Nawab Akbar Shahbaz Khan Bugti: Page No. 1
Nawab Akbar Shahbaz Khan Bugti: Page No. 1
Nawab Akbar Shahbaz Khan Bugti: Page No. 1
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Table of contents
Topic
Introduction of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti Life of Akbar Bugti A Life Sketch Family Pakistan's Military Buildup in Balochistan Death of Akbar Bugti Targeting the Rebel Response to the death Aftermath of the Death International Silence The Shameful Realization Burrial of Bugti They Buried Bugti or his duplicate Implications for the National Unity Conclusion
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After an armed struggle started in Balochistan in 2004, Bugti was widely perceived as a leader but went underground in 2005. On August 26, 2006, after several attempts were made on his life in the preceding months, he was killed in his cave in Kohlu, about 150 miles east of Quetta, leading to widespread unrest in the area, where he is widely regarded as a hero and martyr. With a wide following that crossed tribal lines among ethnic Baloch groups, the contradictions in this western educated tribal leader roused strong emotions, both positive and negative. Despite making harsh decisions at times, he was considered a pacifist by many and certainly did not espouse a violent path in his early political career. In recent years, he was accused by the Pakistani government of being a warlord and running a well-organized militia, sometimes thought to be the shadowy Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) with members numbering in the thousands. The BLA allegedly ran dozens of militant guerrilla training camps. While campaigning from the mountain ranges of Dera Bugti, he was, according to the Pakistani government, directing a Omar Mukhtar, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara style guerrilla war. In July 2006, Pakistani president General Musharraf targeted him through aerial bombing, using air force jets and gunship helicopters. The leader of Balochistan National Party, Sardar Akhtar Mengal said, "The increase in bomb attacks in the
Page No. 4 Bugti and Marri areas are meant to target Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Bugti and his associates" and called upon the international community to take note of the situation. With names such as The Tiger of Balochistan, The Trade Unionist, or Gas Man (supposedly having ownership of many gasfields), he was a towering figure in the Baloch world. The longstanding conflict in Balochistan stems from the quantum of autonomy the province was promised when they joined Pakistan in 1947 and then under the 1973 Pakistani constitution. Today a large faction continues to campaign, sometimes violently, for an autonomy which Balochistan's citizens believe to be their due under the promises made to them by various Pakistani leaders. The BLA is painted by the Pakistani government as a "great threat" to law and order in Balochistan and was recently banned by the Government of Pakistan as well as by the United Kingdom.
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Akbar Bugti was the son of Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti and a grandson of Sir Shahbaz Khan Bugti. He was born in Barkhan on July 12, 1927. He was educated at Oxford, England and Aitchison College, Lahore. It is alleged that he committed his first murder when he was only 12 and that he had several men killed to avenge the assassination of his son, (Salal Bugti). Nawab Akbar Bugti was elected in a by-election to the National Assembly of Pakistan in May 1958 to fill the vacancy created as a result of the assassination of the incumbent, Dr Khan Sahib, and sat on the government bench as a member of the ruling coalition. Bugti (Republican) served as Minister of State (Interior) in the government of Prime Minister Malik Sir Feroz Khan Noon (Republican) from September 20, 1958, to October 7, 1958, when the cabinet was dismissed on the declaration of Martial Law by President Iskander Mirza. He was arrested and convicted by a Military Tribunal in 1960 and subsequently disqualified from holding public office. As a result of his legal battles, he did not contest the 1970 general elections. Instead, he campaigned on behalf of his younger brother, Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti, a candidate of the National Awami Party. However, Bugti developed differences with the NAP leadership, especially the new Balochistan Governor, Mir Ghaus Baksh Bizenjo. He informed the Federal Government and President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party) of the alleged London Plan, which resulted in the dismissal of the provincial governor as well as the Chief Minister Sardar Ataullah Khan Mengal and his cabinet on February 14, 1973.
