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Editors Ann Marcus-Quinn and Tríona Hourigan

2
Handbook for Online Learning
Contexts: Digital, Mobile and Open
Policy and Practice

1st ed. 2021

3
Editors
Ann Marcus-Quinn
School of Culture and Communication, University of Limerick, Limerick,
Ireland
Tríona Hourigan
Department of Education and Skills, Department of Education, Ireland, Dublin,
Ireland
ISBN 978-3-030-67348-2 e-ISBN 978-3-030-67349-9
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67349-9
For more FREE books, go to:
www.textseed.xyz

4
Preface
To say this book is timely is most certainly an understatement. While digital
technologies have created new opportunities and new ways of doing things in so
many spheres, their role in education has been contested. In the Irish context,
where I have seen various technologies rolled out, rolled back and rolled up over
the course of my career, this stems from a complex historical and instructional
context, and schools and education institutions here have typically adopted
technologies much later than has been the case for many of our European
neighbours. Perhaps more significantly, a rush to embed technologies in
response to curricular and policy change has meant that these ‘advances’ have
not always been effective and, on occasion, have been introduced in the absence
of the necessary infrastructural supports, most notably teacher professional
development and adequate broadband connections. ‘Putting the cart before the
horse’ comes to mind, but more fundamentally, questions over the risks posed by
education technology are also necessarily to the fore. These challenges are of
course not unique to Ireland and have been aptly captured by the prominent
educationalist Diane Ravitch (2017):

I have seen teachers who use technology to inspire inquiry, research,

creativity and excitement. I understand what a powerful tool it is. But it
is also fraught with risk, and the tech industry has not done enough to
mitigate the risks.

The need for an evidence base to underpin the safe and effective adoption of
innovative practices across education levels and systems has never been more
important, and this book is very well placed to contribute to that evidence base.
Content, connectivity and context are central in shaping whether and how
innovative practices shape the experiences of learners. Wide socio-economic
inequalities and variations between countries characterize access to new and
progressive technology approaches. The contributions in this book capture a
wide range of innovative practices in classrooms and workplaces from around
the world. In spanning educational levels and settings, across a diversity of
contexts, the authors provide rich and varying insights into the opportunities for
innovation, particularly in education, within our increasingly technology-driven
society. Renowned educator Andy Hargreaves perhaps best captures the
undeniable centrality of technology to educational change in today’s world:

5
 … a new mantra is being spread across the world’s governments and
through its media. It’s called ‘reimagining education’. … Its visions of
innovative learning are engaging and purposeful. But eventually, the
conclusion is drawn that these interests can be best advanced by digital
technology. (2020)

The book makes a cogent case that technology has the potential to widen
participation in education and to introduce new and sustainable pedagogical
practices. The role of technologies and online learning modes to support more
reflective and experiential learning, in formal and informal ways, is a
particularly important focus. The book offers suggestions on how to create
autonomous and independent learning across educational and workplace
settings. Some contributors also shine a timely light on the potential to support
wider learning opportunities outside the classroom and increase ties with the
natural world. The potential role of mobile learning and open educational
resources to support students, teachers, and teachers as researchers, are
illustrated in a myriad of ways across the book. Key social and educational
dilemmas are also addressed, with a particularly important focus on the
challenges for students, teachers and workers emanating from the ‘always on’
technology culture.
Across a fascinating range of chapters spanning varying contexts, this book
illustrates how digital technologies have the potential to enhance teaching and
learning across different instructional contexts using a wide variety of tools and
applications. Each of the 22 chapters manages comprehensiveness, specificity
and rigour. In drawing together imaginative thinkers and researchers at the
cutting-edge of the field, this gold mine of a book is exceptionally well-placed to
stimulate wider dialogue on how best to ensure innovative practices support
learners and potential learners, regardless of background or situation. In doing
so, perhaps technology in its ever-changing forms can evolve in more socially
aware ways.
It seems fitting to conclude with a quote from Sir Ken Robinson, who passed
away on 21 August 2020:

Technology has always intimately engaged with human innovation and

creativity...Tools have always done two things… They have extended our
reach… But also it extends our minds. It makes us think of things
differently… It makes us conceive of things that we couldn’t before.
(2017)

6
References
Hargreaves, A. (2020, August 6). The education technology students will need
- and won’t – after coronavirus. The Washington Post. https://​www.​
washingtonpost.​com/​education/​2020/​08/​06/​education-technology-
studentswill-need-wont-after-covid-19
Ravitch, D. (2017). 5 risks posed by the increasing misuse of technology in
schools. Edsurge: Reflections from 2017 for the Journey Ahead. https://​www.​
edsurge.​com/​news/​2017-12-29-5-risks-posed-by-the-increasing-misuse-
oftechnology-in-schools
Robinson, K. (2017). Interview on Bettshow, The role of technology in
education. https://​www.​youtube.​com/​watch?​v=​_​dLNBTff3Uw
Selina McCoy

7
Contents
1 Introduction
Ann Marcus-Quinn and Tríona Hourigan
2 OER and the Future of Digital Textbooks
Athanasia Kotsiou and Tyler Shores
3 Formulated Professional Identity of Learning Designers and the Role of
Open Education in Maintaining that Identity
Keith Heggart
4 Connected Learning in Virtual Classrooms for a Master’s in Teacher
Training at One University in Madrid, Spain
Valeria Levratto and Sonia Santoveña-Casal
5 Teaching Methodologies for Scalable Online Education
Renee M. Filius and Sabine G. Uijl
6 Mobile Devices and Mobile Learning in Greek Secondary Education:​
Policy, Empirical Findings and Implications
Kleopatra Nikolopoulou
7 An Exploration of Chinese Students’ Self-Directed Mobile Learning
Outside School:​ Practices and Motivation
Xiaofan He and David Wray
8 Outdoor Learning with Apps in Danish Open Education
Theresa Schilhab and Gertrud Lynge Esbensen
9 Language Track:​ An Open Education Resource for Supporting
Professional Development in Norwegian ECEC Institutions
Trude Hoel, Margrethe Jernes and Mary Genevieve Billington
10 Multiplying Awareness of Open Practices and Educational Resources
Constance Blomgren
11 Beyond Mindfulness Mondays: The Potential of Open Education to
Support Whole School Wellbeing – A Case Study from Australia

8
 Anna Dabrowski
12 Mobile-Assisted Language Learning in a Secondary School in Iran:​
Discrepancy Between the Stakeholders’ Needs and the Status Quo
Reza Dashtestani and Shamimeh Hojatpanah
13 The Current Status of Open Education Practices in Japan
Katsusuke Shigeta, Hiroyuki Sakai, Rieko Inaba, Yasuhiko Tsuji and Naoshi
Hiraoka
14 A Critical Review of Emerging Pedagogical Perspectives on Mobile
Learning
David Longman and Sarah Younie
15 Implementing Open Pedagogy in Higher Education:​ Examples and
Recommendations
Evrim Baran, Dana Al Zoubi and Boris Jovanović
16 Overcoming Transactional Distances for Atypical Learners in
Workplace M-Learning
Sushita Gokool-Ramdoo
17 The Professional Development of Teachers Using Tablets in Bilingual
Primary Classrooms
Charles L. Mifsud
18 Learning Alone or Learning Together?​ How Can Teachers Use Online
Technologies to Innovate Pedagogy?​
Christina Preston, Sarah Younie and Alison Hramiak
19 The Affordances and Constraints of Digital Solutions for Learning
Support and for Outreach
Gráinne Walshe
20 Comparative Judgment:​ An Overview
Eva Hartell and Jeffrey Buckley
21 T-REX (Teachers’ Research Exchange): Infrastructuring Teacher
Researcher Collaboration Through an Open Educational Ecosystem
Tony Hall, Marie Ryan, Jennifer McMahon, Marek McGann, Alison Egan

9
 and Cornelia Connolly
22 The Role of Remote Observation in the Professional Learning of Student
Teachers and Novice Placement Tutors
Brendan Mac Mahon, Seán Ó Grádaigh, Sinéad Ní Ghuidhir, Breandán Mac
Gearailt and Emer Davitt
23 Exploring the Ripple Effect of ‘Always On’ Digital Work Culture in
Secondary Education Settings
Caroline Murphy, Ann Marcus-Quinn and Tríona Hourigan
Index

10
About the Authors
Dana Al Zoubi
is a PhD candidate of educational technology in the School of Education and co-
majoring in human-computer interaction at Iowa State University. Her research
interests include: using educational technologies and learning analytics tools,
designing effective online learning environments and engaging students in
online learning.

