COMSATS INSTITUTE OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

FINAL PROJECT
(POLITICAL CRISIS IN PAKISTAN AND THEIR SOLUTIONS)

SUBMITTED BY:

TAYYAB ALI KHAN

(FA08-BSM-008)

USMAN SHABBIR
(FA08-BSM-009)

SYED SAJJAD HUSAIN

(FA08-BSM-011)

SUBMITTED TO:

MISS SHAKEELA IBRAHIM

SUBMITTED ON: 17TH MAY 2010

Hypothesis
Pakistan is in need of Educated Leadership, in order to help resolve the current issues it is facing and it is the only way Pakistan can prosper. A countrys existence on the map depends on many factors. Some of them can be controlled by the current government; some can be controlled up to some extent and some of them not at all. These factors (or variables) can be divided into two parts, Independent and Dependent variables.

Independent Variable:
In our case political leadership is the independent variable.

Dependent Variable:
Pakistan is the dependent variables as its prosperity is directly dependent on political leaders.

Statement of Problem
Political leadership brings about policies to solve the problems facing Pakistan. Unfortunately since independence we havent been able to get proper leadership. Most of the leaders did not work for Pakistan and rather they worked to strengthen their power. Half of the time, there was military intervention in politics. After the death of Quaid-e-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan no proper leadership could be found. Thus, Pakistan has experienced a constant downfall. There has been no major boost in its economy. It is in desperate need of leadership that is well educated and experienced, a leadership that would bring about policies that would bring Pakistan on the road to prosperity.

Objectives
Our objective is to discuss the political history of Pakistan. Find out why the good leaders couldnt be elected. Find out the flaws in the leadership. Find out why it took such a long time to formulate a constitution of Pakistan. Find out why the military intervened in politics. Find out why the military leadership worsened the condition of Pakistan. Find out why the economic condition couldnt be improved. Find out why there is corruption in every field in Pakistan. Find out why the judiciary has not been independent. Find out why so many of the available natural resources have not been utilized. Give solutions to the political crisis faced by Pakistan.

Review of Literature
Political History of Pakistan
In 1947, Pakistan had born out of a bloody partition of the British-ruled India on Aug. 14. It consists of two wings separated by northern India; West Pakistan and East Pakistan, present day Bangladesh. In 1948, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan and first governor general dies. Pakistan fights first war with India. In 1951, Assassin kills the first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan at a rally in the city of Rawalpindi. In 1954, Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dissolves the first Constituent Assembly just before a constitution can be passed. In 1956, First constitution declares Pakistan an Islamic Republic and former general Sikandar Mirza becomes the first president. In 1958, Mirza abrogates constitution, imposes first martial law and puts army chief General Muhammad Ayub Khan in charge. Khan later becomes president. In 1965, Pakistan fights second war with India. In 1969, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan imposes second martial law, after street protests in 1968 precipitate the downfall of his predecessor, Ayub Khan. In 1970, Pakistan holds first general election. The vote is the only one regarded as having been fair but it ends in the country's division as a party in East Pakistan wins a majority, which is unacceptable to the establishment in West Pakistan. The army is sent to suppress an uprising in the East. In 1971, After a third war with India, the East Pakistan declares independence and becomes Bangladesh. In the West, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto takes over as prime minister of Pakistan. In 1973, National Assembly unanimously passes a constitution that many Pakistanis now yearn to go back to. In 1977, Army chief General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq overthrows Bhutto in a coup and imposes third martial law. In 1979, Bhutto hanged after a controversial murder case. The hanging was widely regarded as judicial murder by the military.
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Soviet invasion of Afghanistan transforms Haq into a U.S. ally, in a covert war arming Islamist fighters, including future al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, to liberate Afghanistan. In 1985, General elections held on non-party basis. In 1989, Zia-ul-Haq dismisses government and dissolves assemblies, then dies in a mysterious plane crash. Pakistanis elect Bhutto's daughter, Benazir, prime minister. In 1990, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dissolves Bhutto's government on corruption charges. Nawaz Sharif, head of the Pakistan Muslim League and a pro-establishment candidate, wins election. In 1993, Khan dismisses Sharif government but Supreme Court overturns the president's action. Deadlocked, Khan and Sharif both resign. Bhutto wins election. In 1996, President Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari dismisses Bhutto's second government on corruption charges. In 1997, Sharif wins election to become prime minister again. In 1998, Pakistan becomes a nuclear-armed state, following a similar move by rival India. In 1999, General Pervez Musharraf overthrows Sharif in coup. In 2001, Musharraf, by then president, is transformed from international pariah into a valued U.S. ally following al Qaeda's Sept. 11 attacks on New York and Washington. In 2002, a general election and referendum, both regarded as rigged, consolidate Musharraf's position. In 2007, Musharraf suspends constitution, imposes emergency rule and sacks judges who might have annulled his re-election. He quits as army chief before being sworn in as a civilian president. -- Bhutto, who had returned from exile, assassinated after rally in Rawalpindi. Election set for Jan. 8 postponed to Feb. 18.

