Finl Vernaculr Kirti
Finl Vernaculr Kirti
Finl Vernaculr Kirti
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Figure 3-1 view of traditional corridor in house ..................................................................................... 7 Figure 6-1 Typical elevation of traditional dwelling............................................................................. 10 Figure 7-1 Plan of single hall house ...................................................................................................... 13 Figure 7-2 Elevation of house ............................................................................................................... 13 Figure 7-3 The Ekasala of South Kerala. Mostly they are shingle bent roof ........................................ 14 Figure 7-4 The Kuttikettu or Ekasala with courtyard extension ........................................................... 14 Figure 7-5 Padmanabhapuram Palace .................................................................................................. 15 Figure 7-6 House of K N Nambuthiri ..................................................................................................... 16 Figure 7-7 Typical layout of Nalukettu and courtyard ......................................................................... 16 Figure 7-8 Typological difference of courtyard mansion of (upper left) South Kerala Nalukettu; (upper middle) North Kerala Nalukettu, (upper right) Muslim Veedu and (bottom) Christian Syrian Kuttekettu ............................................................................................................................................. 18 Figure 8-1 Wood construction for roof- kazhukol-vala (left) and Nira (wooden wall) ......................... 19 Figure 11-1 Layout of palace ................................................................................................................. 23 Figure 11-2 entrance of hall .................................................................................................................. 24 Figure 11-3 light & shadows to create a wholesome comfortable ambience inside ........................... 24 Figure 11-4 wooden carving on door .................................................................................................... 25 Figure 11-5 inclination of roof according to climate............................................................................. 25 Figure 11-6 Padmanabham palace ....................................................................................................... 25
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2. Objective
The objective is to find out the different types of houses and variation between them. The samples cover ordinary commoner houses, the traditional courtyard house and the single mass house, as well as the non-Kerala vernacular houses and houses with colonial vernacular architecture.
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Rudofsky, Bernard. 1964. Architect without Architect. London: Academy Edition, London.
Argan, Giulio Carlo. 1965. On Typology of Architecture. Theorizing A New Agenda for Architecture -An Anthology of Architectural Theory. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, New York: Kate Nessbit, 1997, pp 240-47.
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4. Conceptual Framework
The diversity of nature and culture in India has made it impossible to define Indian pre-modern and early modern architecture as a single solid cultural entity. However, due to similarities in climate, it is natural that the environmental characteristics of Kerala are more comparable with those of Southeast Asia than with the rest of the Indian subcontinent. Pre-modern architecture in Kerala and also possibly in other regions of deep South Asia (Srilanka, Maldives, islands in the Sea of Bengal) must have shared common traditions with Southeast Asian architecture, which is wet tropical architecture. Because the Western Ghats isolated Kerala from the rest of the subcontinent, the infusion of Aryan culture into Kerala was very recent. It came only after when Kerala had already developed an independent culture, which can be as early as 1000 B.C. . The Aryan immigration is believed to have started towards the end of the first millennium. Christianity reached Kerala around 52 A.D. through the supporter Thomas. The Jews in Kerala were once an affluent trading community on the Malabar. The first mosque in India was built in Kerala when a Travancore king converted to Islam around the 8th century, coinciding with the dawn of Islam/ Mohammedanism in the Middle East. The coming of European traders not only introduced new vocabulary to the existing traditions, but it also promoted relations with Southeast Asia. Therefore, it is seemingly obvious that subtle eclecticism had been the nature of Kerala artistic value, in which all kinds of influences, including Brahmanism, contributed to the cultural diffusion and architectural tradition. More homogeneous artistic development may have rigorously occurred around the 8th century as a result of large-scale colonization by the Vedic Brahmans, which caused the decline of Jainism and Buddhism.
