diaconus, says fxadoiv de -nap No meaning can be attached to Trap' avTov eK TlpotTov devrepav eTTiQovXrjv. avTov, but napd tov is a better emendation than Wilamowitz's Trap' avTrjs. It is hardly conceivable that if she had revealed Proetus' plot against him, he should then have murdered her. This would go beyond any example of unpunished villainy in Greek stories.
*
Fr. 665
"^
The
^L^[^l^^[B][m][M]^[p[^l^^[^tB1
Fig.
io.
Amphora
at
Ruvo
Fig.
II.
Hermitage Museum
TRAGEDY
shown by a fragment from the Berhn MS. of Photius
p.
135
take flight with him on Pegasus and go to Asia Minor.^ Pegasus must actually have been brought on the stage, as is
(s.v. dOrjpy
42 Reitz.),in which Bellerophon is describing the victory over the Chimaera. The lines (as emended by Wilamowitz) run
:
Tra/o)
^dXXeL
Xi/xaipav e/y acpaydSf irvpos 8* dO^p /xe kol tovS' alOaXoi ttvkvov Trrepov.
Wilamowitz conjectures) Pegasus was repreon vases) as a real horse with a pair of wings attached.^ There must have been another long interval, in which the flight took place, Bellerophon threw Stheneboea into the sea,^ and her body was picked up by fishermen (whose spokesman describes their life in fr. 670) and
Probably
(as
sented (as he
is
brought to Tiryns. In the final scene Bellerophon returned to Tiryns and justified himself to Proetus and the TirynFr. 671 was perhaps spoken by Proetus at the end thians. of the play,* when he was convinced of the truth
:
yvvaiKL
fxrjSku
Stheneboea's death
In other versions
been Euripides' own life from either when she was detected, or when she
^
may have
heard that lobates had accepted Bellerophon's innocence. In the structure of the play the most remarkable thing is the
entire disregard of the so-called
*
Unity of Time
'.
At two
the play a very long interval must have been supto posed elapse, even if we allow for the rapidity of transport means of Pegasus but there is nothing in this to rouse by
points in
;
The precesuspicion as to the veracity of the Hypothesis. dents in Aeschylus (in the Agamemnon and Eumenides) and
in the
^ Fr. 669 (N.) probably comes from his account of the region to be crossed, though the situation in the fragment is not at all clear, nor is the text certain. But the reference is certainly to a flight which is yet to come.
Fig. X (Amphora in Coll. Jatta at Ruvo). Fig. xi (Red-figured crater in Hermitage Museum). So, at least, some scholars suppose. But could KOfiiCere TTjvde be spoken with reference to the dead ? See Schol. on Aristoph. Frogs 1043, 105 1 ; Hyginus, Fab, 57.
"^
136
TRAGEDY
What
perhaps more strange
his
than the Stheneboed) are sufficiently reassuring, and Euripides himself deals very freely with time in the Andromache, Supplices,
is
is
the
tempta-
have wondered what Bellerophon was doing while Stheneboea's body was tossing in the deep and while He might have the fishermen were bringing it home.
scholars
Some
returned very rapidly on Pegasus had he desired. It is sughe was himself that of the murder at purified gested getting
a wise precaution and that some lines Scholiast on Euripides' Orestes 87 :i as from the the quoted by Bellerophon may belong to the Stheneboea?' But the con-
Argos
doubtless
is
jecture
venturesome, and it is not easy to see how the lines (which seem to come from a messenger's speech) would fit
Bellerophon,
by scholars
to the
fJLl^6p (re
On the assumption that the words can only have been addressed to Stheneboea, it is difficult to ascribe them to that play, Sellner's attempt to find Stheneboea a place in the
Bellerophon being quite unconvincing.^ But the assumption may be wrong, and we know too little of the Bellerophon to
decide the
^
point."*
Wecklein and Sellner. deiKvvovaiv iri Kai vvv vnepdva> tov Kiikovn^vov Upcovos X'^jua TravreXwf, ov (rvfx^aivei tqvs 'Apyeiovs diKa^eiv. rdxa 8* tiu tovtov koI ev BeWe pofpouTr}
e.g.
^
Koi ^earov o\6ov Aava'i8a>v edpaapdrcov aras ev pccroKriu vno ". ^ The scene of the Bellerophon was laid in Lycia, and Sellner has to suppose that she found her way there and committed suicide, after the happy marriage of Bellerophon with lobates' daughter. * Sellner would also introduce into the vS'/y^-fW^^^^i?^ : (i) Nauck's />rt^w. adesp. 292 x"tp' ^ hvvdaTa Trjade y7]s Ttpvvdias, as the beginning of a dialogue between Bellerophon and Proetus, who is supposed to have just arrived home after an absence which facilitated Stheneboea's designs ; (2) the lines quoted or parodied in Aristoph. Peace 140-I ri ^' ^v e? noos e^oXicrOelv ttttjvos oiv dwrjcrerai These he vypov TTOVTiov irecrr) ^ddos
pPT]p.oPvoi elrroov'
|
"
eiTre KrjpvKcov
',
TRAGEDY
It
137
has been debated whether the play employed a /irjxocurj for flying, such as was probably employed later in the
Bellerophon}
There
is
it
was so
Pegasus
may
action, and it would certainly not be safe to date the play by the supposed use of the iirj^avrj, (The date of the introduction of this device is keenly disputed, but it would be out of place to discuss it here.)
The
'
A lexandros
'
of Etiripides
of Euripides was produced in 415 B.C. with the Palamedes and the Troades. Each of the three along had a of Troy for its theme, but it is of tale the plays part
The Alexandras
not possible to judge how far they may have formed a connected trilogy. The story dramatized in this play is that
which is narrated by Hyginus, Fab. 91, though it cannot be determined how closely Hyginus followed Euripides ^ nor can the precise relation of the Alexander of Ennius to this play be discovered. But the outlines of the story are clear.^ Shortly before the birth of Paris, Hecuba dreamed that she gave birth to a torch, out of which issued snakes. The oracle
;
of Apollo (according to the version followed by Ennius) declared that it would be fatal to Troy if Priam allowed the
child to live
;
him
to
places in the dialogue between Bellerophon and Stheneboea about their prospective flight ; (3) fr. 668 (Nauck), which he emends not very convincingly. ^ The Bellerophon was earlier than 425 B.C., in which year it is referred to (Aristoph. Ach. 415 ff.) as TiaKaiov dpajjia, but in the context this cannot be taken very strictly. The use of the f^rixavrj is made certain by references in Aristoph. Peace 135, 146 (with Scholl.). ^ There is just enough left of the Alexandros of Sophocles to show Welcker and that its subject was the same (see esp. fr. 93 (Pearson)). Kuiper think that Sophocles dealt with the same subject in the Priainos ; but the only evidence is that of Schol. Aristoph. Wasps 289, to the effect That the exposure that Sophocles used the word ;(urpiCetj/ in this play. indicated by the word was that of Paris is only an assumption. ^ For discussions of the play see Welcker, Gr. Trag. ii, pp. 462-76;
'
Hartung, Eur. I'estittihis^ ii, pp. 233-50 ; Robert, Bild u. Lied, pp. 233-9 Wilamowitz, Anal. Eur., p. 148; Kuiper, Mnemosyne, 1920, pp. 207-21 ; Cronert, Gott. Nachr., 1922; 'L\ix\d.,Aegyptus^ 1924, pp. 326 ff. and Hermes^ 1929, pp. 491 ff. (with which cf. Wilamowitz, Hermes^ 1927, pp. 288 ff.).
;
138
TRAGEDY
;
it Cassandra entreated him to slay it outright.^ The was sent away to be put to death, but, owing to the tenderness of those who were to carry out the order, he was only exposed, and was found by shepherds, who brought him up under the name of Paris. Hecuba had not ceased to mourn for him, and funeral games were instituted in his memory by Priam. (Whether the institution was prompted by some special occurrence, or was an annual event, does not appear.) The servants of Priam were sent into the country to select a bull as a prize for the winner in these games, and chose one which was a special favourite of Paris, who had now grown up. Paris, in his anger and distress, determined to enter the contest himself he did so and was victorious and recovered his bull. But am.ong those whom he defeated were his own brothers, Deiphobus and Hector, who, supposing him to be a slave like the other shepherds, were highly indignant, and formed a plot to slay him. Deiphobus attacked him with his sword, and he took refuge at the altar of Zeus 'EpKeios. There Cassandra recognized him Priam was apparently convinced on the evidence of some of the exposed infant's toys,^ and received him into his palace. The distribution of the matter over the play can only be
expose
infant
conjectured, but some fairly long, though badly mutilated, ^ passages in three papyrus fragments at Strasbourg combine
conclusions.
with the fragments already known to suggest some probable The scenes of which distinct traces remain are
:
and probably frr. 44-6 Nauck) in (1) which Hecuba is in grief and the chorus are reasoning with her. At the end of the passage Cassandra enters. conversation between Cassandra and Hecuba probably followed. (2) A dialogue about an impending contest, established by Priam, and a shepherd-youth of surpassing beauty who claims
scene (pap.
fr.
Eur. Androm. 296-7 refers to Cassandra's advice. Hecuba's dream alluded to in Pindar, Paean viii. 27. How much of the early part of the story came in the Cypria it is impossible to tell. Servius on Virg. Aen. v. 370. That the toys should have been forthcoming on so unlikely an occasion is one of those improbabilities for which Euripides has often to be forgiven. ^ Nos. 2342-4. The contents are identified by the coincidence of 1. 5 with fr. 43 (Nauck).
is first
"^
TRAGEDY
to take part in
it.
139
(This, at least,
The speakers cannot be determined, but one of them is conjectured by Cronert to be the shepherd who had brought up Paris, and to whom, on the strength of a reference in Tzetzes, he gives the name Archelaus.^
papyrus
fr.
2.)
dialogue in which one speaker seems certainly to be the subject (possibly) the games about to be held and Priam, in memory of the child supposed to be dead. The dialogue was in iambic trimeter couplets, but its purport is not re(3)
coverable.
Deiphobus and Hector, after their Deiphobus tries to rouse Hector to take vengeance on their conqueror, but Hector refused to
(4)
A dialogue between
it.
(5) dialogue between Deiphobus and Hecuba, in which Hecuba seems to be involved in the plot against the man who had put her sons to shame. (6) A discussion, evidently carried to some length, about the relative excellence of free men and slaves. Probably Deiphobus championed the former, and perhaps the foster-
and Priam may have stood as moderator of the dispute, as is suggested by frr. 48 and ^6 (Nauck). The choral frr. 52 and ^-^ (N.) with their reflections on evyeyeia may have succeeded this discussion. To the discussion probably belong frr. 47-51, and 54-7 (N.), though
father of Paris the latter
;
some
*
of
in
'
play, slave
(7)
them may belong to a possible scene^ earlier in the which Deiphobus may have tried to prevent the
in
from joining
the contest.
scene, too mutilated to be satisfactorily cleared up, in which some brief lyric fragments alternate with iambic
trimeters.
mistress
as
^
is addressed by name, and as Sianoiva, by the chorus or by a servant (' Archelaus ', Cronert suggests) and the passage continues as a dialogue
',
Hecuba
either
Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1 38 (p. 65, ed. Scheer). Archelaus is there named as the servant to whom the child was given to be destroyed. He left it exposed for five days, during which it was suckled by a she-bear, and then took it up and reared it under the name of Paris; the name Alexandres was given to Paris for his valour in defending the flocks from raiders. The bear is mentioned in ApoUodorus' version of the legend (III. xii, 5), but not in Hyginus.
I40
TRAGEDY
in iambic trimeters, in which Deiphobus is roundly bidden by another speaker (Archelaus or Hector, perhaps) to blame himself for his defeat, and Hecuba intervenes.
(8)
final
is
death
(fr.
58).
In
fr.
60 Priam perhaps
sees
tells
him by what he
a
,
of him
in
the
Xp6po9
rj
Se Set^^L
S>
TKfjLrjpta)
fiaOcav
xprjarbu ovra
yuciiorofiaL
tJtol
KaKOv^
:
and
in
fr.
6a he
may
'EkolPt], to deiou coy deXiTTov ep^^erai Bv-qrola-LVi XkL S' ovttot eK ravTOv Tvxa9.
A
ing
scene showing Paris at the altar and Deiphobus threatenin hand), with Priam standing by
and Aphrodite protecting Paris, occurs in reliefs on many Etruscan urns.^ This does not necessarily imply (even if the reliefs are inspired by Euripides) that Aphrodite appeared in the play ex machinay as artists added auxiliary figures freely
;
not impossible or unlikely. If Hyginus followed Euripides, the actual recognition was the work of Cassandra, confirmed by crepundia but it is possible that the recognition
it
but
is
'
was
woe
when
all
Ennius' play contain parts of just such an impassioned prophecy about the fall of Troy, spoken by her, and a corresponding passage may have stood, either in the final scene of Euripides' play, or in the. earlier scene in which she appeared.
these, four are here figured : Fig. xii (Brunn, Urne Etrusche^ PI. I, the figures being (1. to r.) Deiphobus, Aphrodite, Paris, Hector, Priam; Fig. xiii (ib. PI. Ill, Fig. 6), same figures; Fig. xiv (ib. PI. VIII, Fig. 17), in which the goddess is winged, and there seems to be just
^
Of
Pig*
3)>
a possibility (as Aphrodite is very rarely, if ever, winged in art) that in the series of reliefs ia which this variation occurs, the goddess may be Nike (with allusion to the victory just won by Paris) Fig. xv (ib. PI. XII, Fig. 26), one of a series in which a second female figure, carrying an axe in a threatening attitude, is probably Cassandra, who, foreseeing the evils
;
which Paris would cause, had desired to slay him at his birth, and may have wished to do so in the play. Brunn figures no less than thirty-four representations of the scene, presenting many slight variations, and others occur on Etruscan mirrors.
J.
J.
^ i
11 LJLXi 1
Jd
^ X V
>
TRAGEDY
It
141
may be assumed that the play began with a prologue narrating the birth and exposure of Paris, and preceding the scene between Hecuba and the chorus. This prologue may
have been spoken by Hecuba
herself, or possibly (as
contest
Hartung was no
doubt given in a messenger's speech. Some fragments of Ennius' play^ come from such a speech, and tell how some one (Deiphobus) had tried to repel a presumptuous boor (Paris) from the contest, and how after the victory the shepherds had called him Alexandros for his prowess.
It is
The
inference
not clear of what persons the Chorus was composed. drawn by Hartung from Cassandra's speech in
Ennius, in which the words virgines aequales occur, that the chorus was one of Trojan maidens, is very unsafe, as she is not but the chorus necessarily speaking of the chorus at all
;
probably did consist of Trojans, male or female,^ such as could remonstrate with Hecuba in a friendly way for her persistence in grief. The Scholia on Euripides, Hippolyttis^
show that there was a supplementary chorus of shepherds, no doubt came to support Paris, and that, whereas in the who Hippolytus the supplementary chorus of huntsmen had not been present at the same time as the chorus proper, the shepherds in the Alexandros appeared when the chorus had already been presented to the audience. (So it was also in the Antiope?) The scene must have been laid before the palace of Priam at Troy, with the altar before it, at which Paris was to take refuge. It is easy to conjecture what were the main attractions of the play to an Athenian audience the narrative of the games (at least if it was on a level with the many brilliant narratives
1.
58,
in
Deiphobus and the sober-minded Hector, the rhetorical discussion of the qualities of free men and slaves, and the excitement of the plot to slay Paris and the recognition scene, with
'
Wilamowitz {Hermes, 1929, thinks it was male. ' See above, p. 108.
ii,
p. 466),
142
its
TRAGEDY
happy ending happy
fatal
view the
It
is
less
at least to those who had not in consequences to Troy which were to follow it. easy to discover the treatment of the character of
name
to the play,
must
have played an important part but he was evidently placed in an attractive light, as a youth of great personal courage and beauty, fiopcpfj SLa^epoov, and there was probably a scene
in the early part of the play, presenting his arrival at Troy and his determination to take part in the contest. Whether
is
more
His
rustic simplicity,
and
and
men) are suggested by fr. 56 (aVor^, SialSoXal S^lvov dyXcoa-a-ia 8e 7roXXdKi9 Xijcpdeh dv^p SiKaia di^OpcoTTOi? KaKOW rj(T(Tov evyXwa-aov (pipei), and 58 (oifxoi, Oavoviiai Sta to Xe^ay
free
I
^prj(TLfxov
^pevcou
rj
toIctlv
dispute conventional
itself, little
can be said
such as Stobaeus could appreciate, and the attempt of Luria^ to prove a connexion between the sentiments expressed by Euripides and those of the Sophist
yvoofiai,
fails from the very generality of the sentiments and lack of the points of contact sufficiently precise to prove the case. The choral fragment (52) is variously reconstructed by scholars the best attempt is probably that of A. Korte
Antiphon
7rpi(T(r6fjLv6o9 6
(EKpLvev
a TKovaa yd ^pOTOv^,
ofiotav x6ot)i/ dnaa-Lv e^eiraiSevcrev 6y\nv' lSlov ovSev ecrxofiej/, fiia Se yovd to t ei^yerey (Tre^u/ce) koI to Svayevi^, v6fM(> Se yavpov avTO Kpatuet \p6uos.
But even
fragments.
above the
level of the
is
iambic
None
sufficiently
on
p. 137 above.
TRAGEDY
8.
143
There
into
is
no play of which the remains are more tantalizing Phaethon} The plot at once takes us
the atmosphere of fairy-tale. Clymene, the wife of Merops, King of the Ethiopians, who dwell in the land of the Sunrise, has a son by Helios, the Sun-god, named Phaethon.
He
that
supposes himself to be son of Merops, nor is Merops aware it is not so. Now a marriage had been arranged, and was
;
about to take place, between Phaethon and some goddess ^ but Phaethon, shrinking from marrying (as he thinks) above his mother then tells him who his his station, is recalcitrant
;
true father
is
whereupon he determines
to
and to request the use of the horses of the Sun. in which this matter was presented in the play
facts,
uncertain.
essential
and there followed a brief conversation between her and her son, in which, however, she can hardly have revealed his this revelation would only be called forth by a crisis origin
;
later
in the play.
However
this
may
was broken
off
by
maidservants, intent upon their morning work, and chanting an exquisite lyric, which a papyrus fragment ^ of the Ptolemaic
For the history and significance of the legend see Robert and Wilamowitz in Hermes, xviii (1883) ; G.Knaack, Quaestiones Phaethonteae {Phil. Unters. vii. i); and the article 'Phaethon' in Roscher's Lexicon, The useful commentary by H. Volmer {de Euripidis fabula quae ^acdcop
^
inscribitur^ 1930) discusses the chief difficulties in the fragments, the placing of the fragments quoted by late Greek writers, &c. 2 Wilamowitz (I.e., pp. 396 ff., 410, and Sappho u. SimonideSy p. 38)
argues that Aphrodite is the destined bride ; others that it was a daughter of Aphrodite. The question depends on the interpretation of the words of the supplementary chorus, the readings in which are uncertain. No other suggested brides have any support from the text. ^ Berlin Pap. 9771 {Berliner Klassikertexte, V. ii, pp. 79 ff.). The remains of the play are otherwise known mainly from the Codex Claromontanus (= Parisinus 107), a palimpsest in which the Epistles of St. Paul were written in the sixth century in part over a fifth-century MS. of Euripides. These portions may be found in Nauck, and in von Arnim's Stcppiementmn Euripideiwi^ but von Arnim completes (sometimes in a very hazardous manner) large portions of the palimpsest which Nauck had treated as not worth printing. The most convenient text is that of Volmer (see note i).
'
'
144
TRAGEDY
and anticipates the happy marriage which day
:
period has enabled editors to complete, with few remaining It describes the activities which the dawn uncertainties.
revives,
is
to take
place that
HSt)
str.
ydv
vnep
/jLeXireL
8e SiuSpeai XeirTav
dpfjLoi^Lau
drjScoi/
6pdpvop,eua yooLS
''Itvv "Itvv TToXvOprjvou.
(Tvpiyya^
S*
ovpi^draL
ant.
^avOdv
TjSrj
TTCoXcov
crv^vytaL'
8'
L9
epya Kvvayol
(TT^iyovaLv OrjpocpouoL
irrjyals 8*
ccKaTOL
di^ifxcou
dvdyovTat vn
elpeaia^
sir. p^
evaea-aLv poBioLS,
dvd
\y]pids
(Tvv\
dKVfiouL TrofXTra
(TLyoovTCoy dvep,(DV
[ttotI
<nv8cbv 8e irpoTovov
TO,
em
pLeaov ireXd^ei.
p,lv ovu erepoLo-L fxepLfiua ireXei Koafiov 8' vfieuaioou 8(nTocrvycoi/^ k[ik Kal TO 8LKaLov dyeL Kal epcos vp.velv'
^
ant.
/3'
8p,coa'ip
yap
di/dKrcou
be
far
The bracketed words are suggested by the Berlin editors and cannot wrong in sense. The editors notice the unusual metrical structure
of the parodos the first str. and ant. composed of choriambic dimeters, chosen as the simplest popular measure ; the second mainly anapaestic with iambic trimeters catalectic leading to the iambic epode. ^ Cod. Clar. has Kocrfxdv vfieuaicov de decnrocrvvaiu, the papyrus Kocrfiev vfievaioav 5e del de(r7ro(ruvoii[vj and in the preceding line to. fxev ovv erepaip erepl, which Rubensohn fills out as irepoiai /xeXej. The text given above is that of Wilamowitz, and the genitives are best taken as genitive of definition after Koap-ov ; but there is something to be said for reading to. ixv ovv eTipav erepoLcri fxeXei Koapeiv, vpevatov 8f(r7r6(Tvvou fi' epe (Volmer reads this, but with decrnoa-vpoov, which is difficult to explain.)
.
TRAGEDY
vafipLaL irpoa-LovcraL
fjLoXira ddp(ro9 dyova* 8e rvxa tl tKoi, eTTLxap/xard r' papvu ^apeia (po^ou eTrefiyjrey 01KOL9,
145
TO
epod,
Xta-a-o/jiei^a
(f)iXou
Now rides the Dawn new-risen over the land above my head the Pleiad, star of night, grows dim, and on the trees
the nightingale chants her delicate strain, making lamentation at the dawning for Itys, Itys long bewailed. The mountain folk that drive their flocks awake their pipes, and pairs of
chestnut steeds arise and go to pasture. Now, too, the huntsmen that slay the wild creatures go forth to their task, and ^ by the springs of Ocean the swan rings out his loud strain. The fishing-boats put out, sped by the oar and the favouring onset of the winds, and sailors ^ raise their sails and cry, " Bring us, gracious breeze, with waveless escort, while the winds are still bring us to our children and our dear wives " and the canvas blows against the forestay.^ Such are the tasks for which others must care I am led by duty and love to sing a wedding-song in my master's honour. When good days come to princes, to their servants they bring boldness to sing and a share in the joy. But if fortune should bring forth aught else, her cruelty sends cruel fear upon the house. This day is set for the marriage-rite to it am I come with prayers of supplication, to sing a weddingsong of love for my loved master. God hath given, time hath Let the nuptial song, the fulfilled, wedlock for my prince. song of fulfilment, go forth.'
A herald, preceding
mation
^
;
Merops on
fails
to the scene,
us
till
in ancient belief a river, which was apparently thought of springs in the far East. ^ Whether vavrai is correct or not, the reference is here to vessels larger than the aKaroi, and avpa^ a gentle favouring breeze, is distinguished from the stormier avenoi. ' The TrpoTovos is the rope from the top of the mast to the bowsprit ; the great single sail is blown out full till it touches this.
Ocean was
its
as having
146
TRAGEDY
Probably there was a dispute between Merops and Phaethon, involving an agon on the subject of ambitious marriages ; and then, on Phaethon's refusing to submit, Clymene may have told
him
and he
may
have
set out
on
The
messenger's speech
tells
request, Phaethon tried in vain to drive the horses, though Helios watched him drive and strove to direct him, and how, to save a universal conflagration, Zeus struck him down to earth with a thunderbolt. He falls before the palace of Merops, and
in terror of Merops, hurriedly hides his smoking the body royal treasure-chamber, carrying off the chorus to assist her. At this very moment Merops enters, with a second
Clymene,
in
chorus of maidens^ chanting a wedding-hymn; they pass from No sooner have they disthe orchestra into the palace.
appeared than a servant rushes in and reports to Merops that the palace is full of smoke, issuing from the treasurechamber, though he can see no flame. Merops asks whether No, she is too busy with her Clymene knows about it.
'
have noticed it.' Merops hurries ofl" to stop the the chorus proper, who have now reappeared, conflagration burst into an impassioned lament, and Merops's loud cry of grief is heard from behind the scenes.
sacrifices to
;
That
is
all
that
we
have.
Now
lines
almost
ask for parody, and there is a delightful freshness, and even naivete, in some of the fragments, which is not common in
Greek Tragedy. (We find it again in the Ion and the Helena.) But the author of the treatise Oti the Sublime ^ was right in
his appreciation of the vivid picture of the father vainly trying to guide his rash boy. Though Euripides is far from lofty
'
by
Would you
^
nature, he yet often forces his genius to become tragic. not say that the soul of the writer is in the chariot
.
.
and winged
'
The
are called napBevoi or Kopat as distinct from the chorus proper There is no other certain extant instance of a supdficotdes. plementary chorus of the same sex as the chorus proper. Both are not present at the same time, but it is hardly likely (though just possible, with very rapid changes of dress) that both were composed of the same singers. The scene in which the second chorus figures must have been a singularly pretty one.
They
of SfKpai or
Ch. XV.
TRAGEDY
make
147
entrance-song of the chorus, perfect in its simplicity, and the imaginativeness of the whole treatment of the story, may well
hope for more of the play. In the lost scenes Merops and Clymene must certainly have confronted one another, and a further tragedy was probably prevented by a divine intervention, whereby the proper disposal of Phaethon's body was prescribed, or perhaps his translation to some paradise or Garden of the Sun was foretold. The Phaethon cannot be assigned with perfect confidence to
us
'
regard it as a youthful work, while resolved iambic feet suggest to others a later date.^
9.
(a)
an Oxyrhynchus papyrus
the source
proved by the identity of two of them with fr. 245 (Nauck). The sixteen lines consisted of twelve trochaic tetrameters and four lines of lyrics the former are part of a speech addressed by an older man to a younger several of
: :
the fragments already known also involve a father and son but the context of the fragment is not at present recoverable, nor
;
does the story of the play (which must have been more or
less
by Hyginus, Fab. 219) give any son of Temenus, was driven into exile by
like that told
clue.
(Archelaus,
in
Macedonia.
by neighbouring powers, and promised Archelaus his kingdom and his daughter, if he would save him but when Archelaus demanded the fulfilment of the promise, Cisseus planned to entice him into a pit full of live coals, thinly
;
slave informed Archelaus of the plot, and Archelaus drew the King into the same trap. Then, at the bidding of the oracle, he departed, led by a she-goat, and founded Aegae.) Stobaeus made a rich collection of commonplaces from the play.
{b)
^
covered over.
One
of the
Amherst papyri*
^
p. 81.
"
e.g. Zielinski,
iii,
Oxyrh. Pap.
No. 419.
L 2
148
TRAGEDY
century A.D. contains some fragments of the hypothesis of the satyric play Sciron of Euripides, a few words of which
(belonging to lines quoted in the hypothesis) are identical with fr. 678 (N.) eo-TL tol kuXov KaKov9 KoXd^eiv: but no
\
made
*
of the fragments.
10.
The
'
Pirithoiis
of Critias or Euripides
number of fragments were quoted by various ancient authors from a Pirithous of Euripides, but Athenaeus,' who
gives one of the quotations, and also the Life of Euripides^ show that the play was regarded by some as the work of
Critias,
of the Thirty
and
it
that the philosophical doctrine of the vovs SrjfjLiovpyos implied in a fragment quoted by Clement of Alexandria is
out
inconsistent with the theory more than once put forward by Euripides, according to which all things were created from earth and aldrjp, the mind of man (but not the Creative Mind)
Dr. Hunt justly being sometimes identified with the latter. notes a rationalizing tendency in the long fragment of the ^ and the rationalism there displayed Sisyphus of Critias
;
for
human purposes
is
from anything which we find in Euripides. It may be safely concluded that the author of the Pirithous is more likely to have been Critias than Euripides.
The Hypothesis
in the
of the play
is
given
by loannes Diaconus
commentary on Hermogenes already quoted. Pirithous went, accompanied by Theseus, to Hades to woo Persephone, and was there fastened to a rock guarded by serpents. Theseus refused to desert him but Heracles, being sent by
:
Eurystheus to fetch up Cerberus, obtained the release of both Theseus and Pirithous. loannes Diaconus goes on to quote
Athen. xi, p. 496 b. By Wilamowitz, Anal. Eitr., pp. 162-5. He also notes that the word fVSeXe;^?, which occurs in the same fragment (593 N.), is unknown before Plato, but it might have been used by Critias, who moved in philosophical
"^
circles.
He compares with this the use of the indefinite B^os or Qcoi in the papyrus fragments, but it is doubtful whether any conclusion can be drawn from this, as the least sceptical writers often fall into this use.
^
in
Hades
TRAGEDY
149
a passage (some lines of which were already known) ^ in which Aeacus sees Heracles approaching, challenges him, and receives
his reply:
AI.
ea, TL ^prjiia
8evp
elireiv
eh
//.dX' evToXfio) (ppevi. SiKaiov, 5> ^iye, oo-tl^ wu tottov^ TOvcrSe xpifxTrrrj kol KaO' tjvtlv airiav.
kyKovovvTa kol
HP.
ovSeh OKvos
e/xol
TToivT
KKaXv\jraaOaL Xoyov.
rrarpls p.ev 'Apyos, 61/ofxa 8' *HpaKXfjs. OeSiv Sk TrduTOoy iraTpb^ e^icpvu Aid's^ kyifi yap rjXOe firjTpl KeSvfj irpos Xe\o^^
coy
Zev9,
iJKco
XeXeKTai
ttJ?
dXrjdeias vtto/'
Kvva
dyeiv KeXevcoy (coura Trpo? MvKrji/iSas TTvXas, ISeTu fiev ov OiXcov, dOXov Si fioi
dvTjvvTOV TOPS' (pT ^r]Vpr]KevaL. roLOuS' lyvevoDv irpdyos EvpcoTrrjs kvkXco Aa-ca? T 7rda7]9 ey fjLV)(0V9 iXrjXvOa,
Aeac.
tell
Ah
what
is
this
who thou art, that drawest nigh this place, and for what cause thou comest. Her. I fear not to unfold the whole tale. My fatherland is Argos, my name Heracles. From Zeus, father of all the Gods, am I sprung for Zeus came to my good mother's bed, as hath been told by the word of truth. But I come hither perforce, obeying the command of Eurystheus, who sent me and bade me bring the hound of Hades alive to the gates of Mycenae not that he desired to see it, but he deemed that herein he had devised for me a task none could perform. 'Tis in quest of such a work as this that I have gone all around to the furthest recesses * of Europe and Asia.
:
A
'
two partly
^
papyrus of the second century A.D.^ contains the remains of intelligible and several hopelessly mutilated
Fr. 591 N.
rather ascribe this line, with its false cretic ', to Critias than to Euripides. Dobree emends to Keduov (h Xe'xos. ^ See above, p. 115. Critias may be ironically quoting a line of
One would
'
Euripides.
* livxovs may possible mean the 'deep places', in which he might expect to find entrances to Hades. (Euripides uses fivxol x^ovos or yfjy for the Infernal regions, Suppl. 926; Troad<)l2^ &c.) Oxyrh. Pap, xvii, No. 2078.
I50
TRAGEDY
fragments of the play. The first of the former appears to be probably the prologue of the part of a speech of Pirithous play
and punishment of
ingeniously restored
by Professor A. E.
iJLavia[<f
dTrj[v'
eaneipev ey
Kpovov
Ovyarpl
pLia-yoLT
TOLcovSe KOfnTOC^v 8' va-repov Kara^iov? iroLvd^ $019 'ireLo-ev, [hv ttolvtccv Trarrjp
p.avLas
dWd
TraTTjp dfjLapTcbu
eh
0[ov9 rificopia.
eyo)
8'
eKLuov
But when he was just free from his madness God sent upon him. He seized a cloud, made in the likeness of woman, and spread abroad among the Thessalians the most impious tale, that he was joined, forsooth, in wedlock to the For this boast he afterward paid to daughter of Cronus. the gods the penalty deserved; for the father of all the gods bound his body, whirling round in maddening circles, to a wheel of frenzy, and then took and hid him, out of the ken of men, in the abyss of heaven and there my father was rent asunder by the northern blasts a punishment duly fitted to the boastings whereby he had sinned against the gods. And I, bearing his woes in my riddling name, am called Pirithous, and my fortune is like his.'
'
infatuation
In the second fragment Theseus is entreating the aid of Heracles. The following are the more intelligible lines ^
:
&H.
aiay^pov 7rpo]8ovuaL^
^
]tj,
8v(T[fjL]uco9
Class. Rev. xlii (1928), p. 9. Professor Housman naturally only gives the last two lines tentatively, with the explanation TlipiQovs napa to irfpidfiv.