Why good leaders couldnt be elected?

Democracy in Pakistan mean Mafia based democracy Most of those who cast votes are among the 85 % illiterate people or out of 15% educated class who could write their names only are forced to cast their votes under the influence of a Mafia head of their group whether in the form of Zamindars, jagirdars, Peers, Industrialist, Business heads or any other head. Those who are really educated and can think independently are mostly the silent majority who keep watching the show on Television and keep solving problems of Pakistan in their drawing rooms , in parties discussion , or on websites and on online papers or magazines.
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The Western power nominated or planted leaders of this country or Mafia heads have been engaged to serve their masters at the cost of the national interest or growth and they are paid for their services outside Pakistan and rewarded even in Pakistan , decorated as Knight / Sir bestowed upon lands and authority.

Flaws in the leadership

Most of the leaders, Army or Non Army, bureaucrats and people of all walks of life have no commitment with Pakistan They all aspire their future generations to settle in USA, UK or any of prospering Western countries or Arab countries, hence their investments and deposits are also made outside They live and operate in Pakistan as an expatriate and once they find a suitable time they board the plane leaving behind all the mess they create in Pakistan for general people to suffer. The Landlords have their own mafia group, so have dirty rich people viz Traders, Industrialists, to influence all institutions or systems and they bring corruption to suit their vested interest. There is a systematic process to loot Pakistan s wealth or of its resources and sell it at a price to Vultures outside Pakistan which could benefit individual but not the nation. There is a systematic process and system in Pakistan to create more wealth for upper class and widen the gap between Have vs Have not Institutionalized frauds are also rampant. The Western power nominated or planted leaders of this country or Mafia heads have been engaged to serve their masters at the cost of the national interest or growth and they are paid for their services outside Pakistan and rewarded even in Pakistan , decorated as Knight / Sir bestowed upon lands and authority. Most leaders after M A Jinnah & Liaqat Ali Khan emerged as a regional leaders and not national leaders. They all carry ethnic flavors and exhibit prejudice towards other region or language, so the National spirit could not be developed and the exploitation continued which gave rise to mistrust and reactionary groups.

Why it took such a long time to formulate a constitution of Pakistan?