Evrim Baran
is Associate Professor of educational technology in the School of Education and
Human Computer Interaction at Iowa State University, USA. She conducts
research at the intersection of technology in teacher education, human-computer
interaction and learning sciences. Her research aims to establish effective
strategies for the design of mobile, online and flexible learning environments in
teacher education, engineering education and STEM learning contexts.

Mary Genevieve Billington

is an Associate Professor in Mathematics Education at the Norwegian Reading
Centre at the University of Stavanger, Norway. Billington has worked as a
teacher, a teacher-educator and as a researcher for many years. Her research
interests are in the areas of the design and implementation of digital technologies
for learning, innovation, adult learning and professional development in
education.

Constance Blomgren
is an Associate Professor of Education at Athabasca University, Canada’s Open
University. Her background as a K-12 teacher in rural, remote and northern
Canadian locations informs her research and interest in open educational
resources and open pedagogy for K-12 teachers and learners. Her research
regarding strengthening K-12 teacher awareness and use of Open Educational
Resources (OER) and open practices has been published in various journals and
book chapters. In addition to researching OER, she studies visual and multi-
literacies, participatory technologies, teacher professional learning and open
pedagogy. From 2019–2021, she was a Director with Open Education Global;
contributing to the development of a culturally responsive OER teacher network.

11
Jeffrey Buckley
is Assistant Lecturer at Athlone Institute of Technology, Ireland, and an Affiliate
Faculty Member of the Department of Learning at KTH, Royal Institute of
Technology, Sweden. He is a member of both the Technology Education
Research Group (TERG) and the Learning in Engineering Education and
Progress (LEEaP) research group. Jeffrey received his PhD from KTH in 2018
in the area of spatial ability and learning in technology education. His current
research interests include the relationship between spatial ability and learning,
pedagogy and educational assessment, diversity and inclusivity in engineering
education, and methods and practices in technology and engineering education
research.

Sonia Santoveña-Casal
is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Education, UNED, Madrid, Spain. She
currently participates in undergraduate, graduate and doctoral programmes, her
speciality being social networks and digital culture, the knowledge society,
technology and education, and network communication. She is Coordinator of
the Degree in Pedagogy (Faculty of Education) and Coordinator of the Group of
Educational Innovation Communication, Social Networks and new narratives
(CoReN). Her research career has focused on the analysis of digital
methodology, social networks and the relationship models generated in the
Knowledge Society.

Cornelia Connolly
is a lecturer in the School of Education, National University of Ireland Galway,
Ireland, and she lectures on the postgraduate and undergraduate teacher
education programmes. In addition to a PhD in educational psychology and
technology, she holds a BEng (Hons) in Computer Engineering and MEng
(Hons) through research.
Her teaching and research interests centre principally on STEM teacher
education, with a particular emphasis on the Technology (T) aspect of STEM,
teacher education, curriculum and computational thinking. She is Co-PI for the
EU Erasmus+ DEIMP Project: Designing & Evaluating Innovative Mobile
Pedagogies (2017-2020); and T-REX (2019-2022).

Anna Dabrowski
is a Senior Research Fellow in Education and Development at The Australian

12
Council for Educational Research (ACER), and a Lecturer at The University of
Melbourne, Australia. Anna has extensive experience in conducting research in
education and evaluation in low, mid and high GDP countries in the Americas,
Europe and the Asia Pacific region. Anna is an experienced coach and facilitator,
having worked with more than 5000 teachers and school leaders, and system-
level departments in the areas of educator leadership, teacher well-being and
school responses to staff and student trauma. Anna’s areas of research focus
include school well-being, teacher professional development, educational equity,
gender issues in education and education responses to diversity.

Reza Dashtestani
is Assistant Professor of Applied Linguistics at the University of Tehran, Iran.
His current areas of research interest include the implementation of CALL in
ESP/EAP instruction, emerging digital literacies, mobile learning in language
learning contexts, and CALL teacher education/training. He has authored or co-
authored articles on CALL/educational technology in journals such as Computer
Assisted Language Learning, Journal of Educational Computing Research and
Research in Learning Technology.

Emer Davitt
is a lecturer in education, with the School of Education, NUI, Galway, Ireland.
She works primarily on the Máistir Gairmiúil san Oideachas where she teaches
in Curriculum and Assessment; Teaching, Learning and Assessment and
teaching methodologies. Emer has over 15 years’ teaching experience at second
level and worked on a variety of projects during these years. Emer’s research
interest lies principally in Curriculum and Assessment, Pedagogical Adaptivity
and the development of methodologies and resources for T1 schools for Junior
Cycle Gaeilge. Emer is also linked to the UNESCO Child and Family Research
Centre and is working with this team on The Activating Social Empathy Module
within the Junior Cycle Wellbeing Programme.

Alison Egan
is the Director of IT & eLearning at Marino Institute of Education, Dublin,
Ireland. She has been involved in T-REX since 2018 and has been working in
the field of educational technology since 2003. Her PhD research was focused
on technological self-efficacy in a professional education environment. She is
Chair of the International Perspectives on Teacher Education SIG at the Society
for IT in Teacher Education, USA, and is currently working on an Erasmus +

13
project about Educational Knowledge Transfer in a professional environment.

Lynge Esbensen
is an educational anthropologist working in the research programme Future
Technologies, Culture and Learning at the Danish School of Education, Aarhus
University, Denmark. She has a strong research interest in sociocultural
approaches to technological literacy, such as how we learn to interact with and
perceive through technologies. She has been working with technologies and
informal learning processes since 2011, and she is currently working on a
Danish project, Natural Technology, investigating what technologies, such as
apps and social media, are doing to children’s nature experiences.

Renee M. Filius
is Head of Education Affairs at Utrecht University, the Netherlands. She is
responsible for managing the policy support of the Executive Board of Utrecht
University. She worked for various institutions, including University Medical
Center, Utrecht, and the Digital University (currently SURF). She is particularly
interested in online education, and more specifically how deep learning can be
promoted in this type of education. She has a PhD in this field and has published
on how (peer) feedback can promote deep learning in various forms of online
education, such as Small Private Online Courses (SPOCS) and Massive Open
Online Courses (MOOCs).

Sinéad Ní Ghuidhir
is an Initial Teacher Educator on the Máistir Gairmiúil san Oideachas (MGO)
National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland. She has a specific interest in
active teaching, learning and assessment methods, particularly in the use of
Drama as a teaching method for languages and across the curriculum. Her
research focusses on immersion teaching and learning, language learning and the
use of mobile technology in education. She has been invited to give in-service to
An Chigireacht on immersion education, and to the Education and Training
Board of Ireland on mobile technology in schools.

Sushita Gokool-Ramdoo
has over 25 years’ practitioner experience in areas including workplace training,
adult education, women and development issues, regulatory and policy
development and quality assurance within the framework of Education for

14
Sustainable Development. She started her career in 1995 with the now Open
University of Mauritius where she had been in charge of distance education
program development, lecturing, monitoring and evaluation. She subsequently
headed the distance education regulatory division of the Tertiary Education
Commission, Mauritius, for 13 years where she developed the National Distance
Education Policy for Mauritius in 2013. Her research interests are the
development and application of distance education theories, in particular the
Transactional Distance Theory and the Community of Inquiry in online training
projects. She is currently trailblazing workplace online learning for typical and
atypical learners while implementing the e-learning architecture of Transinvest
Construction Limited. She also offers consulting services to accompany projects
whereby pedagogy intersects with technology.