'^
As given
in
Oxyrh. Pap.^
I.e.,
p. 41.
TRAGEDY
HP.
[cravT^
re],
151
Grja-eVf rfj
'AOrji/aLcou 7r6[Xei
eXe^ay tolctl 8v(ttv)(^ov(tl yap del nor el av crv/j.jj.axos' a-Kfjyjnp [8e T]ot
TTpeiTOVT
deLKes (tt' e^ovra irpos irdrpav fMoXeiu. Evpva-Oea yap Trco? 8okT9 dv da-fievov^ ei TTvBoLTO ravra (TVinrpd^avrd croi, e/Li' Xe^eiv dv coy aKpauTos ijOXrjTat ttovos
;
SH. d\k
ov
(TV XPTjC^'-^
7r[auTaxrj
y]
kfxr^v
exety
exOpolat T ^xOpOL[i/ Kal (PlXol(tl\v evfjLeurj. irpodOev cr e/xol t[oiovtou oud' alp^el Aoyo?, XeyoLS S' dv [ijSi] Kai crv tovs av]Tovs Xoyov?.
Thes. ... for it is base to betray a faithful friend, when captured by enemies. Her. Theseus, thou hast spoken as becomes thyself and the city of Athens, for thou art ever the ally of the distressed. Yet it is unseemly that 1 should return to my country with an excuse.^ How gladly, thinkest thou, would Eurystheus, if he learned that I had helped thee
Thes. toil had left my task unfulfilled ? ^ not hast thou will, rashly given (?) my good Nay, everywhere but freely, hostile to foes and favourable to friends. It is said that formerly thou wast such to me, and now thou mayst tell the same tale.
thus, say that
my
in
one of the plays which Aristotle had mind when he spoke of plays, the scene of which is laid Hades, depending for their interest on the spectacle {6\jns).
The treatment
terrifying.
of the subject in art, however, suggests nothing fifth-century relief in the Torlonia Collection
and a scene on an Etruscan mirror, which are here reproduced, are typically restrained in expression.*
exovm to mean giving Eurystheus an opportunity This suits the context, but is difficult to extract from the Greek. Could the words mean under the necessity of explaining why I had returned with two others ', making an excuse for their presence (' lest Eurystheus should say that they had helped me, and so I had not
^
Hunt takes
'.
o-Kri-^iv
for an excuse
'
'
'
fulfilled
"^
e/irrXjjKToj/
'
*
the task alone ') ? does not give a satisfactory contrast to eXevdepas.
'
'
Some
word meaning
purchased
seems
to
be wanted.
Figs, xvi and xvii (after Petersen, Ein Werk des Panainos (1905). Both works probably show the influence of Folygnotus, in whose great painting of the lower world Theseus and Pirithous were included.
152
1 1.
*
TRAGEDY
The Medea of (f) Neophron
'
No. 1 86 of the British Museum Papyri^ contains fragments" of a play about Medea. An allusion in the first fragment to the arrival of Aegeus,^ when compared with a fragment of the
Medea
of Neophron,^ in which
to Corinth to consult
as to the interpretation of an oracle, has suggested Neophron as the author ; but the grounds for the ascription are very weak, though his play may have
Medea
been the best-known Medea after that of Euripides himself. Plays on the same subject were written by Dicaeogenes,
The stage-direction ^^opov Carcinus, Diogenes, and Biotus. in fr. 3, in place of a written choral ode, and followed immediately
by two
fifth
lines of
than the
fr.
century
2*
fr.
raise the
Comedy
in
or Satyric
Drama.
Assuming
that the
two
lines
3
[(j)i\aL
'y]vi/aLKS at
KopLvdtov neSou
p6/xols
[oIkl]t
\a)pas
TTJcrSe 'jTaTpa)Ois
were spoken by Medea,^ Milne concludes that the fragments come from the early part of the play.
12.
'
(f)
One of the Amherst papyri,^ of the second century B.C., contains part of about fifteen lines of a scene in which some one announces to Hector an attack of the Greeks Hector
;
armour, and
for the
^ Milne's Cat., No. yy, where the text is given. The readings are often very uncertain, as Mekler's comparison {Philologus, Ixx. 497 flf.) of Cronert's and Eitrem's readings shows. ^ The speaker is Jason, and some words of a speech to Jason follow. But no connected sense can be made of them. ^ Schol. Eur. Med. 666 (Neophron, fr. i Nauck).
e.g.
ex^i^
I
1.
.
8 VTOf&> ^XejSi,
and
is
(if
Milne
is
right) in
is
II.
18, 19 eV nrjpo'is
the
first
that
some one
Amherst Pap.
ii,
No.
10.
TRAGEDY
and pours scorn on the other speaker's misgivings.
significant lines are as follows (with the restorations
153
The more
proposed
by
Blass)
ravT dyyeXodv
7JK(o,
(Tol9
ov KaO'
[-qSoj/rju
86fj.0L9
(TV
8\
ayj^a^,
(EKT.)
OTTO)? (TOL Kaipicos e[^ei rdSe. x^P^'- T^P^^ oLKovs oTrXa r [KK6fxi^e fxoL
(PpovTiC
yap
avT-qv
rrji^Se
Ka[i
....
Xa[ya> (ppei^as
dXX' eKTToScoy
r]fXLU
jjlol
d-Tvavra' Kal
yap eh
Not gladly come I to bear these tidings to thine house but do thou, O King, go and take good heed of the guard in that place, and see that all shall be as the time demands.' HecL Go to the house and bring me out my arms and the spear-won shield of Achilles. For this very shield will I But stand out of my path, lest thou ruin all our plan. take Thou wouldst make even the bravest man as craven as a
*
'
hare.'
is evidently within Troy, probably before the and the time is later than the death of Patroclus royal palace, and the capture of the arms of Achilles by Hector. This almost rules out the suggestion of Weil ^ and Radermacher ^ that the play from which the passage comes is the Hector of Astydamas for in that play (as they note) there seems to have been a scene ^ in which Hector, going to the fight, took farewell of his infant son. But that scene belonged to a much earlier point in the story, and would hardly have been included in the same play. Weil suggests Polydamas as the first thinks and the advice which he gives in Iliad xviii that speaker, on the third day after the death of Patroclus, may have been inserted here, and that he forebodes evil as he did in Iliad xii.
The
scene
p. 737-
p. 138.
Schol. Iliad '^X. 472 otto Kparos Kojjvd^ eiXtro* aT)fjLiovvTai TiJ>ff tovtov dta t6 tov TpayiKov AarvdufxavTa napdyeiv tup "E/cropa XeyovTa de^ai KoivrjV fxoi npos noXepov 5f Ka\ cjio^rjOfj irals*. In this the original words may have been de^ai kvvtjv /moi np6tT7roX\ wde Trpo(TfxoX<ov (Porson), and perhaps [xfj
Kai (jio^qdfj TTtus (Dindorfj.
'
154
TRAGEDY
13.
Incerti
Oeneus'
{?)
Mus. Papyri 688 and 2822^ were ascribed tentatively to the Oeneus of Euripides, and are printed along with the previously known fragments of that play by von Arnim.^ But the occurrence in them of the stage-direction yopov /x[eAos'] rules out this ascription, and
contained
in the Brit.
The fragments
Little is clear in dates the play later than the fifth century. the fragments, except that some one is about to pay honour to
the
tomb of Meleager
:
The
partly intelligible
'eXol? ycLp
fjv
T()v
kjicou
Xoyoav
e^^efy*
ttoSl,
0'
.
v(j)r)y]L
irpd^Lv
\o\piiri(T(o
077(09
Tv\rj
\opov
oarov
'y\tv\aL(TLV
//[eXoy
Tapayfiov [tovtov
eyo)
yap
Evidently we have
another
jecture.
:
the end of one scene and the beginning of but the nature of the scenes it is impossible to con-
In
c5
(Ppevo^Xa^eis*
^
14.
Iphige7iia' [f)
(a) In a passage in Brit. Mus. Papyrus 2560 (of the late second century A.D.), none of the lines in which gets much
beyond the caesura, the herald Talthybius is bidden by the speaker to narrate something. The word dOi^iLcrro^ (1. 3), and the references to marriage in later lines, with the mention of
^
i.e.
Pap. Grenf.
ii.
i.
4.
^ After the expedition of the Epigoni to Thebes, Diomedes went to Aetolia to restore the throne to his grandfather Oeneus, who had been expelled by the sons of Oeneus' brother Agrius. * The proposed reading TrarpaSeXc^o) assumes that Diomedes is the speaker, and this is quite uncertain.
TRAGEDY
atSrjpo^,
155
have suggested
that Iphigenia
may
^
Another papyrus
(Brit.
Mus. 486
b)
second century B.C. contains a fragment of a dialogue in which one of the speakers is Agamemnon; Calchas,Talthybius,
The
reference
to airXoLa points again to Iphigenia as the subject, and what may be merely a passing reference to Ajax is no obstacle to
this.
Catalogue of British
few other scraps of plays are mentioned in Milne's Museum Papyri (Nos. 81-4) but contain
A.
1
W.
P.-C.
'^
(p. 57).
fr.
lb..
No. 79
(p. 58).
953, gives forty-four lines from the so-called Didot Papyrus', which was first published by Weil in 1879. Many scholars have had grave doubts about their Euripidean authorship ; and Professor D. S. Robertson has argued in the Classical Review, xxxvi, pp. 106 sqq., that they come from Menander's 'ETrirpcTroi/Tey, and contain a pf)o-is of Pamphile, to which there was an dvTipprja-is of Smicrines, partly preserved in the Cairo papyrus of Menander (see ch. iii, below, While I am not convmced that they are correctly ascribed to p. 168). this play, I have no doubt that they belong to the New Comedy, and I have therefore omitted them from the present chapter.
Nauck,
'
Ill
COMEDY
Epicharmus and pseud-Epicharmea (Axiopistus ?)
Aristophanes,
Cratinus,
;
the Old
Comedy,
Middle
Eupolis, unidentified pieces; Comedy, Alexis, Antiphanes, unidentified pieces; New Menander, Menander (?), Philemon, unidentified pieces
;
Comedy,
Graeco-
Egyptian Comedy.
Of
Comedy we
So far as pected, hardly any remains preserved in papyri. of Dorian writers and other comedy survived, Epicharmus
they did
the Roman Publilius Syrus after them, not as moralists from whose plays could be but as dramatists extracted a series of maxims and apophthegms regarded as
so, as did
valuable for the ethical instruction of youth. When Theocritus composed a dedicatory inscription for Epicharmus' statue in Syracuse he gave as the reason for his
fellow citizens' affection not the fact that
iroTrau ^oav
The longest fragment which we have from a collection ot such yvSiiiaL consists of some twenty-six lines of introduction followed by four fragments so mutilated that nothing can be
made of them.^ emended so as
Of
to
make
us in one fragment, are worse than wild beasts, for they bite the hand that feeds them.^ Not a few of such ypoofzaL, however preserved, are late forgeries
Women,
the poet
tells
some
DemiaAczuk, Suppl. Com., p. 123; cf. i) Cronert, Hermes, 1912, pp. 402-7. ^ Pap. Berol. 9772; Berliner Klassikertexte, II, p. 124; Demiariczuk, cf. J. U. Powell, Collectattea Alexandri?ta, p. 222 (Pseudpp. 124-5
; ;
Epicharmea, No.
3).
COMEDY
Epicharmus' Odysseus}
157
title
:
tantalizing scrap we have to be content.^ Turning to Attic comedy we are faced with an almost
Even by the third century B.C. the generation which could understand the subject-matter, or rather the historical and topical allusions, of Aristophanes and
the Old
it,
Comedy was past. Comedy, as Aristotle truly said of had become more philosophical less interested, that is, in the person, more in the type. The very language of the old poets would be puzzling to the later speakers of the simplified and de-Atticized KOLvrj, and, indeed, we owe the pre'
'
servation of Aristophanes' eleven surviving comedies rather to the interest which Byzantine scholars showed in his language
than to any love of his plays as such. Not only, then, are papyri of the Old Comedy infrequent, but they tend also to be late. For all that, where papyri reinforce manuscript
have, for they do so with a certain authority. a lines the of from which instance, fragment 150 Wasps'^ helps us in definitely confirming two conjectural emendations.*
tradition,
Still it must be admitted that in general the papyri fragments of Aristophanes anticipate rather than elucidate the
We
mistakes of the manuscripts.^ Of hitherto unknown plays of Aristophanes we have but little. There is a fragment possibly
attributable to
writer,
him containing a reference to the older comic ^ five more fragments containing a reference Magnes
;
probably Didymean;"^ an indecent discussion between two women, possibly from the
^
"^
cf.
ii,
p.
Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), pp. 291 et sqq. 303 (No. 301); oi. Archiv fur'Papyrusforschung^
1901, p. 501.
^
^
Pap. Oxyrh,
1.
xi,
Brunck's ypd<pofxat
MSS.
y|Hl^^/o|JLal)
in
1.
iveSrjKe
for fjredrjKe in
790. ^ See Grenfell's excellent article mJ.H.S., 1919, on the value of papyri for textual criticism. He cites many instances of confirmed emendations. The lacuna in the MSS. of Ar. Ran. 888 is also to be found in a papyrus.
"
Pap. Amherst,
ii,
p.
p.
90;
cf.
T.W.Allen
Pap. Greco- Egiz. ii. i, pp. 9 et sqq. ; Demianczuk, pp. 17-19; cf. Cronert in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1908, p. 1391. For Philocles 6 'AX/xiWof, bia
'^
TO TTiKpov flvai
cf.
Schol. Ar.
Av.
281.
158
COMEDY
Second Thesmophoriazusae} and (again) possibly from this same play a scrap of Euripidean parody.^ We are reminded
of Aristophanes' attacks on that unfortunate tragedian by a papyrus fragment of Satyrus' Vita Euripidis^ where it is said
that
the comic
poet eTriOvfieT
ttjp
yXcoaa-av
avrov
(i.e.
of
Euripides)
/xeTprja-ai,
Sl' TO,
TJ9
XeiTTa prjfxaT
e^ea/jLrJx^ro.^
Would like to take measurements of that tongue of his with which he used to lick his subtleties into shape.'
*
GeryiadesJ'
One
is
to
hand showing us that Aristophanes was not altogether a dead letter for the Egyptian Greeks of the second century of our era. This is a fragmentary papyrus bill, mentioning a sum of money owed to a scribe for the copying of Aristophanes' Pluttis. Labour was indeed cheap in those days, for the scribe seems to have been paid at the rate of only 38 drachmas per
10,000
lines.^
Of
writers of the
portions of
^
Old Comedy other than Aristophanes, for whose works we have papyri to thank, Cratinus is
;
ii, pp. 20-3 (No. 212) Demianczuk, pp. 91-2. Grenfell and Hunt, New Classical Fragments y p. 24 (No. 12). The attribution to Second Thesmo. is that of Blass {Liter. Zentralbl., 1897, p. 334). Crusius {Mil. H. Weil, p. 81) prefers the Gerytades. Others have thought the fragment Euripidean.
Pap. Oxyrh.
The text is ix, p. 151 (No. 11 76); Demianczuk, p. 20. Perhaps, as Grenfell and Hunt suggest, read Kofiyj/d for Xenra. * Pap. Oxyrh. xi, pp. 245-7 (Nos. 1400, 1402, 1403). The glossed word (TKopofil^iiv suggests Aristoph., of. Schol. Ar. Ach. 165. Cf. Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 142; Wiist in Btirsian, 1926, p. 121. ^ Pap. Flor. ii. 9 ; cf. Archiv f. Pap. vi. 254, No. 486 Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (191 7), pp. 291 et sqq. ^ Pap. Brit. Mus. Inv. 21 10; cf. H. I. Bell in Aegyptus, ii (1921), pp. 281 et sqq. : The Thyestes of Sophocles and an Egyptian scriptorium *. Bell shows clearly that ypdnTpov here means pay for copying, not simply for writing materials. Reckoning 10,000 lines as fifteen days' work, Bell points out that the scribe's 56 dr. a week compares favourably with the wages of a director of water-works, who got only 40 dr. ; cf. Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 1 10. See above, p. loi n.
Pap. Oxyrh.
uncertain.
; '
COMEDY
159
perhaps the most important, and of him we possess not a play, nor even the portion of a play, but the Hypothesis or Argument to one, the Dionysalexander} Fieri non potest,
tit
fi^agmentis refingatiir?
This pessimistic
extent borne out by our newly discovered Hypothesis. Basing his conclusions on fragments preserved only in citation Casau-
bon thought that the Alexander of the composite title was Alexander of Pherae, and so attributed the play to the younger Cratinus Meineke made a similar attribution, though he chose to see in Alexander, Alexander the Great. Kock rightly gave the play to the elder Cratinus, and again rightly took the Alex;
ander of the
title
to be
synonymous with
Paris
but he inter-
preted the play as the impersonation of Dionysus by Paris, which, as we shall see, is the reverse of the truth. Zielinski
thought that the play w^as a political parable Dionysalexander was the Athenian Demos, and the three goddesses mentioned in a fragment were the three party leaders. Only
:
a little-known scholar, W. H. Grauert, writing as long ago as 1838^ solved the riddle anything like aright, and he, Cas'
sandra-like, sang truth without belief. The text of the Hypothesis runs as follows
.
K{aX) OVTOL
fJL{^v)
TOV
TTOLrj{TOv)
e7TL(TKa>(7rTovcri)
^\evd^ov(T(Lv).
8(e)
TTapayevofxevoav avTca irapa fieu 8' 'Adrjvds VTV\i(as) !A(ppo8L{T7j^) Kd\\L(TT6{v) re K{al)
fi{e)T{a) 8e eirepaaTou avrov vTrdp^eiv Kptpei ravr-qv vlkclv. nXevo-as e/y Tav(Ta) AaKe8aLiJLo{va) (Kal) tyjv ^EXei/rji/ e^ayaycbu uKovaas 8 fier oXiyov tov9 enavep)(^eT(aL) eh rrju "181]^. A)(^aL0V9 7Tvp[7roX]LP Tr]v \Qi(pav) 0[euy(ef) irp09 top 'AXe^av[8(pov), K(al)
*
Trju
lJL(ev)
'EXvrj(u)
eh TaXapov
a)(nT[ep
Tvpov
Pap. Oxyrh. iv, pp. 69 et sqq. (No. 663); Demiauczuk, p. 31; cf Kenyon, 'Greek papyri and classical literature' m J.H.S.^ I9I9) P- n; Korte in Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), pp. 291 et sqq. and (chiefly) in Hermes^
xxxix (1904), pp. 481-98. ^ The great Aristophanic scholar, Van Leeuwen, seems to agree with him. IniUilior vix ullus est labor, he writes, qiiam de opcrtifji ignofontvi compositione vet indole disputandi. (Prolegomena ad Aristophanem^
p. 140.)
'
p. 62.
i6o
Kpyy^ra^,
COMEDY
kavTov
S*
e/y
irapayevoixevos S* 'A\e^av8(pos) K(al) (pcopdora? eKccTepo(v) dy^Lv kwl ras vavs irp(oG-)TdTTeL co? irapaScocrcou roT? oKvovcTT]^ 5e Trj'S ^E\evr){s) ravTrju fi(^u) OLKreipas ldy^aioi{s)o)? yvvoL^ e^oav err iKar tov 8(e) Al6vv{(tov) (iy irapaSo)(( l), 6r}a-6iievo(v) dirocTTeWeL' (TvuaKoXovd{ov(ri) 8' ol ^dTv{poL) iTapaKa\ovvT9 re K{al) ovk av 7rpo8d>(TLv avrov (f)d<TKovTes. K(OfjLCo8eLTaL 8* kp TO) 8pdfiaTL IlepLKXrj? fxdXa 7n6avS>^ 8l'
[leWov.
fjL(pd<rCos CO?
*
These [i.e. the Satyrs] address the audience on behalf of the poet, and when Dionysus turns up they mock and jeer at him. Offered^ by Hera invincible power, by Athene good fortune in war, by Aphrodite the chance of becoming the most beautiful and best-loved man in the world, he adjudges the prize to the last named. After this he sails to Sparta, carries away Helen and returns to Ida. Soon after this he hears that the Achaeans are ravaging the country, so he flies to Alexander and, hiding Helen in a basket like a cheese^ and changing himself into a ram,^ he awaits developments. Alexander turns up, and finds them both, and orders them to be led off to the ships, intending to hand them over to the Achaeans. Helen objects, and in pity he keeps her to be his The Satyrs wife, and sends Dionysus away for deportation. accompany him, encouraging him and declaring that they will never desert him. Pericles is satirized in the pla)^ with great * in the plausibility guise of one of the characters for having brought the war on the Athenians.'
Mythological burlesque such as this formed one of the stock subjects of Greek Comedy. Cratinus himself uses it in other plays such as the ^pL(j)ioi, a skit on the Perseus myth,
where Pericles is apparently parodied in the person of Zeus, and his mistress Aspasia in that of the goddess of the title, it being suggested that Nemesis and not Leda is the real mother of Helen. The Dionysus of Crates and the Europa and 'Adrjvd^ yovai of Hermippus tell, or at least suggest, their own tale, and readers of Aristophanes will not need to be reminded of Prometheus hiding under his
in the Nkfiea-is,
for
and
As Grenfell and Hunt point out, TrapayfvojjLevcop looks like a mistake some such word as rrapaT(ivofieva)v. ^ Uncertain. There is much to be said for Korte's opnv or x'/'') raXapos being the technical word for a bird-basket. ^ The well-known ^^7, /3^ fragment (fr. 43 K.) comes in here.
^
No
COMEDY
^
i6i
umbrella, and of Iris, the soubrette (as Symonds calls her) in the Birds of Hermes as house-porter in the Peace, or of the gluttonous Heracles or the cowardly Dionysus in the Frogs,
and hatch her egg in the Daedalus. The Dionysalexander illustrates the exuberance of fancy and liveliness of movement of the Old Comedy at its with its unexpected incidents and its fun fast and furious best it must have been a rattling farce. But, as in other mythoIn the
spirit
is
same
Leda
told to sit
purpose, and Korte,^ following the Hypothesis, holds that, beneath the characters of Dionysus and Helen, Cratinus is satirizing Pericles and Aspasia, paralleling the Greek invasion of Troy with the Spartan incursions into Attica, and suggesting, as did Aristophanes,^ that Pericles was mainly responsible
for the war.
Hypothesis.
the Hypotheses to Aristophanes' plays that we must date to very much the same period. If this is so, we must give
up
the theory generally held ^ which attributes these arguments to the Byzantine period, and Korte is probably right in his
Symmachus
Next
in
importance
This play we know to have been written in 41a, and theme, not unnaturally, is the bad state of Athens at that The chorus is perhaps composed of Mapa6o!>voiid^aL time.
Jfj/ioL.^
its
who
(first
fragment).
Here a
certain
mentioned, but we know nothing of him, nor can much we gather from this reference except that he is accused
Niceratus
of over-rationing.^
Griechische Komodie, p. 28. e.g. Ach. 530. by Leo {Rhein. Mus. xxxiii, pp 405 et sqq.). * Cat. gen. des antiq. igypt. du MusSe de Cciire, No. 43227, Pap. de Mdnandre, Lefebvre, pp. xxi et sqq. ; Schroeder, Aov. Com. fragg. in Pap. repert. (Kleine lexte. No. 135, p. 65); DemiaAczuk, pp. 43-8, and
1
"^
e.g.
p. 117.
"
*Two
;
187
xo''i't'ff-*
One
xoivi^
was a day's
ration
(cf.
Hdt.
vii.
e).
8730
i6a
COMEDY
;
of the
various revenants irpoarTdTai tov Srjfxov who have somehow been recalled from the nether world to succour Athens in her
need.
One
of these
is
is
Solon, whose
name
This latter point that the has been disputed on the ground papyrus reads quite Plutarch's Life of from But we know definitely Pyronides. Pericles^ that a Pyronides occurs as a character in the ^fj/ioL
and Myronides
^ Aristophanes' Wasps the dog Labes stands for the general Laches, so doubtless here Pyronides is an intentional perversion of the name Myronides.^ The attri-
of Eupolis
and as
in
bution of the third leaf (a leaf found two years earlier than, though seemingly written by the same hand as, the first and
second leaves) has led to much dispute.* It clearly refers to the return to life of some one, for we get the line
[tl]
'
^
;
Why
will
to remain dead
'
general scene seems to be the expulsion from Athens of a (TVKo(j)dvTri^ by a SiKaios durjp. The (rvK0(pdj/T7j9^ though
The
claiming to be himself also an honest man, has confessed to having extorted a hundred staters from a ^et/o? by threatening him with an action for profanation of the Mysteries. The
ch. xxviii.
836.
This Myronides might be the a-TpaTrjyos of 479/8 (Plut. Arist. chs. x and xx), but is more likely to be the victor of Oenophyta (457 B.C.). He was one of Aristophanes' heroes, cf. Lys. 801 and Eccl. 303. Pyronides occurs in Pap. Oxyrh. x, p. 98 (No. 1240}. Grenfell and Hunt would connect it with our present papyrus. * The bibliography is Lefebvre (op. cit.) is against the attribution Korte in Hermes, y\\\\ (191 2), pp. 276 et sqq. and again in Bericht. d. sacks. Ak., 191 9, pp. 1-27 is for Jensen in Hermes, li (191 6), pp. 321 et sqq. hesitates, but is in the main against Robert, in a review of Demianczuk (who accepts) in the Gott gelehr. Anz., 1918, pp. 168 et sqq., is strongly against ; Wilamowitz in Herjnes, liv (1919), p. 69, deals with the Myronides
: ; ;
;
'
question only; Wiist in Phil. IVoch., 1920, col. 385 et sqq., is for. ^ Perhaps a conscious parody ot Euripides. The line occurs
in
the
Melanippe (fr. 507 Nauck). It is possible that Te^i'r;]<a)y ovk ave^iav ovd' 5n-a| of Pap. Oxyrh. vi, p. 172 (No. 863) connects with this fragment.
COMEDY
the
kvkccou
163
holy crvKoc/xjipTrjs is thrown into chains, and the StKaio? durjp remarks that he wishes a similar fate would overtake Diognetus. There is also some mention of an Epidaurian.
or sacrificial drink.
The
The
the
Jij/jLOL
case for the attribution of this leaf of the papyrus to rests in the main on three arguments first, the
:
reference to the recalling of the dead noticed above secondly, the likelihood of a reference in a play produced in 412 to one of those accusations of profanation of the Mysteries which
;
must have been still rife in Athens ever since the scandal and panic and wholesale arrests of 415 thirdly, the fact that, as Aristides was to the Athenians the SUaLos avr\p par excellence^ and as he seems to have been one of the saviours of Athens
;
'
appearance
what one would expect. The case against the attribution rests mainly on the reference to Diognetus. We happen ^ to know from an inscription of a certain Diognetus, whose father, Phrynon, dedicated an offering to the gods on his son's
just
recovery from illness. By regarding the Epidaurian in the fragment as being Asclepius, Robert identifies the Diognetus
of the papyrus with him of the inscription, dates thereby the scene as roughly 350 B.C., and regards it as part of a play belonging to the Middle Comedy. To this theory several
objections
may
more
this
likely to
is
be made. In the first place the Epidaurian be the ^ivos than the god of healing, and,
of the
identification of the
is
if
so,
is
the likelihood
two
considerably impaired. Next, even granting the identification, there is nothing which dates the inscription to 350 it might, so Wiist thinks, be as early as 403. Further
Diogneti
than
this,
Diognetus
three times in
is
common name it
occurs thirty-
of the play may be, for instance, a ^rjrrjTrj^, for whose existence we have the evidence of an inscription.^ Of the two views that which attributes this third leaf to the ArjfioL is on
the whole the
^
more probable.
I.G.
ii.
1440.
att.
Kirchner, Pros.
3850
TTfpi 'AX<(l^ta6ou,
i64
COMEDY
far
So
we have passed
definite authors.
can only say, and that sometimes with hesitation, that they belong to the Old Comedy. Three of these may be cited.
One ^ has
for
survived as, apparently, a schoolboy's copy, written bride's purposes of education or perhaps punishment.
'
A
rj
true
dower
.
.
',
8ou
dW
.
is
ov xp^crou
'
BiKaLoa-vvr] , ^pov-qa-L^
.
('
/idpaynot gold
or emerald
justice, prudence '). So far gifts come from a New Comedy indeed a form which Menander ^ uses but the sequel
but moral
we
evJKapnov
. .
K(rTa)(yco[v elpyaafiivov
fruitful
Korte some
play,
attribute the
*
'
political
wrought with ears of corn'), which makes whole fragment with great probability to Old Comedy in which, at the end of the
to
(?)
Peace
is is
wedded
Demus.
an interesting Strasbourg papyrus ^ dating from about the year 390 B.C., and containing a dialogue
The second
between two friends, the name of one of v/hom was Euarchidas. Euarchidas (as his Doric name suggests) is a Spartan who is
entertaining in Sparta apparently the scene of, or a scene in, an Athenian ^evos whose name has not survived. the play Euarchidas, being a Spartan, talks Doric,* his friend Attic.
would suggest, a promade to remark that in Athens, a city of shopkeepers, the name EvapxtSa? would be impossible. A man would rather be called EveinroXos. The mention of Lysandridas (= Lysander) leads us to attribute the comedy to a date between 404 and 375. The third ^ is a papyrus quite recently discovered, which
friend
is,
The
Laconian Athenian
who
is
^ Pap. Soc. Ital. 143 Pap. Grec. e Lat. ii. 67 cf. Korte in Archiv f. Fr. 373 K. Pap. vii, p. 142. 2 Pap. Argeniorat. 2345 cf. Wiist in Bursian, 1926, pp. I2ietsqq., and Cronert in Nachr. d. k. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. zu Gott. Phil. Hist.
;
;
"^
Klasse^ 1922, pp. 27-31. Cronert's certainly bold restoration is criticized by Korte, who does not believe in it, in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 257. * e.g. irrj-noKa, Xoa)u (Attic Xo&f), [xefivanai. ^ Published and explained by M. Norsa and G. Vitelli in BuU. de la Soc. roy, d'Arch. d'Alex., suppl. du fasc. 25, pp. 3-9.
COMEDY
165
gives us fourteen lines apparently from the Prologue to a mythological parody spoken by the goddess Rhea. It runs
as follows
TL
:
ovv
kfjiol
(pair]
tis
au
kyoo 8* kpS> [t\o So(poK\ov9 7roy vfjLMv, " niiTOvOa 8eLvd ". Trccrra fioL yepoau Kp[6vo9\
TO,
TraLSt*
eKTTLpeL re
Kal KaTeaOUi,
'^^'^
dW
6 TL
k3[T*
ifiol
avTos epSei
x^'-P^
MeyapdS'
dycoi/
av
SeSoLKe
e^pjycre
yap rov xPV^f^^^ coa-irep kvu[* ^EKdrrjy'] yap Kp6j/a> ttoO* AttoXXodj/ Spaxlf^V^t]
ovk direXaPe ravra 8r] Ovfiov 7rve[(ov\ irepav Xpr)(Te[u, avrt ye] 8pa[x\iJL(o[v d]^[L(ii>v\ ou (TKevdpia, fxd tov Al', ovSe xprjfiara, K TTJs ^aa-LXeCa^ 8* kKireauu vno Tr[aL8Lov.] [tov\t ovv 8e8oLKa)s irdvTa KaTawi[ueL reKva,]
you might ask why I trouble about your affairs. quote Sophocles in answer: "Terrible have been my Old Cronus devours and drinks all my children, sufferings ". and gives not a farthing's compensation. No he kills all my off>pring with his own hand, takes them off to Megara, and sells and eats them. And the reason is that he fears the ^ oracle, fears it like Hell. Apollo once lent him the loan of a drachma and never got it back so in anger he gave another kind, an oracle, claiming in return for his drachmas not goods nor cash, but Cronus' expulsion from his kingdom at a son's hands. That 's why he gobbles up all his children.'
of
I'll
:
'
One
We know that
the old comic poet Phrynichus wrote a play ^ are so meagre that we can
conclude nothing from them that would suggest the attribuunder consideration to that play. Nor
the quotation from Sophocles of much use. do not of the many plays of the tragedian it comes ; and even if we suppose the reference to be to the
We
^ There is a pun on the double meaning of XP^^- To borrow Professor '^ " to lend money Gilbert Murray's words : The word xp^^ means both and *'to give an oracle"; two ways of helping people in an emergency' {Four stages 0/ Greek Religion, p. 51).
'
Kock,
i.