Pakistan, which won its independence in 1947, is confronted with the task of framing a constitution. A Constituent Assembly was set up for this purpose under the India Independence Act of 1947. The task, however, proved to be highly complex and threatened to be a major national problem endangering national unity. Certain features of the countrys geography and population, which have no parallel in any other country, have made the task even more difficult. The Constituent Assembly grappled with the problem for seven years (1947-54) and formulated a number of proposals. A final draft was
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accepted in September, 1954, at which time the head of the state, Governor-General Ghulam Mohammed, dissolved the Constituent Assembly on the ground that it had lost the confidence of the people. Although the Constituent Assembly was unsuccessful, its deliberations during the last seven years throw interesting light on the problems to be faced in framing a constitution for Pakistan. The first and most difficult problem was the exact character that the state should take. The vast majority of the people of Pakistan are Muslims their aspiration to preserve and foster Islamic values was the main justification for insisting upon the partition of India. It may he said that implicit in the demand for an independent Pakistan was the demand for an Islamic state. Some speeches of important leaders who were striving for Pakistan lend themselves to this interpretation. The first prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, in introducing the objective resolution of the Constitution of Pakistan in the Constituent Assembly stated: Pakistan was founded because the Muslims of this subcontinent wanted to build up their lives in accordance with the teaching and traditions of Islam, because they wanted to demonstrate to the World that Islam provides a panacea to the many diseases which have crept into the life of humanity today. No one who has given serious thought to the introduction of a religious state in Pakistan has failed to notice the tremendous difficulties with which any such scheme will be confronted. While it was generally agreed that the aim should be an Islamic state, there was no agreement as to the meaning of the term Islamic State. Though it has not been precisely defined, this phrase is on the lips of almost all the intelligentsia of Pakistan and has produced an immense volume of talk and enthusiasm .

Why the military intervened in politics?

The Pakistan Army has always played an integral part of the Pakistan government since its inception mainly on the pretext of lack of good civilian leadership corruption and inefficiency. It has virtually acted as a third party that has repeatedly seized power in the name of stabilizing Pakistan and ending corruption. However, according to the political observers, political instability, lawlessness and corruption are direct consequences of army rule. The tradition of insubordination of the army towards the legitimate leadership of the country can be traced back to Lt. Gen Frank Messervy who had resisted obeying the orders of Pakistans founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah. This was described as the main reason for his early retirement. However it did not prevent him being honored and promoted to general. Later General Douglas Gracey, the C in C of the Pakistan Army did not send troops to the Kashmir front and refused to obey the order to do so given by Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Governor-General of Pakistan . Gracey argued that Jinnah as Governor-General represented the British Crown of which he himself was an appointee. The same tradition was continued by their successors, Ayub Khan, Zia and Musharraf, all of whom received honours instead of being tried for indiscipline and insubordination.
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The army runs the largest real estate business in Pakistan under the auspices of Defense Housing Societies and other welfare societies. However out 46 housing schemes directly built by the armed forces, none is for ordinary soldiers or civilian officers and personnel employed by the army. Pakistan Army, throughout its 54 years of existence, has been involved in the administration of the country often in augmentation of bureaucracy in purely civil jobs, occasionally in aid of civil power for maintenance of law and order and off and on in governing the country under Martial Law regimes. It has earned kudos and criticism depending on its aims and achievements in the assigned or assumed tasks. Escorting caravans of refugees, fighting floods, checking illegal trade, running steamers and trains, building roads or killing wild boars were all people friendly activities. Number of times troops were called out in aid of civil power for maintenance of public peace and imposition of the will of the government. Lahore (1953), Kalat (1958), Dir-Bajaur (1961), Balochistan (1974) are examples that fall in this category. These operations were constitutional and executed with efficiency and elan. Three times 1958, 1969 and 1977 the whole country was placed under Martial Law. In 1999 when the mismanagement of a ruthless dictator had reached a new zenith the Army moved in and replaced the civilian government. Martial Law was not declared. The regime received its legitimacy from the Supreme Court. In all these cases, the purists have vehemently argued against assumption of civil power by the army. According to them, problems of political adjustment and consensus could have been sorted out through the political process had it been allowed the time. Others make vigorous case in favour of the army leaders actions and credit them with having saved the country at relevant times. However, even by the standards of pro-military elements the glaring failure of army leadership to keep the country together in 1971, prevent estrangement of Balochistan in the wake of 1974 Marri-Bugti operations and thwart understated hostility in Sindh during the MRD movement (1983) are exceptions that cannot be glossed over lightly. It must also be admitted that differences did exist in the perceptions of junior ranks and the leadership component on the role of the army in situations that were purely political. It goes to the credit of the institution and its leadership that the essential unity of the force has remained rock solid. For this compliments are due to the moral and mental prowess of the army commanders who at relevant times were able to convince the rank and file and indeed the whole country th at armys actions were indeed in the defence and extension of supreme national interest. Part of credit must go to armys recruitment and training policies that emphasise loyalty under stress and willing subordination of the individual to the collective will of the institution.