Seán Ó. Grádaigh
is Lecturer in Teacher Education in the School of Education, National University
of Ireland, Galway, Ireland. His research interests include Mobile Technologies
in Teacher Education, Technology Enhanced Learning and Teacher Supply and
Demand.

Tony Hall
is Senior Lecturer in Educational Technology and Deputy Head of the School of
Education, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland. His research focuses
on design-based research (DBR), innovation and technology in education, and
his teaching includes English, ICT, research methods and the history of
education. He is the General Editor of Irish Educational Studies, official journal
of the Educational Studies Association of Ireland. His book DBR, Education,
Narrative Technologies and Digital Learning: Designing Storytelling for
Creativity with Computing was published in 2018 by Palgrave Macmillan in its
international series Digital Education and Learning (DEAL).

Eva Hartell
is head of research at the Department of Education in Haninge municipality and
an Affiliate Faculty Member of the Department of Learning at KTH Royal
Institute of Technology, Sweden, where she is also a member of the Learning in
Engineering Education and Progress (LEEaP) research group. Eva received her
PhD from KTH in 2015 in the area of educational assessment. She is involved in
a number of national and international practitioner-based research and
development projects where she is working closely with teachers and schools

15
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
the Osmanlì has prolonged his rule in Bosnia by playing on the
jealousies of castes and creeds.
The Osmanlì government in Bosnia is, and has been, a
government of finesse. It has no elements of stability about it, and
nothing has been more prominently brought out by the present
insurrection than its utter impotence. The foreign bureaucracy in
Bosnia has seen itself haughtily thrust aside by the native
Mahometans. Its manœuvres have utterly failed to conciliate the one
class whose affections they were designed to seduce, and at the
present moment there is one point on which the Mahometans and
Christians of Bosnia are both agreed, and that is in abhorrence of
the rule of the Osmanlì. Nor should it be overlooked that two of the
greatest evils that at present afflict Bosnia are intimately bound up
with the continuance of Turkish rule. One is the use of the Osmanlì
language in official documents and in the law-courts; the other is the
direct contact into which Bosnia is brought with the corruption of
Stamboul. It is impossible that the rayah should secure justice in the
law-courts, or at the hands of the government officials and middle-
men, when his case or the contract into which he enters with the
tax-farmers must be drawn up in a language utterly unintelligible to
him, and by the hands of those who are interested in perverting the
instrument of the law to injustice and extortion. It is impossible that
the material resources of Bosnia, magnificent as they are, should be
developed to the good of her civilization, while the enterprise of
Europe has first to satisfy what is insatiable—the avarice of the
Divan. The Bosniacs themselves are still blessed with many of the
virtues of a primitive people, and left to themselves might secure
honesty and justice in their public officers. At present the Bosnian
employés must first learn their Osmanlì language, and imbibe the
secrets of Osmanlì government, at the source and seminary of
Turkish demoralization; and the alien bureaucracy which results, acts
in Bosnia as a propaganda of corruption.
Why not then sever a connection as malign as it is artificial? Why
not divorce Stamboul from Bosnia, and erect an independent State
under an European guarantee? The democratic genius of the people
would suggest a Republic as the best form of government, but the
divided state of the country would preclude such a government to
begin with, and a Principality after the model of free Serbia might
combine Parliamentary government with the coherence of a
monarchy.
When it is recognised by what an extremely precarious tenure the
Porte holds Bosnia at present, and it is remembered that the chief
aim of the native Mahometans, as of the native Christians, is
Provincial Independence, even Englishmen may be inclined to accept
the conclusion that the present connection between Bosnia and the
hated government of the Osmanlì must be severed; the more so as
the geographical configuration and position of Bosnia—a peninsula
connected only with the rest of Turkey by a narrow neck—make it
almost impossible to hold out against a serious invasion, and put it
always at the mercy of foreign agitators.
Such a revolution may seem an Utopian dream; but when the
purely artificial character of the present government of Bosnia is
realized, it would be an impertinence to the confederate
statesmanship of Europe to suppose that it was unable to effect it.
For the moment, however, the ultimate form of Bosnian government
is a question of secondary importance to the paramount necessity of
re-establishing order in that unhappy land. At the moment that I
write this, nearly 3,000 Bosnian and Herzegovinian villages and
scattered hamlets are blackened ruins, and over 200,000 Christian
refugees are starving among the inhospitable ravines of the
Dalmatian Alps. In the interests of humanity, as well as of European
peace, in discharge of responsibilities which no adroitness of
European statesmanship can disavow, an armed occupation of
Bosnia by civilized forces has become indispensable. When the
Christian population of Bosnia have been rescued from the grave
that yawns before them, when the robber bands of fanaticism have
been disarmed, and the remnant of the refugees enabled to return
to what were once their homes; then it will be time for the
governments of civilized Europe to turn their energies to securing
the necessary reforms, and to re-establishing the administration of
the country on a sounder basis.
Discordant as are the political materials in Bosnia, fanatic as are
the Christians as well as the Mahometans, I feel convinced that
there exist elements of union in that unhappy country which might
be moulded together by wise hands. The wrongs of the Christians in
Bosnia have been intolerable, and I have shown my abhorrence of
the present tyranny with sufficient emphasis in the course of this
book; but I may take this opportunity of deprecating any sympathy
with those who propose to deal with the Mussulman population of
Bosnia in a spirit of Christian fanaticism. The whole history of Bosnia
from the beginning has been one long commentary on the evils of
established religions. Whatever terms the Great Powers may wish to
impose on Bosnia and the Turks, let England at all events exert her
influence against any setting up of an ecclesiastical tyranny. In the
interests of all the warring creeds which distract the country, let the
secular character of the future government be beyond suspicion. Let
an European guarantee secure to the Mahometan minority of Bosnia
the free exercise of their religion and complete equality before the
law, and half the battle of conciliation will have been won. But let it
once be supposed that Greek popes under the tutelage of Russia, or
Franciscan monks under the patronage of the Apostolic Monarchy
which still sets at nought, in Tyrol, the first principles of religious
liberty, are to be allowed to lord it over the true believers; once
encourage the hopes of Christian bigotry and the fears of Islâm, and
the miserable struggle will prolong itself to the bitter end.
So far indeed from the sway of Christian denominationalism being
in any sense possible in Bosnia, it must be frankly admitted,
distasteful as the admission may be to some, that if an autonomous
or partially autonomous state be established, a preponderating share
in the government, saving European control, must for many years
remain in the hands of the Mahometan part of the population. True
that much of the present oppression is due to them; but they are
the only class in Bosnia at present capable of holding the reins of
government; they are more upright, and certainly not more
fanatically bigoted, than the Christian Bosniacs. The weight of
hereditary bondage cannot be shaken off in a day, and the majority
of the Christian population are still too ignorant and cringing to
govern their hereditary lords. True, that the Bosniac Mahometans
are a minority; but it must be remembered that the Christians are
divided into two sects, the Greek and the Latin, each of which
regards its rival with greater animosity than the Moslem; nor can
there be any reasonable doubt that, in the event of the
establishment of a representative Assembly, or Bosnian ‘Sbor’, the
Mahometans would secure the alliance of the Roman Catholic
contingent, and would by this means obtain a working majority.
European surveillance is in any case an absolute necessity for
securing the introduction of reforms, but there are no other
conditions more favourable to its successful working than those
above indicated. To reinforce the government of the Osmanlì would
of all solutions be the most deplorable. It would be to give a new
lease of life to all that is worst in the present state of Bosnia. It
would be a gage of future anarchy and a perpetuation of corruption.
I have far too much confidence in the shrewdness of the Oriental
mind to suppose for a moment that the desired reforms would not
be temporarily introduced under the eyes of Europe. But the instant
that supervision was removed, the instant that the forces necessary
for the enforcements of the reforms were withdrawn, the Osmanlì
government in Bosnia would relapse into what it is at present,—a
foreign bureaucracy, which, powerless to support the Sultan’s
authority against the Conservative opposition of native Mussulmans,
is reduced to pander to it. The old game of playing with the
antagonisms of castes and creeds would be revived, the reforms
would disappear one by one, and the smouldering elements of
Christian discontent would once more burst forth in a conflagration,
which might eventually light up the ends of Europe.
The great difficulty that statesmen have to contend with at the
present moment is how to obtain certain elementary securities for
the honour and property of an oppressed class of ignorant peasants,
in the teeth of a haughty and oppressive ruling caste. To reverse the
positions of serf and lord would be impossible. To bolster up a
Christian government in the country, and after depriving the
dominant caste of what it considers its hereditary dues, and