372 et sq.
i66
Oedipus
Coloneiis^ in
off,
COMEDY
since the date of that play
no better
which the phrase does occur,^ we are still is not certainly known.
it
fairly
to the
end of the poet's life, and sets its first production as late as the year 402. This gives colour to the theory that our comedy is rather Middle than Old.^ This is probable for other reasons. Common as we have seen mythological travesty to be in Old Comedy it becomes later still more common. Titles such as Athamas^ Aeolus^ Deucalion, and Danae (to cite but a few) abound, and we have plays like the Orestautoclides of Timocles, in which Autoclides, pursued by courtesans, figures as a parody of Orestes pursued by the Furies. Alexis' Linus seems to have dealt with the story of its hero's death at the hands of the violent and gluttonous Heracles, and a Ganymedes was written by Alcaeus, Antiphanes, and Eubulus.^ fragment coming apparently from an Anthology, and attributed by Wilamowitz to Pherecrates,* who belongs to the Old Comedy, deserves a bare mention, and similarly one from
Plato Comicus.^
Of what is indisputably Middle Comedy we possess only one papyrus fragment of any importance. This is a Berlin specimen dating from the third century B.C., and containing twenty-six lines of a comedy attributable with tolerable
certainty to the dramatist Alexis,^ the uncle
^
and model of
attempt on the part of the editors to pin the Oedipus Coloneus, because Rhea deprived of her children is^to Cronus what Oedipus deprived of his children is to Creon, seems hazardous in the extreme. ^ The mythological aspect of Middle Comedy is well treated by Denis, La Comidie grecque, vol. ii, pp. 354 et sqq. * The theory of the editors, that this play must have been produced before 408 because in that year Euripides produced the Orestes and, as the Orestes (1. 1616) contains the phrase nennvda deim, the comic poet would have made Rhea quote Euripides in preference, will not commend itself to many. C. Gallavotti {Rhnst. di Filol., nuov. ser. viii, fasc. 2, June 1930) suggests as the title Kpoj/os or Ai6s yoval. His view that 1. 8 (where he reads coanep ol Kvves) refers to the Cynics is highly improbable. * Pherecrates in Pap. Berol. 9772 DemiaAczuk, p. 71 : avr]p yap oaris d7r]odavov(rr]s 6ua0op[et
An
citation
down
to the
'
eTrt'trrar'
evTvxelv,
Plato in Pap. Berol. 9772 ; DemiaAczuk, p. 82. H. I. Bell, Pap. Berol. I1771. Cf. Year's Work, 1918-19, p. 3 Bibliography, \Graeco-R07nan Egypt, 191 5- 19, p. 120; Wilamowitz in
:
COMEDY
167
Menander. The left-hand side of the papyrus has gone, a fact which adds to the difficulty of interpretation, as it makes it impossible to be certain who is speaking and when a change of speaker occurs.^ The scene seems to be laid in front of a temple of Demeter, and there is an altar on the stage much All we can make out as in the similar scene in the RudensP' with certainty is that some one pursues some one else, who
takes refuge at the altar. Wilamowitz thinks that the pursued is a girl and the pursuer a leno Korte, with more proba;
bility, pictures
a scene
in
is
heiress
kiriTpoiros
accompanied
by
presence of a coryphaeus and the letters yopov in the text, suggesting a choric usage analogous to that in Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae^ point to the play's
his slave Sosias.
The
belonging to the Middle Comedy.^ The more exact attribution to Alexis is due partly to the occurrence in this fragment of the formula of an oath similar to one used by him in the
ToKKTTris* and partly to his use of the adverb iraXaLo-TpiKm.^ Besides the fragment of Alexis we have from the Middle
Comedy
only the
last
few
lines of the
Sophilus."^
Lefebvre's discovery in 1906 of some 1,600 lines of Menander for our knowledge of New Comedy what the discovery of the papyri of Bacchylides and those of Herondas have been
is
f.
Sitzbericht. d. k.preuss. Ak. der IVzss., 191 8, pp. 34-6; Korte in Archiv Pap. vii, p. 142 and in sixth Heft of Ber. iiber d. Verh. der sacks, Ak,
der Wiss.
^
(1919^ pp. 36-8. noteworthy that in papyri change of speaker is indicated a generally by marginal dash. Where characters are mentioned by name it is usually the work of a later hand. 2 Plaut. Rud., Act III, sc. iii, 11. 664 et sqq. ' The question of choric usage is a vexed one, but it seems that between the full chorus of Old Comedy and the Zwischentdnze of the New there was a time when choric lyrics were still written and sung, though they were omitted in reading editions, their place being marked
It
is
Ixxi
Athen. vi. 258 e. ^ For the more usual Attic TTaXmaTiKais. 1. 23. Pap. Oxyrh. iii, p. 73 (No. 427) Demiaiiczuk, p. 8 ; cf. Korte, Neue Jahrb. xx (1917), P- 291. ' Milne, Cat. of Literary Pap. in Brit. Mus.^ pp. 65-6 (No. 93) cf.
1.
cf.
cf.
p.
177
inf.
i68
for
COMEDY
our knowledge of post-Pindaric lyric and mime. The now so well however, known, and have been made so accessible to English readers by
five plays so restored to us are,
no need to do more than call attention to some articles which suggest that a papyrus, known now for some fifty years, and hitherto attributed to Euripides, may be another portion of Menander's Epitrepontes. This is the Didot papyrus published by Weil in 1879, ^"d now to be read in Nauck's Tragicorum graecorum ^ fragmeiita under Euripides.^ Prt)fessor D. S. Robertson has
Professor Allinson in his
edition, that there
is
Loeb
suggested, with great probability, that this is Pamphile's pr](n^ to her father Smicrines, part of whose answering pr^cn^ we may
Smicrines wishes his daughter to get a divorce from her husband Charisius on the grounds of Charisius' unfaithfulness. Pamphile (if it be she) admits that, being a
possess.^
woman, she
is
probably d(ppa)Vj but claims that even a woman sometimes wise in her own interests. She still loves her
is
husband, and has no wish to desert him in his misfortunes. Remarriage to a rich man is useless, for the second husband, too, may go bankrupt, and so she will be no better off. Besides, a father's rights over his daughter cease once he has given her in marriage he cannot claim to do so a second The style of this fragment is far more that of the New time. Comedy than that of Euripides, but it is worthy of remark
;
7roPT9 are
that the grounds for the suggested divorce in the 'EinTpemoral in this passage they are financial. One
;
certain addition
we have
to the Epitrepontes
some twentyOf
these
one
lines
Fr. incert. 953: see chapter ii, above, p. 155. C.A\, 1922, pp. 106 et sqq. Both VVilamowitz
(e.g. elision of -at). J. G. Milne (C./?., 1925, p. 1 17) supports this view, reading the meaningless a-fiodpeyarris as eniTpenouTfs. Korte (with more probability) reads as cnro{v)8epydTTjs, accepting the Menandrian ascription but denying the 'ETrirpcTroj/res. ^ Menander^ ed. Allinson, p. 86, 1. 502 ft hi Kdfxe del, kt\. ed. Jensen,
grounds
P-35-
Fap. Oxyrh. x, p. 88 (No. 1236) ; Sudhaus, Meft. rell. nuper repert, (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte, 44-6), p. 25. Cf. Bell, Bibliog.y 1913-14, p. 95 ; Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, p. 144.
COMEDY
one
*
169
It is
is
of
little
a fragment of nine mutilated lines in which Theronides, the soldier in the MLaovfjLei/o^, talks to a certain Malthace, who may be the slave of the heroine of the play, Crateia.^ The
other three papyri are of more value, though all are tantalizhave a scene in which, in ingly short and fragmentary.^
We
the presence of a nurse {Tpo<f>6^)^ an dvayvcdpia-Ls (recognition scene) takes place between Crateia and her father Demeas, which is unfortunately interrupted by the arrival of Crateia's
lover,
scene,
if
This Thrasonides, to whom Demeas is unknown. the above be the right interpretation of it,* reminds
between Hanno and his daughter Anterastylis is interrupted by the soldier-lover, Antamoenides. Thrasonides has
carried off Crateia
is madly in love with her, abuse his power, and in his misery his thoughts turn to suicide, but from taking that final step he is prevented by the prayers and exertions of his faith-
by
force.
He
He
will not
ful slave,
Getas.
Demeas comes
to
finds
Thrasonides so obliging and charming that he bestows his daughter's hand on him in preference to her other suitor,
Clinias.^
To
is
this
Menander himself;
KeipoyikvT]
again we get a parallel, this time in for the position of Glycera in the JTepi-
very like that of Crateia in the MLO-ov/xepoSf except that, while Glycera is more or less free to leave Polemon if she will, Crateia is absolutely in Thrasonides'
we have
for
Pa^. Oxyrh. x, pp. 95-6 (No. 1238) ; Schroeder,pp. 56-7. Cf. Korte, Bericht. d. sacks. A/e.j 191 9, p. 27. ^ But erjpu) [may only be Qrjpcou, a Menandrean character, as we know from Irr. 937 and 895. Schroeder does not even accept it as Menander.
Oxyrh. vii, pp. 103-10 (No. 1013) (= Sudhaus, pp. 97-8) Pap. Cf. Year's Work, pp. 45-7 (No. 1605); Pap. Beiol. 13281. 1918-19, p. 3; Bell, Bibliog., 1915-19, p. 120; Wiist in Philol. Woch^y Wilamowitz in Sitzber. der prenss. Ak., 1918, pp. 747 et 1920, col. 385 Korte in sixth Heft of Ber. iiber d. Verh. der sacks. Ak. Ixxi (1919), sqq.
jPap.
;
Oxyi^h.
xiii,
pp. 28-36. * I follow Korte rather than Wilamowitz. The latter regards Thrasonides as adoptive f.ither rather than lover of Crateia.
11.
1294 et sqq.
is lost,
The end
all
'
live
J70
a considerable
papy-
rus^ attributable to the same play covers much the same ground, but contains lines not found in the longer portion.
This at once suggests that the latter is a manuscript not of the entire play, but only of certain scenes in it. The new
Now we papyrus, moreover, contains a parasite, Gnathon. know from Athenaeus ^ and Plutarch * that the name of the
parasite
(i.e.
KoXa^ was
Struthias.
It
has been conjectured, therefore, that Gnathon is a second parasite, attached to Phidias in much the same way as
Struthias
is
to Bias.
when we remember
figures in Terence's
Three new small fragments of Menander's T^onpybs^ with come from a codex of the fourth century but the surface is so much worn that little can be made out
interlinear glosses,
;
for certain.
Still,
lines to
enable
them
to be identified with an extract from the TeoDpyos preserved in Stobaeus, though there is a different reading in one
place.
Nomothetes
With the exception of an unimportant fragment from the ^ we have no other papyrus remains of plays by name
to
attributable
Menander.
We
long fragment, some eighty-seven lines in all, which scholars have with some confidence assigned to that dramatist."^ The
manuscript starts
spoken by Tvyj]
*
much
p.
in
same way as
;
(No. 409) Sudhaus, pp. 89 et sqq. 93 (No. 1237); cf. Korte in Archiv J. Pap. vii, p. 142; Bell, Bibliog.^ 1913-14, p. 96. * ^ de adul. 13. X. 434 c. ^ British Museum Papyrus 2823a; edited by H. J. M. Milne in the Journal of Egyptian Archaeology^ vol. xvi ( 1930), pp. 192, 1 93. Mr. Milne thinks that the fragments may belong to the papyrus of the reeopyo? at Florence, P.S.I.^ No. 100. Cf. Stob. Flor. xcvi. (Hense, vol. v, p. 789). ^ Giessen papyrus; cf. Year'^s Work., 1927-8, p. 78. ' Pap. della Soc. Ital. 126 ; Pap.grec. e lat. ii. 27. Cf Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, pp. 146-8 ; Norsa and Coppola in Rivista Jndo-Greco^
p. 17 et sqq.
vi (1922), pp. 35 et sqq.; Van Leeuwen, Men. fab. reliq.^ Jensen (Men. reliq., pp. 178 et sqq. (attributed to the *EttikKt]pos). pp. 128 et sqq.) also attributes it to this play.
Italica,
COMEDY
IlepLKeipo/xei/r]
171
is
by
''Ayvoia.
The
plot
as follows
two old
his
of himself and his wife, together with his daughter and another girl, the sister of a young man at present abroad, who is being brought up in the family. Chaerias has a stepson his
wife's
this
ward.
know why)
slave
wishes to prevent the marriage. Here there is a lacuna of over two hundred lines. next hear of the
We
Davus' plan to announce the of Chaerias death wife and the the that two know he is really still girls only act comes to alive. The an end. The next act opens with
a monologue by Smicrines.
'
This
is
'
who announces
state of our
to
him
his brother's
death
knowledge it is impossible to say from which of Menander's plays this comes,^ or to guess the denouement. Another papyrus containing matter of value for the student of Menander's works is one from Oxyrhynchus,^ containing two columns of respectively forty-four and forty-five lines of
the Trepio^al
era,
tcoj/
MevdvSpov
SpafxccToou of
^eXXioy
6 Kal ^'Ofi-qpos.^
in the first
all
in alphabetical order.
''IfjL^pLOL
also its date (296-295 B.C.) the middle of that of the ^lipeia.
and
The fragment
and breaks
off in
Perhaps assignable to Menander is another Oxyrhynchus papyrus^ of twelve lines, dating from the third century and mentioning two typically Menandrean characters Ad)(^r}9
^
Herzog {Hermes^
li
we should expect Smicrines to have a son. Nor does the suggested AvaKoXos suit where the god who speaks the prologue comes out of
if
so
Nymphaeum ^
p. 148.
^
(fr.
127 K.).
pp.
Pap. Oxyrh.
x,
cf.
Korte
in
Archiv j. Pap.
vii,
For Korte's attribution of this to philol. Woch., 191 8, coll. 787 et sqq. * The manuscript actually reads eVi
NiKo*cXe'o[i;r, but, as Wilamowitz points out {Neue Jahtb. xxxiii, p. 245), this should be eVt Ntxiou, as is shown by a reference to the tyranny of Lachares which started in the spring of 295 (Beloch, Gr. Gesch. iii, p. 197).
"^
Pap. Oxyrh.
xv.
No. 1824;
cf.
Korte
in
Archiv f. Pap.
vii, p.
151.
172
COMEDY
M(e)/f[/'aj].
and
Here a
marriage to a suitor
who accepts
The fragment
dp6Ta>yvT)(Tico[v,
which occurs elsewhere in Menander.^ Definitely Menandrean are ten yvcofiai discovered on a thirdcentury papyrus in the Fayfim.^ Of these four were known previously; the other six are new to us. All but one begin
with
o)?, e.g.
rjSij
(r[v/j.(p(OPia (?)
'
and evidently formed part of a collection, as we might say, of bright thoughts' from Menander, for Florilegia were common in the first few centuries of our era, and many examples have
come to light among papyri. Of papyri ascribed by some scholars to Menander, the ascription being denied by others, one of the most interesting
another discovered in the Fayum.^ The plot of the play and, indeed, the order of the fragments are matters of some uncertainty, and different scholars have put forward divergent
is
views.
additions.
written
The two prologues* attached are doubtless later They are interesting in themselves, both being in a trick style. The first is in what are known as
*
'
anacyclic iambics i.e. lines so written that the order of words can be inverted without damage to the scansion. It begins
:
i7rLLKr}?,
[u]io9,
and continues
in the
same
more
lines.
The
second, which, perhaps mercifully, is fragmentary towards the end, is spoken by Aphrodite, who, after an introduction
begins the story in Kar d\(j>dfirjTov iambics i.e. lines the first of which starts with A^ the second with B, and so on. These prologues are also of interest as giving us
of twelve
lines,
^
'^
It
occurs in Pap. Oxyrh. iii, No. 429. Year's Work^ 1927-8, p. 78; Kalbfleisch in Hermes,
ii.
Ixiii
(1928),
p. 100.
^
Pap. Ghordn,
First published
by Jouguet
xxx
(1906), pp. 123-49; cf. Korte in Hermes^ xliii (1908), pp. 38-57; and in Archivf. Pap. vi, pp. 230 et sqq. ; Demianczuk, pp. 99-102 ; Schroeder, pp. 29-38; Legrand, Daosy p. 341, note 4; G. Capovilla in Btill. Soc.
iv,
pp. 193-229.
COMEDY
much from
173
a sort of half-way house between the prologue proper and the In spite of their cleverness we do later hypothesis in verse.
these prologues. The scene, we are in Ionia; a rich youth (Phaedimus) told, from a Troezen, marries her, and becomes a Troebuys girl zenian citizen. In the first fragment a slave brings unwelcome
not learn
is
laid
somewhere
to a mistress.^ Enter the young man Phaedimus, who answers the slave's greeting roughly. Next comes a scene in which Phaedimus upbraids his friend Niceratus for disloyalty.
news
Chaerestratus then enters, scolds Phaedimus for his unreasonableness, and sends Niceratus off. The rest (col. v) mutilated to admit of any reconstruction.
is
too
Jouguet, the
first
assisted him, both regard the fragment as Menandrean, and Blass went so far as to suggest that it came from Menander's
''Attlctto^.
recent
is
of the piece
counter successfully the arguments adduced by Korte, who shows fairly conclusively that the play was written a generation later than Menander's,
work of an Egyptian.
in all probability the aside Setting vague stylistic arguments,^ Korte calls attention to (i) the tasteless monologizing
is
and was
(e.g. SiafiapTai^eLu
the dearth of vocabulary as shown by tasteless repetitions used three times) and (4) the frequency
;
of the perfect tense. We may, then, regard the fragment as probably later, the work of some Egyptian writer, the title of
Tpoi^-qvta, or
^
another
Fayum
papyrus
this as a monologue. arguments are always dangerous. Capovilla assigns the play to Menander because of 'la vivezza della rappresentazione ; Korte denies Menander's authorship because the language fehlt die Knappheit und Scharfe Menanders*. *
^
Stylistic
1. 134. 6; Demianczuk, pp. 102-4; Schroeder, pp. 3-1 1. Cf. Blass in Lit. Zentralbl., 1906, pp. 1078 et sqq. ; Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vi, pp. 228 et sqq.
'
11.
160
et sqq.
Pap. Hibeh^
i.
174
COMEDY
much
of the
is
little
it.
The
characters
Novfirji'ios
and
^(o(TTpaT09 (?) give us no help, and although A-qfxeas^ occurs ^ in Menander's k^airaTcov it is unlikely that our fragment
Ah
mon
the
play, since it seems to have nothing in comwith Plautus' Bacchides^ the supposed original of which is
*
e^airaToov.^ British Museum preserves a fragment lines ascribed by some scholars to Menander.
Ah
The
of
woman. The
slave
move.
On
himself to
who
Perhaps the most recent papyrus discovery which throws any light on Menander is that of two fragments published by G. Pasquali in 1929.^ The papyrus is self-dated to the year A.D. 59-60, and contains some fifty lines, about thirty of
In the
in
first
which one
endeavouring to avoid
task imposed, or insisted on, by the other. He urges the sea of troubles in which he is struggling, but is met by his friend's reminder that sailors faced in real life with such
some
'
'
ov
dccopeh
xeL/xcoi/f
[dvTiKL]Tai TrdvTa'
^
A
1 1
pp.
2 '
DemiaAczuk,
Ritschl, Parerg. 405 ; Pap. Oxyrh. iv, p. 127 (No. 677) Demiariczuk, pp. 116-17 ; Schroeder, pp. 54-5, contains a dialogue between a master, Nou/ii7i/io9, and a slave, but it is too short and fragmentary to interpret. Cf. Wilamowitz in Gdit. gelehr. Anz., 1904, p. 669. * Pap. Oxyrh. i, pp. 22-5, No. 11 ; Demianczuk, pp. 111-13 ; Schroeder,
p. 113) support
11 and Hunt (p. 22), and Blass {Archiv f. Pap. i, Menandrean authorship, suggesting the Fecopyds-. Wilamowitz {Gott, gelehr, Anz., 1898, p. 694) doubts the attribution mainly on the score of the occurrence of the word ^ivelv (1. i). ^ Studi italiani di Filologia classica^ nuova serie, vol. vii, fasc. iii-iv.
pp. 38-42.
Grenff
COMEDY
[d(TTpa7ra]L,
175
,
xdXa^a,
ovk
fipovrai, vavTiai,
TrpoorfjLivei
vv^.
[dWd
[Kal TO
*
/jLr)]u
KaarT09 avrayv
rrjv
kXniSa
^
[kol to jj.]\Xop
TTi^evfi']
cLTriyvoo.
^afiodpa^Lp
all
V)(TaL,
sorts of
unpleasantnesses storms, hurricanes, waves great and small, night ? Yet each and lightning, hail, thunder, sea-sickness, all of them await events with confidence, and do not despair of what may happen. One hauls on the ropes and keeps an eye on the wind, another prays to the gods of Samothrace.'
In
column
ii
a third
character
makes
his
Column
fragmentary to yield any sense. The characters' names are Moschion and Laches, names universally known in New Comedy, and not specifically Menandrean. Indeed, the editor,
though suggesting that this papyrus may form a portion of an unknown comedy of Menander already known to us in uncertain outline,^ will not commit himself further than to say that he can see nothing in the lines inconsistent with an attribution to Menander.^ With the bare mention of an unimportant Freiburg papyrus * we may pass on to the work of writers definitely other than Menander. Of these the most important from the present ^ which point of view is Philemon. Thanks to a papyrus contains parts of Didymus' commentary on Demosthenes, we
know
for
unknown
AiOoyXvcpos,
Didymus quotes from that play with reference to a certain Aristomedes, who was a trierarch in the year ^S^S* Satyrus,
^
The
attractive
emendation
Prof.
2afx6d(ja^iv
W. M.
and 84-7.
''1.
II
TrpoaaTTTfis
rfj
rvxj}
rrjv
aiTiav recalls
a similar expression of
Menander, fr. 1083 (Kock), but this fragment is not certainly Menander. Were the metaphor from a storm not such a literary common-place, one might (with Pasauali) see a connexion between this fragment and
Philemon, fr. 28 (Kock). * Pap. Freiburg, i :
Gnomon
^
cf. Wiist in Biirsian, 1926 (p. 124); Korte in 23 (denies Menandrean authorship). Pap. Berol. 9780; Demiahczuk, p. 71 ; Schvoeder, pp. 60-1.
i.
176
COMEDY
^
.
.
\
quotes Philemon as saying of his hero EvpnriSrj^ . SvvaraL Xeyeiv, and another 8y fiSvo? of trace is the dramatist to be seen in the line possible
:
firj
'K^dprjs
(jitXov,
by a schoolboy as an exercise or punishment, and perhaps the best he can do for Philemon's ^
line
/irj
(l>durj?
(ftiXov.
In connexion with Philemon arises the interesting question, whether we have found in a play of his the original of Plautus'
Aulularia
of
? There exist three (or possibly four) papyri,* all which contain portions of one and the same play. Although
the total
considerable, yet
number of lines contained in these four papyri is we cannot make much out of them in their
very mutilated state, and it must be admitted that so far as we can disentangle anything of the plot, it does not square
with that of the Aulularia.
Grenfell and
it is
a few possible verbal parallels, and we get in both plays a slave of the
attribution
the letters
name of Strobilus. The to Philemon has been made to rest in the main on KPOIC[. The addition of an omega gives us the
word
KpoL(7(Oy and it has been pointed out that the one and only reference to the Lydian king in comedy occurs in ^ a fragment of Philemon quoted by Eustathius in his com-
mentary on Homer.
Kol
The
line
MiSa
KOL TavToiXco,
Kpota-cp occurs in
quotation and in
and it is certainly true that the word the same place in the line, both in Eustathius' the Hibeh papyrus.^ But against all this it
may be
-co
to
reasonably urged (i) that it is not necesssary to supply KPOIC[ (e.g. Schroeder in his text reads Kpoicrov) ;
; ;
p. 62.
2
Pap. Oxyrh. ix, p. 150 (No. 1176) Demianczuk, p. 72 Schroeder, For Philemon's admiration for Euripides cf. fr. 130 K.
Bull. corr. hell. 1904, p. 208. Fr. 233 K. (The 2nd aor. active of <^mVa) is suspect ; but if corrupSee Powell, Collect. Alex., p. 226, tion has set in, it has set in early.)
^
note on Chares 4, 1. 20. * Pap. Hibeh, 5, Pap. Grenfell, ii. 8 (b). Pap. Rylands, 16(a) and (so Schroeder) Pap. Flinders Petrie, 4 Demianczuk, pp. 98-9 ; Schroeder, Cf. Leo in Hermes, xli (1906J, pp. 629 et sqq. Blass in pp. 11-20. Rhein. Mus. Ixii (1907), pp. 102 et sqq. ^1. 62. ad Horn., p. 1701. 6. Fr. 189 K.
; ;
COMEDY
177
;
(2) that even Kpotaco does not point decisively to Philemon (3) that even were Philemon the author of this play, the
by no means been
Indeed, positive arguments may be adduced against proved. the ascription to Philemon. For one thing Plautus, like Terence, tends to alter the names of his borrowed characters,
so that the occurrence of a Strobilus here, so far from supporting the identification, actually militates against it. Further,
we
lines in praise of
get the mention of a nomarch,^ and what looks like five Egypt,^ which suggest rather an Egyptian
than an Attic comedy. On the whole we can say with some confidence that the Y\iA^m.oxi- Aulularia case is non-proven. Three other papyrus fragments refer, or are possibly assignable, to writers of the
New Comedy;
one
is
the already
mentioned^ commentary of Didymus in which the author refers to two plays of Timocles, the "ilpooey and the 'I/captot The "H/acoey seems to date from 34a B.C., and it is possible that this play, and other plays of Timocles, should be considered as belonging to Middle, rather than New, Comedy.
.
in the case of
another papyrus
British
in
this
Museum
;
papyrus may be the writer of the Middle Comedy on the other hand, we find a reference ^ to a certain Damoxenus, and two Damoxeni connect with New Comedy, viz. the comedy writer of that name,^ and the famous chef who occurs as a
character in the well-known fragment of Anaxippus' 'EyKaXvTTTOfJieVOS.'^
have already had occasion to mention * comic Anthofavourite type of such is to be seen in the so-called logies.
*
We
'
y\r6yoL
gynistic aphorisms.
Remains
name
ostraca, suggesting that such Anthologies were used for educational purposes, and were excerpted by the scholars.^
M.
* ^
7.
11
^o_4
p^ 1^7^
;
Milne, Caf. of lit. pap. in Brit. Mus.^ pp. 65-6, No. 93 * 1. Kock, iii, pp. 348 et sqq. 9.
^
;
cf. p.
167.
Above, p. 172. Kock, iii, p. 296 Athen. ix. 403 e. G. Milne mf./I.S., 1923 (pp. 40-3) Frankel in Hermes^ lix (1924), Wiist in Bursian^ 1926, p. 123. Bell, Bibliog.^ 1923-4, p. 85 pp. 362-8
^
'
J.
3736
|>f
178
COMEDY
Papyrus fragments make known to us a type of New Comedy little heard of from other sources. This is what we
might
call native
Graeco-Egyptian comedy.
It is clear that,
as might be expected, Alexandrian authors continued the tradition of the Greek poets, and wrote many New Comedies
more or
less in imitation of
already had occasion to Another fairly certain instance is a Strasbourg papyrus^ containing some five lines in praise of an officer or official who is referred to as cpiXiXXiju and (fnXo^aa-iXevSy neither of which Yet another epithets seems to suit an Athenian comedy.^
* Strasbourg papyrus may be another such, though we have really nothing to guide us to a knowledge of its period or It is an almost entire prologue provenance. spoken by
Menander and his school. We have notice what are perhaps two of them.^
Dionysus himself, or perhaps by some other god,^ and its main interest lies in the fact that we have in it a proof that
the prologue, as an integral part of the
New Comedy,
goes
examination
;
Schroeder, p. 54. Pap. Oxyrh. iv, p. 168 (No. 862) ; Schroeder, pp. ^^-^. (A slave asks Phidias where he has hidden a baby.)
iii,
;
iii,
Schroeder, p.
^o^.
et sqq. (Demianczuk, p. 95; Schroeder, contains Satyrus' life of Euripides, 7W2; Chapters, pp. 61-2) First Series, pp. 144 sqq. There are quoted five fragments
pp. 173 and 177. Pap. Argentorat. 307 Cronert in Gott. Nachr., 1922, pp. 31-2 Wiist in Bursian, 1926, p. 124. ^ It should be mentioned that Cronert suggests that the play might be Attic and date from the period of Athenian-Macedonian friendship. But the Alexandrine hypothesis is preferable. * Demianczuk, p. 96 Pap. Argentorat. 53 Schroeder, pp. 45-8 Reiizenstein in Hermes, 1900, pp. 622-6 Legrand, Daos, pp. 506 et sqq. An important question resting on the restoration of 1. 15. Weil {Rev. des ^t.gr. xiii (1900), pp. 427-31) thought that the speaker was the poet
^
; ;
;
himself.
'
176 et sqq.
COMEDY
of
179
of Athens.
191 2,
p. 381
Leo
in
Korte
in
GoU. gelehr. Anz. (phil. hist. Klasse), Archiv f. Pap. vi, pp. 249 et sqq.
;
Pap. Oxyrh. x, pp. 95-7 (No. 1339) Schroeder, pp. 57-8 cf. Korte in Archiv f. Pap. vii, pp. 143 et sqq.
Pap. Hibeh,
i.
Pap.
a
Soc.
Ital.
pp. 49-51.
Ie7i0y
(A
Schroeder, pp. 166 et sqq. (No. 99) free-born girl, Ao)pL9, is in the hands of
92).
Weil in Mon. grec. i, pp. 25-8, published a papyrus fragment in which a character likens his call on a philosopher to
a sick or even dead man's
were, the letters
come
to
life.
As
APIZTHN,
He has, as it visit to Asclepius. the word TrepLnaTOdv occurs, and also we may see a reference to the
M.
P.
IV
Erinna, the young poetess who died at the age of nineteen, was a favourite subject of those writers in the Greek Anthology who liked to celebrate poets and poetry. She won the praise of Asclepiades,^ Antipater,^ and Leonidas,^ and remained as the type of exquisite youthful promise destroyed Three of her epigrams are preserved in the before its time. and may be survivals of the Garland of Meleager Anthology,^ into which the poet wove yXvKvv 'Hptpprj^ napOevoxpcoTa But the greater part of her fame rested on her KpOKov.^ short Epyllion written in hexameters to the memory of hei Oil girl friend, Baucis, and called 'AKaKdra or The Distaff, this poem five lines have been known from quotations in Stobaeus ^ and Athenaeus,"'^ but now we have the mutilated
remains of some sixty lines found by Italian discoverers at Behnesa,^ and contained in a papyrus of an early age,
probably the second century B.C. The arrangement and restoration of these lines are highly hazardous, and most are too fragmentary to yield any sense.
The
identity of the poem is fortunately quite certain. only does the name of Baucis occur three times and the
Not
word
is
almost certainly
Anfh. Pal.
vii.
ii.
^
^ ^
352;
vii.
710, 712.
iv. 50,
51.
^
^
283
d.
F.S./., vol. ix, No. 1090, and p. xii. The Italian scholars place it in the third century B.C. Bulletin de la Societe Royale <^Archiologie cV Alexandrie^ No. 24, pp. 9-16; cf. A. Vogliano, Gnotnon, 1928, p. 455 ; ib., 1929, p. 171 and p. 288 ; L. A. Stella, Rendiconti del Istituio Lombardo,
pp. 827-38.
i8i
line
seems to be identical
at last in a posi-
We are
The
Distaffs
and see if its great reputation was deserved. The poem is a lament for lost friendship and vanished delights. It seems the distaff was the have had because to its title symbol of spinsterhood, and Erinna and Baucis had passed their girl-
hood together.
The text is full of problems. The papyrus begins with the mention of a yikuvva, and though this might refer to a tortoise or to a lyre, it seems more likely that Erinna is recalling
a
game
game of y/KiyjEXoavT]
girls*
'
described
by
Pollux (Onoin.
This was a
girl
who
middle was called Tortoise ', )(j^\<x>vrj. The others ran round her and asked questions to which she replied.
sat in the
//ecro)
Tortoise.
Girls.
Tortoise.
Mapvofi' 'ipta kol KpoKav MiXija-Lav. *0 8' eKyovo? crov tl ttolcoi/ aTTCoAero AevKccp d(p' lttttcov e/y OdXaaa-au dXaro.
;
The final dXaro suggests a sudden movement in when the Tortoise dashed away from the rest.
* '
the
If
game
Erinna
refers
to
this,
may
very tentatively be
restored as follows
Xe]vKdu
fiaLPOfjLep[oi(rL
7r]oa(rii^
d(f>
li\Tnrcov
es]
yiyopas
of lament
Ta\vTd TV, BavKL rdXaiv\ay fiapv (TTOvd\)(^eL(Ta yorjfjLi' ^ Keirai ra\vTd fjLOL ku Kpa[8ia ]pa L\vLa ^ 8e err 7ra]i^po/xey dvdpaK9 r]8r], Trjv[a Oepp!
8ayv[8]cioi/
re x[
iraipySes
ei^
OaXdjioLo-L.
its
Erinna
is
recalling their
common
childhood with
doils,
24
'^[pi] "["]
ii.
Cf. infra.
Diehl,
2.
35.
supp. Maas.
than
seems
'
to
make
better sense
enaipofxfs Vitelli.
supp. Vitelli.
i82
wake them
a bogey rd^ kv
:
morning, and
afraid
of
(f>6l3ov
dyaye
Mo[pfj.]oo,
S*
^
^ara' Troao-L
icpoLrrj
Te]Tp[a](rLu'
$[e
owcoTrdv.
But when Baucis married, these childish incidents ended Erinna goes on to speak of the change
:
dvLKa
a<j(T
8*
ej^
W^X^^
iravT
eXiXaao
aKovcras,
BavKL
T(o
*A(j)po8LTa'
^
ov
ydp
01)8'
ecnSrji/
Xetnoa' ^v6d8e\ dirb 8a)/j.a ^elSaXoi, TTO^ey [. .] ^ ve\Kvu ov8 yodcrat <pae[(r(n deXco
[.