Page No. 6 The next day, the Federal Government appointed Bugti as the Governor of Balochistan, and the Pakistan Army was deployed in the province as part of a crackdown on the National Awami Party. He resigned on January 1, 1974, after disagreeing with the manner in which the Federal Government was carrying out policies in Balochistan. The army had deployed 100,000 men in Baluchistan and with the help of the Iranian airforce killed large numbers of Baluchis. Muhammad Raza Shah Pehlavi, the King of Iran, sent F-14 fighter jets and AH-1 gunships along with his pilots, to help Pakistan Army combat the insurgency. The Pakistani army is alleged to have killed more than 4000 Baluchis, mostly Marri insurgents, in these operations. Akbar Bugti is said to have supported the military action. There was a lull in his activities when General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed Governor of Balochistan in 1978. Bugti remained silent throughout the course of Rahimuddin's rule, which was often characterized by hostility towards the Baloch Sardars.
In 1988, he joined the Balochistan National Alliance and was elected Chief Minister on February 4, 1989. His government frequently disagreed with the Federal Government led by the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party). Bugti resigned on August 6, 1990, when the provincial assembly was dissolved by Governor of Balochistan General Muhammad Musa Khan in accordance with the instructions of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who was exercising his authority by virtue of Article 58 (2 b) of the Constitution of Pakistan. The incoming caretaker, Chief Minister Mir Humayun Khan Marri, was his sonin-law. For the 1990 General Elections, Bugti formed his own political party, the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), being Balochistan's single largest party and was elected to the provincial assembly.
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In 1993, he was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan, representing the JWP in parliament. Also, in 1993, Nawab Bugti announced his candidacy to be President of Pakistan but later withdrew his candidacy and announced his support of the eventual winner, Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari. In 1997, Nawab Bugti was re-elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan, representing the JWP. Bugti was involved in struggles, at times armed ones, in Balochistan in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. He led the current movement in Balochistan for greater autonomy. He was the public face and provided political support for the movement while his grandson, Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, led the Bugti tribesmen.
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A Life Sketch
Following is the profiled highlights of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, senior Baloch leader and president of the Jamhoori Watan Party. . Born in Barkhan on July 12, 1927. Akbar Khan Bugto was the son of Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti and the grandson of Shahbaz Khan Bugti. . Bugti was the Tumandar (head) of the Bugti tribe, which comprised 250,000 people. Better known as the Tiger of Balochistan. . Legend has it that he killed his first man at the age of 12 Bugti was involved in failed insurgencies in Balochistan in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. . May 1958 - Bugti was elected in a by-election to the National Assembly of Pakistan. . September 20, 1958 to October 7, 1958 - Bugti served as Minister of State (Interior) in the Malik Sir Feroz Khan Noon Government. .1960 - He was arrested and convicted by a Military Tribunal and subsequently disqualified from holding public office. . February 1973 - Nawab Akbar Bugti was appointed the Governor of Balochistan. . January 1, 1974 - Resigned after disagreeing with the manner in which the Government was carrying out policies in Balochistan. . 1988 - Bugti joined the Balochistan National Alliance. . February 4, 1989 - Elected Chief Minister. His government frequently disagreed with the Federal Government led by the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party). . August 6, 1990: Governor of Balochistan General Muhammad Musa Khan dissolves assembly on the instructions of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan 1990: Bugti forms his own political party, the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), being Balochistan's single largest party and was elected to the provincial assembly. 1993: Nawab Akbar Bugti was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan representing the JWP in parliament.
Page No. 9 . Ordered the killing of 100 men to avenge the assassination of his son Nawabzada Salal Akbar Bugti. .2004: Actively launches the Balochistan freedom struggle .August 2006: Bugti killed in an army operation in the hills of Kohru . Use to read at least 13 newspapers a day, besides several periodicals, and watch television . Believed to be the mentor of the shadowy Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), which represented the violent side of the Baloch people's struggle for rights. (ANI)
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Family
Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti, son of Sir Shahbaz Khan Bugti had two sons, Nawab Akbar Bugti and Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti. Nawab Akbar Bugti had three wives and six sons and two daughters.