stripping it of part of its possessions, to place it forcibly beneath the
yoke of those whom it despises as slaves and abominates as
idolaters, would need more supervision than Europe would be willing
to accord; nor is it likely that anything short of perpetual armed
occupation would succeed in enforcing such reforms, or in
preventing the prolongation of an exterminating civil war.
It is then of primary necessity to conciliate the Mahometan caste
of landlords and retainers, still hungering for abolished feudal
privileges, and the Mahometan bourgeoisie of the towns, who in
days of bureaucratic centralization sigh for their municipal privileges
suppressed by the Osmanlì. And such a means of reconciling the
Mahometan population of Bosnia to the new order of things can be
found,—by sacrificing the Osmanlì. Turn out the sowers of Bosnian
discord. Do not prevent the Mahometan gentry from taking that
position in the country to which by their territorial possessions,
according to English ideas, they are entitled. Let a native magistracy
succeed the satellites of a foreign bureaucracy; revive the civic
institutions of the towns, and the native Begs and Agas, as well as
the descendants of the old municipal Starescina, will be only too
glad to come to terms with the Great Powers.
The dominant caste in this way compensated, European
supervision, of whatever kind, would work with at least a possibility
of success in introducing the necessary reforms; nor, the period of
probation concluded, and European control removed, is there any
need for taking the pessimist view that the government of Bosnia
would lapse into the ‘autonomy of a cock-pit.’ In the very nature of
things the present difficulties have brought the worst and most
fanatical elements of Bosnia to the surface, and in face of the
ferocious deeds of Bosnian Ahmed Agas and their feudal train of
murderous Bashi Bazouks, the more sensible and kindly side of
Bosnian Mahometanism is liable to be overlooked. I have already
observed that it is wrong for Christians to build too great
expectations on the fact that many of the Mahometan nobles of
Bosnia still preserve some of their old Christian practices, and on
occasion take Franciscan monks as their ghostly advisers. Still the
fact remains, to show that from some points of view they are not
irreconcilable, and that the gulf between Christianity and Islâm is not
so wide among the more educated classes as it is no doubt among
the town-rabble. The most influential Christian in the whole country,
Bishop Strossmayer, whose liberalism commands European esteem,
stands on a most friendly footing with many of the leading
Mahometan families in Bosnia, and when he visits his Bosnian
diocese has the satisfaction of seeing true-believers flock to hear his
sermons.[141] The brutal contempt of the Mahometan lord for the
rayah is by no means universal, and even in Herzegovina, he at
times so far conforms to the kindly democratic usage of the race as
to address his Christian serf as brat or brother.[142] A few years ago
the native aristocracy of Bosnia showed by its secret negotiations
with the Serbian government that at a pinch it was not altogether
averse to making common cause with the Giaour. In the rural
districts of Bosnia and the Herzegovina religious animosity has never
been so embittered as in the towns. I have myself seen the tombs of
the departed Christians and the departed Moslems of a
Herzegovinian village gathered together in the same God’s acre, and
separated only by a scarcely perceptible path. In many parts the
Mahometan peasants have suffered almost as much oppression as
their Christian neighbours, and during the present insurrection there
have been instances in which they have made common cause with
the Christian rayah.
If this religious antagonism can once be overcome, there seem to
be many hopeful elements left us even in Bosnia. The temperament
of the Southern Sclaves is preëminently kindly and easy-going, and
nothing but the interested wiles of the Osmanlì, to whom Bosnian
union meant his own expulsion, could have checked the
development of a spirit of toleration. We have in Bosnia a common
language and a common national character born of the blood; and
that national character, whatever may be said to the contrary, is not
prone to revolution. It is slow, it is stubborn, it is not easily roused,
and it possesses a fund of common sense which has led a keen
French observer to compare the Serbian genius with the English.
[143] The Bosniacs are of a temperament admirably fitted for
parliamentary government, and what is more, owing to their still
preserving the relics of the free institutions of the primitive Sclaves,
they are familiar with its machinery. In their family-communities, in
their village councils, the first principles of representative
government are practised every day. Orderly government once
established by the commanding influence which powerful neighbours
could exercise for pacification if they chose, the development of the
natural resources of the country would follow as a matter of course.
I have elsewhere alluded to the fact that, besides supplying the
Romans and the Ragusans in the Middle Ages with incalculable
wealth of gold and silver, the Bosnian mountains are known to
contain some of the richest veins of quicksilver in Europe; that iron
and other ores are abundant, and that the valley of the principal
river is one vast coal-bed. All these sources of wealth and prosperity,
and consequent civilization, are at present, as I show elsewhere,
inaccessible, owing simply to the corruption of Stamboul.
Besides such decentralizing reforms in the provincial constitution
as connect themselves with the discontinuance of the direct
government of the Osmanlì, it may be well to cite some of the more
obvious measures necessary to secure the order and well being of
Bosnia. The present insurrection, as I have been at some pains to
point out, was in its origin mainly agrarian, and no reform can be
satisfactory which does not secure the tiller of the soil a certain
portion of it for himself. The intolerance of all classes of the Bosnian
population is the natural offspring of the gross ignorance in which
they are steeped, and it must be confessed that the want of
education is largely due to the clerical character of the schools
where they exist and to the malign teachings of odium theologicum.
‘The result of the present system,’ says a recent observer, ‘is evident
and it is fatal. The Greek children under the Higumen, the Catholics
under the Franciscan priest, the Mussulmans under the Ulema, go to
school to learn to hate each other, and in fact this is the only lesson
which as men they take care to remember.’[144] That a certain part
of the revenues of the province should be set apart for education of
a purely secular kind is a crying necessity, and the establishment of
high schools at Serajevo, Travnik, Banjaluka, Mostar, and other large
towns under the auspices of the University of Agram, but equally
secular in their character, might be suggested as a good way of
remedying the want of higher culture. For the moral, as well as the
material, elevation of the rayahs of the Greek Church it is of the
highest importance that they should be liberated from the corrupt
rule of the Fanariote hierarchy, and it might be well to revive the
national Sclavonic patriarchate, not at Ipek but at Serajevo. To foster
the development of the great resources of the country, greater
facilities for obtaining concessions of mines should be accorded to
foreign capitalists; the completion of the Bosnian railway, and its
junction with Roumelian and Serbian lines, should be secured; and
measures should be taken to overcome the selfish financial policy of
Austria, which shuts off Bosnia and Herzegovina from the only two
seaports, the narrow enclaves of Klek and Sutorina, which still
remain to them.
A few vigorous strokes like these levelled by the united strength of
Europe at the ignorance, bigotry, and industrial depression of this
unhappy land, could not long be without their result. It is a mistake
to suppose that Islâm really opposes itself to culture; and were the
means of obtaining a liberal education, free from the taint of
Christian bigotry, placed within the reach of the Mahometan Begs
and burghers, there is no reason to suppose that they would refuse
their sons the benefit of it.
On the whole, however, it is safe to assume that the influx of
Western civilization into Bosnia would tend to strengthen the
Christian element. The fatalistic temper of the Mahometan dominant
caste cripples their commercial energies. As the natural resources of
the country were developed, wealth would fall more and more into
the hands of the Christians, and the balance of political power would
infallibly incline in their favour. In the course of a generation they
might assume the reins of government, which, as I have pointed
out, in spite of their numerical superiority, they are at present
incapable of holding. The way would thus be paved for a closer
union with the Christian border-provinces of kindred blood, Serbia
and Montenegro, and Bosnia might ultimately form a province of a
great South-Sclavonic confederation, extending from the Black Sea
to the Adriatic, which should act as a constitutional bulwark against
the encroaching despotism of the North.
To suppose that the freedom of the Sclaves of the South, of the
Bosniacs, the Serbs of Old Serbia, and Bulgarians, will, when
accomplished—and sooner or later there is no doubt that it must be
accomplished—add to the strength of Russia, because in language
they are somewhat similar, is as if anyone should have opposed the
liberation and unity of Italy on the score that it would be
aggrandizing France. If the French ever had designs on Rome they
are infinitely less likely to arrive at them now than when an Austrian
Archduke governed in Lombardy, and Bomba ruled at Naples.
Granted that the Russians have designs on Constantinople, are they
more likely to gain it from a decrepit Power which can scarcely hold
its own provinces, or from a new Power or Powers endued with all
the vigour of young nationality? To leave a country like Bosnia,
isolated from the rest of Turkey, surrounded by free States, to
perpetuate agitation within its borders, is only to weaken what
remains of Turkey, and to play into the hands of Russia. Cousinship
is not always a gage of amity; and the day, perhaps, is not far
distant when the Sclavonic races of the Balkan Peninsula will look
upon Russia as their most insidious foe.
BOSNIA AND THE
HERZEGÓVINA.
 CHAPTER I.
AGRAM AND THE CROATS.