^[Ta
[.
yv^ivalcnv
^(^aiTaKTii/,
[iirel
(J)ol\vlklo^
al8d)?
...
The main
of the gaps.
When
Baucis
married she forgot her youthful pleasures, and her forgetfulErinna is sad for her, but ness was punished by Aphrodite.
cannot leave her house to look on the dead body. After this no consecutive sense can be obtained. The word at 1. 23
ei/veaKaL8eKaTos seems to refer to Baucis' age at the time of her death, and shows that there is no need to suspect the coincidence that Baucis and Erinna died at the same age. At 1. 3s we can probably place one of the familiar quotations
preserved by Stobaeus.
TrpavXoyoLirq
The papyrus
gives
and Stobaeus
navpoXoyoL noXiai, ral yrjpao9 dvOea Buaroh, ^ been open to suspifirst word has for some time It of a reminiscence cion as Antipater's iravpoeirrj^ "Hpivva. of the line is text correct now seems clear that the
where the
^
* ^
^ Maas, be cfioiTfj Vitelli. supp. Lobel. pap. man. sec, yap man. prim. supp. Vogliano. supp. Vogliano. 6(kai or npeTrei Maas. supp. Lobel. supp. Maas ; cf. Ovid, Am. ii. 5. 34 conscia purpureus venit in era
8* (\)oiTri
8' s
''
pudor
^
'.
Cf.
p. 86.
183
The language of the poem is a mixture of Doric and To the first element belong the forms ro/ca, kirav:
to the second the nouns ending in -wa, like X^Xvvva and a-eXdvva, the participle (rToud)(^icraj the infinitives in -rjv, the present indicative yo-qfii. What we can learn of the dialect confirms Suidas' statement that Erinna wrote The mixture of these two AloXiKfj Kol AcopiSi StaXeKTO)} dialects raises a problem. Did Erinna write in the vernacular of her native island, where the two speeches impinged one on the other, or did she write an artificially mixed speech like so much of the language of Greek poetry ? The first view was
pofi9, TV, TTjva^
^ by Wilamowitz before the discovery of the new fragment and it has much a priori to recommend it. We might expect a young girl to write unaffectedly in her own vernacular. But certain considerations must make us moderate this view. In
held
first place there seems little doubt that Erinna's home was the Dorian island of Telos, where Aeolic can have had no influence on the spoken dialect. It is true that the island of Tenos is called her home by Stephanus of Byzantium ^ and given by the MSS. oi Anth. Pal, vii. 710,* but Tenos was an Ionian island, and there is no trace of Ionic in Erinna's language. Another tradition preserved by Suidas places her in the Dorian island of Telos,^ and this agrees well with her use of Doric and the other tradition mentioned by Suidas Her that she was a Rhodian, for Telos is near to Rhodes. be a the cannot and comlanguage, however, pure vernacular, bination in it of Aeolic and Doric elements is certainly
the
who made
1.
use of both
We may
recalls
add to
which she
her use of
The word
iii.
^ayi/? of
ii.
occurs else-
where
in
at Theocr.
no;
Pi^aXoL
^
With him,
S.V."Hpivva. Helle7ti5tische
1.
(IdayPTi,
Dichtung,
p. 108.
'
s.v. T^x/oy.
ri/i/ifiwafificoj/Ti,
emended by Pauw
to T?]Wa, wf
s.v. "Hptvi/d.
I
owe
these suggestions
and
Mr. A.
S. F.
Gow.
84
line.
she
which Theocritus, Asclepiades, and Philetas belonged. Telos was near Cos, and the similarities between her and Theocritus seem best explained if we ascribe them to direct association. If we accept this conclusion, we must revise our view of Erinna's date. The opinion reported by Suidas ^ that she was a contemporary of Sappho's has been abandoned by scholars for some years, and never had much to recommend it beyond her few Aeolic forms and words. In recent years more attention has been paid to Eusebius' statement that she flourished But this date, too, must be Ol. 106-7, i.e. 356-^S'^.^ revised if Erinna really belonged to the Coan circle.
*
'
Though
century.
the evidence
is
scanty,
it
looks as
in the first
The
one or two lines of thought. In the first place the language, ^ manner, and subject indicate that perhaps Blass was right after all when he ascribed to Erinna a fragment of four lines
at
Oxyrhyn-
The
lines are
ijvOofJLev ey
kd(T(Ta[L
KaXa efi^ar
exotVa[f,
6pfjL[(09
Koka
^
rjv
fiei/
Wilamowitz, Hellenistische Dichtung^ p. 108; Edwyn Bevan, Leonidas of Tarentum^ p. 109. It might be thought at first sight that a case might be made out for dating Erinna in the fourth century. Eusebius' date for her might seem to be confirmed by Tatian's statement {adv. Graec. 52) that Naucydes made a statue of her. If by Naucydes he means the brother of Polycleitus, the statue cannot be dated much after 400. There was another Naucydes, the son of Patrocles, who worked in the early fourth century. In either case Erinna would fall about 400 or But very little trust can be put in Tatian's statement. His earlier. whole information about statues of women is open to grave suspicion, and bears on it the mark of fiction. Cf. Kalkmann, Tatians Nachrichten iiber Kunstwerke', Rhein, Mtis. xlii, 1887, pp. 489-524. ^ Netce Jahrb. f. klass. Alt, iii, 1 899, p. 80. * Oxyrh. Pap. i. 8 ; cf. J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, p. 186. ^
Cf.
'
Restoration
is
quite uncertain
Diels.
185
These charming lines were once ascribed to Alcman,^ but their language makes such an attribution most improbable.^
they are another fragment of the ^Aa/cara.
of Aeolic and Doric recalls Erinna's language, and the manner resembles hers in its simplicity, its repetitions,
its
The mixture
reminiscences of girlhood.^
If
Asclepiades,
in the time of Theocritus and was only natural that her works should be
published under the patronage of the Coan school of poets, and perhaps Asclepiades' poem on her was prefixed to the first collected edition of her works. Such is a natural interof its words *0 pretation opening yXvKv? 'HpLj/v7j9 ovtos ttovos. This way of introducing her works with a poem was followed by Antipater of Sidon, whose words seem to refer especially
to her
'
little
epic
',
the i4Aa/cara,
TravpoeTrrjs
dW
'iXa)(eu
Similar in purpose
*
'
the
note only of the three hundred lines of the 'AXaKara, praising the honeycomb of Erinna's verses and calling them equal to
Erinna must have been well appreciated after her death, and her reputation seems to have been well deserved. She wrote with tenderness and sincerity, mourning for her
Homer's.
repeated cries of BavKL TaXatva are wrung sufifering heart, and we need not wonder that Antipater said that her swan's song was better than the chatter of rooks
lost friend.
The
from a
in the clouds.
C.
M. B.
^ klass. Alt. iii, 1899, p. 44; Weir Smyth, Greek Blass, Neiie Jahrb, Melic Poets^ P- 14. 2 Wilamowitz, Gott. Gel. Anz.^ 1898, p. 695. ^ Neither Telos nor Tenos has so far revealed any evidence of a cult of Demeter, but an inscription from Cos (Paton and Hicks, No. 386)
.
temple to which the fragment refers. * Anth. Pal. ix. 1 90, attributed variously to Callimachus (Benndorf), Antipater of Sidon (Stadtmiiller), Meleager (Wilamowitz).
to
festival held at this
may be
i86
The additions to later Elegy written in the Elegiac metre come chiefly from inscriptions, but there are also a few which come from papyri. Taking first the authors some of whose work is already extant, we gain additions to Parthenius,
and to the Epigrammatists Posidippus,^ Leonidas of Tarentum, and Antipater of Sidon and a new Epigrammatist also has
;
come
'
to light
named Amyntas.
',
century
B.C.,
andrian writers in
spirit.
of a vellum MS. of the third or fourth century A.D. contains the remains of twenty-nine lines, to some of which marginal notes are appended and it was by one line, of
leaf
;
which the
last
and to which the marginal was appended, that Cronert was enabled to identify
Spoirrj^,^
. .
word was
Etymologiciun
aopov} Timander.
poem of Parthenius from an entry in the Magnum^ 288. 3 SpoiTtj UapQevios Sh ttju The poem was a Lament ('ETriKrjSeLoy) for one
.
The
'EirtKijSeioy
to Posidippus see
the
First
Series of
New
Chapters^ p. 107. ^ H. J. M. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary Papyri in the British Museum^ No. 64. For suggestions on the text see A. D. Knox in the
21
A. D. Knox suggests u
interior
paintings;
might mean a decorated cenotaph, a place where Timander's friends might go and lament kioptcs [6d]vp6ij,6n, 11. 22-3. Hesych. eyKovpdHes' Tit iv t(o TvpocraTrco aTtyp-ara, Kal oi iv toi? 6po(f)a'i9
or
it
. . .
ypanros niva^.
p.uos.
yap icovpas r) Kopv(f)rj {6po(f)f) Struve) Kal 6 iyKovpas de 6 yypap.pvos. (nlva^ iv Kuvpd^i Xiyerai yeypap.-
opo^cb/inort
Mvpp.i86(riv. Hesych. Koupds' rj iu toIs cod.) ypa<prjj opocfiiKos mva^' in.pa de AtVxi^'Xo) eif Mvpptdoaiv op.(j)i^dWT(n {(ip(f)i^d\\et cod., em. Hermann) evKovpddi. icrri
{opo(^r]p.it(n
coni.
M. Schmidt) AlaxvXos
be eyKovpas 6po(f)iK6s rrlva^. From these two obscure and probably corrupt notices in Hesychius (yKovpddi is given by Nauck as a fragment of It was the opinion of Aeschylus, No. 142, belonging to the Mvppi86i/fs. Hermann that scholars were uncertain whether Aeschylus wrote eV Kovpd^ij two words, or eyKovpddi, one. * Given as fr. xlvi in Meineke, Analecta Alexandrina,
'^
Meineke,
AnaL
Alex..,
Parthen.
frr.
i,
ii, iii.
187
and Euphorion.^
The tone is seen in tolco, TifiavSp*, eiri SaKpva, and we can make out that he was probably unmarried, yXvKepccv ovk
d7riX[av(T yd/xcor,
0LKLr]9 TTJXe,
TreTTvpcofiipa.
and that he died far from his native land, and was cremated in a foreign land ^y oOvetrj This general sense can be made out from the
:
dd]XL09 yXvKpcou ovk dweXlava-e ydfxcov el'veKa xcupe kol ocppa a:[ ] ])(Tj Totas (pijs e7n8efjLi/i[d8o9 ] TOLcp, Ti/jLauSp', ewi 8dKpv[a
.
]u
]l
(?)
The next
sense;
admit of a consecutive
11. 21, 22, 23 end respectively with kyKovpdSi or kv KovpdSi 8poLTr}9y as suggested above, Kiovres^ and 68]yp6p.0a. <I)V9 k7ri8e/xi^i[d8o9 in 1. 3 Cronert renders 'tali natus lecti
socia,
matre
'.
Epigram
Additions to the Epigrammatist Posidippus were recorded
in the First Series of
New
Chapters^ p. 107.
To
these must
now be added twenty-five mutilated lines of another epigram by him. The papyrus which contains them is of the third
B.C.,* and therefore, perhaps, contemporary with him, bears upon the verso the title crt'/z/iet/cra kTnypdp.iJLaTa One of the two epigrams mentioned above nocreL8LiT['!Tov\,
century
and
it
celebrated
the temple which stood on the promontory of Zephyrium, and which was dedicated to Arsinoe under the
of
'
title
Arsinoe Aphrodite
'.
There are
sufficient
remains of
new epigram to show that its subject was Arsinoe but we cannot restore the lines.
the
;
the marriage of
Cleombrotus, Suidas s.v. Aratos. Protagoras, Meineke, Anal. Alex., p. 21. The remains of fourteen elegiac lines given in Papyri landanae v. 182 sqq. (1931), and assigned by Cronert with great (J. Sprey), fasc. learning (pp. 213, 214) to an Alexandrian author, are too fragmentary to support any certain conclusion. He suggests the possibility of Parthenius ; but the new words vetipoxr*? and KoXoicvudaiwTniva do not point to this. * H. J. M. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary Papyri in the British Musemn, No. 60.
^ ^
On On
i88
a papyrus^ which Grenfell and Hunt assign to the of age Augustus come epigrams by Leonidas of Tarentum, Antipater of Sidon, and a new Epigrammatist, Amyntas. The epigrams of Leonidas of Tarentum receive the accession
spoils of his hunting,
From
of an epigram upon one Glenis, who dedicates to Pan the and the opening of another, the copying of which was
left
is
unfinished
Spv/xopofiov, a
new word,
;
unless
the right division of the letters but LeoSpvfjLov 6/jLov nidas is very ready in his coinage of new words.^ There is also a new dedicatory epigram by Antipater of
Sidon
upon
Onasiphanes, as he
is
Hunt have restored the name). until this papyrus came was known Of Amyntas nothing to light containing two of his epigrams. The first is upon a woman of Samos named Prexo, two epigrams upon whom
are in existence, one by Leonidas * of Tarentum, the other by ^ Antipater of Sidon. The second is upon the destruction of
the walls of Sparta in i88 B.C. by the Achaeans Philopoemen, and the scene of desolation
:
under
Tai/
wdpos aTpea-TOP AaKcSaifjiopa, tcls X^P^ jiovvas woXXaKis kv woXea-iu SrjpLU ecppL^ev "Aprjs ^
lines lost.
^LXoTToljievL SovpL T
dl'LKOiTCD
/c
.... two
VVy Vn
7rprjyr]9
^
"^
'A^aLcov
Leonidas von Tarent in Jahrb. f. SuppL, Bd. xxiii. ' Oxyrh. Pap., iv, No. 662. Wilamowitz has corrected /cm rjyffiovi into Ka6r)yfi6i>L, and suggests avaXeop or avaraXeov for avTO veov, Gott.gel, Anz.^
J.
No. 662.
Geffcken's
'
'
class. Philol.
1904, p. 669.
*
'
^
ib. 164.
is
Grenfell and Hunt point out that a couplet has fallen out after 1. 2, as shown by the absence of a governing verb. In 1. 8 Mr. Milne, who has examined this difificult papyrus closely, reads the words eniaai ^oes.
In I. 9 the remains of the last part of the line suggest nap* Evpoirao \oTpms, a phrase found in Theocr. xviii. 23 ; Wilamowitz also suggested it. The remains of the last line suggest vXas, and the line may perhaps be restored as above. An anonymous epigram, Anth. Pal. vii. 723, runs as follows, and shows a close similarity with the new fragment :
*A irdpos adfiaros Koi avefjL^aros, S> AaKe8aifjLov, KaTTvbv eV Evptora depKeai *Q,\eviov a<TKios' olcovoi 8e KnTO. x'^uvos oIkiu 6cvtS jivpouratf p,j]ka>v S' ovk aiovat, \vKoi.
189
fivpovTai, neSioy
8*
ovk
kirtaa-L
^Soey,
Kanvov S' kKOpwcTKOVTa irap Evpcorao XoerpoTs vXa^ SepKOfxeva [ivperai aKpoiroXi?.
'
10
The words cannot be restored with perfect certainty, but we can make out the birds mourn as they see the land smoulderwood by
invasion
ing; the cattle are gone, and the the pools of Eurotas '.
smoke
is
rising
from the
Laconian boast, that until the Epaminondas in 369 no Laconian woman had seen an enemy's smoke, a boast which Agesilaus had often made, and which he lamented was now cut short. Grenfell and Hunt are no doubt right in assigning Amyntas to the second century B.C. few epigrams from inscriptions of a good age have come
recall the
^
These words
of
to light. The best comes from Eutresis near Thespiae,^ and it consists of three Its date is about the middle pleasing lines.
'EuOdS' eyo) KeTfxai ^PoSlo^' to, yiXoia (ricoTrca, Kal a-nraXaKcov oXedpou XeLirco Kara yaiav dnacrav.
At
Si TLS dvTiXiyei,
Karapd^
Sevp* di/TLXoyeiTco.^
*
A
^
Age
contains an
.
anonymous
. .
ort .to avxrjixn . kfopa Plutarch, Li/e of Agesilaus, ch. 31 'Hyia Se w Kal nvros exprjcraTO ttoXXcikis (InciP otl yvvfj AaKatva kuttvov ovx ioapaKe TToXefJuov cf. Xen. He/l. vi. 5. 28 al fiev yvvaiKes ovde tov Kanvov
.
. . .
KeKoXovfxevov,
'.
opSxriu r]V(i)(ovro.
"^
p.
179,
by Hetty
Goldman.
3 in KmaSds in 1. 3 are quite sufficient to enable us to unfortunate that the editor prefers to write Kardpas, the aorist participle of Karalpa), contra metrum. Even if it were possible, her translation swooping down is alien to the epigraphic style. Revue de Philologie, xix, pp. 177 sqq., by Sir F. G. Kenyon corrections by H. Weil on p. 180. Milne, Catalogue of the Literary PaPyri in the British Museum, No. 62.
traces of
It is
'
The
restore
it.
'
'
''
ElprjVrjs TTTopSovi
(vcotti^os
ev6a KXadivaas
yriu eni
^pidufifvos ^vCf]V, Zet'9 aT 'EXfu^e'piof. de xeptaaiv edf^aro NflXos avaKTa, Kal ddfxap f) ;(puo-eoiy 7rrjX((Ti Xovopeurj
Kal abrjpip ^EXfvOepiov Aios op-^pov.
lO
dnToXfpop
I90
honour of Augustus, and the title ^epacTTos (line 13) shows that it must be later than 27 B.C. It records the welcome which Egypt gave him on his arrival
poem
and prosperity
for
Actium for the blessings of peace, order, H. Weil is probably right in ascribing it
and
it
to an Alexandrian Greek,
*
is
pompous style which is found in Egypto-Greek compositions. Thus pruning off the sprays of fair-eyed Peace 1. 5 (iTTopdovs is Weil's felicitous emendation of the unintelligible jioxOovs of and laded with a close-packed freight of the Papyrus)
',
'
Good Order and opulent Prosperity' (1. 7). The 'spouse who washed by golden arms must be the Delta with the seven streams of the Nile. The thle of Zevs 'EXevOipios applied to
'
is
Augustus
in
1.
11
is
paralleled
by Zaul
k\ev6epL(o in an
inscription at Philae (CJ.G. 4923), perhaps of the date 7 B.C., the work of Catilius, and in one at Tentyra {CJ.G. 47^5) ^^ the date a.d. i. An anonymous inscription^ of about A.D. 175, found near
Marathon, contains twenty-eight lines in good preservation, and traces of ten more sufficient to show the sense
:
^'OAjSfo?,
d)
av8pd(TLV
vo(TTrj(TavT
yaiTjs
e/c
AvaovLoav ^aa-iXfji (TVi/eaweTO rfjX' kXdovTL. Tov fikv 6 KL(T(jo(f)6po9 irals Alos Ipea ov avTo? dyev Trdrprfv ey doiSi/xou Eipa(j)LcoTr]9,
k^OTTiOev 8\ Oecb Saxri^io) irpoea-av. TolcTL S' 'Adrjvalr) ttoXltjoxo^ dvTe^oXrja-e p)(o/jLiuoLS 'Petro) XaXKiSLKcb TrorafMcb
OpeLoo^', (Ev6* dXict) au/M/SdXXerov olSfjia p6o9 re,
10
Xabv dyova-a, eras irdura^ 6p.r]yepeas, Iprjas fieu irpooTa dean/ KOfiocovTa^ (Oeipai?,
Koa-fKp T<o (r(f)Tp<p irdpTas dpLrrpeTrias,
The few letters missing at the beginning of some of the lines or in the body of them can be restored with certainty. ^ The stone has A\KniBr]p, which is probably a mistake for 'AXKiddrjVf since the name of Herodes Atticus' mother was Vibuilia Alcia Agrippina. ' The fabulous folk in Homer, N 6, identified here with the Sarmatian and Scythian tribes on the frontier.
191
15
Z-qvl OerjKoXiovTa? 'OXv/nrLCp {e)L^a<TL KvSpovs^ ToiCTL 8' CTT* rjidiovs icTTOpa^ r]uopirj9, TraiSas 'AOr^vatcov \aXK(o yavocovras (j)i]l3ov?,
T0V9 avTOS,
XrjOrji/
iraTpo^ (XKeLOfievo^
20
Tow
?7
8'
25
Udvres
T(>v
6*
dyxov
Trpo^dS-rji/
'icTTL^ [o/xlXo?
aVay
30
v8rjp.a)v ^etvcdv
MXev
dXX' dyipoPTO
8eyfiJ/oL ^Hp(o8r]p
coy 8*
ore 7rai8a
dfJLCpLTria-j]
fJ.[rJTrjp
TTjXoOeV k[py6[JLV0V
yaLpo(Tv[vri
7rXr]v
coy
'
35
[
[
Happy wast thou of late, Marathon, and dear to the heart of men more than before, when thou sawest the brilliant son of Alcia returned from the Sarmatian Abii at the ends of the earth, when he was in the train of the war-loving King of the Ausonians on his distant campaign. Eiraphiotes himself, the ivy-bearing son of Zeus, led his priest to his famous fatherland, and behind Eiraphiotes the two goddesses, the givers of Athene, the guardian of the city, met life, escorted him.^ them as they came to the Rheiti, the two rivers from Chalcis,
to Thria, where two salt waters, wave and stream, unite, and first the led the people, all the city folk gathered together
;
gods with long flowing hair, all conspicuous in and next the virgin priestesses after them the
;
;
famous singers, servants of Olympian Zeus, gloriously attired and after them the young men, sons of the Athenians, skilled men of war, proud in bronze mail youths whom Herodes himself, to preserve his father's memory from oblivion, had relieved from the shame of wearing black attire, and clothed
; *
*
Eiraphiotes
',
Dionysus
;
'
igz
at his
own expense in white cloaks, and presented with shoulder-brooches of electrum. Behind them the elect chosen Boule of the sons of Cecrops went in a body first, the nobler House and the other, the lower House, followed it behind. All were attired in newly washed white garb. Near them no went forth another company of natives and strangers guardian of any house was left behind, no lad, no white-armed As when a mother with joy erodes. lass . awaiting .' embraces her son who has come from far . ., so
;
; .
.
This inscription formed a poem upon a personage of interand importance, Herodes Atticus (c. A.D. 104-180), the celebrated 'Prjrcop who taught at Athens and Rome, the future
est
Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus being amongst and who spent much of his great wealth in embelAthens and other cities as Philostratus ^ says with lishing
his pupils,
;
effective rhetoric,
TToXei?, elSXexlre 8e
ejSXei/re
fieu
yap
e?
(^lXov^, e^SXei/re ^e
ey
h eOvrj. We
know from
Philostratus'
life
of
him ^ that he had been required to go to Sirmium, the capital of Lower Pannonia, to answer the charge of tyrannical con'
duct which had been brought against him.* In returning, he probably took ship from Oricus to the head of the Gulf of
'
Thence he continued his Corinth, and landed at Eleusis. journey by road towards Athens, and the inscription tells us that at the 'Petrco, the two salt pools near the coast, he was
met by the procession which had come from Athens to do him honour. It was composed of priests, virgin priestesses,^ choir boys, ephebi, the members of the Areopagus,^ the Ecclesia, and of the Boule, and others in fact the whole population, as
;
First published by P. Graindor in Musie Beige, xvi (1912), pp. 69 sqq., with a valuable historical commentary; then by N. Svensson in Bull. Corr. Bell. 1 (1926), pp. 527 sqq., with a photograph ; v. WilamowitzMoellendorfF in Sitz. preiiss. Akad., 1928, pp. 26 sqq. ; there are further notes by him in Hermes, Ixiv (1929), 489, and his treatment of the I have followed his text. inscription displays the hand of the master.
2
ii.
i.
i.
ii.
1
I. II.
4-5
(piXoTTToXifico
Marcus Aurelius seems strange, but the frontier which ended in 175.
^
This epithet of AvaovicDv fiaaikrji (rvve<r7rTo. it refers to the series of his wars on
It
a-a6cl)pova Kvnpiv exovcros, Wilamowitz's emendation of [ieTav6i(ra(f>pova. does not mean priestesses of Aphrodite '. ^ In apeiW there is a pun *the better Assembly, that of the "Apfios
*
irdyos '.
193
the fragmentary beginnings of lines no boy mother falls upon the neck of
her son returning from afar, so he was received with joy. Their ceremonial dress, especially that of the Ephebi,^ is carefully described for a special reason, since it illustrated
H erodes' generosity. We
that their
usual dress was black, in sign of mourning for the slaying of the herald Copreus,^ as he was in the act of dragging away the fugitive Heraclidae ^ from the altar of Zeus at which they
had taken
this
attire
Herodes, at his own expense/ changed refuge. to white. inscription^ gives an unusually
An
graphic account of a meeting at which the President put the question who voted for the proposal that the Ephebi should
wear white robes, and who against it.'^ 'No one raised his hand. Herodes said, ['' Ephebi, while I am here], you shall not want for white robes." Another point in the poem illustrates his generosity he gave at his own expense ^ brooches
'
:
The
other
new
piece of information which the poem gives is that his gift of white robes was made in memory of his father.^ There
was a special reason why a native and inhabitant of Marathon, Herodes was, should do this, for the scene of the Heraclidae^ and therefore of the murder of Copreus, was the temple at
as
Marathon.^^
^
M.
priests
37.
ii. p. 550. the suggestion that this name was inserted by the Alexandrian scholars see the cautious judgement of A. C. Pearson, Euripides^ Heraclidae, Introduction, p. x, note. ^ This incident was not used by Euripides in his Heraclidae.
'
On
OLKodei',
^
1.
22.
ii
'HpcDS^s
3, No. 870, dated i66/y-^l() olde'is eTrrjpfv. efiov Trapovros ;(Xa/xu]5a)t' \(vku>v ovk ajroprjaere.
' thus tipao-a with the omission of t;)i/ x^^^P^ as enripf, without Tr)v x^i/ja a gloss was rightly restored by Dobree, Advers, iii. 543, and Holden in
Ar. Plut. 689. ^ 1. 23 8(A>pq3ls T fverfjcn Karapa^ov rjXeKTpoio o'UnBev. " XrjOnv nnTpos diceiopeuos, literally 'remedying any forgetfulness about The words have been strangely misunderstood: 'making his father'. amends for his father's forgetfulness ', i.e. in not carrying out a reform which he had intended. ^ Eur. Heraclid. 32 Mapada>va koi a-vyKKrjpou eXBovres x^^ua.
|
3736
194
Athenians
now
lost,
on the
gate of a building standing at the entrance of a valley near Vruna, which is probably the site of the ancient Marathon.^
^Ofiovotas
X^Lai].
d6audT[ov]
It is in the
the demesne of this illustrious personage. One other detail in the poem has some importance, since it appears to throw light on the site of Thria, which has not
been determined.
The
inscription gives
epxofjLii/oL9 ^PeiTct)
XaXKiSiK^
understood.
the stone
;
and the
lines
&peL6i(\
'
'ivQ*
met them on
their
way to
to Thria, where
two
The
on the
inscription therefore supports the view that Thria stood coast, not inland where recent maps place it.
The
scribed with official detail, and the phrasing is studied even to pomposity thus Wilamowitz observes that rjiOeovs la-Topa?
;
merely a showy phrase for ep oirXois. The turned and correct thus the open vowels in dyovaa eras (1. la) and Si/ocpoetfioi^os (1. 2i) are in accordance with the Homeric usage. But there are neologisms, some by analogy, such as jieXeSaPTos (1. i) and Scoprjdeis for Sooprja-dfiepo? (1. 23) one by false analogy and quite inderjuopirj9
(1. 1
8) is
Frazer, Pausanias, vol. ii, p. 437. were two salt pools which, according to Pausanias, derived their water from the Euripus and therefore they are called here of
iii.
I.G.
403.
The
'Pf tTco
Chalcis'.
*
Paus.
i.
38.
ii.
24. 6.
Hermes^
195
fensible, ka-ToXdSavTo for iaroXaSaTo,^ Wilamowitz points out that KeKpoires (1. 24) for KeKpoTrtSai is common in Athenian S' rj erepr) (11. 24-6) poems of the time ^ovXrj ... 77 //e^'
:
is
loose,
of taste.
its
and the pun ^ in 25 {*ApLcou or dpetcov) shows a want Yet the composition, apart from these defects and
Lyric Poetry
Philicus
^
:
TIpooL/jLiou.*
Second Series that more of to the Demeter Philicus could be Hymn by fragments has extent to some been and realized, pieced together, enough has been recovered to show the general idea and style of the poem. But first the statement then made, that the Hymn was cast in the form of a Dialogue between Demeter and lambe, must be corrected. The evidence available up to the
in the
'^
this,
but
we
see
now
that the
Hymn
contains
first part is fragmentary, but follows the traditional the carrying off of Persephone by Pluto, who is here story, ' Demeter's search for called a brigand {Xrja-Trji'),^ and
'
The
hexaDemeter's complaint opens with the recital of her claim upon Zeus in virtue of birth and relationship, and the
in
her with torches from the pinewood (XafiTrdSa^ forms the poet's introduction, for her lament was
vXrj).
'
It
meters
'.
Yet is it stranger than eyprjyopBaon in K 419? Yet Isocrates was proud of his professorial pun rrjv dpxrjv avrols (i.e. the Athenians) yeveadai t5)V napovrcov KaKS>v, ore rrjv dpxrjv rrjs daXaTTrjs The author of i\dp.fiavov {Phil. 61 ; cf. de Pace, loi, Paneg. 119). the ITepi "X^ov^^ iv. 4, mentioning in connexion with ro -^vxpov that Xenophon {Rep. Lac. iii. 5) had played with the two meanings of Kopx] 'maiden' and 'pupil of the eye', adds that Timaeus seized upon this piece of frigidity as if it were stolen goods (cby ^(npiov nvos e<f)nnT6ixvos). Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 862 ra fxeXr), to. vevpa rrjs rpaywdias in two senses. A new example, the two meanings of XP""* comes from the fragment of a comedy discussed above see p. 165. ^ *Inno a Demetra di Filico C. Gallavotti, in Studiitaliani di Filo^
'
logia Classica, N.S., vol. ix (1931), pp. 37 sqq. * For this title see Schol. to Hephaestion, p. 140 Consbr. eV t^ irpooi/xia eypnyj/c Acopa vplv (fyepca^ tov fxerpov tovtov oXop noirjfxa ypd'^as. ^ Second Series, pp. 61, 62.
^
'
praedone marito
',
Ovid, Fast.
iv.
591.
02
196
share
^
is
entitled.
Zeus makes
Then
all
'
the
Nymphs and
the troop of women bowed their faces to the ground '. The text onwards to the end of the fragment is nearly complete
Hymn.
re
'H
81
Nvficpai
AiKaias Xapires re
51
Tray
Se
yvvaiKcov
d[/J,a
ia-fio^
eOcoirevcre
ireSoV fjLTC07TOL9.
^vXXo^oXrja-aL 8k Oeay
OLKoipTrov'
e(T\ov
ra fiova
^dcxpvra yfjs
J
wav[diTv]crTov
tolctl
^
T7]v
yepaiav Kaiptav 8\
dKp8ri[9];
,
8e
/xeu
opeioL?
^A[X]LfjLov9
rjOecn^
8e] a-efii/oTs 6
,
^Toia-a
yap kipBey^ar
Mrj PdX-
/^
ov
dXX'
dfi/Bpoaia yacTTpos
Kal
i/xi
d)8[Ti'as]
'Idfi^as iTraKova-ov*
ppa^v
8' diraiSevTa X^^[^' ^^ ^]^ diroiKova-a XdXo9 8r]fi6TLS' at 6eal fikv aiSe dea aol KvXiKas k[. Kal (rrefifiaTa Kal ^aivTov .je
.
.
60
oKvqpds iXdcpov
OvOev
ifjLol
dXX'
el
YaXao-eUyl irivOos,
eyo) oe Avaco
51' [7r]/c)[or7ruxo^'"o] suppl. Gallavotti. 52. suppl. Gall. 53. Such (f)v\Xo^o\ia is described in the fragment of the Hecale of Calhmachus (fr. I. I. II sqq., Mair) inscribed on a wooden tablet of the fourth
century,
preserved at Vienna
among
Archduke Rainer
ov\i poTOi; roao-rjv ye x^^i-v Kare^^cvaro (^wWaVj ov ^operjs, ouS' avros or' tv\to (f>v\\oxoos fxeiSf
^
1.
29. fioipiBia
'
TTcia-ts
fierexf^v.
it,
',
The papyrus has KTr](ri<: in the text from which Mr. Lobel has convincingly a word hitherto known only from Hesychius,
197
dypaxxTai nfpi
t' dfi<f)i re
Qr](TH ^aXXov,
cTTopvTja-iv iW(TT(f)oi/.
cf.
(Gallavotti.)
Perhaps noTvinv,
(WXiov Gall.
Horn.
Hymn
ii,
to
Demeter 203 ttotpiuv dyvrjv, 47, 54 'AXt/xoC? M. Norsa, cf. Pans. i. 31. i
21 Stahlin.
56.
cttos-
p. 25.