Why the military leadership worsened the condition of Pakistan?

General Mohammad Ayub Khan, Pakistan's first indigenous army commander in chief, assisted Mirza in abrogating the constitution of 1956 and removing the politicians he believed were bringing Pakistan to the point of collapse. Ayub Khan, as Mirza's chief martial law administrator, then staged another coup also in October 1958, forced Mirza out of power, and assumed the presidency, to the relief of large segments of the population tired of the politicians' continued machinations. Although Ayub Khan viewed himself as a reformer, he was predisposed to the benevolent authoritarianism of the Mughal and viceregal traditions. He also relied heavily on the country's civilian bureaucrats, who formed the majority of his advisers and cabinet ministers. Ayub Khan initiated a plan for Basic Democracies, a measure to create a system of local government from the grass roots. The Basic Democracies system consisted of a mulitiered pyramidal hierarchy of interlocking tiers of legislative councils from the village to the provincial level. The lowest but most important tier was composed of union councils, one each for groups of villages having an approximate population of 10,000. The members of these union councils were called Basic Democrats. The union councils were responsible for local government, including agricultural and community development, maintaining law and order through rural police, and trying minor cases in conciliation courts. Ayub Khan's martial law regime, critics observed, was a form of "representational dictatorship," but the new political system, introduced in 1959 as "Basic Democracy," was an apt expression of what Ayub Khan called the particular "genius" of Pakistan. In 1962 a new constitution was promulgated as a product of that indirect elective system. Ayub Khan did not believe that a sophisticated parliamentary democracy was suitable for Pakistan. Instead, the Basic Democracies, as the individual administrative units were called, were intended to initiate and educate a largely illiterate population in the working of government by giving them limited representation and associating them with decision making at a "level commensurate with their ability." Basic Democracies were concerned with no more than local government and rural development. They were meant to provide a two-way channel of communication between the Ayub Khan regime and the common people and allow social change to move slowly. In 1960 the Basic Democrats were asked to endorse Ayub Khan's presidency and to give him a mandate to frame a new constitution. Ayub's constitution, promulgated in 1962, ended martial law, established a presidential form of government with a weak legislature (now called the National Assembly) and gave the president augmented executive, legislative, and financial powers. Adult franchise was limited to the election of Basic Democrats, who constituted an electoral college for the president and members of the national and provincial assemblies. The 1962 constitution retained some aspects of the Islamic
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nature of the republic but omitted the word Islamic in its original version; amid protests, Ayub Khan added that word later. The president would be a Muslim, and the Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology and the Islamic Research Institute were established to assist the government in reconciling all legislation with the tenets of the Quran and the sunna. Their functions were advisory and their members appointed by the president, so the ulama had no real power base. This constitution was abrogated in 1969 when Ayub, who by then had lost the people's confidence, resigned, handing over the responsibility for governing to the army commander in chief General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan. Yahya Khan assumed the title of president and also became chief martial law administrator. Although Yahya Khan established a semimilitary state, he also introduced changes that led to the return of parliamentary democracy. These changes ultimately resulted in the division of the country in two. Yahya held national elections in December 1970 for the purpose of choosing members of the new National Assembly who were to be elected directly by the people. However, the results of these elections, which brought the politicians once more to the fore, led to the secession of East Pakistan and the creation of an independent Bangladesh in 1971. Yahya accepted the demand of East Pakistan for representation in the new assembly on the basis of population. As a result, Bengali leader Sheikh Mujibur ("Mujib") Rahman's Awami League won all but two of the 162 seats allotted East Pakistan out of the 300 directly elected seats in the assembly (thirteen indirectly elected women were added), and Mujib wanted considerable regional autonomy for East Pakistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and his Pakistan People's Party (PPP) emerged as the political victors in West Pakistan in the 1970 elections. Bhutto's intransigence, he refused to participate in the discussions to frame the new constitution, led to the continuation of martial law and the eventual political and military confrontation between East Pakistan and West Pakistan, which precipitated civil war and the country's dismemberment in December 1971. With Pakistan's military in disarray, Yahya resigned, and Bhutto was appointed president and civilian chief martial law administrator of a truncated Pakistan. Bhutto lifted martial law within several months, and after an "interim constitution" granting him broad powers as president, a new constitution was promulgated in April 1973 and came into effect on August 14 of that year, the twenty-sixth anniversary of the country's independence. This constitution represented a consensus on three issues: the role of Islam; the sharing of power between the federal government and the provinces; and the division of responsibility between the president and the prime minister, with a greatly strengthened position for the latter. Bhutto stepped down as president and became prime minister. In order to allay fears of the smaller provinces concerning domination by Punjab, the constitution established a bicameral legislature with a Senate, providing equal provincial