Slovenization in Styria—Regrets of a Prussian—Agram—Her Sclavonic Features,

Hero, Art, and Architecture—Flowers of the Market-place—Croatian Costume—
Prehistoric Ornament and Influence of Oriental Art—South Sclavonic Crockery,
Jewelry, and Musical Instruments—Heirlooms from Trajan or Heraclius?—
Venice and Croatia—Croatian Gift of Tongues—Lost in the Forest—A Bulgarian
Colony—On to Karlovac—The Welsh of Croatia—Croatian Characteristics—
Karlovac Fair—On the Outposts of Christendom.
As the train from Vienna descends into the valley of the Drave a
change becomes perceptible in the scattered cottages and hamlets
that fly past us. The dark wooden chalets of the Semmering valleys,
that recall Salzburg and Tyrol and more distant Scandinavia, give
place to meaner huts, less roomy, lower, paler, more rectangular.
Rich maroon-brown beams that seem to have grown up with the
pines around, dark projecting eaves that overhang the time-stained
fronts as the shadowy fir-branches the primeval trunks—all these
give place to wattle and daub and chilling whitewash. The eaves are
now less prominent; but if the houses are comparatively browless,
there is a pair of window eyelets under the trilateral gable, and their
physiognomy is recognised at once. These are the huts you have
seen far away on the Sclavonic outskirts of Hungary. You have seen
them dotted about Bohemia and the sandy plains of Prussia; you
have seen them magnified and embellished into the old palaces of
Prague. As we approach Marburg we are entering in truth on
another world—a Sclavonic tongue begins to be heard around.
Those mountain-chalets were the high water mark of the Germanic
sea.
For the tide has turned. Marburg, a few years ago reckoned a
German town, is now almost entirely Slovenized. The tradesmen—
nay, the well-to-do classes themselves—speak Slovene in preference
to German. A fellow-traveller told me that since the Austro-Prussian
war Slovene instead of German had become the language of the
schools. Cut off from her German aspirations, the Austrian
Government has seen the necessity of making friends with the
Sclavonic Mammon; and, as she distrusts those members of the race
who, like the Czechs and Croats, cherish memories of independent
kingship, her statesmen have cast about them for a Sclavonic race
free from any misguiding ‘Kronen-tradition,’ and have consequently
been exalting the horn of the Slovenes, who inhabit Southern Styria
and parts of Carinthia and Carniola, at the expense of the Germans
of the towns, and partly even of the Carniolan Wends, whose
language is akin to the Slovene. The painful impression produced by
this turn of the tables on the Germans—who look on Austria as a
mere warming-pan for themselves in Eastern Europe—is amusingly
betrayed by a recent Prussian traveller, Maurer, who visited Marburg
in 1870. ‘Another ten years,’ says he, ‘and Marburg will be as
Slovenish as its immediate surroundings.... It was extremely painful
to me (äusserst peinlich) to see the children at Steinbrück going to
or coming from school with books in which the text and objects were
Slovene; although these little ones, even the smallest of them, had
our language at their fingers’-end so completely that they seemed
never to have spoken any other.... We must not spare ourselves the
realisation of the bitter truth that the greater part of Styria and
Carinthia, and the whole of Carniola, Gorizia, Gradisca, and Istria,
with the avenue to the Adriatic, are lost to us. Even supposing the
whole of Southern Germany to have been fused with Northern, and
the German element in Austria either under compulsion or of its free
will to have followed the already torn away Bohemia and Moravia’—
(the Berliner looks on the annexation of the Czech kingdom as a
mere work of time)—‘even then we should have neither the might
nor the right—though it matters less about the right (!)—to break
forcibly through Illyria to the Adriatic. And yet our dreaminess and
disregard of the facts before us made us look on Trieste and these
former lands of the German Bund as our inheritance.’[145]—These
poor Prussians!
 But the Slovenes are left behind—as the train hurries along the
willowed valley of the Save we find ourselves among a population
less European in its dress, and soon arrive at Agram, the capital of
Croatia, where we discover a fair hotel in the High Street. The
aspect of the town at once strikes the stranger as other than
German. What are these long, low, rectangular houses but slightly
enlarged reproductions of the Sclavonic cottage? Here is the same
pervading pallor, the twin eyelet windows, circular here, and pierced
in the trilateral gables like owl-holes in an old barn. The gables
themselves—more modest than the generality of those in Teutonic
towns—seem to shrink from facing the street. Outside some of the
older houses is to be seen a wooden gallery, festooned perhaps with
flowers and creepers, on to which the room-doors open—it strikes
one as an approach to the Turkish verandah, the Divanhané. The
headings over the shops are almost entirely Sclavonic. Brilliant, quite
Oriental, are the stores where the gay Croatian costumes are hung
out to tempt the passing peasant. Picturesque are the windows, shut
in by foliated bars and gratings of efflorescent ironwork; strange,
too, the doors and shutters, crossed diagonally by iron bars of really
artistic merit, decked at the point of intersection by a heraldic rose,
and the limbs of the Maltese cross terminating in graceful fleurs-de-
lys. Not that the object of all these is primarily ornament. These
quadruple bolts and locks, these massive hinges and the holdfasts
by them inside, which fit into sockets as in our safes, and so prevent
the door from being burst open by hacking through the hinges from
without—all these tell a different story. They speak of times when
the streets of Agram were not so secure as at present.
 Croatian Clothes-shop, Agram.