55. Toi(Ti di
:
Lobel.
pap.,
:
corr.
M. Norsa.
OapaaXeop Gall.
KepdnKeov Vogl.
57* (papfxaKOV
p.oi tl
Vogliano
TL
dinp-ov
Kaphas
:
Gall.
difficulty. A vocative seems required 61-2. suppl. Gall., who would perhaps mSe, deq, ao\ KvXiKns, Kv8ip. also punctuate aXX' el ;^aXacret$', TTevdos eyco 8e Xutrco, If you will pardon me, I will relax your grief but the late position of Se is awkward. The sentence might have continued, I will unloose all my merriment '.
'
Lobel corone
aldfo-ai
pe Gall.
Kepbos Schmid : pov (pap.) av Gall. aiheaipev pap., corr. 60. aide 6e(u pap., and K .... 6 KaXd T ' e belle
u>s
:
Gall.,
'
ndpearTiv Korte.
She ceased, and the Nymphs and the Graces of Righteous Suasion did obeisance, and bowed their foreheads to the ground. Now they had only the plants of the barren earth to shower upon the queenly goddess but by good fortune Halimus sent the old mountainy wife, obscure but opportune is the merry word unprofitable to grave folk ? She stood and " uttered a loud bold word Throw not goats' fodder ; that is no medicine for a hungry god ambrosia is the delicate " And do thou listen to the tale of the birthbelly's stay pangs of Attic lambe. Small gain have I to give I have poured forth my untaught words like a chattering countrywoman who lives afield these goddesses here offer to thee, glorious goddess (?), cups and garlands, and water dyed in wet but from women comes herbage, a common gift, the food of the shy doe. No boon like theirs have I but if thou wilt .' relax thy grief, I will unloose
'
;
:
The story of Demeter, her grief for her lost child,^ the famine which she sent upon the land, and the change of her sorrow into joy, was a familiar theme in Greek poetry. The
locus classicus
the Choral
Ode
which she
^
is
Hymn to Demeter, and there is Helena of Euripides (1301 sqq.),'^ in identified with Cybele and there was an elegiac
is
the
Homeric
in the
On the significance of the details see Frazer, Ovid's Fasti, vol. iii, Latest work on the Hymn Korte, Hermes j Ixvi, p. 442. pp. 281 sqq. ^ Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iii. 31 sqq.
:
198
poem by
entitled
fragments. There are differences between the Homeric Hymn and that of Philicus, as far as it has been preserved. The
incident of
for
information
about her daughter does not appear in Philicus, while Zeus does not in the Homeric Hymn take the part of an interthe consolation which Demeter locutor, as he does here
;
receives
Hymn,
put into the mouth of the Sun in the Homeric but into the mouth of Zeus in Philicus and in the
is
;
Homeric
Hymn
it is
in Philicus
the dignity of Pluto which is dwelt upon, the institution of religious rites in his honour.
it is
noticeable, partly in consequence of the better preservation of this part of the poem, is the place taken by lambe.
More
In the Homeric Hymn she is apparently a servant in the household of Metanira, wife of Celeus, prince of Eleusis but Philicus describes her as an old country-woman, who had
;
may be a local Attic legend which Philicus has worked in (Attica was full of such legends), since we learn from Pausanias^ that there was a cult of Demeter at Halimus.
The Choral Ode
of Euripides resembles our
;
Hymn
^
in
the
Euripides they are bidden to gladden Demeter, in Philicus they do obeisance to much ruder and more primitive figure appeared in her.
in
popular religion to play the part of the mirth-provoker. This was Baubo,* to whom coarse mimicry was attributed. But the composer of the Homeric Hymn had already refined
this.
the poet Philicus of Corcyra comes before us in an extract from Callixinus of Rhodes,^ who published
figure of
*
The
'
his
in the reign of
Ptolemy Philo-
pator.
He
took part
in
'
"^
Collectanea Alexandrina, pp. 90, 91. Paus. i. 31. I ; cf. Clem. Alex. Proir.^ cap.
ii,
p.
25. 21
Stahlin
(Gallavotti).
Eur. Hel. 1301 sqq. Orph. Frag. 52 Kern; see also 49, 81 sqq.; on this T. W. Allen in Classical Review^ xxi (1907), p. 97. ^ Athen. v. 196 sqq.
^
'
last,
a papyrus, see
199
Ptolemy Philadelphus, being the priest of Dionysus who walked with the Tex^'Ljai at the end of the Dionysiac procession. No special mention is made
of Demeter in the procession in which all the Pantheon was represented, but the story of each god had its representation.^
whose story he was afterwards to tell when Ptolemy Philadelphus had instituted the Procession of the Basket at Alexandria, referred to by Callimachus.^ Enough of the Hymn remains to show that it was not intended for use in ritual, like the Paean of Philo-
Among
damus
Hymns.
In
its
tone
it is
rather like the Epidaurian Hymn which will be treated of below, a Hymn not to the goddess but about her. It is
Hymn
to Demeter,
ritual.
All these
deal with their story in a bright and lively way, and contain an amusing episode. Both Callimachus and Philicus show
and the old dame in Philicus is of the same type as the consummate Praxinoe of Theocritus and Metrotime in Herondas. BanTov vScop kv vyp(p for wine is the kind of riddling phrase that a rustic uses,^ like Hesiod's irivro^os, bunch of and the whole line fives TpLTTovs, an old man with a staff'
'
'
'
'
',
ov ToSe TreiPooPTL Beco (jydpjiaKov, dXX' d/x^poa-ia yaaTpo^ epeicrfxa XeTTTTJ? with its blunt directness and the homely vigorous
metaphor in the last three words, is taken from life. By good fortune Hephaestion has preserved two lines from Philicus which must surely have formed part of the opening
of our
Tfj
Hymn
Kal KXvjikvcoTo.
'
Tavrns
Callix. in
Athen.
V. 197*^*
in Dem. i and Schol. ' For an excellent analysis of this cryptic kind of expression see Mair's translation of Hesiod, Introduction, pp. xivsqq.
Callim.
Hymn,
f2oo
and
KaLvoypd(pov (TVvBea-ecos
^lXlkov^ ypafifxaTiKoi, Soopa ^epco
Which
(just
came
the
first
cannot be determined.^
calls
Clearly our
as
Hymn, which
Scholiast
npooifjuou^
Thucydides* calls the Homeric Hymn to Apollo npooLjjLLov)^ was introduced to the notice of scholars as a
composition in a new style ', not by a devotee, but by a skilled man of letters, as the pithy phrase KaLi^6ypa<po9 (TVvBea-L^, and the bold metaphor eOooirevcre weSoy jieTcoTroLS
*
show.
Several
anonymeus
lyric
Diehl, Anthologia Lyrica, vi, p. 296 from Hephaestion (pp. 30, 31 who passes a measured criticism on the poem : ^lXlkos 5e 6 KepKvpaios, eh coy rrjs IlXfiaSoy, e^anerpa (sc. ;(0pta/zj3iKc5) avvedrjKCv okov tovto Se Koi aXa^oveveraL evpqKevai <J>tXiKo? Xe-ytoi^ TToirjua Tfj )(doi/Lr] ktX. Kaivoypd^ov kt\. ^evderai de' the reason given being that Simias of Rhodes had used the metre before him (see Collectanea Alexandrina^
Consbr.)
Tv\r]v el p.^
aXX'
a>s 7Tp5)Tos
TToirjpaTa ypdy^/as.
The
full text
mentioned
of the epigram on Philicus, which Chapters, runs as follows paKapicTTOs 68onr6pos, epx^o koXovs
was
New
CK
Ki(T(Trjp<f)os
K(f)aXr)s
evvpva KvXicop
5
pTjpaTa, Kol vrjaovs Ka)paaov els p-aKupav, ev pev yrjpas IScov evecTTiov *AXklv6oio
dvdpos eTnarapevov' *AXkiv6ov Tis ecov e^ alpoTos [a vacant space] a7r]o [ArflpodoKov
^airjKos,
(a)fiv
Edited by Wilamowitz from a papyrus of the third century B.C. with the necessary slight corrections in Sitzungsb. derk. p. Akadetnie, xxix (1912), pp. 547 sqq. It presents several interesting points: it maybe contemporary with Philicus ; with Hephaestion, it gives the correct form of his name, Philicus, not Philiscus ; it mentions the facts that he was a priest and poet ; and now that the Hymn has come to light, we observe a special appropriateness in the epithet ivvpva, and lastly he was a true Phaeacian ', in Horace's sense of tlie word The idea that the ^coeti/ emaTapevov. Philiscus who was presumably the author of the sepulcral epigram from
* :
Cos, printed by Reitzenstein in Epigrafum und Skolion, 219, 220, was many suppositions to be accepted with any confidence. ^ Gallavotti prefers the order given here j Korte would reverse it. ^ Schol. to Hephaest., p. 140 Consbr. ev to) irpooLp-lco eypay\re Ampa vplv (pepo), Tov pTpov Tovrov oXou Ttolrjpa ypdyj/as.
Thuc.
iii.
104.
2^01
lines are
found
in a
Heidel-
berg papyrus,^ the date of which is about the end of the second century or the beginning of the third. speaker, a woman,^ enumerates various trees and plants, those, it would
appear, which come into the stories that narrate the metamorphosis of persons into trees and birds. Thus one line refers to the metamorphosis of Myrrha into a myrtle, another
to that of Attis into a pine
;
the
name Tereus
occurs,
and the
swallow and the nightingale are mentioned, birds which as Procne and Philomela occur in the story about him. The poem is written in dimeter meiuric anapaests, a metre of which we have several ^ examples from the Imperial Age.
The outstanding feature of the poem is the use of new and extraordinary compound epithets thus ^L\ofzvpTo<payrJKOfxo9
;
(piXoyaXlXjoP pa)(ioi/OTVfji7r[dua)]
Kopv^avTL KoXv6po(pi\dp7ray[L]
is
The
is
p.\[avo\TrTepo(paLo\o(TOi)ixaTos, a word in which Korte points out that cpaioXo- appears to be a conflation of (paios and
aloXos.
a kite
is
called
^
facility of composition, but only one, the of the description Corybant, shows the strikingly inventive of the power poets of the Old Comedy, or of Pratinas,
Timon
the Sillograph.
;
First printed
in
ft\7ra>
Korte
^ '
see
See
New
Second
;
Series,
p. 46.
The nominative IktIv for Iktivo^ has been unknown before Choeroboscus {Graminat. Graec, Hilgard, iv, p. 267) distinctly lays down the vocraiov the ovbayiov tj evdela avrr) (sc. IktIv) evpijrai eu ;^/;jj(rf i. usage papyrus vtoaviov is an easier correction than Bilabel's (ro) voaaiop.
*
:
:
202
From Seleucia in Susiana ^ comes an inscription with the remains of thirty-one lines, on one column when complete it consisted of at least two columns but all of the second is lost except a few letters at the foot containing a Hymn to Apollo
in the
It is written in acrostichs,
Priapean metre, a Glyconic followed by a Pherecratean. the first letters giving the name and
given
description of the composer. Other examples of acrostichs are by Kaibel,^ the first being of a date between 15 and 7 B.C., that is to say, more or less contemporary with this
Hymn may
be the
last
century
the
first
A.D.
0? forming the opening letters of the lines spell 'Hp68 r rcoi/ and are followed ., by Trpoy 'ApTficouo9 SeXevKeu?, which M. Cumont completes by toou irpos tm EvXaico^ the river
. .
.
which gave the official title to this Seleucia, rj Trpoy TO) EvXaio). He completes his reconstruction by suggesting [vLKT^rr}^ ye]yovey words which imply that the composer won
in Susiana,
the prize at a competition. The fifth letter in the first name is lost, but from the appearance of the vertical stroke which is
of the sixth, M. Cumont restores ^HpoScopos in to preference ^HpoSoTos. The following extract gives the end
all
that
is left
of the
title
"Teiy
<5'
Kal
yjrrj-^eL^
23
'E^aL(pi/7]9 Se
av
[7rap]8dXeLS rj/iepoh Pi
25
'TiruovuTa^ 8' afxaOea-rccTovs^ [r)X]u'Yrjt(n TrvKoc^eL?.^ Si) ttXovtov 7r[L\vvTols Vfiei9 [ou 7r]apaLpT0i^ evpovu, Toiyap 6y[a] Kal iroXeis TrovX[v]coi^v /io[u o/jLl/xa
^flaicocrap, kirel
^
'
27
a-e^as ix[ovvo\9
ecr>ce[s]
aTrdvTOiv.
29
Inscriptions grecques de Suse', F. Cumont, 1928, from Memoires de Mission archiologique de Perse, torn, xx, pp. 89 sqq.. No. 6 ; cf. Kaibel, Epigr. Gr,, Nos. 979, 1096; and see Pauly-Wiss., Real-Encycl. s.v.
la
Akrostich.
but this is preferable to his suggestion of an adjective Ko.ylrTjx^'is coined with the meaning of ay\nr)KTOi, shaggy '. ' His restoration rjXvyijot, is tentative ; he takes the meaning to be thou dost cover with the shades of night the simple in their sleep ; the simple are contrasted with nivvToi, 1. 27.
craivfts,
* ' ' ' '
203
dost shower prosperity upon the righteous in streams of gold, and dost fondle, dost caress the beasts in their dens, immortal god. Suddenly too dost thou tame the panthers in the dells, and thou coverest with shades of night the simple in their sleep. Thou dost bestow upon the wise a stream of wealth which cannot be taken from them.'
Thou
The subject of the Hymn is the power of the Sun in nature, and the blessings which he bestows upon man and beast. There is no need to see, as M. Cumont does in lines 24 and 25, an identification of Apollo Helios with Dionysus,^ with whom panthers are associated, for the choral ode in the Alcestis, 578 sqq., speaks of the influence of Apollo's music over wild
The name Navaia, the great goddess of Susa, is animals. probably to be restored in 1. 6.^ P'rom the temple of Aesculapius at Epidaurus,^ which yielded us the Paean of Isyllus,* come two inscriptions each containing
three
is
in
I
'^
is
One, No. 130, contains a Hymn to Pan which complete preservation. The metre is trochaic dimeter ol ^ -u, and the Hymn, which is liturgically correct,
Hymns.
I
composed
in
a literary style
-^
mainly written
ithyphallics
:
in
and metrical skill. It about half of which are complete, hexameters, two of which are lifted from
MoLpa?
Cumont compares OrpMca, No. 239 Kern, ap. Macrob. SaL i. 18, sections 12, 18, 22 "HXios-, bu Awwaov eVt/cAT^ait' KnXeovaiv: cf. Orphica^ Nos. 236, 237. But Farnell, Cults of the Greek States^ v. 252, observes ' Macrobius' theory of the solar character of Dionysus is not supported, so far as we have seen, by any Hellenic cult*. Mhnoires, p. 86. ' I.G. iv, Editio Minor, pp. 83 sqq., Nos. 129-34, with photographs.
"^
New
p. 132.
^
204
No. 131
is
of
much
greater interest.
It is a
Hymn
to the
Mother of the Gods, written with no little literary skill, and containing a vivacious dialogue between her and Zeus. The composer had a light touch, and the style is simple, the
narrative
lively.
The metre
itself
is
the TeXea-oTLXXetou
^^ ^
j \
interesting, for
it
is
little
song a
lilt
of
its
own and
;
lines of Telesilla
it is appropriate, for the only two which are preserved are the opening of a
Hymn
to Artemis.
The
TOLv
coy
Maripa
rcov Beoov,
5
orvpovor
TOLV
Maripa
roou
Oecov
10
Kepavvov e^aXXe,
x^
)(d
rd
TVfjLwav' kXdfipave'
StipTja-cre,
Trerpa^
rd TVfXTrav kXdfipave. ''Mdrep, dine' els Beovs, Kal fiT) Kar oprj nXavco^
jXYj
15
a
r\
rj
-re?
*'
ttoXlol
x^poTTol XeovXvkol
. .
."
KovK
fiTj
dneifM
fiepT]
eh
Oeovs^
so
dv
TO TO
rd
Xd^co,
rjfiLo-v
TTOUTOO
XoiJTCOS dweXevo-ofjLaL."
ye daughters of Memory, hither from heaven, and sing ye with me the Mother of the Gods,
come
ijo,5
how
heavy
at heart.
ch. xi,
who
regards
it
as
regarded acephalous White, The Verse of Greek Comedy, sect. 573; Wilamowitz, Griechische Verskunst, 120, 242). The metre occurs not infrequently in Sophocles, fr. 172, Pearson; 0. T. 466-8, 1044 sqq., where acephalous Pherecrateans occur,
Glyconic
(J.
but
it
should
rather be
as
W.
as in this
Hymn
25 and 29
Pax
great puzzle. squeeze made by Mr. D. L. Page shows that the only letter which is uncertain is the second, where a rough-edged dent in the stone renders
KATQPHMENA a
Both he and illegible, and that the H is quite certain. Professor Robertson have independently suggested that the letters KATQP are a repetition of /car' <pea just above in
it
and within range of the eye. The mistake has infected the next letter, for the dialect would almost certainly demand The style demands a simple and common verb like -ayi^va} von Hiller suggests Papvvojxiva. opLvofiiva (K^pLi/ofxiua)
1.
6,
is
possible, for
a ArjKvdiov
not
unknown among
Vers-
2o6
In
11.
corrected.
13.
The
or
gives
AIEPPHZE.
The compounds
370
of
prjyuvfjLL
B.C.
(Meisterhans, Gramm. att. Inschr., p. 169), and this is frequent in the (Thackeray, Grammar of the Old Testament in
LXX
Greeks p. 119). 17. MHZE the stone, \ir\ (t 01 Maas, rather than firj a i\. For \vKOL in 1. 18 there is no verb, and the metre of 1. 20
causes
some
difficulty.
effective here
After Xvkol Maas sees an aposiopesis, but this still leaves the
;
beginning the Mother's reply with Kat. On the other hand, to make the aposiopesis end with Acar seems very unlikely. R. Herzog enters equally into the spirit of the
Hymn in
lines
another and more preferable way, thinking that some have been omitted containing some such sense as
irXavcop.ivavy kv opet Xecop, fx craLvovTL Se kol Xvkol^
"
[" eSoaa-L
^aivei
KovK
* *
eL(Top,aL
19
Oeov?/*
The lion on the mountain fawns upon me, the wolves also fawn upon me, and I will not go to the gods.'
In
1.
OYPANH,
TCdpavod
cf. 1. 2.
subject of the Hymn presents difficulties, since no occasion in the life of the Mother of the Gods, such as is
The
narrated here, appears in literature, or is mentioned by the authorities. Wanderings ', and the desire of Zeus to end
'
in
still less
her
claim to a large share in the Universe. Dr. Farnell, who has been good enough to examine the Hymn, is of opinion that a double conflation or contaminatio of myths has taken
and first that the Mother of the Gods is identified with Demeter, as was sometimes done, as by Euripides, who
place,
^ But Koi ovK aTTfifxL is quitc plain upon the stone, giving two cretics. These would be appropriate to the tone of the passage, cf. Aristoph. Ac/i.
299
0^*^
avaax^crofxai ktX.
307
Ode
in the
how
the
unnamed Mother
in
of the
He
yearning for her daughter with the unspeakable name.^ ^ points out that this Choral Ode may have been present
mind of the composer of the Hymn, for Kar copea kol vXaura (1. 6) and 6 Zeij^ S* iariScov dva^ (1. 9) recall dv and of the Helena. Further, the pdirrj avyd^cou k^ ovpavtoav words y^apoTToi XeouTe^ and ttoXlol Xvkol recall the Homeric
to the
vdnas
Hymn, XIV,
els-
Mrjripa
Becov^ 3, 4,
fj KpordXodv TVirdvoov t* ta^^rj crvu re ppofios avX5>v evaSev, r]8e Xvkcoi/ KXayyt] \apoTrodv re XeouTCou,
Next
is
between the
share of Hecate in the third part of the sovereignty of the world (Hesiod,^ Theogony, 411 sqq.), and the claim which is
put forward by the Mother of the Gods in our Hymn, and which might arise from the idea contained in the Orphic
Hymn
xiv. 10, 11 ;*
kK (Tov yap kol yaia kol ovpavbs evpvs virepOe KOL TTOVTOS TTVOLai T.
These considerations have led Dr. Farnell to suggest that our Hymn was a prize composition intended for a festival of the Mother at Epidaurus, where we know from the inscriptions that she had a cult.^ Her claim for a share in the universe he
regards as a foolishly learned imitation of the passage in the Theogony, and the whole production as illustrating the
process
'
'
by which the
and probable in itself, is supported by the style of the other two Hymns. In No. 130 nearly every noun is accompanied by an ornate and rather conventional epithet, like \pv(jk(iiv
yopoav dyaXjJLa
d(rTpco7rbi/
^
\
ks 8' '^OXvfxirov
\
ep^erai iravcoBos
Farnell, Cults of the Greek States^ iii, p. 31. For the conflation in this Ode in the Helena see W. Scott, Mountain- Mother Ode*, Classical Quarterly, iii, p. 165. ^ Regarded by many editors as a post-Hesiodic interpolation.
'^
'The
'"'
Ret. from
von
Hiller.
Greek States, iii, p. 383, Nos. See New Chapters^ First Series, p. 43, and the mentioned above.
Farnell, Cults of the
^
23, 24.
Hymn
from Susa
2o8
which suggests the hand of 1^29 shows the same two lines from Homer, pursues style, and then, in lifting a practice not unknown to prize composers. Mr. Tod is of opinion that the three Hymns were inscribed simultaneously, and by the same hand, which he assigns to the third century A.D., so that they may all have been prize compositions. Like Delphi ^ and other sites, the temple of Asclepius at
a literary compiler.
of No.
'
Epidaurus furnishes other examples of sacred lyric poems, Nos. 132 to 135, besides the Paean of Isyllus.^ Something of the nature of an occasional or prize poem by
a schoolboy, perhaps to be recited on a Speech Day ', is presented by the following lines in the Anacreontic metre
* '
'
which come from a papyrus of the fourth century found at Eschmunen.^ The composer calls it the first-fruits of his
'
education.
i[TaL]piKf}9 [0' iop]Trjs
OaXvoTLoy
'Epoo
fJLu
KOfii^co.
ovu ks
r]Pr)9
TivOLTO
fjLOL
[fidOrjarLi^
Kv]KXovfjLurj[u ireprjaaL'
10
A
^
"^
to fourth
New New
p. 663.
*
H. Oellacher's
text
i,
in
Rainer,
Neue
Folge,
209
from a poem in hexameters, describing how Xda-Los JJdv took wax from a store of honey in an oak, melted it, and made pipes into which he blew. The story is continued on the
verso in twenty-nine lines, many of which are well preserved. Pan is lying on the ground, wearied perhaps, as Oellacher
suggests, by his efforts in piping, but his pipe is not with him. Silenus sees him, and addresses him thus in words of merry
mockery
Elire] fioi,
ai-)(]/j,r]Tr]9
0)
j/o/iecoi/
fiiya Koipave,
ttco?
a[v Utrj^
;
fJLeve)(^apiios
TToo?
irfj
8e
)(]opoou
kn
10
',
a]oL 7rriKTi9 '^prj, iirjXoo-CTKOTre, nfj creo (p[opfJ.Lyi 7r[fj] fieXeoou /cXeoy evpv, rb Kal Aibs ovar laJji/ei;
d7rLpe(rL7)[u] fxerd 6[oLvr)v
6 ^ov[tt]9,
15
fAvSos'f
KetvoLS
r]\e\
ydp
fXLv
(Tov
8.
yap
eSuov 'iScoKas opeora-nroXo) tlvI v[vii(^rj^ VTTO TTTepvyea-cnv d^l (piper rjrop [^Epcoro?
leir]
ieirjs
Wilamowitz, comparing
;
in
T 209
also
i'oi
tls.
12. ta[
perhaps rather talveiy cf. Find. OL ii. 13. pap., lanret Radermacher For Zeus in this connexion see Arist. Fol. v. 1339 b. 13. So for pap. (dolvrjv P. Maas). 15. Avdos is probably a anipaiT][.] fiera 6[
corruption, and Avkos unlikely AvklSus ^ Qvpais. r)
:
P.
probability suggests
This
may come
Hymn
to Pan,
and Oellacher thinks that the composition may not be much and older than the time to which he assigns the papyrus it is, as he points out, plainly and in tone, metre, style, though
;
indebted to Theocritus, it is perhaps preferable to ascribe the Imperial rather than to the Ptolemaic Age.
T/te later
^
it
to
Dithyramb
of two papyrus rolls exhibit fragments of on the later Athenian Dithyramb of the fifth and a treatise fourth centuries B.C., in which are incorporated many extracts
The remains
The
* On the later Dithyramb see Pickard-Cambridge, lb., pp. I36sqq. Dithyramb^ Tragedy and Comedy^ pp. 53 sqq.
873B
!2io
the exegesis resembles the conclusion of the fifth book of Aristotle's Politics^ which explains how the different kinds of
lyric
poetry and the music to which they were set correspond to the affections of the soul {ja ndSr]). To irpiirov is mentioned, as by Aristotle, and Melanippides is said Kara(sc,
TOLTTeLv iKcca-Trju
apixovLav)
kirl
to irpiirov avTcou.
all
He
the
rjpcoLKT] virodeo-L^,
Xe^i? elpofiivrj,
and obscurity.
are tantalizingly incomplete. The first contains the opening of a Dithyramb probably intended for the Great
They
Dionysia
lepaU kv dfiepaLS
SdoSeKa
fjLYJvas
dirovTa'
ndpa
(For
di/Or]
8'
a>pa,
ndpa
5'
dvOrj
see Pickard-Cambridge, op. cit.y p. 50.) The second opened thus (unless we accept the conjectural compound word of P. Maas in the first line, papPapaPpovTo)
:
fSdp^apa PpovTa,
ydv
)(pv(r68ov9
is
new word.
:
fiaXaKOfifiaros vrrvos yvla 7Tpl irdvTa PaXdou, a)(7t fidTTjp naiS' dyaira-
J.
U. P.
Greek Romance was a product of the Ztveite Sophistik^ and had no direct connexion either with the short story as represented by the Milesian Tales or with any Greek or Alexandrian
Even before the publication of the first papyrus fragments his view was assailed on various grounds, though, it must be admitted, with but before singularly little success he died two fragments attributed to romance were published.
literary form.
;
One of them he did not allow to be romance, and his judgement was not unreasonable ^ the other he only mentions
;
without attempting to discuss it yet it is precisely this fragthe Ninus that not only makes his main ment, Romance, theory untenable, but also throws more light than could ever
;
have been hoped for on the history of the literary form. It is greatly to be deplored that the fragments which we now possess were not discovered before Rohde wrote his book, or, he did not live to adjust his mind to the new For no scholar has deserved so well of Greek Romance. Those who brought out the second and third editions of his book rightly refused to make alterations other
failing this, that
material.
than those
the author's manuscript notes,^ and, putting aside the thesis which he was defending, the bulk of his work remains, and will remain, the standard work on the
justified
by
fragment. See below, pp. 237 Schmid, however, the editor of the third edition (1914), wisely added an appendix, in which the work done and discoveries made since Rohde's death were summarized.
flf.
"^
The Metiochus-Parthenope
p a
212
ROMANCE
subject. He, better than any who have succeeded him, could have dealt with the problems raised by the new discoveries, and Greek Romance awaits a scholar equipped with the acuteness as well as the learning of Rohde to rescue it from the
sea of conjecture in which it has floundered since his death. For the fragments which were published during Rohde's lifetime were only a foretaste of what was to come. It is true
that the Ninus
Romance remains
at
but small able and the most significant of the discoveries and unsatisfactory as many of them are, there are to-day
nearly twenty fragments which, with greater or less plausiThe Ninus bility, may be classed as fragments of romances.
Romance
its
is
date
for
important, not only for its contents, but also for it may be said with some certainty that it was
in
written
down
the
first
century B.C.
The
ments depends primarily on the character of the writing. If, as is usually the case, the romance is written on the verso, a terminus post quern may sometimes be fixed by a dated document on the recto similarly, as happens with the Ninus Romance, a terminus ante quern is established for a romance written on the recto, when there is a dated document on the
;
verso.
On
these grounds
the Ninus
Romance
fall
all the fragments except those of between the end of the first and the
beginning of the fourth centuries A.D. Admittedly the date at which the fragments that we possess were copied gives no but since the certain indication of the date of composition
;
works
question are likely to have been ephemeral, it is not unreasonable to suppose that their composition did not in That the Ninus general much antedate their copying.
in
Romance must have been written down before loi A.D. is proved by the document on the verso which is dated in the fourth year of Trajan. How long before this the copy was made, or the romance composed, is a matter for conjecture, but the state of the papyrus and the nature of the writing are
said to be not inconsistent with a date as early as the second
century
date.
B.C.,
and
it is
in the first
is
ROMANCE
and probably as much
ments.
it
'zi^
specimen of its kind; it is indisputably two centuries earlier than the earliest of the completely extant romances (Charito),
earlier
is
a romance that can fairly be put in the same category as those of Charito and his successors ? Does it throw any light
on the ultimate sources of Greek Romance? Does it do anything to explain the stereotyped form with which we are familiar in the later romances ?
It
is
to
material
is
hypothesis.
to avoid putting forward a working In the opinion of the present writer the answer
difficult
to all these questions is in the affirmative, but before calling attention to the significance of the evidence it is necessary to
survey
its
character.
consist of two fragments apparently belonging to different parts of the story. Fragment A presents parts of five columns, fragment B parts
The remains
of the Ninus
Romance ^
should be placed before or after B but no convincing reason has been adduced for altering the order A, B adopted by the first editor and, considering the scantiness of the remains, in the nature of the
of three.
Whether
;
remains uncertain
case
first
it
makes little difference which order is preferred. The column of fragment A is too much broken to admit of
plausible restoration, but the clear meaning of the other four makes it likely that Lavagnini's guess at the general drift is
on the right lines, though his attempt to restore the actual Greek is too hazardous to win approval. It would appear that the author is describing in his own words the relations
girl
of his choice
in
ed. Bruno Lavagnini,Teubneri922. (It also appears, with an English translation and a survey by S. Gaselee, at the end of the Loeb edition oiDaphnis and Chloe (191 6).) For the Ninus Romance, as for all the fragments in Lavagnini's collection, the text as printed there has been used, except where otherwise stated. The authority for the restorations maybe found
by reference to that edition. Lavagnini's bibliography has recently been supplemented by F. Zimmermann in Philologische Wochenschrifty li (1931), See also infra^ p. 257. pp. 195-6.
214
ROMANCE
name
is never mentioned, and although she is depicted as a very different person from the Semiramis of tradition, there is good reason for supposing that the girl is no other than Semiramis.^ Both are desirous of marriage, but whereas
Semiramis
<r(p6Spa
is
reluctant
because of
alSm
(A.
I.
lo),
Ninus
pS>v
(A.
I.
\crTrvS\uv j8oi/A[er]o
in
3) wished to bring things to a head (A. I. 12) and thought over various ar-
favour of an early celebration of the marriage, guments which seem to have been the same as those that arguments he subsequently addresses to Derceia, the mother of Semiramis.
their
own
mothers,
who
were sisters, but agree to speak to their aunts, each to the other's mother
[aXX' ovTe 6 NiPo]9 dvrfveyKev
[TT/ooy
^
17
TraT? eroX-
[fxa
(A.
I.
31-3),
\Odppovv
*
yap
dfx-
[(jiOTepoL
TTyooy
^
[XOU ^
TT/OO?
(A.
I.
34-6),
and at the end of the column a scene Ninus puts his case before Derceia
:
is
introduced in which
6
[8k Nii/09 eXOoDp 7r]po9 rrju A^p*'
jXTJTep"
(A.
I.
36-8),
which
ktX.
"
is
directly continued
by
''
el-rrei/,
evopKrja-a? dcpiy/jLai
in
A.
II.
1 ff.
II
and A.
Ill,
and does
far
It is at any rate significant that her mother's name, Derceia, is not removed from Derceto, the divine mother assigned to Semiramis in the usual legend. The coincidence would be strange were any one but Semiramis in question here. Cf. Wilcken in Hermesy xxviii (1893),
pp. 187-8.
^ dvjveyKfv L. (with pap.), but either dvf]veyKv or dveveyKelv seems necessary. ' e]6dppovv Piccolomini {Rend. Lincei^ ser. v, vol. ii (1893), p. 315) Odppovv pap. dappelv L. * npos Piccolomini : om. L. " [Xov ^ npbs Piccolomini [\ov edoKow ^ L.
:
ROMANCE
not end until A.
IV. 13.
:ji5
The columns
doubt.
*
are in
good preservation,
is
never
in
have kept my oath he says. In the course of quests, and by virtue of my royal prerogative
I
',
my
con-
kBvvdfjirjp
eij
Kopov
K7rXr}crai ttolrjv
(rav diroXavcriu'
re dv
fiOL
kXdTTOVOS L(rco9 T} due-^Ld ttoSov vvv 8e dSid^dopos eXrjXvOcb^ [vTrb] TOV OeOV VLKCOfJLaL Koi VTTO
TTOLrja-aVTL 8l'
TOVTO
TfJ9 rjXLKLas.