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5. History
Historically, Kerala was a participant in the dynamic trading web of the Mediterranean, South Asia, Southeast Asia and China since the 13th century or even earlier, hence its towns such as Calicut, Cochin, Quilon, Beypore and Crangganore are known to be important old international seaboards. Most of the writings on the cultural formation of Kerala, which mostly referred to Indian, British and French sources tended to relate Keralas historical narratives and foreign influences only with western cultures, such as Persian, Roman, Greek, Jewish, Arabic and other Mediterranean and West Indian civilizations. Admiral Zheng from the Ming dynasty was reported boarding from China to Srilanka and Calicut, as well as to Indonesia, Malaka and Assam around 1555 for trade. Chinese influences in domestic life are also obvious in some names of domestic utensils, such as cheena chatti (cooking utensils made of cast iron), cheena bharani (big jar made of china clay, introduced by Chinese), all suggesting the occurrence of cultural exchange between Kerala and China. Some evidence has confirmed that the vocabulary of Kerala domestic architecture has inevitably shared basic form with that of Southeast Asia. Bruno Dagens3 (1994) suggested that South Indian architecture partially inherited Pre-Angkorean influences. In the translation of Mayamatami, Dagen took Keralas architectural construction and design plan to study the South Indian design. Records of houses found in temple relief depicting villages of Majapahit at Sukuh temple (10th11th century A.D.) East Java, and Dongsons drum in Vietnam show their resemblance to typical current and surviving traditional-vernacular roof-houses in Kerala. The ornaments in the window grills found in many places in Keralas houses are very similar to those petrified window and doors of the Bantey Srei temple of Cambodia. The bent-roof, which has been archetypical in the Southeast Asian house since ancient times, is also found in Kerala. Keralas door locks are also similar to those used in Javanese and Sumatran houses. The Sree Padmanabhapuram palace exhibits the eclectic mix of Chinese, Southeast Asian, Indian and European styles. These brief and early references demonstrate the contemporary amenity of Kerala traditional-vernacular houses with the traditional-vernacular houses from her eastward world.
Dagens, Bruno. Mayamatam. Vol II (3rd edition). New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre For The Arts, 1994-2000.
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developed due to perpetual conflicts among the various groups. Paddy cultivation was largely undertaken alongside the riverbanks by the expanding Brahman settlements in Kerala. Necessary labor was taken from inferior castes. In the old days, a Brahmin family could occupy land as much as 6000 acres, where they can set up their sole courtyard house (Nalukettu Malayalam). The nature of midland economy favors the emergence of isolated communities, each limited to a minor watershed defined by the buttresses of the Ghats and small rivers. This is the reason why Kerala midland settlements do not reflect a strong urban culture similar to the typical concentric geometrical arrangements and line house-street formation characteristic of a Tamil settlement. They are mostly scattered individual houses or mansion compounds Standing upon a breadth of paddy landscape, a village with a gardenlike landscape-ekakudumbaka-gramam. It is difficult to find where a village or town begins and ends because houses are spread out. In selecting the exact spot for this kind of dwelling, a Malayali (people of Kerala) is guided by a simple rule. The garden in which the house is to be placed must be intersected into equal portions by lines running due north and south and due east and west. Four divisions of the plot are thus formed. The padinyatta-pura (padinjatini/ western hall) is to be placed in the northeast division of the plot, coinciding with the inner corner or southwest angle of the division (Singh, 2003: 84). This midlands agriculturist living culture has become the model environment of Kerala. Here, most of the popular representations of domestic architecture such as the Nalukettu can be found. Geometrical arrangements for settlement were just recently used in royal compounds and temples, yet these are set in the middle of overwhelming rural greeneries and near a major river. The Sree Padmanabhapuram palace, the Sree Valabha temples, the Sree Padmanabhaswamy temple, the Pandalam palace, and the Tripunitura royal compound show typical geometrical and dense compositions, familiar to classical and regional treatises. This is expected since Keralas royal community inherited the royal tradition of the Dravidian Tamilakam.