On an eminence rises the cathedral and spacious palace of the

bishop, enclosed, like so many churches of Sclavonic lands, in old
walls with round, cone-peaked towers—a southern Kremlin. Just
below it is the market-place, and in its centre the equestrian statue
of the national hero, the Ban Jellachitj, the poet-warrior who in the
days of the Magyar revolution led his Croats against their national
enemy, and saved the Austrian police-state when its fortunes were
at their lowest ebb. He is dressed in the picturesque hussar uniform
of his country, with flowing mantle and high-plumed cap, riding
northwards on his pedestal, and pointing his sword forwards towards
the scenes of his triumphs over the Magyars.
The town is divided into three parts, the lower town in which is
the market-place and main street, the height on which the cathedral
stands, and the upper town on which rise many large houses
inhabited by the resident bureaucracy, where is the Diet-hall, the
Ban’s house and the Museum, and looking down from whose airy
terraces you see the lower town stretched out like a straggling
village below you, and are reminded of the view of Buda from its
Acropolis. The cathedral, in spite of its bulwark of fortifications, has
suffered much from the Turks, who destroyed it, they say, three
times; and inside from its own bishops, who have defaced the gothic
nave and aisles with whitewash and monstrous Jesuitic shrines. Its
exterior is, however, still partly fretted with old stone panel-work,
which recalls the Tudor ornamentation on the schools of Oxford.
From the top of the square tower expands a beautiful panoramas—
the silvery Save and its rich valley—the distant Bosnian mountains
fading into the blue sky; and in the other direction the dark forest-
covered heights of the Slema Vrh, which have given Agram her
Sclavonic name Zagreb—‘beyond the rocks.’ Except the cathedral,
and the finely-carved façade of the Marcus church, there are no
buildings of beauty or interest. The Ban’s residence was so
completely devoid of architectural pretensions, and so
indistinguishable from the houses round, that we should not have
noticed it, but for a large black flag thrust forth from one of its
windows in honour of old Kaiser Ferdinand the ‘good-natured.’ As is
too generally the case in Hungary, the people of Agram are far
behind in æsthetic culture; the pictures in the Academy here are few
and curiously bad, and the one good painting was not by a native,
but a Czech artist. The Agramers, however, seem to have the good
taste to appreciate this, and photographic copies are to be seen in
the shop windows; rather, perhaps, owing to South Sclavonic
patriotism, than to respect for high art. The picture represents the
funeral of a Montenegrine Voivode or leader, whose body is being
borne along a gloomy mountain gorge from the battle-field; and the
grandeur of the lifeless hero, the dark, almost Italian look of the
weeping clanspeople, are executed with great fidelity to Czernagoran
nature.
But living pictures, more artistic than the bronze statue of the Ban,
more graceful than the weeping Montenegrines, are around us here.
The market-place is a spacious studio. The beauty of the Croatian
peasant costume is almost unique in Europe—possibly only rivalled
at Belgrade. Seen from above, when the market-place is thronged, it
looks almost like a bed of red and white geraniums; it is these
prevailing colours which give the peasant groups a lightness and
brilliancy which I have seen nowhere else. What is remarkable is,
that this brightness should be shared in such equal proportions by
men and women alike. In Serbia—even in Turkey—the men are not
so gay. The head-dress of the Serbian women is perhaps at times
more elegant—the colours of their dress are often more varied; but
what, after all, is a nosegay without a sufficiency of white flowers?
In the Agram market-place, not only the colours, but the very
materials, might have been chosen by an artist. What, indeed, is the
tissue of these diaphanous chemises and undulating kerchiefs, but
the mull muslin of our lay-figures? The women are, moreover,
possessed of such a faculty for throwing themselves into picturesque
attitudes that one would think they had a drop of Gipsy blood in
their veins. In such drapery, with such instincts, such taste in
colours, what need have they of novel modes?—they who have not
yet improved away their form by cuirasses of millinery—they who
have none of the heavy shrouds of colder climes to muffle them—
whose simple fashions every breath of wind has an art to change!
The faces, too, are rarely vulgar; these are not the coarse hoydens
of a North-German market-place—on their features, in their
demeanour, one would fancy that many of them have inherited the
refinements of an older civilization; some soft Italian element, come
perhaps by way of Venice, descended perhaps from the old Roman
cities of these parts.
The head-dresses of these village ladies are varied, for every
hamlet has its speciality of costume. On some, from St. Ivan, the
transparent white kerchief falls about the bust and shoulders lightly
as a bridal veil; on others it takes a rosier hue, and is known as the
Rubac. On others, again, as those from Zagoria—who will have it
that they are great grand-daughters of Avars—it is drawn backwards
over a long silver pin, stuck horizontally across the hair, and depends
over the back till its variegated border and long fringe sweep the
girdle. Seen from the front this coiffure recalls that of the Contadine
of the Romagna. In the summer months these peasants rarely put
on their fur-fringed mantles, which resemble those of Serb and
Slavonian; sometimes they wear a scarcely perceptible vest, but
usually the sole covering of arms and torso is simply a light
homespun tunic with loose flowing sleeves confined towards the
wrist and then expanding again. In place of a skirt they generally
wear two wide overlapping aprons, one before and one behind,
which in a gale of wind may afford occasional studies for a
Bacchante! and over the front one of these hangs a narrower apron
starred with red asterisks, crossed by little zigzagging patterns, or by
light transversal bands of rose and lilac. But enough of such pallid
hues! The pride of their toilette is a brilliant crimson scarf, the Pojas,
wound round the waist, some of the folds of which are at times
loosened and hang down over the front apron in a graceful sling or
outside pouch. Nor does a single kirtle content them, magnificent as
this is. Amongst all the Illyrian Sclaves, south as well as north of the
Save, I have noticed this peculiarity, that they wear the two kirtles of
classic antiquity. Besides the zone round the waist, a bright scarlet
fillet—the Strophion of ancient nymphs and goddesses—is wound
just below the bosom, and is fastened with a bow in front as on the
Thalia or Euterpè of the Vatican.
 Croat Woman in the Agram Market.

Round their necks hangs an array of what politeness would have

me call coral necklaces. Occasionally they wear silver ear-rings, silver
pendants on their breast, and rings on their fingers; but of gold and
silver jewelry they possess less than their neighbours beyond the
Save; the reason of this being the general absence of specie in the
country, which prevents them from studding their hair and tunic with
glittering coins—a habit which in Serbia alone withdraws some three-
quarters of a million from the currency. Many of them, especially the
girls, divide their hair into two long plaits, the ends of which they tie
up with brilliant ribbons; for the twin pigtails of maidenhood are far
more characteristically Sclave than German, and may be traced
among the Russians far away to the White Sea—indeed, this may
well be one of the tokens which betray the Sclavonic origin of so
many soi-disant Germans. For boots the Croat ladies either wear a
curious kind of sandal called Opanka, common to the men as well
throughout the whole Illyrian triangle, and not unlike the ancient
Egyptian, made of gay leather, red and yellow; or, must it be
confessed?—they sometimes buskin themselves in high-heeled
Wellingtons! and though their aprons—one cannot conscientiously
speak of skirts—do not reach much below the knees, these martial
casings can hardly be looked on as a concession to prudery, for after
all they generally prefer to go about with feet and ankles in the most
graceful costume of all—that of Eden!

CROATIAN TYPES.

ST. IVAN. VLACH WOMAN FROM SLUIN. WOMAN AND CHILD FROM DRAGANIĆ.
ZAGORJA. VLACH MAN FROM SLUIN. SISZEK. MAN FROM NEAR AGRAM. LITTLE
GIRL FROM DOROPOLJA.