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representation, and a National Assembly, allocating seats according to population. Islam was declared the state religion of Pakistan. Bhutto had the opportunity to resolve many of Pakistan's political problems. But although the country finally seemed to be on a democratic course, Bhutto lost this opportunity because of series of repressive actions against the political opposition that made it appear he was working to establish a one-party state. In a final step, he suddenly called national elections in March 1977, hoping to catch the opposition unprepared and give his party total control of the National Assembly. When Bhutto's party overwhelmingly won the election, the opposition charged voting irregularities and launched mass disturbances requiring action by the army to restore law and order. Bhutto was ousted by the military, which again took control. This action resulted not solely from sheer political ambition but from the military's belief that the law and order situation had dangerously deteriorated.

Why the economic condition couldnt be improved?

Pakistan s economy was in total chaos when the military regime took over powe r in October. The country is heavily dependent on foreign loans to meet its deficit repayment obligations, with 56 percent of the budget going towards debt servicing (as on 30 June 99 the total external debt of Pakistan was $ 38.8 billion). Foreign exchange reserves were a mere $1.45 billion; the IPP imbroglio had put a huge dent on foreign investment and Pakistan was yet to receive the $ 280 million tranche from the IMF. The tax collections in the previous year declined from 12.4 percent to 10.3 percent of the GDP. General Pervez Musharraf, the Chief Executive of Pakistan, announced an economic revival package during the second week of December. Restoration of investors confidence, debt reduction, self reliance and poverty alleviation are some of the major issues that was mentioned in the package. The government aims to achieve this by introducing General Sales Tax (GST), taxing the agricultural sector, eliminating all money whitening schemes and cutting down the defence budget. Will these efforts enablePakistan to get out of its present economic mess? There are certain inherent problems that the Pakistan economy is facing which is common to most third world countries, such as low domestic savings, narrow tax base, and lack of tax culture. Pakistan always had a low rate of domestic savings. According to an estimate, nearly 85 percent of its investments came from abroad by way of foreign aid, loans and foreign direct investment. Low domestic savings leads to low investment, which resulted in low economic growth but in an economy banking heavily on foreign investment. Pakistan needs investment at 20 percent to reach an annual growth of over 6 percent to meet the demands of the population, which is increasing at the rate of 2.8 percent per annum.
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Besides a low rate of savings, the narrow tax base and prevalent tax evasion are two other problems that the military government has to tackle. Out of the total population of 140 million, only 1.6 million pay tax limit, more than 150 billion rupees evade taxes every year. The military regime has decided to initiate tax reforms that would minimise taxes and tax rates at the same time enlarging the tax base. Besides, the government has warned, that it will come down heavily on tax defaulters. How to promote a tax culture where there none exist, is a serious challenge facing Musharraf. On the agricultural front, the government has announced that it would seek self-reliance. Despite more than 65 percentage of its population being engaged in agriculture, the contribution of this sector to economic growth is meagre. The government has decided to tax agricultural incomes. A close look at the economic revival plan reveals that Musharraf is serious about it. Besides other measures he has announced a voluntary cut of Rs 7 billion in the defence budget, which is to be spent on programmes like eradication of poverty and employment generations. An analysis of the economic history of Pakistan will reveal that its economy improved under military regimes. There was a spectacular growth in the economy during Ayub Khans period; the average rate of growth was around six percent per annum, which came down to 4 percent in the seventies, during Zulfikar Ali Bhuttos regime. Again, during General Zia ul Haqs period, the rate of growth re ached 6 percent per year. The post Zia period, whether under Benazir Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif, witnessed a sharp decline in the rate of growth to 3 percent. Better economic management under the military rulers and populist programmes under the elected rulers, coupled with corruption and inefficiency, resulted in the Pakistan economy doing better under military rulers than under democratically elected leaders. However, an essential point should be noted. During the period of both the previous military regimes, an intense cold war was in progress between the US and former USSR , Pakistan was a frontline state for theUS , which resulted in its receiving huge loans and foreign investments. This dried up during democratic rule when situation worsened due to lack of continuity, political instability, poor planning and dilatory decision making.