His Baloch wife gave birth to four sons: Nawabzada Saleem Khan Bugti, Nawabzada Talal Khan Bugti, Nawabzada Salal Khan Bugti, and Nawabzada Rehan Khan Bugti. Of these four sons, three have died. Nawabzada Salal Bugti was murdered in a shootout in Quetta by the rival Bugti Kalpar sub clan in 1993. Nawab Akbar Bugti's second wife was a Pathan; she gave birth to Nawabzada Jameel Khan Bugti. Nawab Akbar Bugti's third wife was Iranian, and she gave birth to Shahzwar Khan Bugti. Jamil Akbar Bugti, Talal Akbar Bugti, and Shahzwar Khan Bugti are the surviving sons of Nawab Akbar Bugti. Sardar Nawab Akbar Bugti's daughter is married to Mir Balakh Sher Mazari's son who is the chieftain of the neighbouring Mazari tribe. Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti had four sons: Tanvir Khan, Anees Khan, Farooq Khan, and Naveed Khan. Tanvir Khan, who was the oldest, also passed away in 1991 due to natural causes.
The Bugti Grandchildren consist of Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, Mir Aali Khan Bugti, Washane Bugti, Ahmad Marri,Saad Khan Bugti, Muhammad Marri, Sarang Khan Bugti ,Taleh Bugti, Shahzain Bugti, Gohram Bugti, Tabish Bugti.
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In parallel with army establishments, Pakistan, for the first time, began to build naval defenses in Balochistan to safeguard its nearly 1,000-kilometer coastline. One such defense installation is the Jinnah Naval Base at Ormara, which is the Pakistan Navy's (PN) second-largest base after its flagship naval port in Karachi. The Jinnah Naval Base has displayed Balochistan's paramount naval importance that has long been envied by regional powers, including the former Soviet Union and India. Yet the Jinnah Base is ancillary to the development of Pakistan's ultimate naval defenses in Balochistan's coastal town of Gwadar, which sits along the Arabian Sea coast. Pakistan, in collaboration with China, is building one of the world's largest deep seaports in Gwadar.
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The Baloch, who are weakly represented in the military government in Islamabad, were opposed to the planned militarization of their province and "colonization of their natural resources," which include 29 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, six billion barrels of oil and about a 1,000-kilometer coastline (Terrorism Focus, September 6). They raised their voice against Islamabad's moves to "occupy their land." Islamabad dismissed them as "miscreants," "saboteurs" and "terrorists," responding with a large-scale military deployment to crush opposition. The conflict that ensued pushed Oxford-educated Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was internationally acclaimed as a statesman, especially in neighboring Afghanistan, Central Asia, the Middle East, India and Iran, to become involved.
Nawab Bugti first called on his political reserves to persuade Islamabad against advancing on Balochistan's constitutionally protected "provincial autonomy." He, instead, offered a negotiated settlement of the dispute over appropriation of Balochistan's natural resources by reconciling federal claims of "eminent domain" with constitutionally protected "provincial autonomy." Islamabad agreed. Two parliamentary committees were formed to work out a settlement (Daily Times, July 31, 2005). When one of the committees announced its recommendations, Musharraf did not accept them and turned to military means to resolve the conflict.
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Given Akbar Bugti's renowned stubbornness and non-compromising attitude, it is thought that Bugti or his associates detonated explosives in the case, killing all present inside, including the army negotiators and Akbar Bugti himself. Thus creating a legacy that Bugti was a 'martyr' for Baluch rights and freedom.
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On August 24, 2006, under controversial circumstances, some Bugti tribesmen announced an end to the Nawabi system and requested the handing over of Nawab Bugti to authorities. His property was seized, and he was declared as a "proclaimed offender."
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An ISPR statement said that two army helicopters, flying over the general area of Tartani in Kohlu on August 23, were fired upon from the ground and one helicopter was damaged. Another chopper was then dispatched to investigate and was also hit, but returned safely.
The military launched air strikes against a cave complex in the mountains on the border of the Dera Bugti and Kohlu districts, where the chieftain was said to be hiding. There was little fighting on the ground, they said. The missile raid destroyed the entrance to the rocky hideout and Special Forces moved in on Saturday to carry out a cordon and search operation. Heavy
Page No. 16 fighting broke out as the insurgents returned fire, killing several soldiers including the leader of the commando team, the official said. The soldiers eventually secured the area and ascertained that Bugti was among the dead. As many as 21 army commandos and 37 rebels were also killed in the same operation, which targeted 50 to 80 of Nawab Bugti's closest family members and top commanders. Key members of Bugti's family were reportedly killed in the operation. Media reports indicated that General Musharraf, on hearing about Bugti's killing, commended the security forces for successfully eliminating the veteran rebel leader. Musharraf reportedly termed Bugti's killing as a 'great victory' for Pakistani army. Bugti's killing evoked criticism from ordinary people in Pakistan as well as in the subcontinent.