To mention such very gorgeous gentlemen after the ladies really

seems to require some apology. Imagine some exotic insect—how
else can the subject be approached?—with forewings of dazzling
gauzy white and underwings of scarlet. The white tunic expands like
wings about the arms, and flutters from them in folds of gossamer;
the bright scarlet vest—the Laibek—studded like some butterfly with
silver stars, is lightly closed over the abdomen. These bright metallic
knobs are generally arranged crozier-wise in front, and on one side
of the vest is a small pocket just big enough to catch the corner of a
rosy handkerchief—the same with which the women are coifed—
which on highdays hangs down and floats like a sash about the
flanks. A belt of varied leather-mosaic, called the Remen, quaintly
patterned like the Wallack belts, but not so broad, grasps the tunic
round the waist; and below this the tunic opens out again in flowing
petticoats, which often reach below the knees, but hardly to the
ankles, as those of some Syrmian peasants. A similar but narrower
strip of leather round the shoulder serves to suspend a woollen
wallet of the brightest scarlet tufted over with tassels; this supplies
the want of pockets, and is the inseparable companion of the Croat,
insomuch that every little boy is provided with a miniature Torba, as
it is called. Below the tunic expand loose trousers of the same
homespun muslin, flowing as those of the Phrygians of old or the
Dacians of Trajan’s Column, and sometimes terminating in a
handsome fringe. The feet are either shod with Opankas or with
Wellingtons, as the women’s, but are more rarely bare.
When the weather is chilly, or when they are particularly desirous
of showing themselves off, a superb mantle—the Surina—is cast
over the shoulders, of a light yellowish ground-colour, decked with
red, green, or orange embroidery, sometimes of the most artistic
devices. Sometimes they are brown relieved with brilliant scarlet; but
the real red mantles, ground and all, occur only in the western
regiments or divisions of the Military Frontier, models of which are to
be seen in the interesting collection of national costumes in the
Agram Museum, so that the old German name for the Croats,
Rothmäntel—‘Red-mantles’—is hardly applicable to the whole race.
There is another word to which Croatian costume is said to have
given birth with still less apparent foundation. You may search the
market-places in vain for anything approaching a ‘cravat,’ which is
usually derived from Krabaten or Kravaten, a broad-Dutch word for
Croats. But the high collars of these Croat mantles may well have
originated the word, though the signification from the first seems
rather to have been a bandage round the collar, or in place of the
collar, than the collar itself. For the fact that the word really was
taken from the Croats we have the evidence of Ménage, who lived at
the time of their first introduction into France. He says: ‘On appelle
cravate ce linge blanc qu’on entortille à l’entour du cou, dont les
deux bouts pendent par devant; lequel linge tient lieu de collet. Et
on l’appelle de la sorte à cause que nous avions emprunté cette
sorte d’ornement des Croates, qu’on appelle ordinairement Cravates.
Et ce fut en 1636 que nous prismes cette sorte de collet des
Cravates par le commerce que nous eusmes en ce tans-là en
Allemagne au sujet de la guerre que nous avions avec l’Empereur.’
They are first mentioned in England by Skinner, who died in 1667,
who speaks of them as a fashion lately introduced by travellers and
soldiers. In Hudibras they are made to serve as halters.[146]
Certainly the most European part of the present Croatian costume
is the black felt-hat, which oscillates between our broad-brim and
what is vulgarly known as a ‘pork-pie;’ but then the brim is used as a
receptacle for vasefuls of flowers, and is often surmounted by
waving plumes, so any such work-a-day resemblances are soon
forgotten. Then there is another variety of hat made of straw, with a
conical peak, which recalls a more distant parallel. When a Croat
wears one of these, and perchance, as he often does,[147] having
doffed his belt, goes about in his long flowing tunic and broad
petticoat-like breeks, an uncomfortable feeling comes over you that
you have seen him before; and when you have searched the
remotest crannies of Europe in vain for his like, it suddenly flashes
upon you that it is no other than John Chinaman who stands before
you! Yes; there are the very peaks to his boots; there is the
beardless face, the long pendulous moustache, and in old days,
when—as you may see by a picture in the Museum—the Croat wore
a pigtail, as his Dalmatian brothers do still, a Celestial meeting him
might have mistaken him for his double!
 The patterns on these various articles of attire are striking in
character; they are hieroglyphics, hard to decipher, but long
household annals are written in them. I take it that pure ornament,
as opposed to imitation of natural forms, has gone through two
stages of development, which may be called the ‘Angular’ and the
‘Curved,’ of which the angular precedes the curved, and stands to it
in much the same relation as Roman letters stand to current writing.
During the Stone Age in Europe this angular ornamentation seems
universally to have prevailed. It continued during the earlier Bronze
Age, but towards its close the second phase of ornamentation began
to develope itself in some countries, and we of the Iron Age have
seen the old angular ornamentation almost supplanted by its
offspring. At the present day, one European people—the Lapps of
the extreme north—may still be said to remain almost in the first
stage of ornament; the hardness of their materials, the bone and
wood on which they mostly work, their little employment of metals
and pottery, their seclusion from the current of European civilization,
have conspired to keep them back. But it is more remarkable that a
people of a more central European area, and a more prolific land,
should still linger on in the transitionary stage between the old and
new styles of decoration. Yet, as far as my observation goes, this is
the case with the Croats, and generally with the Sclavonians of the
south. They seem to be acquainted with the beauty of the new style,
but to cling with a peculiar fondness to the angular ornamentation of
their ruder forefathers. Thus, in the women’s clothes, at least, nearly
the whole of the embroidery is of this prehistoric kind. The high
collars of the Croat mantles, which resemble those of the Lapps in
form, resemble them also in pattern. Many of the Croat women’s
girdles are almost identical in pattern with those I have seen among
the Lapps of Lake Enare. In the Museum is to be seen a large and
curious collection of Croatian needlework, all of this angular pattern
—crosses, and lines, and zigzags. Here are also to be seen carpets
of rude character wrought by the homely looms of Slavonia, which
are curious illustrations of the perfection of the old style—complex as
the patterns are, they are all square or angled, and might any of
them be models for a mosaic pavement; their colours are green, red,
yellow, and white, less usually purple, and dark blue. But what is
strange, is to find side by side with these rude shapes the secondary
form of decoration in a highly developed state. The curved style of
embroidery, as it appears on some of the men’s mantles—and it is
noteworthy that it is confined almost exclusively to the men’s attire—
is often a real work of art, and the elaborate pear-shaped forms
which it frequently takes suggest the rich tendrillings of a Cashmere
shawl. So abrupt is the leap from the ruder kind of ornament
generally used, that these chefs-d’œuvre of curvature seem to be
rather importations from without, than flowers of home growth. Nor
does it seem difficult to trace their origin, for they are very often
reproductions of the decorations which appear on the costly vests
and jackets of the Turks. They are seedlings from Stamboul—less
directly, from Byzantium.
As in ornament so in general character, the Croatian dress
resembles that of all the Southern Sclaves, including the Roumans of
Transylvania and Wallachia, who, for ethnological purposes, may be
looked on as a Latinized branch of the family. In parts, indeed, it has
been Orientalized by the Turks; and it is noteworthy that just as the
men’s costume in Croatia shows the Oriental influence in ornament,
so in Serbia, Dalmatia, and the lands beyond the Save and Danube,
it is the men’s costume that makes the chief advances towards the
Turkish. It is possibly a symptom of the almost Oriental seclusion of
those who have to dread Oriental license. Often, when the husbands
dress in completely Turkish fashion, the wives preserve almost
unaltered the old national costumes; and it is owing to this, that
throughout the whole South Sclavonic area, enough of the original
dress has survived to show the common sisterhood of all. And of all,
the Croat costume seems to be the best representative of the old
Serb—of the Sclavonic costume as it existed in the days of the great
Czar, Stephen Dūshan. Almost everywhere else the men’s costume,
at least, has suffered from Turkish influences. Here, far better than
in free Serbia, is the description applied to the Serb laity in the old
laws—the ‘dressers in white,’ still applicable to the Croat men. At
Belgrade it would be a meaningless epithet; at Agram it is still true.
The Croats, too, with their fine mantles and flowing trouser and
tunic, approach nearer to the primitive type of all—to the soldiers of
Decebalus—to the sculptures on the Column of Trajan—if indeed we
are to believe that the old Dacians were of Sarmatian stock.
The same South Sclavonic unity is apparent if we examine the
pots and pans which these old-world peasants are selling in the
market-place. There is hardly a form here which I do not remember
in Wallachia, in Bulgaria, in Serbia. But it may reasonably be asked,
whether the barbarous Serb races who settled in the Danubian basin
in the fifth and succeeding centuries could have brought with them
such an array of highly finished crockery as we see before us here?
These narrow lofty necks and luxurious handles are surely not an
inheritance from fifth-century savages. We do not find such among
our Anglo-Saxon remains, nor even among the relics of the more
polished Franks. We must search amongst Roman sepultures if we
could find such in our own island, and indeed this gives the clue to
their origin even here. They have come to the Sclaves of the South
from a common source—the Eastern Roman Empire. Like the
coinage, like the rich architecture of the old Serbian Empire, they
betray Byzantine influences. The most conspicuous instance of this is
the Stutza or Stutchka, as the Croats call it. This I have seen myself
nationalized and adopted by Wallacks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Bosniacs,
and Turks, over an area extending from the mouths of the Danube
to the Adriatic, and from the mountains of Bosnia to the
Carpathians, varying slightly at times in hue or form, but essentially
the same. In parts, even the original Roman word seems to have
been preserved. In the Bosnian mountains I found them still called
Testja—doubtless the Roman Testa.[148] This survival of the Roman
vessel is shared by the western part of the empire. The same
shaped pot turns up in Spain and Portugal. It is common to South
Italy, and to this day large quantities of these vessels are
manufactured in Apulia and exported to the coast cities of Dalmatia.
I have seen Roman pots of this type dug up near Bucharest, at
Salona in Dalmatia, and at Siszek in Croatia, almost identical in
shape with those sold every day in the market-places of the
respective modern towns; and perhaps the best proof I can give of
their likeness is, that on showing a picture of one from Roman Siscia
to a Croatian countryman, he recognized it at once, and exclaimed
‘Stutza! Stutza!’ a name confined here to this peculiar kind of vessel.
A kind of earthenware drinking-cup, which occurs in still ruder forms
in Wallachia, is known here as Scafa, which is almost identical with
the Greek word for a bowl, σκάφη. To call a scaphé a scaphé, was
the Greek equivalent for calling a spade a spade; so the Croats at
any rate can hardly be accused of not doing that. Scaphé is allied to
another Greek word, Scyphos, signifying a cup, and common to the
Latins, insomuch that one felt inclined to quote Horace’s lines to too
bibulous Croats:—