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Yet there are many other regions where a diversity of vernacular huts occurs, even though these are not as grand as that of the midlander. The high ranges are home to the earliest population who were either indigenous inhabitants or settlers who moved there to escape the incursion of later immigrants. The inaccessible habitats sustained their culture for long time. Waynad and Attapadi are places in the hilly area of North Kerala dotted with unique folk settlements, mostly belonging to the Irrulla tribe (adivasi). The structures of the settlement are typically arrays of single nuclear family houses, standing in rows that go to the general direction of a river or sea. Behind the houses are hills or higher land. Between the settlements near the riverbank and the hilly areas are their cultivated fields or working plains where villagers take their cows to graze or where fishermen prepare their boat and fishing equipment. These people are possibly remnants of the Proto-Austroloid which once inhabited Pre-Dravidian landsii. The structural arrangements of communal institutions are not hierarchically governed by royalty or priest, but organized by members of representative councils consisting of a prime chieftain (Oorumoopan), secretary (Kuruthalada), logistic officer (Bandhari), and seed manager (Manukaran). Accordingly, the valiyaveedu (Community hall) was once an important institutional building that hosted the communal assembly. This kind of institution is comparable to what is found in traditional villages in Malaya and Indonesia. Along the coast, the scene was entirely different. The product of Kerala domestic cultivation attracted trade from far away land. Foreign influences in religion, language and art forms shaped the culture. The economy of the coastal life shows a different pattern. They are more conglomerative and interdependent than the rest of Kerala. International trade contacts centered on natural ports and anchorages around which sprang towns where the headquarters of governments are located. Kerala is known to have only three castes; it does not have the Veicya caste. Yet this idea seemed to be based on the narrations of Hindu agriculture tradition as a predominating living cultureiii. These narrations did not consider the immense development of the coastal area which was developed by traders whose lives depended on maritime trading and fishing. They roamed the coast and the backwater and river canals. Yet usually these people belong to a nonHindu Malayali or foreign culture, such as Gujarati, Kongkani, Jewish, and Arab. Some of their settlements took alien forms different from the Kerala type, such as those found in Cochiniv and Matancheri, Central Kerala. In the Thazhatangadi Theruvu district of Kottayam there is a traditional strip of canal-settlement with a couple of rows of traditional-vernacular houses facing the Meenachil River and the boulevard flanking both sides of the river. These strips mostly belong to traders and merchants who are Muslim and Christian Syrian. The house types are popularly considered Christian Syrian and perform the eclectic vocabulary of the Kerala, Southeast Asian, and Portuguese styles. The seashore settlements, especially those around the ancient trading ports, show the most extreme eclectic features compared to those in inland Kerala.
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The Ekasala, an I-shaped single rectangular hall house, belongs to farmers or middleclass non-farmers. The Nalukettu, a courtyard house, belongs to landlords. The great mansion Ettuketu and Patinjarukettu (double ettukettu) or much bigger structures, belong to very rich landlords. Commoner houses are simple ordinary houses scattered abundantly in the cities and villages. They still show applications of traditional construction and vocabulary in an eclectic, popular and free manner. Literally, the local term of house--veedu--means home and signifies no important structural arrangement. Classical Indian architecture acknowledges a concentric arrangement of buildings and a generic spatial structure of the sala or hall. The Ekasala is a single hall house, dvisala a two-hall house, trisala a three-hall house, and catusala a four-hall house/courtyard house. The Nalukettu is the only local term for house that implies structural importance since it is associated with the catusala. There are no local terms for dvisala, trisala and ekasala, they are simply called Veedu.
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Thampuran, Ashalatha. 2001. Traditional Architectural Forms of Malabar Coast. Calicut: Vastuvidyaprathistanam.
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A Muslim house or a Christian Syrian house is also simply called veedu, even though it is a big mansion with a courtyard. Most probably, the importance of the development of a Nalukettu refers to the traditional-classical treatise; while the indigenous-vernacular development of houses/ Veedu does not necessarily refer to it. The fact that there are more I-shaped single Veedu than Nalukettu as observed by Thampuran (2001) may explain the greater degree of its vernacular aspect. This may explain why the single hall house/ veedu is general and generic. Like most houses in Southeast Asia, the spatial and functional aspects of domestic activity and spaces are housed in the different halls or spaces, not rooms. In the tribal compounds, the fireplace or cooking and washing areas are in separate halls or corners. The compound exhibits the purpose of the different functional halls and exterior living. The same pattern is also seen in the middle-class ekasala veedu, where the kitchen would be always placed separately but at times connected to other parts of the house by porticos. Forest dwelling tribes like the Muthuvan and Urali Kuruman always have a Valiyaveedu (community hall). Community halls in Southeast Asian architecture are very essential in performing democratic and communal governance.