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The political leadership in Pakistan also condemned the killing and criticised the army for using brute force rather than resolving the issue through negotiations. Former Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said that Bugti's killing would be always be remembered as a black day in the history of Pakistan as his death was a national tragedy which would prove harmful for the integrity of Pakistan.
President of Baloch National Party (BNP) Sardar Akhtar Mengal said that this incident would have long-term negative implications as it would consolidate the
Page No. 18 Baloch movement by bringing together different factions. Mengal also warned that the rebels would seek revenge for the murder of their leader.
PPP President Makhdoom Amin Fahim said Bugti's death would lead to massive destruction in Pakistan that could have lethal consequences for the polity. MMA leader Hafiz Hussain Ahmad said that Bugti's death could adversely affect the sovereignty of Pakistan. In an interview to Geo Television, he said that the dispute with Bugti should have been resolved politically. He also claimed that though the government had made agreements with Akbar Bugti, it resorted to a military operation to establish its writ in Balochistan.
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Security arrangements for the Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf have been beefed up to the highest level, and his movement has since been very restricted, fearing a retaliatory attack. Security arrangements have been further enhanced in and around all airports of Pakistan.
The four Parties Alliance, Poor and Oppressed Nations Movement, carried out a rally to condemn killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, not handing over of his dead body to his family members and against the army operation. The media both in Pakistan and outside have severely condemend the killing as the "militarys second biggest blunder after Bhuttos execution" and calling it a "political nightmare". Others have likened it to the East Bengal crisis of 1971 where military violence eventually led to the Bangladesh Liberation War. On August 27, 2006, some private media broadcasted news that Bugti's grandsons, Bramdakh and Mir Ali, are still alive, but no official confirmation has been made.
Page No. 20 On September 1, 2006 Bugti was buried in Dera Bugti with three locks on cofin, next to the graves of his son and brother. His family, who wanted a public funeral in Quetta, did not attend the burial, their protest against his body was locked in cofin .
This is one of the few instances in Asia of a government killing a political leader who had previously served in high official positions as a cabinet minister, Senator, and Governor.
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International Silence
Observers have said that Bugti's killing was the second high profile political assassination by the Pakistani army, which had earlier executed former Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bugti's killing clearly exposed Musharraf's deep dislike and intolerance towards any form of dissent. Musharraf had earlier forced former Prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, as well as several other leaders, to leave Pakistan in order to safeguard his political interests and continue as the unchallenged political and military head of Pakistan. Bugti's killing once again established that democracy has never been institutionalized in Pakistan, which has remained under the Army's watch since independence. Pakistani army's stranglehold on the country's politics was reaffirmed on 29 August 2006 when the no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz was defeated in the parliament. Despite the fact that there was open resentment even within the ruling party over Bugti's killing, Musharraf ensured that his prime minister did not have to face an embarrassing defeat in the parliament.
For several years, Bugti had been fighting for the rights of the Baloch people, who have suffered due to exploitation of their province's resources by the Pakistani military establishment. Despite the fact that Bugti had always kept the door open for negotiations, General Musharraf never encouraged a serious dialogue with the rebel leader. In fact, Musharraf went on to say that "this is not the 1970s when you can hit and hide.
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You will not even know what hit you this time." Musharraf proved his point as the veteran Baloch leader was finally killed by a laser-guided bunker-buster missile, which did not give Bugti any chance of escaping. Some media reports also claimed that the weapons used in the operation against Bugti were in fact supplied by the US to Pakistan for boosting its anti-terrorism operations against Taliban and Al Qaida militants hiding in the Waziristan tribal agency. Bugti's killing clearly exposes the brutal face of the Pakistani army.
However, the international community, including the US, did not condemn the incident. Even the international media did not pay much attention to Bugti's killing; the 27 August 2006 edition of US daily The New York Times carried only a 91-word news item on the incident.