Why the judiciary has not been independent?

Symbolic of judicial politicization is Judge Roland Freisler, a Nazi German Judge, whose court provided protection and legal cover to Adolf Hitlers dictatorial regime. Whilst in Pakistan, the honour of setting such a trend rests with Justice Munir, for his verdict in the Moulvi Tamizuddin case, whereby he legitimized the then Governor General, Ghulam Mohammads illegal and unconstitutional dissolution of Pakistans Constituent Assembly, based on pure malafide and in retaliation to the Assemblys decision to curtail the powers of the office of Governor General. The genesis of his reasoning was based on the import of the doctrine of necessity.

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Ever since then, this bad precedent has been a burden that Pakistans judiciary has been carrying over its shoulders for over fifty years. Any attempts to disband these shackles of judicial subordination are viewed by the governments with much suspicion and penalized relentlessly/severely. In essence, the concept of independence of judiciary stems from the doctrine of Separation of Powers. This trichotomy of powers gives institutional autonomy to each of the three state institutions and ensures that they exercise their powers within the defined ambit of the constitution so as to avoid any abuse of power. There are two aspects to judicial independence; whereby the judiciary as guardian of the Constitution ensures that fundamental rights of citizens, as stipulated in the Constitution, are held paramount and where it serves as an impenetrable bulwark against the excessive assumption of power in the legislature or executive. These concepts are almost analogous to the notion of rule of law and most severely threaten to expose the government of the day. For the powers of judicial review, if exercised, allow the judiciary to probe into, question and even invalidate acts of the other two institutions (executive and legislature) that are held to be ultra vires their respective jurisdictions. However, there is a mass misconception as to the integrity of the judiciary. The role of the judges must be analysed against the backdrop of the operational constraints and insecurities in which they work. The reasons for the judiciarys chequered history can be attributed in part to the system in which it operates, whereby the executive has much control over the judges appointments, salaries, security of tenure and powers of transfer and in part to frequent military takeovers in Pakistan. With every military takeover comes a reshuffling and restructuring of the judiciary where those defiant judges refusing to validate and legitimize the regime are made redundant. The vacuum is gladly filled in with puppet judiciary; the function of which is to rubber stamp actions of the de-facto government as legal and constitutional. Though the Constitution of Pakistan does seek to provide security of tenure to the superior judiciary, as the draftsmen of the 1973 Constitution must have realized the need for the superior judiciary to be as little exposed to the executive as possible, so that they deal dauntlessly with sensitive state issues, yet the same protection is not sufficient and has been frequently manipulated by governments to suit their objectives. Despite these multiple opposing factors, judges in the High Courts and Supreme Court have exercised, especially in recent years, some degree of judicial independence in handing down a number of cases against the government. But keeping up with traditions; it was not long before their governments for fear of exposure, replaced these defiant judges just as the present government did on Nov, the 3rd.