Figure 7-1 Plan of single hall house Figure 7-2 Elevation of house
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The spatial division found in both huts and the more elaborate middle class single mass house basically originates from the one hall house. The hall can be arrayed and constituted into a row of halls for different functional spaces linked by a veranda, or divided into arrayed inner rooms. It seems that the three arrayed rooms is the most frequent spatial structure that appears in single hall houses. The rectangular single hall, with a sitting platform attached, is made of laterite stones or hardened mud, plastered with a mixture of mud and cow dung. Superstructures are made of wood planks. Later, additional space was added to the three arrayed rooms in the form of an additional gallery that run behind the rooms, thus imaging 9x9 spatial grids. Three arrayed rooms and 9x9 spatial grids are becoming archetypical in the spatial partitioning and division of the single hall. They have become a schema for the traditionalvernacular structure used in commoner houses.
Cooper, Illa and Barry Dawson. 1998. Traditional Buildings of India. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.
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east while that of nilavara (semi-basement storage) opens to the west. The typical structure of an ara is that it is flanked by two kalavara and there is a nilavara beneath; this is becoming the typical basic package of a peasants house. In the morphology of the nalukettu, the ekasala is positioned in one quarter of the fourfold hall, usually in the western quarter or padinjatini or the southern quarter or thekkini. In cases of ettukettu and patinjarukettu, the salas would be extended towards the north or the east, where the ekasala with the ara would still be put in either the west or the south. The existence of the ara and nilavara emphasizes the role of the paddy farming living culture that governs the traditional ekasala of Kerala.
Randhawa, TS. 1999. The Indian Courtyard House. New Delhi: Prakash Books. Cooper, Illa and Barry Dawson. 1998. Traditional Buildings of India. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.
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used for various activities, but in South Kerala the courtyard is usually very much smaller and works better as a water cistern. The activities in South Keralas Nalukettu are usually held not in the enclosed interior but in the open hall in the courtyard to encourage circulation. The Arakalavara, pooja/ prayer alcoves or rooms and the kitchen are the only enclosed space located in one or two quarters of the courtyard house.
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In contrast, in North and Central Kerala, the spaces around the courtyard work generally as a link that leads to the four-hall rooms. The North and Central Kerala courtyard performs specific functions such as a place for drying rice, water cistern, garden, or childrens playground, while in South Kerala, spaces around the courtyard work as living spaces. Courtyard arrangement of the South Kerala Nalukettu is simply a consequence of structural difficulties and the need for lighting and a water cistern. She regards the South Kerala open lay-out nalukettu and nadumuttam (courtyard) as basically a single hall structure with an opening in the middle. She considers this type as more ancient and original. Thampuran also points out that there is a courtyard house structure that cannot be really considered as a Nalukettu, thus is regarded as pseudo-Nalukettu. According to her, a nalukettu must have four comparable roof scalesv. When one quarter is much bigger, the other quarters are regarded as an extension and are called kuttikettu. This is obvious in houses at Allepey,
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Kottayam and the Christian Syrian houses in the districts of Thazhatangadi Theruvu of Kottayam, South Kerala where the courtyard appears as a technical consequence of creating an annex building linked by two parallel rooms or passageways, the void in between buildings. This is also said to be a consequence of functionalism that was brought to India by Western missionaries.