(A.
II.
13-20.)
me
Must
for
wait
enough
marriage
fifteenth year.
Your
seventeenth year, old indeed, few men remain pure until their daughter, it is true, is one year younger
?
am
in
my
OTL Se
T}
(f)V(rL9
TLS
dv ev
(f)pov5)v
dvruiTOL
(A.
III.
3-6.)
You may advise us to wait for two years, but Fortune will not tarry. I am a mortal and subject to the ills of mortals but I am also a king who must encounter uncommon dangers. are your only children give us a chance to leave you some earnest of our love. You cannot call me shameless for
;
We
approaching you.
in secret
;
I might have sought to satisfy my desires would have been shameless. But in a straightforward manner I only ask that what you yourself have prayed for and promised may be fulfilled in the near
that
future.'
ference at
Derceia listens with pleasure, and, though she affects indiffirst, she promises to speak for him
:
TavTa
PovXofjLivrju eXeye ttju
TT/ooy
Aep-
Kiau Kai Td)([a] ppaSvua? irpoTepav dv avTr][v\ i^idcraTO Toi>9 nepl TovTcov 7roLijcra<TdaL X6-
3i6
yovs'
ROMANCE
^
aKKLcrafiii/T]
8*
ovv Ppa-
\ea
To,
(rvvrjyopr](r[i]v
vinaxyeT-
Meanwhile Semiramis
Ninus' mother Thambe.
fulfilling
a similar
mission to
But she
kvTo^
T\rj^
yv-
Her passion was equal to that of Ninus, but not her freedom of speech.2 She got her audience, but only burst into tears she tried to speak, but stopped almost before she had started.
She opened her
lips,
nothing in spite of Thambe's encourageout without fear. Finally^ seeing that maidenly ment to speak modesty has completely closed her lips, Thambe remarks
could say.
his
any words that she She suspects that Ninus has been too rough in advances, but assures her that he has no evil intentions.
"
But
Ppa8v9
6
POfLOS
T[oh
600)-]
el]
Kai]
(A. V. 22-7.)
fxeLSiaxra 7TpLil3a[Xu]
Even then Semiramis cannot bring herself to speak, though she at last seemed to be on the point of uttering her plea. In the last lines of the column a meeting between the two
*
huvt] de fKilvrj
aKKiafxovg
avaTr\d(Tai Kar efxov. ' Trji KoprjL S* v ofioiois 7rd\d(Tiv Tr]v edfJL^rjv (A. IV. 20-2).
'
ovx
Xoycov ^v rrpos
;
T[o'is ecf)a)]pLois
(ujpi'ots' * >'[o{}j/] ^
T[ots ^5?;
L.
" Brinkmann [roCro] L. L. prints h\/iv\ but question marks at ydfxa>v, vlns, and ^[(iv], Gaselee at ydficov and 8[e2p] they are much better omitted. Cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit.
froOr
i]
. .
Zimmermann,
.
cit 200
fi[e]
:
L.
.
6[ei."
Kai]
ROMANCE
:3I7
mothers is described, and Derceia is just beginning a speech about a weighty subject, presumably the marriage, when the column and fragment come to an end.
The
first
column of fragment B
is
so incomplete that
any
It appears certainty of restoration is out of the question. that the two lovers are present and that Semiramis is in
At any
I.
rate
?
words such as
ireptepI.
(B.
I.
4),
BaKpvonv (B.
6),
dva}jT'q8ri(Taa-av (B.
9)
and
in
what
^
Piccolomini
due to
this,
in
attempting to reassure her. Levi suggests that merely a parting scene but this by itself does not explain the words of Ninus which may be restored with some
speech
is it
is
confidence ov
Sr)
(SovXofLaL
\[
]a>i/
fxdWov
is
rj
npo
[repoj^
The same
conjecture^ Piccolomini seems nearest to the truth, but it is perhaps more likely that Semiramis cried out before she was hurt or even in
Garin's
that
the trouble
danger
that
*
she
is
The
lovers are about to be separated and naturally arrange a last meeting, presumably alone. But when Semiramis sees her lover approaching, her desire for propriety overcomes her she bursts into tears, leaps up from the couch, and doubtless
;
tries to
run away.
Ninus seeks to comfort her, saying that they always have been, strictly honour-
able,
and he gives her some pledge Tr/jorfy ecrro) tov\[tov (B. I. His persuasion is successful and they spend the 22-3).
I. remaining time together Traj/rjfj,\[poL ] dXXrjXoLs (B. 25-6). Such a scene would be in keeping with the characters
^ ^
Antologia, Ser. 3, vol. xlvi (1893), p. 498. Riv.filol. class, xxiii (1894-5), pp. 6-9. ^ Studi Ital. di filol. class, xvii (1909), p. 424, note 2. * Levi, loc. cit., followed by Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo greco, and B the marriage has been p. 80, thinks that in the interval between This is possible ; but in spite of the favourable attitude of celebrated. Derceia and Thambe, it would perhaps be more in accordance with the tendencies of Greek Romance if the realization of the lovers' hopes was
Nuova
postponed
till
the end.
21 8
ROMANCE
fit
as they are depicted in the first fragment and seems to with such words as are left in this mutilated column.
in
The end
of B.
and
all
of B.
II
and B.
Ill
are concerned
with a military expedition^ of Ninus who, at his father's behest, was leading a huge army against the Armenians. The
difficulties of
Se
rj
(TTpaTLOL
kol dir
aTradrj^ avrSiv hv
ra
T(>v
TToXefiLoav BLeaearco-
(TTo.
VTrepPdWovra ^pa^ifv
TTOvov vweXd/x^ape
elvai
/jLefjLrjvo-
(B.
II.
23-31.)
At length he invaded the river-country and built a fortified camp where he rested his army, the elephants in particular
being worn out by the long march.
0)9 eK[Lvcoi/
(sc. Toou
But
TToXefiLCdp)
TjKOva-e]^
liera ttoXXcov
dSoDi/j
6[p/x(oi/rcoi^^ A^^P^"]
^ayaya>[y
ttjp Svpa-]
fiLV
7rapaTdTT[L.
There follows a description of the dispositions of his forces Then we see him riding out at the head of his (B. III. 4-27). army and hear him observing that he is staking everything on the issue of this battle: KaOdwep
av
^'
e[/y //ceo-/'-]*
TrpoTetuodv
ras [x^^P^?]
''
To
defieXLou", ^'0^,
T\d re Kpi-]
(Ti/xa Tcov e/jLwu iX7r[L8a)v rdSe e-] dirb TTJaSe r^y W/^epay] (TTLU.
rj
Rhein. Mus.
^
military implications are discussed in detail by B. A. Miiller in Ixxii (1917-18), pp. 198 216. Tnv TTOTaniav with the papyrus. Lavagnini's rqv TroKefxlav is unnecessary and unsuitable. Cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 200-1.
^
*
The
So Zimmermann
(\ls tKfo-iJai/
ix. 5)
ppo-toi/
6v(r'L\av
L.
ROMANCE
rj
:ji9
rcoy
Kal
vvi' rrjl's
ra TTJy dXXrjs 7roX/jL[LKfJ9 (B. III. 30-8.) ."J and so the fragment comes to an end. All readers of this document who are familiar with later Greek Romance must at once be struck by one significant point of resemblance. Two hundred years before the earliest completely extant romance we find a pair of lovers who show no essential difference from their later counterparts. Thev impetuous but honest Ninus reappears clearly enough in the Theagenes of Heliodorus, and the lovesick maiden of unassailable virtue and almost intolerable modesty might be the heroine of any Greek romance, though here again the
Charicleia of Heliodorus
take
two
incidents
perhaps the nearest parallel. To for example, the oath exacted from
is
Theagenes by Charicleia
in the
Aethiopica
is
pledge which seems to have been given by Ninus (B. I. 18 ff.) ;^ and the difficulty experienced by Semiramis in telling Thambe of her love is paralleled by Charicleia's abortive attempts to
explain to her mother that she has so far fallen from the ideals of virginity as to have looked at Theagenes with the eye of love.^ Ninus, like Theagenes and all the heroes of Greek Romance, is the plaything of Aphrodite or Eros;^
Semiramis, a true forerunner of the characteristic heroine, is as much in love as the hero, but an inveterate stickler for decency.
is probably sufficient to demonstrate the essential between the Ninus Romance and the later romances but the more interesting question remains does the Ninus
This
in itself
similarity
light
The evidence of such poor fragments is admittedly of dubious value, but taken in conjunction with what we know in the later romances and what we may conjecture from the
pseudo-Callisthenic Alexander
^
Heliod. Aeth.
iv.
18
cf.
His whole geschichte des griechischen Romanes im Alter tuvi, p. 17. account of the Ninus fragments (ibid., pp. 14-19) is interesting. ^ Heliod. Aeth. x. 18-21, 29, and 33. ' A. II. 17-20. Cf. A. II. 25 ff. 61 \xkv ovK Tji(r6ap6fxrjv *A(f)po\8iTr]Sy fioKapios av rjv Trjs aTfpptWrjTos' vvv de [r^ijs v\fifr(pas dvynrpui ai]\xp-d\<OTOs kt\.
, . .
\
220
ROMANCE
other stories,
to a
a tentative theory. Leaving the Arcadian Romance of Longus out of the question, for though it displays much that is
characteristic of the
it
clearly belongs
romances are remarkably similar to one another. The characters, the treatment, and even the and yet one difference is plots are almost stereotyped observable an ostensibly historical a to abandon tendency ^ in favour of a background purely fictitious setting. The relative dates of the authors are by no means certain, but the fortunate discovery of papyrus fragments of Charito and Achilles Tatius supports the view, probable on other grounds, that Charito is to be considered the earliest, and Achilles
different category, the extant
Tatius the
latest.
It is
Charito, though his hero and heroine are creatures of his imagination, introduces some historical characters and some
historical events
his main story is fictitious, but he seems to have been at pains to lend it a historical flavour. Heliodorus,
;
somewhat
is
later, presents
;
no
Achilles Tatius degrades romance from the realm of princes to the level of the bourgeoisie. His story is frankly fictitious, and he evidently had no feeling that romance should
describes.
be related to history. These facts in themselves are not necessarily significant. few romances which apparently fulfil certain conditions have been bequeathed to us by fortune, but the many that
and moreover
it is
unreasonable to expect a completely orderly and logical development of such a literary form. But in the light of the
Ninus Romance and the possible nature of the original Alexander Romance, the relations between the later romances become suggestive. The oldest version of the pseudo-Callisthenic Alexander Romance that we possess is probably to be dated not earlier than c, A.D. 300 ^ but many scholars have conjectured that
;
Cf.
Wilcken, Sitzungsber.
d. Pretiss.
Akad.
and
Kroll, Historia
Alexandri Magni,
p. xv.
ROMANCE
'z^zi
the story in some form goes back considerably further. That much of the matter belonged to earlier tradition, some of
going back to a period not long after Alexander's death, proved by papyrus fragments.^ One in particular may be instanced Pap. Berolinensis 13044, dated saec. ii-i B.C., which describes a visit of Alexander to the Gymnosophists.
it
is
The same episode is related by pseudo-Callisthenes iii. ^-6 with some differences, and more exactly reproduced in the Latin version of the Metz Epitome, which seems to draw on
earlier than that of pseudo-Callisthenes.^ The existence of isolated incidents at an earlier date does not prove that they were welded together into a consecutive whole such
some source
as
we
find
^
in
nevertheless,
and Wilcken, who are inclined to believe in an early version which underwent a series of additions and original modifications, are probably right. Kroll, indeed, is sceptical, but it seems intrinsically likely that a partly historical, partly fictitious life of Alexander would come into being not long
Ausfeld
after his death.
its
To postulate it is at any rate tempting, for existence in view of the Ninus Romance and the later
would be of the utmost
;
stories
Speculation is only reasonable, that the version retains the essential characteristics pseudo-Callisthenic of the original, two points might be emphasized. First, that'
significance.
perhaps vain
but assuming, as
is
was treated light-heartedly, and that the romantic possibilities of a story weighed more heavily with the author than its historical probability. Secondly, that the theme was
history
whom
There
all
is
no evidence
is
for
an
very
little
attention
paid to the
Roxana episode by
It
is
pseudo-Callisthenes.
in this
Ninus, if not a historical character in the particular interest. same category as Alexander, was sanctified by tradition as a
great warrior-king, and was
^
fair
for
loc. cit, pp. 150 ff. description of the fragment together with a given by Wilcken, loc. cit., pp. 160-74. ^ Der griechische Alexanderroman, pp. 214 fif.
^
Wilcken,
full
commentary
is
'Z'ZQ.
ROMANCE
A
It is reasonable to conjecture the writer of romantic history. that his warlike exploits occupied a large part of the story. At any rate in fragment Ninus, by emphasizing the
dangers to which he has been and will be subjected, implies that he has ah'eady done much fighting and travelling, and
and in fragment B we find him is about to do more middle of one of his campaigns. Lavagnini's ^ assumption that the erotic element in it was of paramount importance seems to be ill-founded nevertheless, it is in the developthat he
in the
;
The
similarity
and Ninus Romances is that each deals with the exploits of a famous historical character, and each so far idealizes its hero
that
its
flimsy.
relations to history or tradition become extremely The main difference is that the writer of the Alex-
ander Romance, whether for lack of interest or lack of material, made little or nothing of the love story, while the
author of the Ninus Romance, in his eagerness to introduce an erotic element, twisted tradition in such a way as to make of
Ninus and Semiramis a pair of lovers with just those characwhich the later writers exploited for the purpose of The importance of the erotic element their love romances. in Charito and in the Alexander Romance was negligible his successors it is overwhelming, and the remains of the Ninus Romance indicate that it may have been the link Romantic history with less or more atten. between the two. tion to the affairs of the heart developed into erotic romance with a spice of adventure. For adventure is as essential an element as love in Greek Romance and always forms the
teristics
;
it is primarily a shift of emphasis that distinthe essentially erotic stories of a Charito or a Helioguishes dorus from the essentially adventurous Alexander and Ninus
background
Romances.^
* Le origini del rornanzo greco^ p. 75. His statement is in accordance with the view of romance that he expresses earlier (pp. 11-12), but as far as origins are concerned he over-estimates the importance of the erotic element. ^ The importance of the historical and adventurous element has been
1925),
ROMANCE
The realm when he has
223
of hypothesis is fascinating for the writer, but not the space to deal adequately with the
evidence or with rival hypotheses, he can hardly expect to convince the reader. The stuff that went to make up Greek
Romance was manifold, and its relative importance has been It is not claimed that history or, as variously estimated. Lavagnini puts it with his eye on the extant romances and Parthenius, that local legends were the only source but it would be irrelevant to the purpose of this essay to analyse the whole make-up of Greek Romance. It does, however, seem fair to
;
state that
two points emerge from the fragments of the Ninus ^ First, that a romantic treatment of history was one of the weapons of a Greek Romance writer, and secondly, that the sentimental love story was exploited at least as early
Romance.
as the
first century B.C. Further evidence for the use of the famous
men
of tradition
^
as characters in a
Pap, Oxyrh. 1826 iii-iv The is too much broken to (saec. A.D.). fragment sense and have yield any satisfactory may nothing to do with romance at all but in view of the Ninus Romance it is at
in
;
it
name given
whom
To which
have been
is
or to
may
strictly applicable
were attributed to him the real or appear of legendary conquests many Pharaohs, and that Sesostris (or in the Sesonchosis) history of Egypt is comparable to Ninus in the history of Assyria, and even to Alexander in the history of Greece. There are several references to him in the Alexthat
there
ander Romance.
In
i.
34. 2
we
read v-rravrSiVT^s
tS>
'AXe^duSpco
Kara irdaav
ISlov9 Oeoi/s
ko^l(outS
which, though written in Czech, is furnished with a summary in French. See also B. E. Perry \xvAmerican Journal of Philology^ li (1930), pp. 93 ff.
Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ vol. xv, pp. 228-9. Cf.Pauly, R.-E. s.v. Sesonchosis and Sesostris. The Scholiast on Apoll. Rhod. iv. 272 says "^icroyxaini^ 'Acriai/ opixrjait^ rrciaap irji^ fxev KareaTpe^uTO, ofxoioas Kai to. TrXflaTa rrjs Evpoirrrjs . Qeoirofxnos 6' ev rpiTco ScVwot/jij/ avTov KaXei. Cf. Ausfeld, op. cit., p. 140.
"^
2i54
ROMANCE
avTou piou
^cr6'Y)(coa'Lv
dvrjyop^vov
better
KO(T/jLOKpdTopa.^
As
;
than this semi-historical, semi-mythical king but whether Pap. Oxyrh. 1826, which offers us practically nothing except the name and a reference to oirXofia^oi and l-mTOfia^oL^^ is a fragment of such a romance, must remain doubtful. In connexion with the romantic treatment of well-known history or legend another fragment deserves consideration, though its relation to stories like the Ninus Romance on the one hand
apparent. Pap. consisting of two columns, gives in Greek the substance of what appears in iv. 9-15 of Septimius' Latin version of Dictys Cretensis de Bello Troiano.
and the
later
is
less
Tebtunis 268
A.D.
init.),
of this
discovery
is
that
it
proves, what was indeed suspected before,* that there was a Greek version of the Dictys story behind Septimius and the later Malalas and Cedrenus.^ The question that is of interest here is whether the original ^ Greek version was in any way comparable with other Greek romances.
The fragments that survive are principally concerned with the treacherous slaying of Achilles by Paris and Deiphobus, and with the subsequent events in Troy and in the Greek
camp.
paraphrases
rather than translates the passages by which we can check him makes it likely that the Latin version as a whole fairly
1
Cf.
i.
33.6;
iii.
7.17, 14.2.
preserved in 1. 4 of the recto, and is clearly to be restored from the '\oyx'^'^*-^ ^"^^ ](70'y;^&)[ai]s' of 11. i and 12 of the verso. 'a Xoittoj/ /xera r[i/ LI. 4-6 of the recto run ] 2eo-oy;^(aatV av\]kBi\ ]
is fully
The name
Tebtunis Papyri^
full
commentary
ii, pp. 9 ff., ed. Grenfell, Hunt, and Goodspeed. (with text) is given by M. Ihm in Hermes, xViv (igog),
vol.
pp. 1-22. * See, in particular, F. Noack, Der griechische Dictys [Philologus, Suppl. vi (1892), pp. 403 fif.). ^ The various versions are compared by Ihm, loc. cit. ^ It is not necessary to assume that the fragment comes from the indeed, the date of the writing is against such an original version assumption. It seems clear that the Dictys story, like the Alexander
' ' ;
Romance, gradually developed. Lavagnini, Aegyptus, ii ( 1 92 1 ), pp. 1 92-9, advances the theory that a fragment published by Norsa, Aegyptus, i (1920), pp. 154-8, which deals with Neoptolemus, should be assigned to a similar romantic prose-version of the Troy legend.
ROMANCE
215
well represents the substance and spirit of its Greek forerunner ; and a consideration of Septimius suggests one or two First, the legend of the Trojan War is treated with points.
some freedom there is a disrespect for normal tradition which is perhaps comparable with the laxity of the authors of For instance, we are the Alexander and Ninus Romances.
;
told
that
*
Agamemnon
w^as temporarily
^
supreme command
at Aulis
moreover, supernatural events are rationalized as, example, the substitution of a hind for Iphigeneia in the sacrifice to Artemis.^ Secondly, there is a tendency to treat the epic material romantically. This is particularly notice;
ambush
for
women
between Achilles and in have little common with the relations Polyxena may and Semiramis or between any of the lovers between Ninus in Greek Romance, but the first meeting between the two
relations
calls to
The
Achilles one
mind the corresponding scene in several romances. day made bold to watch the Trojan women at
their prayers. Many Trojan matrons were present, and in addition Hecuba's unmarried daughters Polyxena and Cas-
sandra,
who were
'
officiating as priestesses of
Minerva and
But Achilles
;
versis in
Polyxenam
oculis pulchritu-
auctoque
discedit'.*
animus
love
non
lenitur,
ad naves
So
did Chaereas
fall in
is
Love
is
at first sight
is
very different from the usual romance. characteristic of Greek Romance, but it
always reciprocal.^
1
The
i.
19.
iii.
15.
3
i.
"^
21-2.
i.
*
iii.
I.
ff.,
a chance meeting
2.
kt'K.
Xen. Eph. i. 3. 1-2, a religious procession ivravOa opSxriv aXXjjXour, Koi aXi(TKTai "Avdeia vtto tov 'A/3poKo/iOV, rjTTarai de vtto "Eparos A^poKOfirjs ktX. '' Heliod. iii. 5, a ceremony in honour of Neoptolemus o/xoO re yap
dWrjXovs
8
This
8 75
2^6
ROMANCE
not lead, as it should, through toil and trouble to ultimate bliss, but is directly responsible for his death, to which he is lured by pretended negotiations about her. The ordinary
was essential that whatever intermediate hardships the hero and heroine might endure, the reader should be given to understand at the end Taken as a whole that they lived happily ever afterwards. the Dictys story is not strictly comparable to the other Greek
;
Greek romance could not have had for was killed in the middle of the story
its
it
hero a
man who
romances.
to
some extent
might have produced something like the usual romance but he has in fact dealt faithfully enough with his
material
;
book
in
the corpus of Greek Romance. It is possible that further evidence, of a different kind, as to the antecedents of Greek
Land. 274
*
(saec.
ii
A.D.),
romance \^ comparison of the fragments with the fragments of a Demotic text has shown that they are the remains and of a Greek version of the so-called Tefnut Legend with its the Greek of connexion romance ordinary although love and adventure is far from certain, it has been stated ^ that it and similar Egyptian legends to some extent influenced the development of Greek Romance, and it deserves some consideration. The joint efforts of Cronert, Spiegelberg and Reitzenstein, published by the last in I9ii3/ have produced the Greek text, a comparison with the Demotic text, and a number of observations upon the contents and significance of the story and the substance of what follows is drawn from
; ;
their work.
The papyrus
ii
See also
(1927),
53, 65,
Milne,
p. 157.
^
Museum
192.
^
in
Sitzungsber, d. Heidelberger
Akad.
ROMANCE
the remains of twelve columns.
%%-]
The unusual
caused the
height of the
lines)
roll to
break in
is
often
lost
(frr. 5, 6,
and practically useless. Even bad condition, but with the help of the Demotic text and a general idea of the story the columns can be placed in order and partially interpreted. The myth told how Tefnut fled in anger from her father Phre, the Sun-god, and lived in the shape of a cat in the
desert of Aethiopia. Her father ordered Thot, the to her home to Egypt. Thot to fetch eloquence, go
and
god of had to
guard himself against the possible attacks of the goddess, but by soothing her constantly recurring anger with flattery and by admonition he finally brought her back to Egypt after
a series of remarkable adventures.
in detail
To go through the text would be tedious and unprofitable, but a few speci-
men
It should be said that in the passages may be quoted. Greek text Tefnut is referred to as 77 ^eo? (or ^ea), Thot has become Hermes, and Phre Zeus or Helios.
From
col. Ill
6]
77?,
(=
fr.
4 a) 37-9
^EpjjLfJ9
\lkv
OVV
T}[l^
tj
7rpi)(ap']
S]p,oaif Se
avT(p
[dea ovs
iJ/S-]
oi/Ajero
it
opKovs
appears that the goddess has agreed to accompany Hermes, and oaths are given on both sides. Hermes says (11. 6^ fl".)
:
a
y
oroL,
eTreiSr)
ofioaov
Kara tov [oi^ofxaro-] fJLOL TOV (TOV dSeX^ov 'Ap^\a-vov(f)LO^?\ kav eXdrj^ {xer ifiov [el? Aiy-] VTTToVy ovK edcrco ere d[ua(TTpi-]
yjraL
^]
Se
OL
V Alos.
encouragement
hence the
own country
in col. IV
(=
fr.
4 b).
02
2zS
ROMANCE
creature, says
Every
Hermes,
is
happiest in
its
native clime
(66-8),
and
so,
The
goddess, however, has her tantrums, and at one stage she transforms herself into a lioness. This leads to a fable in
(Akoyi)
the
theme
falls
a victim to a
stronger, and that even the Hon, the king of beasts, is subject to Qdparos. It reminds one of Swift's complementary theme
:
NatValists observe a flea Hath smaller fleas that on him prey, And these have smaller still to bite 'em And so proceed ad infinitum.
The moral
become a
of the fable
is
that,
though Tefnut
col. VII
may have
Zeus b fr. (col. (= 3 b) 34 ff: Tefnut seems to undertake to do Hermes no harm, and he
lioness, all creatures are equal in the eyes of
VI b (=fr. 3 a) 65-70).
In
7ri
(f>iT
TOV-\ avT7j
rj
Sia-!ro[Ti,
6-]
8iavv(TeL9 eir
ol[kov,
(48-5:2.)
(= fr. %h) we find the two in Thebes, Tefnut transformed into a gazelle, and Hermes into a lynx
Finally in col. XII
:
K0Lixrj6[ei-]
60?
d(f)V(o
eTTecTTrj
kol
cwy
8op-
ROMANCE
X6fj.uo? TO 7Top6fjLeTou irapa>p/jLicry,
229
TrJ9 Se
kvaWofiiKal
Siicrco-
vrj^ d(pa>p/JLi(Teu
a-eu.
(71-80.)
It is this passage which Kenyon cites as typical of the fragments and supporting the conclusion that the book was a romance. And romance it is in a way. The myth appears to be used without religious intent. There is a certain amount
but the main object of the author in recounting these strange adventures seems to have been the entertainment of himself and his readers. But the very strangeness of the adventures, the supernatural element, if nothing else, disof moralizing
;
It is tinguishes the piece from the normal Greek romance. hard to believe that it was adventures such as those of Tefnut,
body
the adventures of Greek Romance, which for all their improbability are normally kept on the plane of human possibility,^
and have a much closer relation to the semi-historical adventures of a Ninus or a Sesonchosis. It is true that interest in matters Egyptian is characteristic of Greek Romance. Heliodorus actually calls attention to it when he makes Calasiris sum up his account of the numerous questions that were put to him by the inhabitants of Delphi with the words AlyvnTLov
yap
ccKovor/JLa
Tarov.^
Some
Kal Sirjyrj/za ndu ^EXXtjplktj^ olkotj^ kirayoayoof the questions may imply acquaintance with
;
it is various Egyptian myths, but they are not recounted the physical peculiarities of the country, the strange habits of the Nile and that kind of thing, to which the romance writer
In other words, he follows in the footof curious the traveller, exemplified perhaps by Alexsteps than in rather the ander, footsteps of the mythographer. It would probably be unreasonable to deny altogether
the influence of Egyptian myth on Greek Romance, but the importance of the religious background seems to have been
greatly over-estimated.
^
*
It
is
The doubtful case of the ra Irrep QovXrjv itTnara of Antonius Diogenes an exception, but that story is essentially as far removed from a myth like the Tefnut legend as it is from normal Greek Romance.
is
Heliod. Aeih.
ii.
27.
230
ROMANCE
^
and the punishment of Charicles ^ close connexion with the Egyptian myth of the loss and recovery of the sun, the sky-god's right eye, and to read any ulterior
dream of Charicleia
motive into the purely descriptive phrase, used by Theagenes to Charicleia, eu /xeu iroiova-a ras rjXLaKas aKTiuas {= roifs ocpdaXfioif?) d7ro(roo^L9.^
The fragments show that the Greek version some of the less credible parts are was in Greek Romance over,* essentially supernatural
;
occurs at
all, is
only incidental.
It is
conceivable that the humanization of supernatural legends may have played a part in the development of romance, but
the apparently
much
Alexander and Ninus Romances suggests that the influence of Egyptian myth was at the most secondary, that it was used for incidental adornment rather than as a model for the plot.^ Leaving the fragments which are of interest for what they may show of the history of Greek Romance, it is now time to turn to the miscellaneous pieces which apparently present scenes from romances of the developed and stereotyped form. Most of them are printed in ha.va.gn'mVs roticorum Graecorurn Fragmenta Papyracea, though one or two must be added. Of the more extensive fragments, that of the so-called Chione Romance is in many ways the most interesting and at the same time the most tantalizing, not only because of its actual contents, but also because of what it might have told us but
an unfortunate accident. rest, the Chione Romance is not preserved on In papyrus. 1898 Wilcken bought in Egypt a parchment of six leaves which bore traces of Greek uncials of manuscript the seventh century A.D. underneath some Coptic script.^
for
Unlike the
^ ^ HeWod. Aefk. ii. 16. Ibid. iv. 19. Kerenyi, op. cit., pp. 51 ff. See Reitzenstein, loc. cit., pp. 25, 27 f. ^ Greek religious or semi-religious aretalogies perhaps stand in a similar relation to romance. A fragment such as Pap. Berol. 1 15 17 (saec. ii A.D.), published by W. Schubart in Heryjies Iv (1920), pp. 188-95, shows traces of romantic treatment, but the basic matter is quite different. The connexion between romance and aretalogy is in externals rather than in essentials, and the influence of one upon the other, if any, is likely to have been confined to the mere technique of telling a story. ^ Wilcken published and described his find in Arch. f. Papyrusforsch. the last ten pages deal with the Chione fragment. (1901), pp. 227-64 ^
i
;
ROMANCE
The
0,^1
first four leaves contained part of the Chaereas and Callirhoe of Charito, while on the last two were written eight
columns of an unknown romance. Wilcken transcribed the most legible columns while he was in Egypt, and what he for the whole six deciphered then is all that we possess leaves were destroyed by fire before they could be thoroughly worked over. The result is not only that Wilcken's transcription can never be checked, but that, since Wilcken could not remember the order in which the transcribed columns, were All written, there is no external evidence for placing them. that is certain is that two of the columns must be consecutive for Wilcken only attempted to copy the smooth side of the parchment, which would offer four columns, of three of which we have parts. But although external evidence is wanting,
; ;
internal evidence strongly supports Wilcken's arrangement, if not for the reasons that he gives. Lavagnini's theory ^ that
is i, 3, 2,
which he prints
in the
Teubner
been attacked
whom
the Classical Quarterly by the present Zimmermann, in a recent article, supports on this
in
point.^
Though a scholar is at liberty to choose the order which he considers will make the sequence of thought most except Lavagnini who have tackled the intelligible, all
fragments are agreed that Wilcken's order is the best, but even so, they disagree about the context that is implied.
Column
describes
I,*
a council which
for Princess
fifteen
lines
are
husband
Chione
\^\a(n\ua
e/y ravrrji^
povXevaaaOaL vvv
'
Stated in
Le
origini del
romanzo ^recOy
pp. 89
ff.
Class. Quart, xx (1926), pp. 181 fif. Aegyptus, xi (1931), pp. 45 ff. Cf. Phil Woch. li (1931), col. 229. * The fragment appears in Lavagnini, Erot, Fragin. Papyr.^ pp. 24-7. The text used is mostly his (see p. 2 13, note i),but the columns are referred to by Wilcken's numbers, given in brackets by L.
^
That
TtwTTjv
(I.
2) refers to
Chione
is
II.
232
ROMANCE
yvSivai iroTe 8vuaarOai.
(I.
1-9
For
(l.
9-12).
:
have been given thirty days The discussion probably came to an end at the
TTju ira-]
(I.
words
28)
povcrav
at
(ll. i),
:
a{j-]
....
(ll.
I-4),
the scene changes from the council chamber to the city, where the forthcoming marriage is the one topic of conversation
(11.
7-9).
Everybody
is
threats of the powerful suitors, particularly certain eligible men of a named but undetermined city ^ who wished to sue
for Chione's
hand
is
(ll.
9-19).
(ll.
But nobody dared to press his 19-22). At the end of the column
:
Chione herself
introduced
17
5e Xlout}
jxa(ll.
iraph TTJs
Oova-a
fJLrjTpb?
TUVTa
ovKerli]
22-4),
.
which was doubtless followed by words like Karia-xeuy dXXa .,^ but the last four lines of the column are missing. The third column, which was probably the next but one in the manuscript, presents a discussion between Chione and an unnamed person, who remarks that Megamedes is expected at any moment, and that he himself, in spite of all his efforts, can see no way out of the difficulties for Megamedes has given Chione no cause for abandoning him. He therefore asks Chione to suggest ways and means, for he is helpless (ill. 1-13). Chione
.
Wilcken transcribed
7rdv\Ta)v
as the end of
11.
15, but this is intolerable, and, moreover, makes 1. 15 suspiciously short. For suggestions see Lavagnini and Zimmermann, loc. cit., p. 48,
II.
note
"^
3.
The name
of the dwellers in
some
specified place
seems
to
be
required.
Zimmermann,
p. 49.
ROMANCE
233
replies that neither has she any plan, but one suggestion, that if she cannot live with her lover she can at any rate die with
him and the only matter left for discussion is the best way of achieving this end (ill. 13-26). This is not the place to enter into a controversy about the respective merits of the view put forward in the Classical
;
it
Quarterly and that recently expressed by Zimmermann but would be cowardly as well as unsatisfactory not to attempt
;
some reconstruction
of the context.