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With General Zia-ul-Haqs imposition of martial law, the constitutional provision requiring the judges to be only removed by the Supreme Judicial Council, consisting of the chief justice, two ranking judges of the apex court and two provincial chief justices, was revoked in June 1979. The subsequent 1981 Interim Constitution required all Supreme Court, High Court and Shariah Court judges to take a new oath of loyalty to the martial law, and granted immunity to all laws enacted pursuant to martial law, from judicial review. Following the same, the Supreme Court Chief Justice along with several brother judges was replaced. Additionally, under the regime of General Zia, military courts were set up to court-martial civilians for disobedience of martial law regulations, without recourse to appeal in civilian courts, even after the abolishment of these military courts in 1985. It seems as if Pakistan stands at the same junction once again, with the amendments under the Army Act 1952, handing over, from civilian courts to military courts, the jurisdiction of trial and punishment of civilians guilty of offending the sanctity of the institution of armed forces. As surprising as it is, the civilian rule has been no different from the military regimes, with regards the treatment meted out to judiciary. The executive has always managed to exploit judiciary by exercising undue political pressure upon judges to the point where they find a judge who can please them with a tailor-made verdict. In 1997, the strained relationship between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, over the issue of appointment of judges was followed by the Supreme Court bringing charges against Nawaz Sharif for contempt of court. Before the Supreme Court could pass its verdict, which may well have disqualified the Prime Minister from office, the move was pre-empted and instead the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was forced out of his office. Not surprisingly, the next military regime proved to be no different when General Musharraf promulgated the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) in 1999, requiring judges of the superior courts to take an oath of allegiance to his military regime. This resulted in the Supreme Court losing six of its most esteemed and reputable judges, including the then Chief Justice, Justice Saiduzzaman Siddiqui. Having said that, I cannot resist the observation that many a times the superior judiciary in Pakistan has also fallen short of the expectations of the masses in failing to uphold the principle of supremacy of law by unnecessarily and repeatedly invoking the doctrine of necessity; often applying it out of proportions, such as in the Zafar Ali Shah case. To this extent the superior judiciary itself is also responsible for its flawed record.

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Research methodology
Primary research:
We interviewed 2 politicians(M.N.As): 1. Dr. Tariq Fazal Chahudary, 2. Mr. Malik Ibrar and got their point of views about political issues in Pakistan and their solutions.

Secondary Research:
We searched the web for reliable information that we could get related to our objectives. We found many reliable sources from where we collected the data. We have given references at the end. We also researched the following books: 1. Comprehensive Pakistan Studies by Ikram Rabbani. 2. International Relations by Syed Mohammad Arif. 3. Pakistan: A Historical and Contemporary outlook by Farooq Bajwa.