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7.4 The Eclectic Design of the Villa, the Muslim Veedu, the Christian Syrian House and Other Types of Houses
Compared to midland houses, those in the coastal cities and villages reflect more eclectic culture. The Muslims, Christians, Jews, Chinese and Konkanis as well as the Portuguese, Dutch and British left traces of their artistic style and structural form to the native houses. The Hindus make up the majority in Kerala but in the North Kerala coastal districts the second biggest group are the Muslims, while in the Southern coast of Kerala, it is the Christian Syrians. Typologies of Keralas traditional-vernacular residential houses were partially or wholly taken as referent for stylistic adoption. What shows the ingenuity of traditional Malabar domestic architecture are the basic form of the single hall, the hipped, shingle roof, the mukhapu (gable), and the three arrayed room arrangement. Cochin is becoming a melting pot of eclectic villas, mansions and palaces. Cochin and Quilon have been recorded as active seaboard cities since 1000 B.C., bound to the trans mditerraneanChina maritime trade. European-Indies designs, Portuguese arches, solid fort-like structures intermingle with the stereotypical Kerala wooden wall (nira), the mukhapu (gable), and intriguing bent roof shapes. Had they reached Kerala earlier, the Portuguese would have brought even more influences to Keralas traditional houses, but even now, many Kerala traditional houses use Mediterranean arches and Classical posts. The Sree Padmanbhapuram Palace is the most representative expression of traditional eclecticism in Kerala. Eclecticism can also be seen in formal spatial structure. Distinctive spatial structures are used in the Kuttikettu (pseudo-nalukettu) and European-Indies villa in which the spatial arrangements are more functional and organic. The houses are loosely referred to as Vastu. They vaguely echo the functions of the three-arrayed room. British architects tried to combine European and Kerala
Figure 7-8 Typological difference of courtyard mansion of (upper left) South Kerala Nalukettu; (upper middle) North Kerala Nalukettu, (upper right) Muslim Veedu and (bottom) Christian Syrian Kuttekettu The diagram shows that the Nalukettu of North and Central Kerala are relatively wide while that of South Kerala and the Muslim mansion are small but has open layout spaces around the courtyard with a few rooms. The Kuttikettu KIRTI PANDEY, B.ARCH IV yr., F/o ARCHITECTURE AND EKISTICS, JMI 18 has one sala with extension in the form of a courtyard
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designs, and their efforts can be seen in the Napier Museum, the Bolgaty Palaces and the University of Kerala buildings. British architects utilize the physical characteristics and ornaments of the Kerala ekasalas but still retain the stereotypical symmetrical Classical rotunda spatial lay-out. In the Napier Museum there is sharp eclectic interior-exterior interface in which the Moghul style is combined with the mixed Western-Classical Kerala style. On the other hand, the Dutch showed more consiste ncy to the typology of the house as a whole in adopting both layout and expression of the Malayali ekasala for the Bolgaty Palaces. There is only the obvious difference in scale and structure as well as the attachment of Classical elements such as a Roman portico. Palace architecture was influenced by the Dutch Palace, originally built by the Portuguese at Matancheri. Hindu temples and the early mosques were in the basic Kerala style; churches were rebuilt in the Portguese style, but in some particular cases, mixed with Keralas spatial element and ornaments. With increasing population density, the dense row houses run into a linear sprawl, giving Kerala an image of urban living. Local commoner villa houses are available in all places in rural Kerala, and most of them use Keralas vernacular architectures, creating an intriguing eclectic style. Portuguese Mediterranean arches, Burmese and Chinese ornaments, the Southeast Asian bent roof, Dutch functionalism, the European Classical column, and British Victorian Style add to the richness of Kerala houses. The houses reflect the equilibrium of mixed modern and traditional styles which still endures in the present modern living culture. They use a typical modern structural mass, which sustains the characteristic roof design. There are four types of masses: the I-shaped rectangular house which is the most common, the L-shaped, C-shaped and square shaped buildings. There are also three types of roof gestures: the bent roof with a gable at the end of its ridges, the hip roof with a gable at the end of both ridges, and the pure hip roof. The layout could be organic but mostly follows that of the three arrayed rooms arrangement.
8. Roof Construction
Roofs in Kerala houses reflect the outstanding features of shingle and bent roof construction. It
Figure 8-1 Wood construction for roof- kazhukol-vala (left) and Nira (wooden wall)
reflects the logic of tropical sloping as seen in the shingle, hip, saddle roof and the span of eaves of the roof slopes. 8Roof as crown has been a metaphorical saying for architecture in
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Waterson .R. 1998. The Architecture of South-East Asia Through Travellers' Eyes. Oxford University Press