From
lined in the Classical Quarterly, that the participators in the council of col. I are the King and his advisers, there seems to be no reason to retire. Zimmermann^ reinstates Wilcken's
necessary to
suitors
is a council of suitors this makes it assume that the ultimatum was issued by the
;
King, but Trap avTOD\y\ in I. 13 is much better adapted to the who would be the ultimatum makers on the other The drift of the second column is clear interpretation. enough. Between it and the third it may be conjectured that Chione, hearing that only thirty days separate her from an unwelcome husband, confesses to having a lover, possibly one
lovers
of the people referred to in col. II and that the case of the is desperate is indicated by col. III. Zimmermann
;
agrees
that
Megamedes
is
no other
ovSefxtctol
av Trapk(Tyr\Kk
yafxrjSrj^ Iva
7rrj9
Me(III.
^
dnoXi']~^0)
\
avTOv
but who
is
suggested that
the speaker ? In the Classical Quarterly it was it is the King, who, finding that his daughter
In spite of
;
Zimmermann's objections
*
this
The parallel offered by the opening of Charito is loc. cit., pp. 46-7. tempting but not conclusive. It does not follow that, because the suitors held an indignation meeting in Charito's story, it was the suitors who in the very different circumstances of the Chione Romance were the holders
of the council.
^
of Ephesus.
^
The name Megamedes is rare, but Antheia's father bore it in Xenophon Cf. Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo grecOy p. 96.
loc. cit., p. 183.
*
234
ROMANCE
is
perhaps more satisfactory. According to him the speaker is Chione's lover, whose failure to persuade the King
23,
him marry Chione has reduced him to despair. The thirty days are expiring and all that Chione can suggest is to gain two more days' grace in which to commit suicide
to let
:
^avT9
T0VT[(p]
e7r[i]
TeXevraToy
rjfi[iy]
diToXdireTaL.
(ill.
18-23.)
Zimmermann
is
assumed change
of speakers^ in
23,
ovSev [erepop
770)9
Kal o23-6.)
ev<T)(rj p.6va)^
y^vrjOfj (TKoirelv.
(ill.
The whole scene, then, is typical of the opening of a Greek romance secret lovers, unwelcome suitors who will doubtless
pursue their victim with vengeance, the resolve to commit suicide, and every reason for a flight of the hero and heroine from home, a flight which will lead to all the usual adventures
the external
to date the story is hopeless. Even evidence of the writing is here useless, and internally there is nothing of significance in this respect. The fact that it was coupled with Charito might suggest more or
perils.
and
To attempt
less
contemporaneous
composition, but
such
evidence
is
obviously not cogent. Neither of the other two larger fragments in Lavagnini's collection bears such obvious traces of being part of a romance,
but a
A.D.
^
fair
init.)
claim can be made for both. The fragment (saec. ii which Lavagnini calls after HerpylHs,^ the probable
loc. cit.,
from Lavagnini's
text.
"^
Fap. Mahaffy, first edited properly by Smyly in Hermathena^ xi (1901), It appears on LI. 21-2 pp. 322-30. pp. 16-20 of Lavagnini's collection. supply the name r^y 'EpirvWldos, but the letters nvX are doubtful. Cf. Zimmermann, F/iil. Woch. li (193 1), coll. 225-7.
'
Zimmermann,
j)
scripsi
rjTTov,
m nai
L.
ROMANCE
235
though not certain name of the lady in the piece, is primarily concerned with a storm at sea, the story being told in the first person. At the beginning there are two ships in question,
both
in harbour,
',
advised
where owing to weather conditions we were says the speaker, to stay for a day
'
iiriSovuaL
e[is\
v(ppO(rvvr]u' [V7rpTT]crTaT09 Se
OLCoi^b[9
19
KaTO\riv
(4-7-)
d7r[o]8rj fiias
Td[K]Xr](ri9'
Kayco
fikv
in
whereas the captain of the big boat suspected a severe and possibly irresistible storm. Anyhow, we decided to sail
\rj\[o\v9 KOL Bprjvov
d(nra(rd}iev[oL\ tolvvu d\dXKvoveiov kyL[pavT]S^^ eh Trjv o[l]K[L]ap iKdrepos /xpduT[s] vavv dy^Xo]j)vp6fj,6a, [(T/cJoTTOwrey dXXrjXovs (pL[Xrj]/xaTd tc rai? X^P^^
(i
P[dXXo]pTes,
1-15.)
because of its size, while we were off at once but the sun, which had been shining as we sailed out, was immediately veiled in clouds, and it suddenly began to thunder, and we, though we repented of our departure, could not return because of a strong wind behind us (15-^^1).
big ship was slower to
;
The
start
rj
Se T7J9 'Ep8'
ovu^
(sc.
77
dno
Tov TeL\ovs dvaKaXovfxev[7]]' irpo^ Ppoi\v 8' opcoure[s' a]j)a9 dcpTjpira^o/jLeOa, irvevfia yap dOpovv eyK[aTe]ppr]^eu
........ ....
^
rjy
rj
Kal TTju fxeu Kepalav ovk euavTL\av'^ yap ovk la-yye (pepeiv
Trapa^aXeiu,
(21-8.)
TropQjxls rrju
6dXa]TTav:
There follows a description of the violence of the storm and of the way in which the ship was tossed from place to place,
so that the passengers not only expected but also longed for instant destruction (36-7).-^ It was so dark that it was imnvooos (Vitelli) ^tXo](/)po(rui/oi;Zimmermann
:
r]v
dairos? fv](f)po<Tvvov L.
^ ^
*
'
^yf i\^pavT]s scripsi y(l[povT]fs L. KaTea-rr) 8' ovv Zimmermann : KaTea-rny 5' pap. et L. fuavTi]ap Zimmermann rpuxe^av L. Koi nddoi ^v drraa-ip. oXeOjwv [8' ov 7rpo](r8oKia fiopov
:
I
dWh
236
ROMANCE
'
possible to tell whether it was day or night (49-50).^ could see neither land nor sky, but were completely over-
We
eKarepov,
dr da-
Tp\
CLV
cos]
^(pacTKoi/ OL
\Kky\0VT^^ LT
TTuev/xaTos pnrL(6[fiV0L, to aalcfyes jjl\v dSvvarov eiwleViV Trpo(TKvvov[v 8e Kal] irpoa-^v^ovTO Trdure?.'
(55-60.)
And
was a favourite theme ^ for the writer of a Greek romance, and natural phenomena such as St. Elmo's Fires, which were capable of alternative That does not prove explanations,^ were dear to his heart. that this particular description comes from a romance, but it adds to rather than detracts from the possibility, and in view of what may be conjectured from the earlier part of the
seems reasonable to give it the benefit of the doubt. There is no evidence as to the identity of the speaker, but if the piece is a romance it seems likely that he is the hero. It may be said in passing that the development of the plot was often, as for instance in Heliodorus, helped by stories
fragment
it
by various characters at appropriate times.* If the speaker is the hero and Herpyllis the heroine, we may assume
told
whatever reason, the lovers were in flight, a situation which constantly recurs in Greek Romance. They have reached some haven, and the friendly invitation of the inhabitants
that, for
coupled with an ominous weather forecast makes the hero inclined to stay there for the time being; but he is over-
his ship,
and
it
is
resolved to
the voyage. Why the hero and heroine are on different boats it is impossible to say, but they are, and their
separation gives an opportunity for an emotional parting^
^p
^
vv^
Heliod. v. 28 (Teubner; 27 Didot); Ach. Tat. iii. 1-5, &c. ^ e.g. Heliod. i. 18 (why does a cock crow at dawn?) and the frequent excursions of Ach. Tat. into the realm of natural history cf. Rommel, Dze naturwissenschaftlich-paradoxographischen Exkurse bet PhilostratoSy Heliodoros und Achilleus Tatios, pp. 59 ff. * In Achilles Tatius the hero tells the whole story in the first person.
e.g.
;
ROMANCE
scene, and a
little later for
%'^^
the pathetic picture of Herpyllis the of her at side ship and calling to her lover who standing is fast being blown from her sight. The result of the storm
would be
connexion between the two again a fate Greek Romance. The evidence is slender enough but while the fragment is at any rate not inconsistent with what we know of Greek
to cut the
;
Romance, it is not easy to see to what other literary genre it could have belonged. There is no indication as to the date of composition. The writing is said to be a cursive of the
early second century A.D., and this is consistent with the fact that the recto of the papyrus contains some accounts in first-
century writing, and the words \avov ^e^aa-Tov TepnaviKov^ which appear to be the remains of a date, and may be made to refer either to Domitian or to Trajan. In all probability
there
the composition belongs to this period. At any rate, although is no intrinsic reason why it should not belong to an
earlier
date,
is
almost
certainly too late a terminus ante queniy there is no evidence whatever for Bury's suggestion ^ that the story may be the
as
the
name
that Antonius Diogenes chose his heroine out of deference to the for Dercyllis
The theory
who used
the
name
The
clear,
claims of the Metiochus fragment are at first sight less but another unpublished fragment of the same story is
said to
secure.*
(saec. ii A.D.) is part of a debate, in which one Metiochus attacks the divinity of Eros who, according to him, is only a
Kivit]\ia
TrpSiTOv] Kai
^
(28-Q.)
Arch.f. Papyrusforsch. ii (1903), p. 366. Ap, Smyly, loc. cit., p. 330. Photius, Bibliotheca^ cod. 166 sub fine (p. 112 a Bekker) = Hercher, Erot. Script. Gr. i, p. 238. * Pap. Berot. 9588. Cf. Schubart ap. Wilhelm in Weiner Eranos (1909),
^
'
P- 135^
Zimmermann,
Lavagnini, Erot. Frag, Pap.^ pp. 21 -4; Pap. Berol. 7927. Phil. Woch. Ii (1931), coll. 227-9.
cf.
!Z3^
ROMANCE
the opening
it
From
discussing Love, and presumably commenting on the power of the god, before Metiochus indignantly breaks in
19 T]r]y <f)[iX]ocr6(j)ov ^rJTrja-LV 7rap]rj(Tai^ ol Svo
Kara rvxrjv
ra? -^vxocs
T[Lva
Xr)p[ovi^r-
Sia TTju t]ov irdOovs dvafivqa-LV, (p' o[ls dyavaKTMu <T(f)68pa 6] Mtjtloxo^ v7roTLfiri<Tdfiev[os fidXXov ravT elvai yeA]a)ra y* ^ ^ fidO-qa-Lu 7rpe7rov(r[au rfj
9 vioL
Tcou vecoTepoov ej^ei
^^
(i~6)
restorations are, of course, highly conjectural, but the legible words seem to justify something of the sort. The
The
phrase introducing the remarks of Metiochus apparently implies that he alleged that the discussion of ol Svo [yeot] was
something laughable, not worthy of being called learned in the opinion of up-to-date people. The object of Metiochus is
The to pour ridicule on the popular conception of Eros. is Eros remains a child that absurd; just as always story is so it incredible that human children inevitably grow up, a divine child will always stay at the same age. Moreover, if
'
Eros
those
is
whom
a mere baby, how can he traverse the world wounding he wishes with his arrows ? You who have
experience say that lovers' hearts are set on fire I have not but one thing experienced it, and may I never do so I know ', and he gives the rationalistic definition of love which
!
has already been quoted (6-29). Now if the fragment ended there, it would be legitimate to say with Rohde^ that it did not come from a romance at all,
but was part of a philosophical discussion akin to the pseudobut the rest of the fragment, though much Lucianic'^E/jwrey broken and incapable of accurate interpretation, militates against this theory. The name Parthenope (31), taken in
;
conjunction with Metiochus, at once calls to mind the legend which told how Parthenope, originally one of the Sirens, but
in later times
girl,
ttoXXois
Xr]p[ovPTs veoL
yeXjcord
^
rj
L.
rj
^'
^,
p. 568,
note
2,
sub
fin.
ROMANCE
a)KT)(T}
'zsg
eh Kaiinavovs eXOovaa MrjTioxov ^pvyos epaaOelaa The beautiful girl who, after scorning love and sucnumberbecomes love's victim and succumbs to the one man, was excellent material for a romance, and
charms
this
is
of
may well belong to such a story. The debate to the literary form,^ and the sentiments of Metiochus are closely parallel to those attributed to Habrofragment
not# alien
at
:
comes
Xenophon of
Ephesus
k^epaXev
epacrdeirj
dWa iravTr]
r\
OeXcav'
dyaXfxa "Epcoro^ KareyeXa.^ Eros taught Habrocomes his mistake and in this story he would have had even greater cause for anger, for his divinity and his personality were denied
;
it
seems, by Parthenope.
For
when Metiochus
give her views
:
el3ov[Xe'
TO Tb]u Xoyou irepaiveLv kol 6 [fiev eyKe]LfjLevos * efxd)(]TO 7rpo9 ttjv TIap6ev6nr][v dp]TLXal3e(rdaL
Tr]9 /jieX]eT7]aecos'
Si-
KdKetvj]
(29-32),
and she, not yet engaged to Metiochus nor desiring to be {ov]k exovaa tov M-qTLo\ov 33, and kol ev^aro firjSe fieXXeLP ^^), appears to share his opinion of Love, and speaks of the folly of the stranger (0 tov ^evov Xfjpo9 ^6), presumably one of the two who were debating at the beginning, and refers in the last line to poets and painters, doubtless as being responsible for
the popular but erroneous conception of Eros. There seems to be some plausibility in attributing the fragment to a romance, probably to the beginning of the story.
To
is
contents
without significance. fragment Metiochus meets two friends who have learnt from personal
the
are
not
the story
2 3
ii. 280 (Miiller). For the background of Lavagnini, Le origini del romanzo greco^ pp. 82-9.
e.g.
*
scripsi
ifievos
L.
240
^
ROMANCE
experience the cruelty of Eros and are discussing his power. He endeavours to encourage them by proving that Love is not a god to be feared, but an attitude of mind which can be
On concluding his observations he does not wish the discussion to come to an end, and turns to Parthenope, whose presence throughout is to be assumed, for confirmation.
overcome.
She, too, is a disbeliever in the superstitions about Eros, who has not yet exercised his power and made the two fall in love.
But it is safe to conjecture that this would follow. The legend was that Parthenope fell in love against her will and that she was greatly distressed thereby, ra? rpi^as T/jLi/ aKoa-fiLaj/ Her pride would be humbled as iavTTJ9 KaTa\jrr](pi(ofieur).^ Charicleia's was humbled in the Aethiopica^ and the case of Metiochus would be the same as that of Habrocomes in the
Ephesiaca^
who is compelled to grovel before Eros, to eat his words and to confess the divinity of Love 6 yi^xpi vvv aySpL/coy ^A^poKOfjLTj^, 6 KaTacppovoov^EpcoTos, 6 tco Oem XotSopovfievo^
edXcDKa kol
(paLVfiTai Tis
pei/LKrjfiaL
rjSr]
KaWmv
koI wapdei^o) SovXeveiu duayKci^ofjiai, Kal For e/iov Kal Oebv "EpooTa KaXod}
the date of the fragment there is no evidence other than the writing, which proves that it cannot be later than the second
century A.D. Before turning to the smaller fragments, one other, which though small in bulk is rich in suggestion, deserves attention.
Pap. Soc. Ital. 981 (saec. ii A.D.) bears as clear signs as the Chione fragments of being part of a romance, and the fact that the writing is of a good book-hand on the recto only of the papyrus may possibly indicate that the story was held
in
^
high esteem.
right-
and
Xaff*
[u|/i,etp]
rjbrj
280. Charicles despair of her ever marrying eKBeid(ovaa fxv -napOtvlav Ka\ eyyvs ddavdrcov diro^aivovo-a, cixpavrov Kal aKrjparov Koi ddidcfidopov 6vopA(ov(Ta,''Epci)Ta de Koi ^AippodiTrjUKaiirdvTayafirjXiovBiaaov dnoaKopaKilovaa (ii.33), succumbs to Theagenes, and begs Calasiris not to ask her to tell him things a koI irda-xetv alaxpov koX eKXaXelp alcrxporepop' los e/ie ye Xvnel pei/ Kal rj voaos aKfid^ovcra, nXiOU 8e to juj) KpaTijaai. rrjs votrov rfjv dpXTjV, aXX' rjTTrjdrjvai nddovs aTreipijfievov fxev p.ol tou npo tovtov ndvra Xpdvov, XvixaiPOfifvov de Kal fiexpis aKofjs to Trapdevias ovojxa crepvoraTov (iv. lo), * ^ Vol. viii, pp. 196-9. Xen. Eph. i. 4. I cf. i. 4. 4-5.
ii.
who made
ROMANCE
hand and the bottom of a left-hand column be continuous, but this cannot be proved.
a lady in great distress
;
241
the columns mayIn fr. a we find
if
probably
the
She
ducoX6Xv^u fxiya kol SlcoXvyLOV Kal ScCKpUCC ^[pp]OP ddpoa' KaTeprj^aro re rbu ^tTCDva,
(a. 2-8.)
On
(A.
pretext that she has received bad news from the Sarmatians
8-13)
7]
kv
fi
(A. 1 4- 1 7.)
The remaining
restore,
but
19-ao) suggests
Fragment B describes an abortive attempt of Calligone to commit suicide. She reaches for a weapon, but Eubiotus has abstracted it while she was not looking, and so she rounds upon him with
:
w
[irlcov
iravTCiiv
dvOpd)Lp.i
[a-^]at
[/JL]eu
rod
i/jiov
^icpovs'
yap ovk
0fj,L(rTd),
'Afxa^wu ov-
[Sh]
.
dXX' 'EXXrjuh
rbu
Ovfibi^ idi fxoi to ^i[t]l
[.
.]
KaXXtyoi/T), ovSefiLa?
'AfjLa^oycou
[Se]
[d(r]Oei/(rTpa.
[0o]y KOfjLL^ey
{X^]p^^''^
firj
are
rah
(b.
dyx^^^^
dTroKTei[v(o.
30~9)>
at
which point the fragment ends. The mere fact, noted by the editors, that the name Calligone
*
Fr. B. 35.
!Z4^
ROMANCE
the scene are clear, and Rostovtzeff,^ comparing the
finds a place in Achilles Tatius and Eubiotus in the Toxaris of Lucian does not amount to much/ but the romantic possibilities of
fragment with the relevant part of the Toxaris, has real justification for calling it part of a Scythian romance. When he
Greek Romance as we he goes too far Antonius Diogenes took his characters to Scythia, and indeed beyond Thule to the land of Nowhere, and one small papyrus fragment perhaps points to Scythian adventures.'* It was natural that the Mediterranean basin with extensions southwards and eastwards should be the normal scene of a Greek romance; but this fragment shows that other areas also were exploited, and suggests that it may be fortuitous that all the extant romances
asserts
know
it,
confine themselves to the boundaries of Alexander's empire. The romance writer required a certain type of material, and
it
came from
that he
often built on local legends is certain, and it is interesting to observe that Rostovtzefif looks to history as the ultimate
source of the Scythian romance in the same way as history has been suggested as the background of the Ninus Romance. There is some plausibility in the theory that the names of
Lucian's characters, though fictitious, are intentionally reminiLeucanorofthe Leucons, Eubiotus scent of historical figures of Eumelus ^ and it may be added that the slight change of
is paralleled by the use of Derceia for Derceto in the Ninus Romance. The connexion between the romance represented by these fragments and the story told by Lucian is not apparently very close, though with so little to build on it is unsafe to be
name
dogmatic.
The only
phical setting and the name Eubiotus, but it is not unlikely that both Lucian and the author of the romance drew upon
^
of
Habrocomes'
1928,
mother
"^
the Ephesiaca.
PoMaHfc,
CKHGCKift
Seminarium Kondakovianum^
*
Prague,
pp. 135-8.
^
See below,
p. 245-6.
ROMANCE
the
are,
:j43
same
and small as the romance fragments certain do they suggest points which in view of the
local legend,
analogous story in Lucian it is tempting to stress, because they may illustrate the way in which a legend with romantic
possibilities
Briefly
was treated by the writer of a Greek romance. summarized Lucian's story is this Arsacomas,
:
a Scythian, while on a mission to Leucanor, King of the Bosporans, falls in love with Mazaea, the King's daughter.
His
suit is
daughter to
who
gives his
Two friends
of Arsacomas contrive to
Adyrmachus, supported by by trickery. Eubiotus, the new King of the Bosporans, who leads Greeks, Alans and Sarmatians in his train, attacks the Scythians under Arsacomas, but is defeated and slain by the conspicuous
bravery of the
latter.^
Adyrmachus
It is to
is
no indication that she loved Arsacomas any more than Adyrmachus. Arsacomas falls in love
a passive role; there
at first sight, but otherwise the erotic element is absent. Lucian uses the story to illustrate the heroism to which men were actuated by friendship. The plot of the romance cannot be reconstructed but two
;
first,
and important
part,
and
Calligone s
was due to some real or supposed misdemeanour of Eraseinus, and we can hardly be wrong in assuming that he was her lover. On this account she wished to destroy herself and was only prevented by the foresight of Eubiotus, who seems to play the part of the faithful friend, without whose services few heroes or heroines of Greek Romance would survive to enjoy their ultimate bliss. But, though the main in the are characters romance apparently Greeks,^ while in
Toxaris, 44-55. Calligone's remark that she was not Themisto, an Amazon, and from Eubiotus' pretence that she had received bad news from the Sarmatians, it may be inferred that Calligone had got mixed up in Scythian politics, and had been masquerading as an Amazon ; but she was a Greek, and the names Eubiotus and Eraseinus indicate that they were Greeks
^
^
From
too.
cit.,
pp. 137-8.
2,44
ROMANCE
Lucian they are barbarians, and though there is outwardly so little in common between the two stories, it looks as if similar material was behind them. Lucian, for whose purpose heroic and feats of self-sacrifice were most important, perhaps exploits
kept nearer to the legend the other, writing for a public accustomed to the erotic romance, uses the Scythian material
;
to
make
is
there
a conventional love romance, in which, of course, no reason to believe that the adventurous element
was disregarded. Whatever the origins and whatever the nature of the whole
story, the scene that
is
preserved
is
so characteristic that
it
might come from almost any Greek romance. It declares itself alike by its style, its language, and the events which it It is needless to enumerate scenes in which the presents. heroines abandon themselves to an orgy of lamentation
a parallel to the second fragment may be found at the beginning of the second book of Heliodorus, where Theagenes is
twice
prevented from killing himself by the foresight of Cnemon, who gets nothing but curses for his pains.^ The rhetorical style is just that of the average romance, and the
language, though in a sense commonplace, offers some phrases which are constantly recurring in the romances pLyjraora iavTTju TTi Tjy? (TTi^dSo?^'^ Kareprj^aro top xiTcoi/a,^ di/coXo(pv-
pTOy^
all
SicoXvyLoVf the adverbial use of StcoXvyiou, though not infrequent in other late Greek, being particularly common in the
romances.^
The remaining fragments may be dealt with more briefly. They divide conveniently into two classes first, those which from their style or contents bear some direct evidence of their
:
editors.
1
w[\o](l>vp6fida Herpyllis
Fragment
13-14.
Tat.
the examples cited by the editors (Charito, iii. 3. 15, 7. 4; Ach. may be added Heliod. vi. 5 where Xvyiov (on the analogy of SicdXii^ioj/) is probably the right reading (see Froc. Camb. Phil. Soc, cxlv Erotic literature provides another example in Aristaenetus (1930), p. 3).
i.
To
13. i)
i.
13.
ROMANCE
are consistent with or even
245
common in romance, but which might nevertheless be derived from other sources. ^ Although Pap. Oxyrh. 435 (saec. ii-iii A.D.) was attributed to history by its first editors, the words rris TTapBk\yov\ (6) and Tov ydyLQv (9) suggest romance. The occurrence of such
commonplace people as names as Demosthenes,
does not
if
the Corcyreans (i) and such prosaic the name is to be so restored (2-3),
make
characters, as has
been shown, played an important part in Moreover, as Garin has pointed out,^ the scene depicted may be parallel to that in Charito viii. 8. lijff. Just as at the end of Charito's story the Syracusans at the instigation of Chaereas voted rewards of various kinds incidentally Chaereas gave a talent to each of his three
Greek Romance,
hundred brave soldiers (viii. 8. 14) so we may imagine that this fragment comes from the end of a romance where it was
told
how
KcpKvpaioL rav-
ra
evOv
(l~5-)
^ix'^^i eSoordu
7rpo6v/jL(09
re to Ta-
XavTJop
After that the fragment is beyond repair, but the mention of a maiden and of marriage indicate that other than purely
monetary questions were at issue. * Pap, Oxyrh. 417 (saec. iii A.D. init.) consists of two columns, In the first of which is too broken to yield any sense at all. the second we read of one Theano, the mother of the son of Histus^ who has been carried off by Hippasus and the
Scythians
^
:
IjQ.vdi'grCxmy
of.
Zimmermann,
/'^/7.
Woch.
2
''
li
Studi
di Filol. Class., N.S. i (1920), pp. 179-80. Blass, Arch.f. Papyrtisforsch. iii (1906), p. 282. Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 31-2; ct. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 231. Calderini, Le avventure di t[o]v iraidus tov 'larov (21-2). fji^\Tt]p
^Y]iio[(T6evri\v
Cherea
e Calliroe, p. 63,
',
and Garin, loc. cit., p. 179, translate by madre which is what might be expected, but seems to strain
the Greek. Kerdnyi, Die griechisch-orientalische note 80, makes Histus the name of the father.
Romaniaeratur,
p.
64,
24^
ROMANCE
dp7rayUT09 Se avTov ovK kveyKovara rrjv (Tvii<f>o^ pav LKTh iylevri 0]t] [/c]aT ovap T7J9 O^ov.
(25-8.)
The next
finally
line
Xeuei avTr]v
j/a[y]
rj
^eo? drraXei[?
XdTT(rdaL rriv
o)? [8]r]
dTrlolXrjylfOfieuT),
'AOi]-]
t[o]i^
7ra[i]8a
(30-4.)
Theano was overjoyed, and taking with her her friend Euneike she set out for Athens. But the fragment breaks off when she has got as far as Oropus and the temple of Amphiaraus.^ There is no proof that this is part of a romance, but it shows
signs of a wandering and sorely tried hero in the son of Histus. Hippasus again, though a Mitylenean general in
Longus,^ looks like an example of the brigand chief so in Greek Romance, and the presence of Scythians is Further, it is not (23) justified by the Eubiotus fragment.
common
uncommon
for
gods to appear
in
a romance for the purpose of telling them what to do next. Garin compares Achilles Tatius vii. 12. 4, where Sostratus
dream that he will find his daughter Ephesus, and Heliodorus iii. 11, where Calasiris is told by Artemis and Apollo to take Theagenes and Charicleia with
learns from Artemis in a
in
him and
to return to his
*
own
country.
Pap. Oxyrh. 1368 (saec. iii A.D.) deals with the adventures of Glaucetes, who, as he was riding along, was suddenly addressed by the ghost of a young man, who asked him to step aside
from his road and bury him and his lady murdered
:
love,
both foully
"
KUfXaL 8^ VTTO
KaXi],
djx(j)(0
TTJ
7r[\a-]
-
OLvrjpr]-
ey\vr)&\q
^
*
Zimmermann
loc. cit.
cit.,
iv\JcrT]r]
L.
'
iii.
See Ker^nyi,
i. 2.
pp. 33-4. There are two columns, but only the of the first are preserved, so that it is useless and
;
cf.
Zimmermann,
ROMANCE
247
Glaucetes was too much astonished to speak, but he nodded and rode on, whereupon the young man vanished:
6]
Se r\avKT7]9 Karh, KpdT09 TjXavi^eu KOL dfia ktre(TTpe^eTo 1 TTOV avdis lSol iKLyoy, dxy ovktl e/3Ae7re(i/).
(39-42.)
Before daybreak he reaches the village where he crosses the river, and finding an open stable, he ties up his horse and
tries to sleep lying
evr^Xrj kol
(pavXrjv (4H-9)). Meanwhile a woman which leads to the loft and there the
It
can
hardly
fail
to be
from a romance
and the appearance of ghosts can be cited no data for reconstructing the story.
Pap. Soc.Ital, 726^(saec. ii-iiiA.D.) consists of three columns, but the third and the greater part of the first are so broken
that they offer no sense, and even the second and the rest of the first can only be partially restored and understood. The
remains yield a number of names Lysippus, Thalassia, Cleandrus, Thraseas, and Antheia and Euxeinus who are respectively the heroine and one of the pirates in the romance of Xenophon of Ephesus but it is impossible to discover
;
The word
iyypayjrdTco at the beginning of the second column suggests the recording of some decision described at the end of the
preceding column ; but the end of column I as it stands does not help. In fact, except that the second column seems to
tell
of some events at sea, and to imply plot and counterplot,^ and that one of the women has apparently concealed some
is
practically nothing to be
= Photius, Bibliotheca^ cod. 94, p. 76 a-b e.g. lamblichus 13 (Hercher) (Bekker), and Heliod. 1. 30 for assassination. Ghosts appear, for example, in lamblichus 5 = Photius, p. 74 b and Xen. Eph. v.^.T^ cf. Heliod. vi. 14-15. See also Garin, loc. cit., p. 181, and Ker^nyi, op. cit., pp. 32 ff.
Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 29-31 ; cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 230-1. S.v(Tmnoi 8e [r,\]u)v e'nl Bd\(iT\Tav aiiu Ev^lv(0 7rvv6dvfTat,Tci)vyvo)\[pi]fi(ov f Tqv /carafrracri[fl Trdadu t[( j^jujcra [. ]7roXiT[6uo"TO 6] Qpaafas [x'!>Tt] dpX^^
'
|
"^
[vea]vi(j[Kos
7rept7rf[t]
*
o]vto<,'
"AvOat
K<ii
(30-1).
L. restores <j>dpyLUKov in l. 18 also rb p.ev [<pdpfxaKov <V] jols koXttois Kari6 fro fXT] Tiff aif\[Tf]v d(f>aipf}]Tai ndXiVj but this IS quite uncertain.
248
learnt.
'-
ROMANCE
yet the tone of the piece seems without
Ital.
And
much
725^
for not only are the existing a single complete line makes
uncertain
how many
letters
Neverare missing either before or after the legible words. theless the remains seem to be consistent with a description of the troubles of a hero and heroine of romance.
]
rjXdcu
efioi
8VT[e]p[o? dycov^
(l)
dve\]diipavov
]vL
(^"3)
(9)
TrJ9 yvp[aLKCOPiTL8os
OLKCO d,TTOKK\{e)iixiv\r]
8'
e\7rel
at
Bvpai
kTr\eTiBr](Tav,
/c
dvL(TTr)\cn
T]rjs
kXip7J9 6 '/2Ae
(10-12.)
rjfxd^ (15),
On
Xa]fjL7rTTJpa9
^ipopT[9 (16), and PacriXeioop (18) Lavagnini a in which the narrator (the heroine ?) and scene imagines a man (lover or husband ?) are fleeing from a palace and being
pursued by the King's guards carrying lanterns. The suggestion is attractive, but rests on slender evidence. However,
the traces definitely look like romance. ^ Pap, Soc, ItaL 151 (saec. iii A.D.)
is a border-line case between classes I and II. It describes a drinking or feasting scene at which were present o-aTpdiraL kol /zey[icrTai^es', the King, his wife, and two honoured guests (?), Dionysius and Apollonius. The elegance of the Queen is noted:
17
{3~5-)
The honour
in
:
next sentence
cf.
Zimmermann,
loc.cit.
233.
^
'
9 ^ Se "ttXi^o-iov 6 ayoiv ctVoucra .... Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 32-3. Cf. Zimmermann, loc.
"
cit.
231-2.
ROMANCE
\Tava](rTas
^49
em
[co(nrep Ae/]j3a)r
saying,
if
rightly restored,
"
Trpomvco
Such a scene might come from other sources, but Miiller ^ makes out a case for attributing it to romance. It clearly takes place at the Persian court, and the presence of the
Queen
indulge
is
significant.
in
mixed drinking
are
Older custom did not permit women to parties, but the women of Greek
Romance
emancipated.
Not only do we
find Statira,
wife of Artaxerxes, King of Persia, in Charito, and Persinna, wife of the Aethiopian King Hydaspes in Pleliodorus play-
ing important roles, but at the beginning of Achilles Tatius a dinner party is described at which four women, two of
^
;
common
in the
;
romances.
as
not conclusive
points
for,
himself observes,
the
language
to
Greek
of Hellenistic or
Roman
of
times,^
in general
action.
fall the remaining two fragments in Lavagnini's and a few others. Pap. Oxyrh. 416 * (saec. iii-iv A.D.) was assigned to romance by its original editors, but except that it records a divine epiphany with its effect on the spec-
Into class II
collection
tator,
and that apparitions are to be found in Greek Romance, The apparition here is there is no reason for the ascription. not, as in the Theano and Glaucetes fragments, embedded in
a clearly romantic context. any connexion between the
In fact,
first
it
is
impossible to see
six lines
of the piece, which deals with the epiphany. Moreover, the document rather a its results and religious suggest epiphany
Rhein. Mus. Ixxi (1916), pp. 360-3. Ach. Tat. i. 5 ; cf. Apollonius of Tyre, 15-16, where the King's daughter is present at a dinner-party. 3 avaKiKreai^KaraKflfsBai^accumbere (cf. Lobeck, Phrynichtis,^^!^. 2i6= /^tcya dwdfifvoi (cf. Lobeck, ibid., 17), fxeyia-Tcives, a plausible restoration,
^
fxeaovv, pp. 196-7), and fxea-dCfiv * Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 35-6 cf. Zimmermann, loc. the contents cf. Garin, loc. cit., pp. 177-8.