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Burrial of Bugti
Tribal chief Nawab Akbar Bugti was buried in Pakistan's Balochistan province six days after being killed in a military raid. No relatives were among the handful of people who saw the sealed coffin laid to rest in his home town of Dera Bugti. The only person to see and recognized the body during the funeral was the mullah who performed the ceremony. All inhuman cruelty to crush the sentiments of the family and the whole Baloch community was done in hurry by the Mush army. Imagine the anger of the deceased leaders followers. The sorrow ness of the sons, great sons and other family members is unimaginable.
Pakistani army wrote black history on Black Friday. The burial took place amid a nationwide strike called by opposition parties to protest Bugti's killing. Bugti's son-in-law Agha Shahid Bugti said the family had asked the Government to hand over the tribal leader's body for burial. "It is inhuman and unacceptable. It is even un-Islamic to bury a person against the will of his family,".
One of Bugti's sons, Talal, said they were not even asked to identify the decomposed body and queried whether it was that of his father. For the time being tribes could be kept silent to surround them by the troops. But how much time and in what way the situation will be calm?
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Army officials said four more bodies had been retrieved from the rubble. "But they have been in a state beyond recognition. As sighted in a foreign paper, Baloch knew that in the past hundred and hundreds were butchered to the extent that Children were killed and their bodies were not allowed to be buried and hungry dogs were left to feast on them.
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By launching the military operation and assassinating the Baloch leader the army crossed all the limits adding that the prevailing situation in the country was worse than the 71' crisis.
Page No. 27 Instead of establishing educational institutions, promoting science and technology and launching development projects, Musharraf government has been setting up cantonments just to have more control over the provinces, he added. We need to show solidarity with the Baloch people. Balochistan crisis was not a new issue, which basically lingered since 1950s but the critical events during last two years have led to the situation, which can be called as a blackest era for Pakistans history after 1971.
There was no talk of separation in Balochistan 2 years back rather Akbar Bugti wanted to negotiate with the Centre when parliamentary committees were engaged in the negotiation process with him but the continuous use of force and extra judicial killing of Akbar Bugti have made the situation worst. Balochistan issue is a strategic and complex issue that can eventually cause disaster to Pakistans federation and national unity as brutal assassination of Akbar Bugti, eventual Baloch nationalism and great game of oil by international powers were serious and potential threats, if the matter was not resolved through political process. The government should make public the details of agreements with Akbar Bugti, reports of parliamentary committees. The fake explanations of the governments different departments to hide the facts of Kohlu incident made the situation even worst. Institutions are weak and personalities are strong in the country, this fact has always seriously damaged the national unity. Every Pakistani condemned the incident while only one person (General Musharraf) congratulated his forces for this extra judicial crime. There were 77 Sardars in Balochistan but the government had been targeting only one because he had opposed the policies of military and more particularly
Page No. 28 of General Musharraf. The government was never serious to resolve this issue through dialogue and political means because the committees never presented their reports in the parliament. Pentagon has strategic interests in Balochistan and military regime was facilitating them to achieve their goals. The government not only brutally killed the federalist and centralist national leader but also it buried him in a very disgraceful manner. The government denial to hand over Akbar Bugtis body to his heirs was an inhuman act which would further aggravate the feelings of his family, supporters and Baloch nation. We have not learnt any lesson from history and rulers have again shown their bankruptcy by murdering a veteran politician who voted for the independence of Pakistan in 1947 in the Jirga. Parliamentary democracy and national contract with the Balochistan are needed to express solidarity and to resolve the issue of Balochistan.
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Conclusion
What happened poses many questions but the Big Unknown is what effect Bugtis assassination will have on ordinary Baloch people. If the rebellion becomes a mass movement, especially in towns and cities like Quetta, then the dead Nawab can cause far worse headaches for Musharraf than he ever did during his lifetime. With so little independent reporting coming out of Balochistan, it is hard to tell which way public opinion is headed. So much for Balochistan. The Pakistani army just proved how good it is in chasing and eliminating terrorists who seek refuge in the remote areas bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan. The question the world should ask is, why then is it unable to do the same with that other terrorist that everyone is interested in.