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Southeast Asia The Mukhapu (-Malayalam) and bent roof design may not find comparisons in India itself but would be typically abundant in Southeast Asia, notably Malaysia, Mina ngkabau, Batak, Java, Thailand, and even Vietnam. The Kerala roof is likely to belong to old traditions. A replica of rafter construction has been found in the Kanchipuram and Tanjavur South Indian temples which date back to the 12th century. But the whole roof shape is similar to those used in the Majapahit villages depicted in relief in the 13th century temples. Reaction to the suns glare is shown by the frequent use of latticed windows, seen from the most humble houses to the landlords houses and even royal palaces. Keralas roof structures have three dimensional space frames. The basic structural elements consist of pairs of kazhukol (rafters) resting on an uttaram (wall plate). Pairs of kazhukol will meet on a montayam (ridge) to make the hipped roof. Pairs of kazhukol (rafters) would be bound by horizontal rods going through other pairs of kazhukol. This rod is called vala. Thus, the vala, kazhukol, montayam and uttaram become one unit of roof construction. The path of the vala determines the roof construction of Kerala houses as a three dimensional rigid space frame. Expressions of Keralas roof construction include various designs of the pitched gable or mukhapu, especially in South Kerala. It seems that the kazhukol-vala construction was originally a simple rope-tied construction which is usually utilized in humble bamboo huts. This pre-thesis is strengthened by some sources that mention that in ancient times, the Nalukettu is constructed out of bamboo. Another interesting feature is a trapezoidal construction work that looks like the main arch structure in the wooden truss system of Gothic architecture, called Viskhamba. For a narrow hall, the roof construction needs only a pair of rafters (Kazhukol) tied on top by a one ridge beam, both ends resting on a wall plate (uttaram). Both Kazhukol (rafters) are usually stiffened by a longitudinal beam and longitudinal stiffener called valabandam that clamp both kazhukol. If the hall is wide, the pair of kazhukol needs a stronger longitudinal beam, thus the original linear longitudinal beam was elaborated into an arch-like truss. Since it is probably difficult to elaborate a wooden arch, the structure becomes trapezoid. The main horizontal structural support, the Uttaram, will be divided into two layers: The first layer rests upon the lower uttaram (varotaram) which is on the wall, and the next layer is on the trapezoidal construction viskhamba. This second or the upper layer of the uttaram is called arudhotaram. Upon arudhotaram and the varotaram, kazhukols sit. It is believed that pranah (living energy) is residing in the uppermost wall plate (uttaram). A courtyard house is called nalukettu where there is continuous connectivity among the four quarters of the salas. Typo Morphological Analysis
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hall), the chieftains sitting hall, stands separate among the compounds, acting as a landmark in the village. This kind of complex arrangement also existed in more elaborately designed landlord compounds where the nalukettu or veedu was supported by a patthayapura (grain storage hall) and a pattipura (gateway and guesthouse). The nalukettu kitchen has a special and important location in the north-east corner of house, but in the case of a commoners house, the kitchen is on the same cardinal direction but standing in a different hall connected by a passageway. Most designs of the nalukettu do not have solid structures for the corner portions thus suggesting that the Nalukettus mansion is not exactly a monolithic courtyard design but a complex of four halls crowned by one encircling roof, thus constituting a courtyard. In an agriculturist family, the ara (grain store) reflects the role of agriculture in shaping the dominant living culture and social institutions. The ara became a basic spatial structure of the ekasala in the traditional-vernacular peasant houses of Kerala. The kitchen is the most important room in the house and the nalukettu, it is comparable to the sacred courtyard. This practice came from a school of thought that usually puts the kitchen on the square of Agni (god of fire) in the north-west corner. It is probable that besides its functional significance as a domestic production space, the kitchen is associated with its earlier and tribal form the hearth. Other than the ekasala, the dual inner-living space and the three arrayed unit of inner and living space can alternatively develop into other types of spatial usage unnecessarily attributed to the ara, such as those in the vernacular houses of labor, the urban villa, and the rural commoners compound. The morphological development of the nalukettu from the elementary ekasala suggests two different traditions in courtyard house designs. One main tradition, mostly found in north and central Kerala, performs the nalukettu as a fourfold ekasala, arranged in a concentric way. Among the four quarters of the hall, the most important and most sacred quarter is that which contains the ara-kalaavara. A proper/formal courtyard as prescribed in Vastu may be found in these North and Central Kerala courtyard houses. Another morphological development of the nalukettu does not suggest any linear multiplication of the sala but an extension of the ekasala . This extensive enlargement, which is found mostly in South Kerala, performs the nalukettu with a very small courtyard (nadumuttam) and an open lay-out hall surrounding it. The less significant scale of the south Kerala Hindu nalukettu suggests that the layout contains more indigenous value. The structure of open lay-out living spaces in the small courtyard is also amazingly found in the Muslim mansions and Christian Syrian kuttiketu but not as elaborated and significant as those in the Hindu houses. Some Muslim mansions also have courtyards but they are so small that even people would abandon it and use it merely as water cistern, while spaces around courtyard is is what is considered significant. This follows the typical pattern of the traditional nalukettu of South Kerala. Eclectic Expression Geographical locations also signify difference in expression or style. North Kerala creates more massive appearances in latterite construction. It uses hipped roofs, massive and solid laterite construction and wooden carvings and openings. Portuguese arches for windows and doors are used as well as Classical columns for porticoes and verandas. The Muslim compounds usually show particular ornaments for opening frame designs. And they are plentiful in Malapuram, Parapanganadi, Calicut and Cranganore. This may be explained by the fact that the Portuguese, Tamils and Muslims had once strongly influenced North Kerala. Tamill which was once part of the Madras presidency with North Kerala contributed the styles of Islamic arches.