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Result and conclusion

It is the duty of the political system of a country to utilize its resources properly and bring about policies so as to eradicate the problems facing the country. Political leaders are cream of the country. They have to lead the nation and take out the best out of it. We can see that developed countries have very strong political leadership. They have a strong political background and are highly experienced in the field. They bring about policies that are far-sighted. They keep in mind the problems that would be faced in the next thirty years. The politicians in developed countries are also very well educated and the government system is designed in such a way that only educated personnel are allowed to practice leadership. In Pakistan however the politicians dont have much of a political background which supports their practice but they still manage to get power. This is because in Pakistan becoming a politician means your family has a political background and political power has become a family heritage. Most of our leaders have been corrupt and work for strengthening their post rather than working for their country. The politicians at power transfer their power to their relatives and friends who have mutual interests. We have a recent example of Jamshed Dasti who will soon become an MNA because of the support he is getting from the PM Yusuf Raza Gilani. He has a fake degree of Msc. In Islamiat. Also, Pakistans intelligence agency should be independent of any non-national interest. ISI receives a lot of interference from the politicians. The ISI currently ranks 3rd in the world and it can be the 1st if there is no interference. This interference has resulted in the ISI indulging in non-productive activities.In the Musharraf era; the D.G. ISI has been using his power illegally. His cases have come forward now and it has been proved that ISI has been politically exploited.
Recently due to the sudden increase of inflation in the global market, the economy of Pakistan has deteriorated hugely. The inflation is increasing at a 20% which means that
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even the banks dont help in the investment (which is at an interest rate of 15%) if we are investing money and are actually putting our money at a loss unless if we invest our money in some form of a business. Due to the inflation there has been a very widening gap between the rich and the poor. Most of the foreign aid that Pakistan gets is consumed by the bureaucrats in their rich hobbies, and the remaining amount is wasted on non-productive military expenditures. On one side there is an entire nation, of which only 60% of the people are fed and on the other side there is the production of nuclear weapons powerful enough to destroy the world 3 times over. The mismanagement of funds is also another cause of the financial breakdown in Pakistan. The foreign aid that Pakistan gets from the IMF is mostly used by the people who are supposed to handle it. Recently the cases of NRO also came up in which many people were accused of using foreign funds on their personal interests. It can be concluded that mismanagement, corruption and lack of responsibility in our leaders has resulted in the majority of the problems that we are facing such as loadshedding, economic meltdowns, poor health-services, governmental failures, impartial justice, etc. Also majority of the population of our country is illiterate which means that when electing our leaders, its the vote of the illiterate people that elects the leaders. The government spends less than 1% of the money on education. If the total expenditure on education is increased to even 5% the half of the population would be educated within 25 years. The population of Pakistan is 16 crores and this population is too much for the Pakistans economy to manage. The ever increasing price of products forces poor people to have more children in order to cope up with the financial needs. This method helps but on the whole it has a downside and results in the overall downfall in the economy.

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Solutions
In order to resolve the issues of mismanagement of resources it is the responsibility of the president to make sure that all the elected leaders are educated and that their degrees are genuine. It should also be made sure that no politician should have a political background of Rags to Riches but instead he should have a steady political background and he should be good of character. One of the main root of political problems is the absence of a political institution in Pakistan. All the developed countries have political institute where the politicians get their political education before coming into politics. President Obama, for example is a Harvard Graduate. He lived as an ordinary American before he ran for the President. In short he knows what are the problems being faced by the ordinary citizens in his country. However our president lived in luxury prisons before he was bailed out and put into politics. However a political institute takes time to establish itself and therefore it is not a proper solution to our current problem crisis. In times like these, it is the responsibility of the Judiciary to keep a strong check on the corrupt politicians. The Parliament should also help the judiciary. Currently the judiciary is not very strong because of the opposition it gets from the parliament. If the Parliament helps the Judiciary, the political system of our country would be erased of the wrong politicians for good. It is the responsibility of the military to make sure that all terrorist activity is destroyed, whether by peace talks or by brute-force. Once these matters are resolved, their positive consequences will unfold and most of the issues regarding our countrys survival will be resolved. However, the government should increase its funding in the education and health services sector. A countrys prosperity depends on the well being of its citizens. If the citizens basic needs such as health services and education are not taken care of, they will contribute very little to the countrys development.

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References
Books:
1. M.Arif, 2007, International Relations, Publishers: Dogarsons Pk. 2. M.Ikram Rabbani, 2009, Comprehensive Pakistan Studies, Publishers: The Caravan Press. 3. Farooq Bajwa, 2004, Pakistan: A Historical and Contemporary outlook , Publishers: Dogarsons Pk.

Websites:
1. http://www.defence.pk/forums/national-political-issues/9994-pakistansstormy-political-history.html 2. http://pkpolitics.com/discuss/topic/root-problems-of-pakistan-and-solution 3. http://www.jstor.org/pss/441965 4. www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A078

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