;
cit.
232-3.
For
250
than a romance.
]
ROMANCE
Aesculapius comes as the punisherof sin
(l)pLK[(o]Sr]
^
:
TTeudLKrjU Kal
^\ovTa [6]y\nv
(9),
Tpofirjaas
w ",
"
elirer,
(lo-ll.)
Angry
in
appear or send apparitions of dreadful aspect but romance, they either forebode some terrible event,^ or
deities
give some orders which are immediately obeyed ;^ the result of this apparition is to make the spectator sit in sackcloth and ashes, as it were, and repent of his sins
:
(14-17.)
a romance, but equally well, from a tale of miraculous conversion.^ perhaps religious ^ i 868 is so small that it really (saec. A.D.) Pap. Oxyrh. offers no evidence at all. without Cronert, argument, calls it
' '^
a fragment of a romance in which Tithraustes holds a trial but the original editors found the division TLBpavar-qs less
;
plausible than ori ^/3ai'aT7;9, and even if TLOpavar-q^isvight, the appearance of the name, the use of the second person, and
the words 8ov\\\cov (3) and yvvalKes (8) are factory grounds for the ascription.^
scarcely
satis-
Two
(saec. iv
romance on quite
sides, is
insufficient grounds.
first
person
/cayco
(14
r),
ura
8e to[vs
7rto-7rep;^oi/Ta (7).
^
KaTap[oT]]TiK6s
^
Zimmermann
.
e.g.
*
Heliod.
v.
KaTa[7T\r)K]TiK6s L. i. 12. 4.
Cf. Kerdnyi, op. cit., p. 169, note 62. Longus, ii. 26. 5 ff Lavagnini, op. cit., pp. 27-8 cf. Zimmermann, loc. cit. 229-30. ^ Woch.f. Klass. Philol. xxvi (1909), col. 119. ^ This evidence is cited by Miinscher in Bursian 149 (1910), p. 180 in support of Cronert's ascription. ' Milne, Catalogue of Literary Papyri in the British Museum (1927),
e.g.
pp.
60- 1.
ROMANCE
.
asi
olKiav]
\
aA]|Xoi>s'
iie[
.
KdX[cra eh]
.
ttju
.
fJLr][u
. . .
K\e\eveL
.
|
editor's guess romance of the Roman period ? no support from the remains, which might belong to ^ anything. Frag: Lond. 2037 D (saec. vi A.D.) is even
But the
](rvfi7r6criou
and
receives
smaller.
militates
Cronert suggests romance, but the date perhaps In any case the only against this ascription.^
is
the presence of the words Xtjo-ttj^ and ^eJo-TrorT/y and the possibility of a female speaker, and this is clearly not
evidence
enough to enable us to place it in any category. There are two larger fragments of which it may be said that, although there is no reason to suppose that they do come from romances, they would not be out of place in them.
(saec. iii-iv A.D.) offers a description of conditions in Egypt, and as such has a claim, though not a very strong one, to a mention in connexion with romance ;
Pap. Soc.
Ital.
760
romances provide a considerable amount of miscellaneous information about foreign countries, especially Egypt.
for the
The words rois AlyvwTioi^ appear in 1. 8, but little can be made out of the fragment except that the passage dealt with
the animals KopKoSeiXooi/
(9), 6 drjp ofiLxXdoSrjs
(4),
7repLKxv[^ (11),
The other, Pap. Lond. 2239 ^ a^iaixov tov NeiXov (16). (saec. ii A.D.), is more extensive and yields consecutive sense, but there is little that supports its connexion with romance,
to which indeed
sists
it
im
The papyrus
con-
two fragments comprising two fairly complete columns and the unintelligible remains of two others. The two fragments seem to have no connexion. The first sings the praises
of
of
alSoiSi
e-]
fJLaXXoU TTpO(TU[p.aL\
(T({Tri piov]
"^
^
fif.
Milne, op. cit., pp. 158 ff. under the heading 'Fiction', but seems to accept
it
comes from a
hidkf^is.
2^2
ROMANCE
[8']
rjk
ire-
(pavTai^
(I
7-13)5
or
TVXLi^ Kal
rJ8iT[o]
pTjcTLU
[(9]c6^.^
7raT[pL]8a [i8eiu].*
yap
yvfj,vov(T6[aL kov]-
(I
:
2:^-8.)
Hesiod also
is
cited
T*
[a 18(09]
Tj
dv8pas fieya
cri[j/eTai]
(I
^8" 6v{Lu)r](nv.^
32-4.)
Cronert was inclined to class the fragment as a sophistic but improving discourses diatribe, and perhaps he was right
"^
are not
unknown
to romance,
of citing the best authors in support of their remarks. The second fragment would be even more at home in a romance,
for
it
dWo
(II
^
;
B 62-8.)
The
is
bird
is
its
ttoiklXt] 7rTipcocn9
described
^
by
Pliny,'-*
who
necfiavTai ed.
* *
^
'
Odyssey
vi.
221-2.
It is treated as such by W. M. Edwards, who includes it in his essay on tikiaKoyos, Aiarpi^r], MeXerr) in the Second Series oi A^ew Chapters in the History of Greek Literature (pp. 123-4). * Professor Edwards's theory that it is the barn-door cock is not per'
8.
suasive.
' Nat. Hist. X. 2. 3 (Phoenix) aquilae narratur magnitudine, auri fulgore circa coUa, cetero purpiireus, caeruleam roseis caudam pinnis distinguentibus '.
*
ROMANCE
bird to the
11.
253
is
Magnus Annus/
this
;
to which reference
made
in
fragment it is hard, however, to reconcile the a-apKo(pd[yo9 of 1. 89 with the statement in Pliny, neminem exstitisse qui viderit vescentem?' But that does not concern us the point to notice is that the Greek Romance writers were fond of excursions into natural history Heliodorus, for
;
74-6 of
giraffe,^ Achilles Tatius a preposterous description of a hippopotamus* so that it would be far from surprising if these observations on the nature and habits of the phoenix came from a similar source,
instance, gives
an elaborate account of a
is
One
There may be other fragments, published or unpublished. at least, if it is rightly ascribed to romance, would raise
;
the interesting question of the illustrated novel ^ but it is doubtful whether the identification of a few more fragments
would teach us much that we cannot learn from the pieces already considered and that, it may be felt, is remarkably little. But while it is true that except for certain points of interest to which attention has been called the fragments of
;
both classes
are
rather
disappointing,
two reasons first their number, and That the extant romances only meagrely
nevertheless
they
represented the total output has long been thought, so that the number of fragments which with greater or less plausibility
possibly unnecessary, confirmation of a preconceived suspicion. But more interesting is the evidence of date, and it is proposed to
may
be assigned to romance
offers
welcome,
if
conclude this essay with a suggestion about its importance. With the exception of the Ninus fragments, the significance
'
Ibid. X. 2. 5.
Ibid. x.
2. 4.
'
Heliod.
x. 27.
^ Ach. Tat. iv. 2. 1-3. Ibid. iii. 25. ^ Cf. Bauer gr. 1294 (saec. i-ii A.D.) unpublished. Pap. Paris, suppl. * and Strzygowski, Eine Alexandrische Weltchronik {Denkschrift. d. Wiener Akad. phil.-hist. Klasse li (1906), No. 2), p. 174. It consists of four columns of text, interspersed with miniatures. Milne (op. cit., p. 163) names romance as the possible source of another illustrated fragment Pap. Lond. 113. 15 c; but the few words that are legible give no clue, and the lateness of the papyrus (saec. v-vi A.D.) is against the ascription. The picture is reproduced and described by Bauer-Strzygowski, op. cit.,
*
'
pp. 176-7.
254
ROMANCE
of whose early date was considered before, and of one very small fragment,^ whose ascription to romance rests on no
evidence whatever, the papyri fall between the end of the The first and the beginning of the fourth century A.D.
papyri, of course, cannot prove that the stories of which they bear traces were not composed much earlier than they were
particular books, though it seems in general intrinsically improbable that their composition antedated their copying by more than about fifty years ; what
written
down
in
those
is,
later
that none of the stories in question than the end of the third century
precisely the same.
It is
The
not
possible here to give the evidence for dating these, but it may be said that papyri have made it practically certain that Charito wrote before 150 A.D. - that a combination of external
;
and internal evidence makes it likely that lamblichus, Heliodorus, and Xenophon of Ephesus wrote some time in the and that Achilles Tatius was second and third centuries the last, though a papyrus fragment proves that he, too, cannot
'^
be placed much
It is
later
the position of Achilles Tatius which is worth considering in the light of the new evidence. Many reasons,
for
demonstra-
later
been missed. It is impossible to read Heliodorus (and Heliodorus may be taken as a typical though superior example of the ordinary romance) and Achilles Tatius together without being impressed by an
to have
^
Pap. Lond. 2037 D of the sixth century. See above, p. 251. Pap, Faytc7n i (pp. 74 ff.) and Pap. Oxyrh. 1019 (vol. vii, pp. 143
ff.))
both of the early third century at the latest. ^ For lamblichus see Rohde, Gr. Romh ^, pp. 388 ff. and Kleine Schriften, ii. 40-2 {=Jahrb. f. PhiloL, 1879, p. 16 f.); for Heliodorus see Rattenbury, 'Heliodorus, the Bishop of Tricca in Proc. Leeds Phil, and Lit. Soc. i (1927), pp. 174-5 that Xenophon of Ephesus wrote not earlier than Trajan's reign is proved by his mention of the fiprivdt>xr]i of Cilicia (cf. Pauly-Wiss. R.-E. ix 2032 f.) and his description of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus makes it unlikely that he wrote after A.D. 263, when it was destroyed by the Goths. * Pap. Oxyrh. 1250 of the early fourth century (vol. x, p. 135).
*
ROMANCE
immense
the other
difference.
;
2S5
is
It is
the stories are essentially different both include the normal material what is observable is a complete change of outlook.
:
Of
the comparative lateness of Achilles Tatius various signs might be cited. One of the tendencies of Greek Romance
seems to have been from simplicity to elaboration compare Charito with Heliodorus, for instance. The added elaboration was not merely a question of plot, but more particularly the inclusion of digressions on miscellaneous matters. Heliodorus offers a number of such digressions,^ but he is simple
;
compared with Achilles Tatius. The digressions in Heliodorus are usually of some significance in the story, those in
Achilles Tatius are often quite remote.^ He sometimes gives the impression that he used erotic romance as a framework
in
which he might conveniently display his erudition. But it is his treatment of the erotic theme that is the most
consideration of convincing evidence for his lateness. Achilles Tatius indicates that he (and so probably his readers) was out of sympathy with the impossibly idealistic tone of
comparison of the characters in Helioordinary romance. dorus and Achilles Tatius is full of significance. For instance,
the heroines.
To
lover before the marriage had been celebrated In a moment of frenzy she calls out to able.
Theagenes to
is
S)
come
to her,
if it
is
in a
dream
Kal (pv\aTT
vofilfxco ydficp
But what
'yaOe^ of
lo she does not repulse the ardent Clitophon, but the two are disturbed before anything serious in ii. 19 she is privy to the plot to admit her lover happens
Leucippe
In Ach. Tat.
ii.
'^
to her room,
if
and the
no
fault of hers
is right, iv. i.
may
fr.
and, be
e.g.
2
iii.
ii.
V.
e.g.
14.
iii.
25
(cf.
il)
iv.
2-5, &c.
iliod. vi. 8 sub fine, Helii Ach. Tat. ii. 10. 4 wy hk Kai enex^^P^^^ '"^ upoijpyov Kat Tapax^fPTes dpeirrjdrjaafjitv. fjixoip KuTomp ylvfTui'
*
Troicti/,
-^ocj^os
th
256
ROMANCE
Arternii"
on the lovers waiting for marriage. Leucippe comes through safe and sound, it is true, but it was by good luck Not that Leucippe is licenrather than by good intention. her resistance to tious any more than Clitophon is licentious
;
the overtures
of
strenuous as Charicleia's
felt
that the fetish of chastity in the average romance was absurd, and tries to humanize romance by creating characters There is an that are reasonably, not unreasonably, moral.
interesting contrast
in
Heliodorus and Melitte-Clitophon in Achilles Theagenes In each case the hero is indebted to the lady, but the Tatius.
climax
in
Heliodorus
ov
is
in words,
(piXr]6LS,
k^r]\6ev
Oeayiyrj?
after
avTOs ye
(jyiXria-as^
whereas Clitophon
way against
sacrifice on his part, complies Moreover, Clitophon is not such a prig as to deny that he got some pleasure from this unintended amour to Se dire pee pyou e/? 'AcppoSiTrji/ tjSlop jxaXXov
some
ttjp r]8ovrjvf
an admis-
no torture would have wrung from Theagenes.^ Achilles Tatius did not exactly parody his predecessors, but it is suggested that by attempting to humanize romance he not only showed up the absurdities of the usual stories, but was also responsible for the overthrow of the literary It is here that the papyrus fragments become imporform. few convincing specimens of romance which could tant. be safely dated later than Achilles Tatius would invalidate
the theory, but the fact that out of a considerable number not a single one can be put later than the probable date oni
Achilles
Tatius
may
be taken as evidence
in its favour.
Romance what
Heliod. vii. 26. Ach. Tat. v. 27. 4. contrast between the moral outlook of Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius is also illustrated by the use of chastity-ordeals in the two authors. Cf. Rattenbury, 'Chastity and Chastity Ordeals in the Ancient Greek Romances' in Proc. Leeds PhiL and Lit. Soc. i (1926}, pp. 59fif.
^
The
ROMANCE
257
He broke down the conEuripides was to Greek Tragedy. and drove the essential and ventions, permanent elements to
seek refuge elsewhere. The erotic element did not die, but found an outlet in * Love-Letters ', a contemporary literary
in
the
fifth
century, but the idealized love story of a superhumanly modest hero and heroine vanished, and Greek Romance hiber-
nated until
it
later
by the ByzanR. M. R.
tine writers.
Supplementary note to
The
article
'
p. 'zi^.
by F. Zimmermann, Zwei zerstorte Kolumnen des Ninos-Romans \ in Hermes Ixvii (1932), pp. Ixvii sqq., was
,
published too late to be of use ; but although it furthers the interpretation of the more fragmentary parts, it does not appear to invalidate the general survey of Greek Romance
which
is
given
in this
Chapter.
APPENDIX
Additions to the Second Series (Hesiod, Lysias, Greek Music), Additional Notes, Corrections.
HESIOD
W. Cronert has MS. of the fourth
bability
edited
or fifth century which with much prohe attributes to Hesiod's 'Catalogue of Women'.
On
above the
of
the recto are preserved the remains of seven lines, and first line of the verso, which also contains the
lines,
remains of seven
Book IV and
the conclusion of
appears to be the departure of Jason and and their arrival at the island of Pence.
The
order of
determined.
the end of
some of the existing fragments can now be The long fragments ^ of the Berlin papyri give Book I and the beginning of Book 11,^ as is indi;
cated
in
by the letter B in the margin and fragments 52, 60, 62 Rzach's text are said by the authorities who preserve them * to have come from Book III thirty-five mutilated lines
;
appear to come thence. It is that we have the remains of two MSS. which likely, then, contained all four books.
in
fr.
2, also
J.
U.
P.
LYSIAS
Fragments
^
of Lysias are preserved in There are fourth century. the of a papyrus of the early part
of
Rivista di Philologia, Ivi (1928), pp. 507-8 ; the fragment was first pubby Vitelli in Bulletin de laSoc. Roy, d' Archeologie d'Alexandrie^
;
two speeches
lished
2
1928, p. 294.
Rzach, frr. 94, 96 Evelyn- White, fr. 68. Evelyn-White assigns this book to the 'Holai Hesiod See now T. W. Allen, Class. Quarl., xxvi. 82. p. 193 n. ^ Printed in Evelyn- White, Hesiod, Appendix, pp. 602-5.
^
:
'^
(ed.
Loeb),
Chapters^ First Series, p. 153. Museum Papyrus 2852 edited by H. J. M. Milne in Journal 0/ Egyptian Archaeology, vol. xv (1929), pp. 75 sqq.
New
British
The
APPENDIX
parts of two columns, the
first
2S9
speech
in
containing the close of the our extant collection, 'AiroXoyia irepi tov
first
even of the thirteen lines from that of our chief MS. authority, the twelfth-century codex at Heidelberg; but it does not support the conjectures of Herwerden. This is
'Eparoadipovs
(pouov.
The
text,
differs
entitled *T7rep kv dcTTeL, Mr. Milne 'Epv^ifxdxov fietvavTos points out that the speech must refer to the events of the time of the Thirty
followed
Tyrants.
was joined by many persons but Eryximachus, presumably a man of oligarchical leaning, remained behind and did not join the refugees of whom Lysias was an energetic and liberal
from Athens
;
supporter.^
Mr. Milne suggests that this Eryximachus may be the and experienced physician of that name who is mentioned in the Protagoras and Phaedrus of Plato,
cultured, philosophic,
in
The speech opens with a protestation of the speaker's innocence and xP'/orTor?;?, and of the zeal which he has
shown
in facing
many
dangers and
expenditure
written in a smooth
style, with the quiet,* easy, conciliatory, and attractive tone which marks the opening of Lysias' speeches.
and polished
a papyrus roll ^ of the third or possibly the second century H. Oellacher prints eleven fragments which he identifies as belonging to the Aoyoi KXrjpiKoc, Lysias' Testamentary
From
Four come from the speech ^Tirep r^y *Aj/Ti(pa>uT09 OvyaTpo?^ two from a speech on an Adoption by Will the others are not yet identified.
speeches.
;
J.
^
U. P.
Xen. Hellen.
'
*
^
Oratorum Vitae, 835 F. Plutarch, Plato, Symposium, 176, 186. KndfarriKvia, Dionys. Hal. Lysias, ch. 9.
H. Oellacher
Folge,
i
ii.
4. 25.
in
Neue
3736
S %
26o
APPENDIX
in the
Greek Music in the Papyri and InscripSecond Series of A'ew Chapters in the History of Greek
Literature, pp. 146 sqq.
only fragment of music in Greek notation which has come to light since the publication of the Christian Hymn (Oxyrh. Pap. xv. 1786) is written on a scrap of papyrus preserved in the Cairo
The
An
N
Museum
AMYHMYM
(No.
S^S?t'i)
]COI
?
TA AE
TA
PCO
Nl
KE
I
TINAY[
]?!
-JACON
acquired along with a number of the papyri may safely be dated on palaeographical grounds circa 350 B.C. ; it is therefore the oldest musical document in
of Zenon, and
Greek that we possess. There is no clear indication whether the music itself is a contemporary composition (as seems more likely) or a copy of some famous earlier work ; but in either case it must be older than all other pieces of Greek; music
Unforextant, with the exception of the Orestes fragment. is so short and badly mutilated that the new piece tunately,
it does not by any means gratify expectations which might be aroused by a consideration of its age.
The words
part of a
is
//certj/ and yovaTcav eiri suggest that the text is monologue from a lost tragedy; but since there
it
not sufficient of
is
hazardous.^
*
The
preserved to define the metre, restoration musical notation is confined to signs for
li
a photo-
i=i ^ On the basis of the colon in Aul. 546-53) I have ventured to propose
j
*^
v>
APPENDIX
pitch.
261
As in the Delphic Hymns, there are no rhythmical and the various problems which arise in interpreting the (TTLyiirj and the XeLfifxa in other fragments are neither
signs,
complicated nor resolved by this new piece. The signs of pitch, which are written over the vowels (as in most of the other fragments), or are spread over a vowel and the preceding consonant, are derived mainly from the Phrygian (or Hypophrygian) key {t6vo9) but at the end of the second
;
line there
is
toi^os.
a musical point of view the piece presents three (a) Although the mode of the fragment interesting features, it is clear that the scale employed was is quite uncertain,
a mixture of the diatonic genus with either the chromatic or of the {b) At the beginning (less probably) the enharmonic, second line there are two octave leaps in succession which
From
form a great contrast to the circumscribed melody of the other parts of the piece, {c) In most of our other fragments there seems to be a close relation between the rise and fall of the melody and the pitch accents of the text but, so far as
;
it
goes, this
which have been deduced from the Delphic Hymns, the Aidin Epitaph, and the Berlin Paean.
ciples
A. Diatonic
and Chromatic.
B. Diatonic
and Enharmonic
aoi
rd Se
tS/j*
Ik
4t
iv
av -.
-1
70
vd
ir t
Karaffvor-
J.F.M.
8' hv Trpda)(Tot' rdde rZ.p hv iKiriv av(Jbav 7rpo(/)epa).)
[abiKa
KaTa<nro{8ovfJLva.)
restoration
a62
APPENDIX
page
vanXrjyos ev ova(n,
add note cf. Anth. Pal. xi. and E. Norman Gardiner, Greek
:
Athletic Sport and Festivals y pp. 255, 296, 456. Timachidas page 76, four lines from the bottom, add : A. Wilhelm in Anzeig, d. Wiener Akad. phil.-hist. Kl. 1922, p. 70; and Nos. xiv-xvii, pp. 89-108 of the same publication. The text is much improved by Aia'Xo'yot: page III, line 14, add:
:
L.
Deubner
in
Hermes^
Ivi.
314-19.
He
Menander: page
Woman
'
Minyas
Page
23, note 5.
;
Tzetzes
1932)5
came
to
hand too
late to
be
of service.
INDEX
Abdera, 45-7. Achaeus, 'AXKfieaiv
crarvpiKos
of,
of, 75 n. Achilles Tatius, 220, 236 sqq., 249 sqq.
75 Alphesiboea
n.
n.,
242
Antimenides, 18 n. Antipater of Sidon, 180, 185-8. Antiphanes, 237. (comic writer), 167. Antonius Diogenes, 229 n., 237. Apollo Arjpaivos, 46.
87
n.,
106,
53, 54.
n., ^6,
91 sqq.,
102,
ApoUonius Dyscolus, 25 n. Aratus, 187. Archilochus, 58-62. Archinus, Law of, 70. Ariphantus, 60. Aristaenetus, 244 n., 254.
Aristides, 163.
186
n.
Aetna, 56-7.
Agathon, Alcmaeon
Agesilaus, 189.
of,
75 n.
Aidin Epitaph,
Aigilia,
the, 261.
10, 13-21, 27-9,
70 n.
i, 3, 5,
Alcaeus,
95.
dialect
Armenians,
of,
the,
218 andn.
Alcman, i, 29, 53, 67, 95, 185. Alexander the Great, 159, 221,
Arsinoe, 187. Ascalon, 18. Asclepiades, 180, 184-5. Aspasia, 160, 161. Astydamas, 75 n., 152.
Athenaeus,
170, 180.
6,
49,
57,
75,
148,
223. Macedon, 57. ofof Pherae, 159. Polyhistor, 21 Romance the, 219, 220-2.
I
n.
46-7, 55, 69, 71, 87, 178 n., 192-3,259. Athens, theatre at, 90.
'ATTtKto-/i()s,
161-4,
21.
of,
166-7.
Augustus, 190.
Automedes
the, 21, yj.
of
Mycenae,
23.
Ammianus
Amyntas,
Marcellinus, 55.
n.
Babylon,
18, 41.
i, 3,
Ammonius, 66
Bacchylidcs,
57.
186, 188-9.
Amyntas
of
Macedon,
Anacreon, 66-7.
Anactoria,
7.
Baucis, 180.
Anaxippus, 177.
Andaesistrota, 53.
Andromeda,
7.
264
Brer Rabbit, 90. Byzantium, 21.
Cadi, 89.
INDEX
Demetrius of Phaleron, Demodicus, 23. Demosthenes, 248. Dicaeogenes, 152.
the,
23.
Cairo
Musical Fragment^
260-1.
Didymus,
18511., 19611., 199.
175, 177.
Callimachus,89,
Callixinus of
Rhodes, 198.
Diodorus, 24. Diogenes, 152. Diognetus, 163. Dionysia, the, 71 sq., 210. Dionysius, 40, 48, 52. Dionysus, cult of, 64, 74 n.
Aiovvcros fxeXirofxevos, Doric dialect, 35.
1
26.
Chaeremon, 75
Chalcis, 24.
n.
Charaxus,
5.
Charito, 213, 220 sqq., 231, 233 n., 240 sqq., 249, 254.
XeXi;^eXd)j/7, 1 8 1-2.
Ennius, Alexander
141.
of,
137, 140,
Epaminondas,
Ephebi, 193.
Epichares, 71.
189.
Chios, 62. Cicero, 106. Cithaeron, Mt., 22-3, 50. Clement of Alexandria, 148. Corcyra, 23, 245. Corinna, 2, 10, 21-30. dialect, 25-6. metres, 28-9. Daughters of Asopiis^ 23. 'Evoivovfurjy 25 n. Helicon and Cithaeron^ 22-3,
28.
Erinna, 'AXaxdro
Euaretus, 75 n.
of,
180-5.
Eryximachus, 259.
Euboea,
38.
Eubulus, 166.
Eumelus, 242.
Euneidae, 126.
Corinthians, the, 49. Crates, 160. Cratinus, 71 sqq., 158-61. Crete, 64.
148. and the Pirithous,
Critias,
1 48-5 1. Croesus, 176. Cyclic Poems, the, 35. Cypria, the^ 34, 106 n., 138 n.
Euonymus,
25.
Euphorion, 187.
Eupolis, A?j/Lioi of, 103, 161. Euripides, 29, 50, 82, 97, 99, 102 sq, 158, 162 n., 168, 176 n.,
53.
Darius, 47.
Delium,
55.
Delos, 38. Delphi, 39, 42, 43, 53, 208. Delphic Hymns, the, 261.
Demeas,
254. Alcestis^ 203. Alcmaeon at Corinth^ 75 Alexandros, 137-42. 75 Andromache, 136. 136 Andromeda, AntiopCj 69, 103, 105-13, 121, 141. Archelaus, Bacchae, 97. Bellerophon, 136-7. Cretans^ 129-31. Cyclops, 92, 93
n.
'A\KfX(ov 6 dta ^coc^iSoy, n.
n.
147.
28,
n.
INDEX
26s
29, 60 n. Electra^ Helena, 29, 146, 197-8, 201. Hercules Furens, Hippolytus (the
1 1 5
Herondas, 167.
Hesiod, 54, 207, 252, 258. Hesychius, 74. Hiero of Syracuse, 56.
'%
59, 60. 20, 33-4, 35, 63, 65, 67, 96, J85. Homeric Epic, the, 30. Homeric to Apollo, 200. to Dioscuri, 20. to Demeter, 197-8. to Hermes, 87, 89. to the Mother of the Gods,
n.
first),
j.
13:
Hipponax,
Homer,
Iphi^enia at Aulzs, 88 133 n. 129. Medea, 03, Mekavlmtr] 117-20. Palamedes, 131. 69,1 03, 113-7* 143-7. Phaethon, 103, 121, 129. Phoenissae, Pirithous, 148-51. Rhesus, Z% n. Sciron, 148. Stheneboea, 69, 129, 13 1-7. 136. Supplices, Telephus, 82. Troades, 137.
AecrfxcoTis,
1
103, 120-9.
n.,
1 1 3,
Hymn
207.
MeXai/iTTTri; ^o(f)r],
Horace, 2, 16, 20, 21, 48, 59, 89, 108, 200 n. Hyginus, 79, 106, 113, 114, 117,
137, 140, 147.
Gods,
204-8.
to to
Hymn Hymn
Pan Pan
(l),
203.
(2),
208-9.
Hyrieus, 25.
lamblichus, 254.
Ibycus, 29, 30-6. metres, 35-6.
3,
Eusebius, 184.
Eustathius, 176.
Eutresis, 189. Euxantius, 42.
dialect, 35.
Iphigenia (anon.),
Ira, 16 n.
of, 35.
54-5.
Ismenion, 40.
Isocrates, 195 n.
Isyllus, 203, 208.
Julian, the
at, 198.
Emperor,
50.
Hector, the, 153. Helicon, Mt., 22-3. Heliodorus, 219, 220 sqq., 236, 242, 246, 249, 252 sqq. Hephaestion, 4, 199, 205. Heraclitus, 14.
Krishna, 89.
Hermippus, 160. Hermogenes, 68. Herodes Atticus, 192. Herodorus, 202. Herodotus (of Thebes), 41. Herodotus (the historian), 6,
Lasus of Hermione,
49.
16.
Lenaea, the, 71 sqq., 75. Leonidas, 180, 186, 188. Lesbian dialect, the, 20, 27. Lesbos, 9, 16.
2.66
INDEX
Odyssey, the, 105. Oeneus, the (anon.), 154.
the, 260.
Lysander, 164.
Lysias, 258-9.
Orphic
Hymn,
207.
oi,
Lysimachus, 23.
Pagondas,
53, 55.
Magnes,
Uapdeveia, 6y. Parnes, Mt., 25. Paros, 51, 60-2. Parthenius, 186-7.
the Author
of,
55,
'Attiotos, 173. VeapyoSj 70. I04 178. 171. 171, KoXa^, 169. MKroupfvor, 168. NofioderqSf I70.
'ETrirptVorTes-,
'lepfta,
n.,
I16, 168,
"l/x^piot,
Persians, the, 46-7. Petronius, 21 n. Pherecrates, 166. Pherenicus, 56. Philemon, 175 sqq. Philetas, 184, 198. Philicus, 105 sqq. Philochorus, i2on.
Philocles, 157.
nepiKeipofiePT),
Messenian War,
Messenians, 65.
69. 65.
Phrynichus, 165.
Phrynon, 163.
Pindar,
i, 2, 3,
Myron ides,
162.
Naucydes, 1840. Naxos, 61, 62. Nebuchadnezzar, 18 Neobule, 62. Neophron, 152.
n.
I26n. 36-55,57, metres, 51 sqq. Dithyrambs, 37, 48-51. Epinician Odes, Paeans, 37-48, 51, 138 67. Partheneia, 37, ^l.
36,
52,
'YTTopxrjfMiTa,
2, '>i^-^, 55. n.
211 sqq.,
Nonnus,
42.
Poenulus,
Plautus, 177.
INDEX
Pliny, 252. Plutarch, 5811., 67, iiSn.,
170.
267
102, 165.
160,
Procession of
199. Proclus, 53.
the
Basket, the,
Pseudo-Lucian, 238.
Ptoion, 39. Ptolemy Phiiadelphus, 199. Ptolemy Philopator, 198. Publilius Syrus, i$6.
Pytho, 42.
Quintilian, 13
'Petrel),
192, 194.
Rome,
St.
192.
Sabina, 27 n.
Elmo's Fires,
19, 236.
Salamis, 23.
Tvpavvos, 94. Thamyras, Trachiniae, 99, 135. Qvfo-rqs, CO Tyro, 103, 104-5. 100.
TijXecpoy
75 Alcmaeon, 'AXedSai, Alexandras^ 137". 92. Amycus^ Antigone, 93, AthamaSj 'Arpevs 99. *Axaia>v 2vX\oyos, lOO-I. 79 sqq. 75 Eriphyle^ 82. Eurypylus^ 'HpaxX^y eVt 92. Ichneiitae, 69, 87 107. Inachus, 69. lobateSy 132. 121. yy, 9S~7' Nzode, 84 UvpKaevSj sqq. Oedipus Coloneus^ Oedipus Tyrannies, 166. 99, 205. Oeneus, 102. TLavbudpa Philoctetes, 94, 96. 92. Phoenix, 102. Phrixus, 99.
jy.
99.
^ MvKrjvaiai,
n.
y8,
Tatrnpo),
sq.,
Ar}fj,viai,
Mi'o-ot,
79.
NayTrXtoff
?)
2(f)vpoK67roi,
93,
yy
yy.
1.
QvcrTr]s "SiKvoiPios,
Sophron, 157.
Scrantigung, 89. Scythia, Scythian Romance, 242 sq., 245-6. Seleucia (in Susiana), 202.
Sellius (Sillius), 171. Semele, cult of, at Sparta, 64.
Sostheus, 60. Sparta, 40, 63-4, 161, 164. tribal organization, 63-5. Statius, 22, 127 n.
Dean, 228.
Septimius, 224-6. Sesostris (Sesonchosis), 223. Sicyon, theatre at, 90. Simonides, 3, 35, 36, 41, 51, 67. Sinope, 24.
Tanagra, 24.
Tatian, 184 n.
Tefnut Romance,
Telesilla, 204.
the,
226 sqq.
Sirmium, 192.
Solinus, 57. Solon, 65, 162. Sophilus, 167, 177.
268
Terence, 170, 177. Thasos, 61, 62. Thebe, 23. Thebes, 38, 40, 42, 53. Thebes (in Egypt), 27 n. Themistocles, 81.
INDEX
Tpoi(rjvin,
Twins, Stories
Tzetzes, 139.
Wedding of Hector and Andormache, the, 10. Xenocrates, 51. Xenophon of Ephesus, 239, 240,
247, 254.
Xerxes, 51.
Zagreus, 131.
Zephyrium, 187.
Zcvff BatriXeyy,
Timocreon,
29.
Timon
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY JOHN JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
i\n
DEC
1983
TORONTO LIBRARY