KIRTI PANDEY, B.ARCH IV yr., F/o ARCHITECTURE AND EKISTICS, JMI 21
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South Kerala and Central Kerala contain lighter structures in timber. The style of South and Central Kerala can be obviously differentiated from that of North Kerala in the formers use of the bent or gabled ridge roof. Yet South Kerala houses (in districts of Pathanamthirta, Kottayam, Trivandrum,) are lighter than those in Central Kerala they used more wood. This may be obvious since Western culture, which enhanced the use of massive and earthen materials, was more influential in Central Kerala. Both South Kerala and Central Kerala architectural designs similarly showed intriguing, eclectic styles taken from the mutual exchanges with China, Burma, and also Southeast Asia. A four hundred year old nalukettu is still an enclosed house without a window, just like in Southeast Asia.
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Rewal,R. and Ravindran, K.T. .1986. MIMAR - 'An Indian Portfolio - Padmanabhapuram palace.
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which has been designed very creatively to be functional as well as aesthetic. There are strict rules & canons laid down in the ancient building science of Vastu Shastra, regarding the use of wood, techniques of joints, angles of roof forms etc, which have been religiously followed over the various periods during which the complex was built. The overall effect of this being that there exist cohesiveness throughout the structures, rendering them timeless. The walls are usually made in laterite or brick & plastered over with lime. There are non-structural wooden screens called jaalis, which have the function of allowing in light & ventilation while ensuring the privacy of the person inside. The filtered light creates a dramatic play of light & shadow in the interiors and ensures a very cool & comfortable ambience inside, away from the blazing sun. The shaded interiors are cool, which is a direct derivative of the climatological need to counter Figure 11-2 entrance of hall the warm humid tropical climate. Indeed, one of the most significant aspects of the design is the sensitive handling of the light & shadows to create a wholesome comfortable ambience inside, one that focuses inside, calming, soothing & contemplating. The entrance to the complex is from the west, through a formal version of the Padipura or the entrance gate, which is common in all the traditional dwellings of Kerala. The central locus of the entire composition is the Mothers palace or the Thai Kottaram, around which all the other spaces are organised. There are separate halls for audiences & gatherings, a large dance hall, feeding halls of various sizes, kitchen, residences for the king & other dignitaries, weapons store, bath houses, offices and even a temple. There is also a 4 storeyed Upprika Malika in the complex, constructed in the 1740s, which is a testament to the technological progress at that time. A 300 year old clock tower in the palace stands witness to the march of time and is still now in good working condition. Though there is no formal symmetrical spatial layout to be found as such, there lies a strong organisation principle, which creates a very cohere nt & unifying whole. The various built spaces are interlinked & accessed through a series of courtyards & open spaces which vary volumetrically & in scale depending upon the level of privacy required, most often, being very intimate in nature.
Figure 11-3 light & shadows to create a wholesome comfortable ambience inside
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The walls are usually made in laterite or brick & plastered over with lime. There are non-structural wooden screens called jaalis, which have the function of allowing in light & ventilation while ensuring the privacy of the person inside. The filtered light creates a dramatic play of light & shadow in the interiors and ensures a very cool & comfortable ambience inside, away from the blazing sun. The shaded interiors are cool, which is a direct derivative of the climatologically Figure 11-4 wooden carving on door need to counter the warm humid tropical climate. Indeed, one of the most significant aspects of the design is the sensitive handling of the light & shadows to create a wholesome comfortable ambience inside, one that focuses inside, calming, soothing & contemplating. The flooring is unique and is black in colour, retaining a mirror lik e polish even now after so many centuries. It is said that the flooring was done using a mixture of different structures like burnt coconut shells, egg whites, plant juices etc.