Natis in usum lætitiæ Scyphis

Pugnare Thracum est.

Roman and Croatian Pottery.

 The other name by which this cup is known to the Croats and
Illyrian Sclaves, Scalica, is equally classical, and will recall at once
the Latin Calicem and the Greek κύλικα. In form it has indeed
degenerated from the goblets of Olympus! but one need not despair
of tracing its pedigree from their graceless Roman corruptions. As to
the Chalice of our own and the Romance languages, though it is
more like the classic Calix in shape, it is not like these a living
popular development, but, with its name, a mere church
introduction, a fragment of antiquity mewed up for us in
ecclesiastical reliquaries.
The other vessels to be found in the Croatian crockery-markets, if
they do not both in shape and name so obviously betray Roman
influences, at least in nearly every case bear witness to the common
character of South Sclavonic civilization. There is hardly a shape in
the Agram market which may not be found again at Belgrade or
Bucharest.
 Croatian Pottery.

1. Lónac (black-ware milk or water jug). 2. Péhar (reddish-yellow, for wine, &c.).
3. Dúlčec (green glazed ware, for water, &c.). 4. Tégel (brown with white bands).
5. Vessel used in Slavonia for slow boiling (black ware). 6. Cylindrical jar, Slavonia.
7. Zamaclo (bright green glaze). 8. Lid of same. 9, 10. Svična, or Čereapac, lamp
and candle. 11. Whistle in form of a bird. 12. Scafa, or Scalica, drinking-goblet. 13.
Dish, or plate (Zdillica, reddish ware with patterns inside). 14. Earthenware sieve.
15. Raindl, or Raina, for cooking (red ware). 16. Croatian glass. 17. Flašica. 18.
Earthenware hand-stove (Rengla).

If we pursue this science of the market-place and examine the

rude jewelry which the Agram maidens are wearing, or the musical
instruments which the countrymen have stuck into their belts or
slung round their shoulders, we are again struck by this double
evidence of South Sclavonic solidarity and the influence of Greco-
Roman civilization. There are some ancient Croatian brooches in the
Museum at Agram on which is to be seen the same filagree-work—
the pyramids of grains, the spiral tendrillings, which turn up again on
other gold and silver ornaments—Frankish, Norse, and Anglo-Saxon
—and proclaim the common late-Roman origin of all. Like those of
our old English barrows, these brooches are bossed with gems set in
raised sockets. But here, unlike in England, this kind of work seems
never to have died out; it is perpetuated still in the ear-rings, studs,
and brooches of the modern Croats. The same Byzantine style
reappears among Serbs and Roumans, and we shall find it again
among the Bosnian mountains.
But how strangely classic are the musical instruments of the
Croats! What visions of bucolic shepherds, of fauns and dancing
satyrs; what memories of idyllic strains do they call up! Can it be
merely that we are overlooking the same Arcadian kind of life that
the Greek poet might have surveyed when he strolled forth beyond
the walls of Syracuse? Is ‘the oaten stop and pastoral song’ the
same, simply because the Croat shepherd of the Save-lands is in the
same stage of civilization as was the rural Greek? Or are the pipes
and lutes before us actually heirlooms from the very shepherds of
whom Theocritus piped on the thymy pastures of Hybla?—the same
with which Thyrsis and Corydon contended on the green banks of
the Mincius? It really almost seemed so. I asked a countryman the
name of his pipe, and to my amazement his reply was Fistjela. The
man did not understand a word of Latin, but this seemed a very
good attempt at Fistula, the pastoral pipe of the Romans, the very
instrument which Thyrsis vowed to hang on the sacred pine. The old
Pan’s pipe,[149] however, was a series of reeds waxed on to a stem
in decreasing order, while this was a single reed, though more often
a wooden pipe. It was also known as Fuškola.[150] Then there are
the double pipes, the Roman Tibiæ. A slight development has indeed
taken place. Instead of being held separate in the mouth, their ends
are joined by a mouth-piece. The V has become a Y, that is all. They
are also like the double pipes of classic times in being, as the
ancients have it, ‘male and female,’ for the number of holes being
uneven in the two branches—four in one and three in the other—one
barrel is shriller than the other, and their blended notes may still be
called, as they were by the Greeks, ‘married piping.’[151] Their name
is Svirala, but in parts of Serbia Diplé, which is evidently Greek; and
yet if their origin can be traced back to Hellenic times, it can be
traced further back still to the double pipes of the Theban
monument, on which the Egyptian ladies of Moses’ time are seen
playing to their God Ptah.
Next, the Croats have a rude kind of flute possessed of the same
Romance name Fluta, the Wallachian Flaute, the Italian Flauto; and
lastly, the favourite instrument of all—the Tamburica, a simple form
of lute with a straight neck and oval body, and four strings, or rather
wires. Its name seems connected with the Persian drum or Tambûr;
though in form, but for its extra chord, it is almost an exact
reproduction of the three-stringed lute, the Nefer, which Thoth, their
Mercury, is said to have given to the Egyptians, which dates back at
least to the time when the Second Pyramid was built, which was
handed on by the Egyptians to the Phœnicians and Greeks, who
knew it as Nafra and Pandoura, under which name they gave it to
the Romans.[152] Among the Latin peoples of the West, at least, it
never died out, and though at times changing its form it has given
the Italians their Pandora, the French their Mandore, the Spaniards
their Bandurria and Bandole,[153] and even to us our Bandoline and
—horresco referens!—the Banjo. Sir Gardner Wilkinson’s description
of the Egyptian Nefer will almost answer to describe the Croatian
Tamburitza of to-day. It had, he tells us, ‘a long flat neck and hollow
oval body, either wholly of wood or covered with parchment, having
the upper surface perforated with holes to allow the sound to
escape. Over this body and the whole length of the handle were
stretched three strings of cat-gut, secured at the upper extremity
either by the same number of pegs or by passing through a hole in
the handle.’
 Outlines of Croatian Musical Instruments.

1, 2. Fistjela, or whistles. 3, 4. Svirala. 5, 6, 7. Tamburica. 8, 9. Fluta.

It would be easy to show that the conical-shaped baskets, the

Corpa, which the Croat countryman on p. 4 has in his hand, is as like
the Roman Corbis in form as it is in name, and may claim sisterhood
with the Corbella of the Campanian peasant of to-day. Some even of
the windows of Agram have a Roman air, for in several upper-storeys
and outhouses, to save glass, they are provided with a heavy
unglazed plate tracery of an angular kind, which is an exact
reproduction of the Roman tracery, to be seen, for example, in the
Amphitheatre of Pola in Istria.
It is hard to say how far these various reproductions of antique
forms may be due to the earlier Roman or more Byzantine empire;
how far they may be waifs from the wrecks of Siscia or Sirmium;
how far filtered in from that later Constantinople which gave the old
Serbs their religion and the model of their empire. We know that the
traces of the more purely Roman empire, which embraced the old