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mutual exchanges of both South Asian and Southeast Asian culture through trading and political relations. The usage of Classical architectural elements, the introduction of tiles and massive construction, the Victorian style and functional approach in design, the refined design of openings had elaborated Keralas architecture into eclectic designs. Kerala traditional-vernacular architecture enhances the discourse of eclectic architectural design before the West formalized colonization and its monopoly over the Asian trade network. The architectural designs of the period suggest an intermingling of cultures that happened ingenuously. Multi-layer historical narrations should be able to explain eclectic modes of development that brought about the spread and transformation of the style. The pre-European and Colonial traditional architecture of Kerala can be cited as a good example of a multi-cultural design morphology. Trading ports such as Cochin developed around the 13th-19th centuries. Cochin is probably one among the very few traditional trading ports in Asia that sustain the living artifacts that survived. In conclusion, Kerala architecture is not simply Indian architecture. Kerala architecture in general has shown cross boundary and multi-cultural architectural styles and gestures. The same phenomenon may have happened in other peripheral spots such as along the Silk Road which passes Nepal, Madagascar, and other states that were once occupied by European colonizers. The phenomenon is very similar to current architecture that follows late Capitalism where it is much more difficult to distinguish among the architectures of different nations since the popularity of the International Style and Post-Modernism after World War II. Globalization in many ways has always been altering the map of local visual experience while exhibiting typical acculturation which could lead to the evolution of a homogeneous new style or an eclectic style
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13. Bibliography
Achyutyan, A. and T.S. Prabhu Balagopal. 1998. An Engineering Commentary on the Manusyalayacandrika of Tirumangalat Nilakanthan Musat. Calicut: Vastuvidyaprathistanam. Argan, Giulio Carlo. 1965. On Typology of Architecture. Theorizing A New Agenda for Architecture -An Anthology of Architectural Theory. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, New York: Kate Nessbit, 1997, pp 240-47. Coedes, George. 1964. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Honolulu: East-West Center Press. Cooper, Illa and Barry Dawson. 1998. Traditional Buildings of India. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. Dagens, Bruno. Mayamatam. Vol II (3rd edition). New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre For The Arts, 1994-2000. Rewal,R. and Ravindran, K.T. .1986. MIMAR - 'An Indian Portfolio - Padmanabhapuram palace. Rudofsky, Bernard. 1964. Architect without Architect. London: Academy Edition, London. Thampuran, Ashalatha. 2001. Traditional Architectural Forms of Malabar Coast. Calicut: Vastuvidyaprathistanam. Waterson .R. 1998. The Architecture of South-East Asia Through Travellers' Eyes. Oxford University Press
Mayamatam is a traditional treatise of Architecture and Settlement of India, composed between 14th-16th centuries, which is considered to be Dravidian. Mayamatam and Manasarm hve been regarded as the most complete Indian architectural Vastu. Manusyalaya Canndrika, and Thatcushastram are special treatises of Kerala. The roof structure of Kerala is found nowhere else in India but Bruno Dagens (2000), in his translation of Mayamatam, compares Keralas roof structure to illustrated Indian roof construction in general. Various studies have indicated a Negrito strain in Pre-Dravidian population (A.H Keane, in Iyer 1908 in KS. Singh 2003). The Negrito were submerged at an early period by the (proto) Austroloid. The Dravidian people are ii of lower caste believed to have migrated from the Mediteranean area (Iyer, 1970; Menon, 1967, in Singh, 2002). Jeevan (2000) argued that the existence of only three castes in Kerala is a product of social polarization brought by the Brahmanism tradition from the north when the Aryans came. The Nambuthiri Brahmins are mostly landlords, the Nayars are khsathriyas (middle-class) who mostly did property management of the Brahmin landlords assets, and workers. The latter are originally of the same stock with Nambuthiri but did not have as much land as the Nambuthiri. The rest were sudra (low class) or inferior caste taken as slaves or workmen, and no Veicya. Notable slight resemblance of phoneme for places, such as Kochi in Japan, CochinChina in South Vietnam, and Cochin or Kochi in Kerala may signify remarkable commonalities in the traditional roof design of the three countries.
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